Media Transformations 10 2013 Full Issue

MEDIA TRANSFORMATIONSVol. 10 / 2013

ISSN 2029-865X

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7220/2029-865X.10

MEDIA TRANSFORMATIONS

EDITORS:Auks BALYTIEN, Vytautas Magnus University, LithuaniaPeter GROSS, University of Tennessee, USA

ASSOCIATE EDITOR:

Aura VINCINIEN, Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania

EDITORIAL BOARD:Karen ARRIAZA IBARRA, Complutense University of Madrid, SpainPter BAJOMI-LZR, University of Oxford, UKRasa BALOKAIT, Vytautas Magnus University, LithuaniaInta BRIKE, University of Latvia, LatviaBogusawa DOBEK-OSTROWSKA, University of Wroclaw, Poland Ilija TOMANI TRIVUNDA, University of Ljubljana, SloveniaMykolas DRUNGA, Vytautas Magnus University, LithuaniaAri HEINONEN, University of Tampere, FinlandStig HJARVARD, University of Copenhagen, DenmarkIrena CARPENTIER REIFOV, Charles University in Prague, Czech RepublicNico CARPENTIER, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, BelgiumKristina JURAIT, Vytautas Magnus University, LithuaniaEpp LAUK, University of Jyvaskyla, FinlandNelija LOMELE, IR.lv, LatviaGintautas MAEIKIS, Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania Werner A. MEIER, Universitt Zrich, SwitzerlandJ. D. MININGER, Vytautas Magnus University, LithuaniaTom MORING, University of Helsinki, Swedish School of Social Science, FinlandLaima NEVINSKAIT, Vilnius University, Lithuania Hannu NIEMINEN, University of Helsinki, FinlandLars W. NORD, Mid Sweden University, SwedenAudron NUGARAIT, Vytautas Magnus University, LithuaniaHenrink RNEBRING, University of Oxford, UKYoram PERI, Tel Aviv University, Israel Karin RAEYMAECKERS, University of Ghent, BelgiumAnda ROUKALNE, Riga Stradins University, LatviaHelena SOUSA, University of Minho, PortugalJesper STRMBCK, Mid Sweden University, SwedenMikls SKSD, The University of Hong KongBurcu SUMMER, Ankara University, TurkeyVclav TTKA, University of Oxford, UK Artras TEREKINAS, Vytautas Magnus University, LithuaniaJaromr VOLEK, Masaryk University Brno, Czech RepublicPeeter VIHALEMM, Tartu University, Estonia

ISSUE EDITORS: Auks BALYTIEN | Aura VINCINIEN | Jaq GREENSPON

LAYOUT AND DESIGN: Aura VINCINIEN | Alina BUTRIM

Vytautas Magnus University, 2013

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CONTENTS

Kristina JURAIT Introduction: Mediated participation in a digital age

Liepa V. BOBERIEN Digital worlds and civic opportunities: Connecting online and offline

activism in Lithuania

Inesa BIRBILAIT (Dis-)respectful public discussions online: insights on audience polarization

and formation of radical hate or support groups

Stacey May KOOSEL Artists and digital culture: (The strain of) self-promotion in social media

Stanisaw JDRZEJEWSKI and Urszula DOLIWA Local radio an endangered species? The Polish case

Dzmitry YURAN The point of no return: Belarusian audience refusal to use Western broadcast media after exposure to their content

Tatsiana KARALIOVA Two realities of one revolution: Coverage of mass protests of 2011 in state-run and independent Belarusian media

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4Introduction: Mediated participation in a digital age

INTRODUCTION: MEDIATED PARTICIPATION IN A DIGITAL AGE

Kristina [email protected] Associate Professor, PhDDepartment of Pubic CommunicationsVytautas Magnus UniversityKaunas, Lithuania

ISSN 2029-865Xdoi://10.7220/2029-865X.10.01

Media Transformations 5

The role of the Internet, digital communications and mobile tech-nologies have changed our understanding of the world, politics, reli-gion, culture, science and many other spheres of societal life. Todays world, once defined as a mediapolis (Silverstone, 2007), is a mediated public space where media reinforce and reshape everyday life expe-riences. However, the main changes penetrating different layers and structures of society are not technological or institutional per se, but rather cultural and social, embodied in individual practices and in-teractions (Castells, 2009). Therefore, while addressing the changes in relationship to the public and politics, not only technological, in-stitutional, structural, but also social and cultural implications have to be considered.

Communication processes, at some point having been rather homo-geneous and dominated by the national media, have transformed into a diversified media system with an abundance of different chan-nels, modes, platforms, publics, etc. In this new media ecology, the way media penetrates social structures and our lives is also changing; audience loyalty for a single channel is disappearing, while engage-ment in a more active, selective, creative and critical media use is growing. What is emerging nowadays is a completely new communi-cation infrastructure of everyday life, which provides people, as well as institutions, with new incentives for interaction, communication and participation (Livingstone, 2004, 2009).

The changing role of media is also transforming and challenging the political field, democratic processes and public participation practices. On one hand, new media is seen as an important pledge of deliberative democracy, while promoting the public sphere and providing a platform for citizens participation, which is one of the key dimensions and theoretical conceptions of contemporary de-mocracy (Carpentier, 2011). On the other hand, media have always played an important watchdog function in democracy, while over-seeing the performance of official representatives and authorities. However, media coverage of political issues has often been criticized for one-sided, scandalous, populist and superficial reporting, which makes the public disappointed with the current political situation and skeptical about the political world (Cardoso, 2008). The more citizens are aware of political scandals, crises and malfunctions, the more they become intolerant of many things taking place inside and


Kristina JURAIT

around politics, such as corruption, political party scandals, con-flicts between public and private interests or other ways of abusing authority. The idea of modern politics being shaped by profession-al information and communication management, political PR, and marketing techniques has been disputed by political science and communication researchers (Curran, 2002; Putnam, 2004; De Vreese et al., 2008; Castells, 2009; Norris, 2011). In mediated politics, a cru-cial role is played by the professional advisers, political campaign managers and public relations consultants who shape the media, public and political agendas, predetermine the news content and in-duce public support or disappointment. Rather than informing and supplying citizens with quality information, constructive and thor-ough coverage of political and social issues and, what is more impor-tant, stimulating citizens interest in public affairs, the news media have been more successful in entertaining the public and increasing its disengagement and cynicism.

Indeed, the late modern democracies have been characterized by civ-ic apathy, public skepticism, disillusionment with politics, and gen-eral disinterest in the conventional political process, and yet, public interest in blogging, online news, web-based activism, collaborative news filtering, and online networking reveal an electorate that is not disinterested, but rather, fatigued with the political conventions of the mainstream (Papacharissi, 2013). Even though the media have been always seen as a vital democratic institution, the advent of new technologies, different approaches and considerations towards new media roles and functions in political processes evolved. The propo-nents promised a rapid democratization of society, as information and tools provided by the new media would encourage public en-gagement in social and political life, and promote public activism. For instance, we can witness a certain invigoration of political action groups and online community movements in social networks, as well as online polling, e-referenda, and Internet voting. Moreover, it has become fast, easy, cheap, and convenient to use political information online (Papacharissi, 2002). On the other hand, critics of the virtual public sphere have emphasized fragmentation and political and so-cial divisions, as well as the lack of substantial reforms of political thought and action. Indeed, recent technological revolution has cre-ated a new public space, facilitated mainly by online and mobile com-munications. However, if such a public space can transform political


culture and stimulate a qualitatively new public sphere, meaning an alternative way and forum for political deliberation, still remains an open question for experts and researchers (Papacharissi, 2013).

The shifting relationship between the public and politics can also be approached and analyzed as institutional and structural transforma-tions, which have been explicitly demonstrated by changing power relationships of traditional institutions, like politics, religion, fami-ly, and media (Bauman, 2005; Deuze, 2008; Hjarvard, 2013; Hepp, 2013). In the global, and increasingly individualized, society, also marked by precipitating mediatization, the media as modus operan-di affects public institutions and practices, and encourages them to endorse and follow the new media and communication principles. Therefore, in a mediated cyberspace, the normatives and practices of politics, religion, culture, education, and other social and cultural structures are also changing. People receive more opportunities to choose between the different alternatives available for them, which doesnt necessarily mean they are disengaged from political life:

This individualized act of citizenship can be compared to the act of the consumer, browsing stores of a shopping mall for that perfect pair of jeans, comparing prices and sizes with online offerings. Monitoring is indeed the act of the citizen-consumer, participating in society (whether that society equals virtual, topical or geographical communi-ty, ones role within a democratic nation-state, or within a translocal network) conditionally, unpredictably, and vol-untarily (Deuze, 2008: 852).

In the turbulent times of change, the relationship between the pub-lic and politics becomes more and more individualized, based on our personal likes, wants, and needs, rather than institutional com-mitments, responsibilities and loyalties (Deuze, 2008). Instead of voting, joining a political party or trade union, or demonstrating, people look for more meaningful, self-expressive, less hierarchical and more engaging activities. The new conditions that new commu-nication technologies have created, while penetrating into very dif-ferent spheres of life including politics, science, religion, and culture, require researchers to rethink many issues related to social and polit-ical development, interaction, participation, identity formation, etc.


Kristina JURAIT

No coincidence, then, that this current issue of Media Transforma-tions is also addressing the changing media role and its implications for democratic political culture, citizens participation and public mobilization.

The first article in this volume, Digital Worlds and Civic Opportuni-ties: Connecting Online and Offline Activism in Lithuania by Liepa V. Boberien, examines how the new media environment is promot-ing the digital generation and changing the way people experience citizenship through more active, selective and creative engagement. The author argues that these changes can be addressed while com-paring the online and offline practices in which young citizens of Lithuania are engaged. Even more, online participation can provide favorable conditions and some kind of springboard for offline citi-zenship practices, community action and political discourse. It is true that over the past two decades of liberal democracy, market econo-my, and free media, the democratic transition in Lithuania was faced with the difficulties of developing a strong political and civic culture and overcoming public fatigue and alienation. The study shows that the most common online activities among Lithuanian youth is in-formation exchange, followed by social networking and eventually political expression, which is the least common type of engagement among the students. Those who are more active online as organiz-ers or content generators were also more empowered offline. They expressed more confidence in public institutions, had more positive perceptions of government responsiveness, and engaged in different organizations, community activism and political discourse. In gen-eral, multiple online activities, including networking, learning, and expressing oneself, provided new opportunities for decentralized and individualized participation outside traditional power structures.

The idea of new communication and information technologies cre-ating a new virtual environment is also at the center of Inesa Bir-bilaits article (Dis-)respectful Public Discussions Online: Insights on Audience Polarization and Formation of Radical Hate or Support Groups. The author is focusing on the quality of online public spaces and political discussions that are taking place on the social network site Facebook with regard to climate change issues. Following the Habermasian conception of the public sphere, as well as the empir-ical measurement of discourse quality index, the author approaches


respect as an underlying value and category indicating the quality of online public deliberation. Even though there have been more re-spectful rather than offensive language expressions on Facebook, dis-cussions on climate change provided certain patterns of indirect of-fensive language. One of the conclusions the author comes up with is audience polarization, meaning that particular support or hate group formations can be observed and characterized by narrow, one-sided and dogmatic discourse often involving confrontational and offen-sive behavior. For instance, people are more likely to offend outsiders rather than direct participants of the discussions. Also, public fig-ures, such as politicians, government representatives, and local and national institutions, as well as experts, scientists and the media are most often being referred to in an offensive way in the online discus-sions. Thus, apart from the technological innovations and facilities available for citizens more active engagement into deterritorialized online communities, the quality of deliberated content depends on other factors like online culture and civic values.

While communication technologies are creating new cultural and social environments, bridging geographical locations and time bar-riers, individuals are exposed to new opportunities to observe, ex-perience and engage with the society, politics and community life through more active self-expression and participation in the mediat-ed public sphere. The media have become one of the most important means of representing our social reality, while mediated communi-cation definitely affects our daily lives, identities, self-presentations and interactions. In her contribution, Stacey May Koosel questions the role of social media networks, namely Facebook, in affecting Es-tonian artists professional and social reputations. Trying to identify the ways social media are used for self-presentation and personal in-formation communication, on the basis of mediated identity narra-tives of the Estonian artists, the author disputes fundamental cultural transformations in a new era of digital dependence. The paradigmatic shift, the author is underlining, refers to the virtual reality which is gaining more and more relevance and diminishing the importance of the offline world. On one hand, the new social and cultural environ-ment reinforces changing interactions, blurring lines between pro-fessional and personal information. On the other hand, it recreates and demonstrates social and professional alliances, and restructures the sense of self.

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Introduction: Mediated participation in a digital age

Kristina JURAIT

The discourse of democratic media and sociopolitical change require one to consider other forms of mediated participation as a key cat-egory and condition for democracy. In the joint contribution Lo-cal Radio an Endangered Species? The Polish Case by Stanislaw Jdrzejewski and Urszula Doliwa, a community media concept is examined conceptually and practically, on the basis of international, as well as Polish, experience of local radio management. Following the authors, community radio is usually operating on a voluntary and non-profit basis. Even more, it is built on the belief that commu-nity radio has to promote democratic processes, pluralism, diversity, tolerance and media autonomy, while focusing more on community development and identity building. However, local radio stations are also going through fundamental changes and are experiencing chal-lenges related to commercialization, competition, and funding that makes their mission hardly reachable. In the second part of the pa-per, the authors discuss practical challenges and controversies local radio stations in Poland are facing from the legislative, organization-al, technological and financial sustainability perspectives.

The last two papers shed light on even more controversial and com-plex media challenges in the post-communist and authoritarian Be-larus. Despite promising transformations that penetrated major po-litical, economic, social and cultural structures in the beginning of 1990s, the democratization period was too short in the country. After two decades of Aleksandr Lukashenkos presidency, the national me-dia have been under state censorship and control, while the regime practices have remained antidemocratic, authoritarian and repres-sive with regard to journalists and the public. In her article Two Realities of One Revolution: Coverage of Mass Protests of 2011 in State-Run and Independent Belarusian Media, Tatsiana Karaliova compares media representations and discourses of the 2011 mass protests organized through social networks and covered in major Be-larusian state-run and independent media. Despite a huge expansion of the Belarusian media market in the post-communist years, the challenges for democratic media market still persist. With significant state support, state-run media is much stronger and more influential in the country, while independent media is playing quite a marginal role as an alternative information source. The author identifies clear ideological cuts and contradictory realities in terms of news framing, diversity of voices, discursive strategies, language and rhetoric in the


state-run and independent media in Belarus.

Taking into account limited freedom of information in Belarus, Dz-mitry Yurans research on audience choices and rationalities is par-ticularly relevant. In his article The Point of No Return: Belarusian Audience Refusal to Use Western Broadcast Media after Exposure to the Content, the author argues that though media users are aware of the state control over the local media, they do not trust the West-ern media channels, either. People are critical about the Belarusian media, however, they are even more skeptic about the foreign media discourse, which is often regarded as irrelevant, misleading, opinion-ated and biased. In other words, while applying normative criteria towards Western media, research participants are less critical about the Belarusian media, which have become quite a sensitive, strategic and tactical mean in public opinion formation. The main research question raised by the author explores why alternative media sourc-es, mainly Western media channels, do not gain public attention and are lacking legitimation in the Belarusian population.

Even though access to different media channels and content are use-ful tools the democratizing potential of the new media depends on additional factors, namely social, political and economic structures that have been developing for centuries. On the other hand, no doubt that the precipitating processes of mediatization induce changes on the structural and individual levels that need to be addressed and ne-gotiated from different conceptual and methodological outlooks. On behalf of the editorial board, we hope the critical issues approached, reasoned and deliberated in the contributions of this issue will en-rich and stimulate academic discourse of media(ted) transforma-tions with regard to political communication, public participation, democratic engagement, and the democratizing role of media in a political culture.

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Introduction: Mediated participation in a digital age

Kristina JURAIT

REFERENCES

Bauman, Z. (2005). Liquid Life. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Cardoso, P. (2008). From Mass to Networked Communication: Communicational Models and the Informational Society. Interna-tional Journal of Communication, Vol. 2, 587630.

Carpentier, N. (2011). Media and Participation: A Site of Ideologi-cal-Democratic Struggle. Bristol: Intellect.

Castells, M. (2009). Communication Power. Oxford: Oxford Univer-sity Press.

De Vreese, C., M. Elenbaas (2008). Media in the Game of Politics: Effects of Strategic Metacoverage on Political Cynicism. The Interna-tional Journal of Press/Politics, Vol. 13, 285-309. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161208319650.

Deuze, M. (2008). The Changing Context of News Work: Liquid Journalism and Monitorial Citizenship. International Journal of Communication, Vol. 2, 848-865.

Hepp, A. (2013). Cultures of Mediatization. Polity Press.

Hjarvard, S. (2013). The Mediatization of Culture and Society. Rou-tledge.

Livingstone, S. (2004). The Challenge of Changing Audiences: Or, What is the Audience Researcher to Do in the Age of the Internet? European Journal of Communication. Vol. 19 (1), 75-86. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323104040695.

Livingstone, S. (2009). On the Mediation of Everything: ICA Presi-dential Address 2008. Journal of Communication, Vol. 59 (1), 1-18. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2008.01401.x.

Norris, P. (2011). Democratic Deficit: Critical Citizens Revisited. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Papacharissi, Z. (2002). The Virtual Sphere: The Internet as a Pub-lic Sphere. New Media & Society, Vol. 4, 9-27. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14614440222226244.


Papacharissi, Z. (2013). A Private Sphere: Democracy in a Digital Age. Polity Press.

Silverstone, R. (2007). Media and Morality: On the Rise of Mediapolis. Cambridge: Polity Press.

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Digital worlds and civic opportunities: Connecting online and offline activism in Lithuania

DIGITAL WORLDS AND CIVIC OPPORTUNITIES: CONNECTING ONLINE AND OFFLINE ACTIVISM IN LITHUANIA

Liepa V. [email protected] PhD, Postdoctoral FellowAmerican Orthopsychiatric AssociationWashington DC, USA

ABSTRACT: Although democratization via new media technologies has received considerable attention in recent years, empirical research is lacking. The opportu-nities offered by Internet engagement must be studied at the user-level, looking at individuals own grassroots participation. Lithuania serves as an interesting case study, as civic culture is developing simultaneously with the spread of new techno-logies. The purpose of this study was to examine the types of Internet participation and the civic attitudes that contribute to offline engagement in organizations, local community activities, and political discussions among Lithuanian university stu-dents. A 2012 web-based survey of 580 18- to 30-year-olds from five major Lithua-nian universities provided evidence that strong associations exist between Internet engagement and structural features of society, civic attitudes, and civic activism off-line. Internet activities, centred on social networking, information exchange, and political expression, provide opportunities for creative construction of communities and involvement in civil society. Such online experiences play an important role in shaping young adults social environments, where they experiment with interests and identities. By choosing the ways that they engage online, youth are active agents in their civic development.

KEYWORDS: youth development, media technologies, civic participation, social networking, and political expression

ISSN 2029-865Xdoi://10.7220/2029-865X.10.02


INTRODUCTION

The information and communications technology (ICT) revolution calls for a re-examination of the nature of youth civic engagement, especially in young democracies such as Lithuania. Cyber-optimists hope new technologies will create an abundance of social networks that allow for decentralized democratization, while pessimists warn of the dangers of virtual sociality for real world activism (Ray, 2007). Civic literacies and behaviours are embedded in young peoples technology practices, which shape peer communities and social lives (Alvermann, 2002). Over the past few decades, opposing paradigms of civic culture have emerged, portraying youth as either passive and disengaged or active and engaged (Bennett, 2008). Some find that youth engage in new ways that are rapidly replacing old models of traditional political participation (e.g., Stolle, Hooghe, & Micheletti, 2005), and others have begun to investigate the use of new media for civic purposes, which foster new forms of citizenship, online and offline (e.g., Boyd, 2008; Coleman, 2008).

ONLINE ENGAGEMENT AND OFFLINE ACTIVISM

The Internet allows for interest-based communities that foster social capitalthe norms, trust, and resources that lead to increased social involvement essential to democracy (Putnam, 2000; Scott & John-son, 2005). As people network online, they can strengthen bonds as well as create new bridges (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007). For example, research indicates that Facebook users are three times more likely than others to feel that most people can be trusted (Hampton, Goulet, Rainie, & Purcell, 2011). Valenzuela and colleagues (2009) found that intensity of Facebook use correlated with students so-cial trust, civic engagement, and political participation. Online com-munities can create a culture of participation, as individuals achieve goals while asserting personal values and social identities (Dahlgren, 2005). They have empowered youth to mobilize offline: students used MySpace profiles to organize nation-wide protests of U.S. im-migration reform in 2006 (Boyd, 2008).

People can access an abundance of information online, which sup-ports the growth of large networks of activists who lead social action campaigns. Online political information access has been associated with greater political efficacy and participation (Kenski & Stroud,

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Liepa V. BOBERIEN

2006). Diani (2000) argued that as ICTs increase opportunities for communication and information-sharing, they broaden the sup-port base for activism, help people identify with issues, and make transnational advocacy effective through coordination. For example, new technologies allow for increased transparency and political con-sumerism, as people incorporate social goals into their brand iden-tity and support particular companies policies based on political or ethical considerations (Micheletti & Stolle, 2008). As youth interact online based on personal interests, such civic involvement becomes embedded in everyday life.

The Internet also leads to an improved public space for debate, where young people discover political interest for themselves and practice civic skills, such as identifying issues, motivating others, and taking action. As Benkler (2006) argued, the digital generation is changing how people experience citizenship: they no longer need to be con-sumers and passive spectators. They can become creators and prima-ry subjects (p. 272). Research indicates that youth participation has been enabled through new technologies, as 44% of young Internet users who joined discussion groups and read political blogs had not been politically engaged in the past (Graf & Darr, 2004). Gagnier (2008) found that the youth-created Mobilize.org has reduced feel-ings of political exclusion: as youth become engaged online, they bring attention to issues and implement their own solutions.

Each of the Internet engagement pathways outlined above contrib-utes to the civic socialization of youth. First, the Internet can lead to the emergence of wider participation in organizations. Those who use the Internet daily are more socially engaged offline than those who use it rarely or not at all (Lopez, Levine, Both, Kiesa, & Kir-by, 2006). Second, studies show the Internet improves access to re-sources, which leads to greater activism locally (Valaitis, 2005). Shah, Kwak, and Holbert (2001) found that youth who use the Internet for information are more likely to get involved in local community activism. Third, through political expression online, youth may be-come interested in more significant community action and political discourse. In East Asia, those who used the Internet to express their views also displayed higher rates of community participation (Lin, Kim, Jung, & Cheong, 2005). Research in Finland indicated that those who were active in online politics increased their awareness


and activity in a self-perpetuating cycle of knowledge and involve-ment (Grnlund, 2007).

The research literature regarding Internet use and its effects on civic engagement is inconsistent. It is important to distinguish the spe-cific ways in which individuals use the Internet when investigating effects on civic activism. There are differences in how researchers op-erationalize Internet use and civic engagement, as well as differences in approach to analysis. Studies have examined Internet access and hours of use (Jennings & Zeitner, 2003; Lopez, et al., 2006), different purposes of Internet use (Shah et al., 2005), or intensity of use (Va-lenzuela, Park, & Kee, 2009). Some scholars believe that the Inter-net will only activate citizens who are already interested in politics, by reducing costs of accessing information and offering convenient ways of engaging. Different motivations for Internet use affected en-gagement outcomes in Shah and colleagues (2001) study, in which Internet use for information exchange had a positive impact on local civic engagement and trust, but recreational Internet use did not. On the other hand, specific Internet activities, such as blogging and so-cial networking, may alter the traditional patterns of political interest (Smith et al., 2009).

CIVIC ATTITUDES AND ACTIVISM IN LITHUANIA

Although Lithuania has had democratic institutions for over two decades, positive civic values are still developing as a societal norm (Degutis, Ramonait, & iliukait, 2008). A majority of Lithuanians believe government is unresponsive and national institutions cannot be trusted (Adomnas et al., 2007; Maiulyt & Ragauskas, 2007), and research suggests that about a third of the population refrain completely from civic initiatives (Romanchuk & Dambrauskait, 2010). According to Zimmerman (2000), empowerment requires individuals to practice their capacities to effect change. Converse-ly, inactivity reinforces negative civic attitudes, so that Lithuanians continue to avoid opportunities to experience their power as citizens (iliukait et al., 2006). However, youth may acquire positive civic values if they practice civic action. Internet engagement may pro-vide opportunities for activism that are absent offline, and therefore lead to civic socialization and the development of trust and political efficacy.

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Liepa V. BOBERIEN

Online opportunities might encourage a more positive civic culture, breaking the cycle of powerlessness and apathy that currently exists in Lithuania. In Estonia, citizens are increasingly participating online to complement traditional practices, even though the population is generally politically passive (Reinsalu, 2009). This finding is particu-larly relevant for Lithuania, as both countries transitions to democ-racy were characterized by gaps between democratic institutions and civic culture, so that citizens remained alienated from politics after democratization. Areas of research inquiry include the relationships between Internet engagement and structural features, civic attitudes, and civic behaviours offline, as online action may either substitute for offline activities or support their development. Research ques-tions include:

Q1. How are government responsiveness and trust in institu-tions related to engagement in social networking, informa-tion exchange, and political expression online?

Q2. How are social networking, information exchange, and political expression online related to values of interpersonal trust and political efficacy?

Q3. To what extent does frequency of Internet engagement in social networking, information exchange, and political ex-pression predict offline participation in organizations, com-munity action, and political discourse?

METHODOLOGY

The purpose of this study was to examine the nature of Lithuanian youth Internet use and the types of online activities and civic norms that contribute to offline participation in organizations, communi-ty action, and political discourse. The study used a cross-sectional design to target 18- to 30-year-old college students at five univer-sities in Lithuania: Vilnius University (VU), Vytautas Magnus Uni-versity (VDU), Lithuanian University of Education (LEU), Klaipeda State College (KVK), and Vilnius Gediminas Technical University (VGTU). These students are at a critical stage for identity formation, as the increasing complexity of life in a globalized world lengthens adolescence and emerging adulthood (Larson, 2002).


PARTICIPANTS

In total, 590 students filled out the questionnaire, and the sample was predominately young and female. 31%1 of respondents were 18 to 19, 40% were 20 to 21, 24% were 22 to 24, and 5% were 25 to 30. Re-spondents who were over 30 (n = 10) were excluded from analyses.

A variety of faculties were represented: political science or interna-tional relations (19%), education or communication (13%), social sciences (12%), philosophy (11%), economics or business (9%), hu-manities (7%), natural sciences (7%), medicine (6%), mathematics or informatics (5%), philology (4%), creative industries (3%), law (2%), and fine arts (2%). Most respondents reported having completed some college education (58%) or having received a high school di-ploma (20%). Smaller proportions reported having received a Bach-elors degree (8%), having some graduate education (11%), or having received a Masters degree (3%).

The sample represented moderate socioeconomic status (SES), based on the number of books present at home during childhood, which has been an effective indicator of SES in international studies of ed-ucational achievement, interpreted as a proxy for resources avail-able to support literacy (Torney-Purta et al., 2001). Almost half of respondents (46%) reported that they had more than 100 books at home. About 32% reported 51 to 100 books, 20% reported 11 to 50 books, and only 3% reported 0 to 10 books. At the same time, virtual-ly the entire sample (99%) reported having Internet service at home currently. The majority of respondents had been using the Internet for 5 to 10 years.

PROCEDURES

A professor from each of the five Lithuanian universities partnered with the researcher to disseminate the survey in the spring of 2012. The professors were sent informational letters, detailing the purpose of the research, potential risks and benefits of participation, the pro-tection of confidentiality, the voluntary nature of the study, as well as contact information for questions. They were asked to forward the invitation to their students. A follow-up email was sent two weeks later to remind students about the opportunity. Respondents were invited to participate in a raffle for seven iPod shuffles upon com-

1 All percentages represent valid data, excluding missing cases.

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Liepa V. BOBERIEN

pleting the questionnaire. To enter, they emailed the researcher with a code displayed on the last page of the questionnaire, which ensured confidentiality of survey responses.

MEASURES

The survey instrument contained 110 items. The studys major con-tructs drew on the International Educational Achievements (IEA) Civic Education Study (Torney-Purta et al., 2001), the World Val-ues Survey (2005), the European Values Study (2008), and the Na-tional Election Studies (Niemi, Craig, & Mattei, 1991). The survey and invitations to participate were translated into Lithuanian by the researcher. These documents were then back-translated by a profes-sional translator, and discrepancies were resolved by adjusting the Lithuanian version.

Government Responsiveness. Government responsiveness was as-sessed using three political system items developed by Torney-Purta and colleagues (2001) and two external political efficacy items used by Niemi and colleagues (1991). Statements exploring attitudes to-ward government were rated on a five-point Likert scale. Items were tested for internal consistency reliability and found acceptable ( = .70).

Trust in Institutions. Trust in national institutions was assessed using items developed by Torney-Purta and colleagues (2001) and items from the European Values Survey (2008). Response categories for how much participants can trust institutions ranged from 1 (do not trust at all) to 5 (trust completely). The eight items formed a reli-able scale ( = .78)

Internet Engagement. Although previous studies have examined Internet use for various purposes, no scale has been published that measures the range of new opportunities online. Therefore, an In-ternet engagement scale was developed to include activities related to social capital development, information exchange, and self-ex-pression. Response categories included 1 (never), 2 (less than once a month), 3 (about once a month), 4 (a few times a month), 5 (about once a week), 6 (a few times a week), 7 (about once a day), and 8 (more than once a day).


The studys sample size (n= 580) allowed for factor analyses to inves-tigate the latent structure of the data and establish factorial validity. The Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy, indicating the amount of variance, revealed excellent factorability, KMO = .87, and, Bartletts test of sphericity was significant, 2 (276, n = 570) = 4021.25, p < .001. Principal axis factor analyses revealed that the ma-jority of items loaded on three factors, which explained 36% of the total variance. Factors were grouped according to magnitude of beta loadings and logic (See Table 1). The three factors formed reliable scales related to social networking, ( = .80), information exchange ( = .83), and political expression, ( = .73).

Table 1.

Selected Factor Loadings for Internet Engagement Items.

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Convergent validity of Internet engagement scales was established through correlation analyses with civic attitudes and behaviours. As found in previous studies, Internet use for social networking, infor-mation exchange, and political expression was strongly associated (p < .001) with all civic activism measures: organizational participation (Jennings & Zeitner, 2003; Moy et al., 2005), civic engagement (Lin et al., 2005; Pasek et al., 2006; Valenzuela, Park, & Kee, 2009), and political discourse (Shah et al., 2005; Wellman et al., 2001; Xenos & Moy, 2007).

Trust in Groups and Interpersonal Trust. Trust in groups was as-sessed using the items developed by Welzel (2010) for the World Val-ues Survey. Response categories indicated degree of trust in various groups (e.g., dissimilar in belief or origin) from 1 (do not trust at all) to 5 (trust completely). The researcher applied a formative index logic to create an index of trust in groups. In addition, interperson-al trust investigated whether respondents thought that most people would try to take advantage of them if given the chance, or whether they would try to be fair, based on the European Values Study (2008). Response categories ranged from 1 (most people would try to take advantage of me) to 10 (most people would try to be fair to me).

Political Efficacy. Feelings of personal competence to understand and participate in politics were assessed following the National Elec-tion Studies (Morrell, 2003; Niemi et al., 1991) and the IEA Civic Ed-ucation Study (Torney-Purta et al., 2001). Respondents were asked to rate agreement regarding four statements of confidence in political abilities on a Likert scale. The six items formed a reliable scale ( = .82).

Organizational Participation. Organizational participation was assessed using items from Torney-Purta and colleagues (2001) membership items and the European Values Studys (2008) volun-tary organizations items. Respondents were asked whether they had participated in voluntary organizations and with what frequency: 0 (not a member), 1 (not very active member), or 2 (active member). Respondents also had the opportunity to write in other organiza-tions that were not listed, which included: youth civic NGOs, organ-izations for people with disabilities, health organizations, academic and career groups, and an underground press. Scores on items were


summed to create a scale where 0 was no participation and 26 was active participation in all types of organizations.

Community Action. Frequency of participation in community ac-tivities, groups, and charities was measured using items from Tor-ney-Purta and colleagues (2001) political action measure. Response categories included 1 (never), 2 (less than once a month), 3 (about once a month), 4 (a few times a month), 5 (about once a week), 6 (a few times a week), 7 (about once a day), and 8 (more than once a day). The six items formed a reliable scale ( = .73).

Political Discourse. Face-to-face discussions about politics with peers, parents, teachers, and others were assessed using items from the IEA Civic Education study (Torney-Purta et al., 2001). Answer categories included 1 (never), 2 (less than once a month), 3 (about once a month), 4 (a few times a month), 5 (about once a week), 6 (a few times a week), 7 (about once a day), and 8 (more than once a day). The scale proved reliable ( = .85).

Socioeconomic Status. SES measures explored participants levels of education, the number of books in respondents homes when they were growing up (Torney-Purta et al., 2001), as well as whether their parents read books, discussed politics at home, followed the news, and whether they had problems making ends meet (reverse-coded) (European Values Study, 2008). Response categories were on a Likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree).

APPROACH TO ANALYSIS

Response distributions were assessed for outliers, missing values, and skewness. Political expression online, organizational participa-tion, and community action were positively skewed, indicating that most of the responses fell on the lower end of the frequency contin-uum. Non-linear transformations were conducted to improve their distributions for use in analyses that assume normality.

Chi-square and correlation analyses were conducted to examine the effects of demographic and SES variables on Internet engagement in social networking, information exchange, and political expression. Pearson correlation analyses were also used to investigate the rela-tionships between structural features (government responsiveness,

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trust in institutions) and civic attitudes (trust in groups, interperson-al trust, political efficacy) and Internet engagement.

The effects of Internet engagement on offline activism were ad-dressed through hierarchical multiple regression analyses predicting organizational participation, community action, and political dis-course. The analyses investigated the unique contributions of SES, structural features, Internet engagement, and civic values on activ-ism. Variables were selected based on correlations, and those that did not contribute significantly to each models explained variance were removed in order to create parsimonious models. Collineari-ty diagnostics and tolerance were examined to ensure that predictor variables were not overly correlated.

RESULTS

Descriptive statistics indicated that engagement in Internet activities was not a daily occurrence. Of the three types of Internet engage-ment, information exchange was the most common, with an average frequency of a couple times a week (M = 5.58). Respondents engaged in social networking only a few times a month, on average (M = 4.06). The least common type of engagement was political expres-sion, with a rating of less than once a month (M = 1.49).

Engagement in social networking, information exchange, and politi-cal expression did not differ significantly by age, gender, city, univer-sity, faculty, time using the Internet, or education level. However, sig-nificant differences were found in information exchange by number of books at home, 2 (168, n = 532) = 211.64, p = .01, and respond-ents whose homes had the most books scored the highest on infor-mation exchange. All SES items were significantly correlated with at least one Internet engagement scale, suggesting that family upbring-ing is strongly associated with participation online (see Table 2).


STRUCTURAL FEATURES AND CIVIC ATTITUDES

Research Questions 1 and 2, regarding structural features and civ-ic attitudes, were addressed through Pearson correlation analyses. Greater perceptions of government responsiveness and confidence in public institutions were both associated with more frequent engage-ment online. Internet activities, especially information exchange, were also positively correlated with trust in groups, interpersonal trust, and political efficacy, as detailed in Table 2.

OFFLINE CIVIC ACTIVISM

A significant regression model predicting respondents levels of or-ganizational participation explained 20% of the total variance in the scale, as shown in Table 3. Respondents perceptions of government responsiveness accounted for 4% of the variance, while social net-working and political expression online accounted for about 16% above and beyond that. Standardized beta values showed that online social networking had the greatest impact on organizational partic-ipation. Although other variables (e.g., information exchange, civic attitudes) correlated with the criterion, they did not contribute to the model and were omitted.

Table 2.

Correlation Coefficients between Internet Engagement and SES, Structural Features, and Civic Attitudes.

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A significant model of community action explained 41% of the total variance in the measure, as displayed in Table 4. The largest predic-tors of the criterion were social networking and political expression online. In this case, the unique contribution of these two variables was about 32%, above and beyond the effects of parents discussing politics and perceived government responsiveness. The effects of these variables may have overshadowed the effects of other variables correlated with community action (e.g., trust in institutions, political efficacy).

Finally, a significant model of political discourse explained about 45% of the total variance in political discourse, as shown in Table 5. In this analysis, parents discussing politics explained about 16% of the variance, and information exchange and political expression on-line explained about 17% above and beyond background and struc-tural variables. Feelings of political efficacy had the largest effect on political discourse. Although trust in institutions, social networking, and trust in groups correlated with political discourse, they did not contribute significantly to the model and were omitted.

Table 3.

Multivariate Regression

Coefficients Predicting

Organizational Participation.


Table 4.

Multivariate Regression Coefficients Predicting Community Action.

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Table 5.

Multivariate Regression

Coefficients Predicting

Political Discourse.


DISCUSSION

This study examined the opportunities offered by Internet engage-ment at the user-level, looking at an individuals own grassroots par-ticipation, within the political and cultural contexts of society. Sev-eral important findings emerged. First, the study supports a more comprehensive, multi-dimensional conceptualization of Internet engagement based on a variety of interpersonal and interactive ac-tivities which provide a myriad of opportunities to connect with oth-ers, learn and share, and creatively contribute to discourse. Results highlight the need to examine diverse types of Internet use for effects on civic engagement, as networking, learning, and expressing opin-ions online create opportunities for decentralized and individualized participation. Although some of the activities may not seem politi-cal, they increase social support (Hampton et al., 2011) and expand users knowledge of dissonant views (Garrett, 2006), which can lead to activism.

The boundaries between political and social or personal activities online are porous, and strengthening values, sharing knowledge, and developing identities online may all fit into an expanded definition of civic or political engagement, as young people become active play-ers in defining what politics means for their lives (Coleman, 2008; Collin, 2008). Creative and social uses of the Internet often represent new forms of activism in participatory communities that are miss-ing from conventional channels of political communication (Harris, 2008). Unregulated public spaces provide opportunities for youth to communicate with others and express interests and concerns outside of traditional political mechanisms. Such activities contribute to civ-ic socialization and offline activism despite a rejection of traditional power structures.

POSITIVE STRUCTURAL FEATURES SUPPORT ENGAGEMENT

A second contribution of this study was the inclusion of perceived structural features of society, including government responsiveness and trust in institutions, in analyses predicting engagement. Results indicated that those who perceived more supportive governments and institutions were also more likely to engage frequently online. Furthermore, the relationship between government responsiveness

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and offline activism was robust across analyses, as perceived gov-ernment responsiveness accounted for significant proportions of the variance in organizational participation, community action, and political discourse. These findings have important implications for power imbalances and youth engagement.

Young adults from lower socioeconomic backgrounds did not take advantage of opportunities to engage in Internet social networking, information exchange, and political expression as often as did oth-ersSES variables and structural features were significantly corre-lated with online engagement. Thus, youth who are more alienated from government and national institutions, and those coming from lower SES environments may remain marginalized, despite physical access to the Internet. Barriers to online participation may include low digital literacy, anxieties about the risks of new media, or fear of surveillance (Banaji, 2011). As producers of civic websites have pointed out, it is difficult to reach those on the fringes of society, and online social networks may actually deepen the participation divide by giving the already active more access to public space and more practice at developing institutional, intercultural civic skills (p. 138). These issues challenge the notion that the spread of new technologies have a universal democratizing effect.

CONNECTING ONLINE AND OFFLINE ACTIVISM

A third contribution of this study was the large effect sizes found for offline activism: hierarchical multiple regression analyses using structural features, Internet engagement, and civic attitudes as pre-dictors explained 20% of the variance in respondents organizational participation, 41% of the variance in community action, and 45% of the variance in political discourse. Internet engagement displayed powerful relationships with real-world participation, consistent with recent literature (e.g., Hampton et al., 2011; Valenzuela et al., 2009). Scholars have been concerned that face-to-face contact can decline as the Internet allows people to socialize, work, and be entertained online, and reduced social contact might lead to a decrease in trust and activism (see Ray, 2007). However, young adults in this study were active online and offline simultaneously. As found by Kittil-son and Dalton (2011), virtual social activity can be as conducive for strengthening citizenship values as participation in face-to-face


groups.

Engagement in social networking, information exchange, and politi-cal expression online were significantly associated with respondents political efficacy. As suggested by other scholars, Internet features such as interactivity, personalization, and one-to-many commu-nication may be uniquely empowering for users (Bimber & Davis, 2003). New media allow and require an active rather than a passive audience, and numerous opportunities to practice skills can have powerful effects on beliefs of self. This is especially meaningful for youth, who may otherwise feel a sense of powerlessness concerning communication with leaders and access to resources (Valaitis, 2005). Research suggests that these psychological effects can lead to con-crete acts of civic engagement (Xenos & Moy, 2007).

Although engagement in expressive activities online was the least common Internet dimension, it was meaningful for all measures of offline activism. This supports the framework developed by Bennett, Wells, and Freelon (2011), regarding youth preferences for expres-sive styles of citizenship over earlier models of dutiful citizenship. Bennett (2008) suggested the rise of actualizing citizenship, involv-ing personal engagement with causes through individual expression and peer networks that organize civic action. The segment of Lithua-nian young adults who used the Internet for expressive activities may have developed stronger feelings of competence to mobilize offline. Indeed, political efficacy emerged as the strongest predictor of polit-ical discourse. Individuals who gained experience creating content and sharing opinions online may have been prepared to overcome challenges offline.

Interestingly, trust was not a significant predictor across offline par-ticipation variables. Traditional theories of civil society development point to interpersonal trust as a prerequisite for civic activities (Put-nam, 2000); however, these attitudes may be slow to develop among Lithuanian young adults, who have grown up in a time of uncertain-ty regarding civic action (Degutis et al., 2008). Research indicates that experiences with political corruption can lead to decreases in generalized trust (Uslaner, 2001). Because youth internalize values through existing socialization processes, value change does not come about easily (Welzel & Inglehart, 2010). Still, the spread of civic en-

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gagement may bring about more positive civic attitudes, as meaning-ful civic experiences increase feelings of interpersonal trust.

CIVIC SOCIALIZATION AND IDENTITY FORMATION ONLINE

Although online interactions are often impersonal, they are rooted in real-world social networks, shared systems of meaning, and tacit knowledge. Thus, the Internet remains embedded in local cultures that may have powerful effects, and civic values may be slow to ma-ture. Still, online communities play an important role in shaping young adults peer environments as youth overcome the limits of their particular locations by establishing meaningful social experi-ences online. The Internet enlarges the scope of interactions, opens new paths of communication, and provides opportunities for more individualized involvement with information. All of these opportu-nities allow young adults to consider identity alternatives, experi-ment with interests, and evaluate their abilities.

By choosing the ways that they engage online, individuals are ac-tive agents in their own civic development. Such personalization al-lows young adults to actively construct new systems of meaning and new roles for citizenship, and such creative engagement can increase feelings of agency (Collin, 2008). As youth discover self-defining ac-tivities through a wide range of online tools that provide a good fit between their talents and their sense of purpose, they may take on new identities (Waterman, 2004). This study found that the Lithua-nian youth that actively engaged online as organizers or producers of civic content were also more empowered offline, engaging in organ-izations, community activism, and political discourse. As increasing volumes of information and tools move online, the ability not only to access them but also to creatively contribute to them may become crucial to civic socialization and participation in community life.

LIMITATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

Although this study established knowledge regarding the nature and extent of Internet engagement and civic attitudes and behaviours among self-selected students in Lithuania, several important limi-tations must be considered. Given the cross-sectional nature of the study, the causal directions between constructs remained unclear. Young adults who are already interested in civic life may use the In-


ternet according to their motivations. Online and offline activities seem to be mutually beneficial. There is a need for long-term analy-ses or experiments that use random sampling or random assignment in order to investigate the nature and magnitude of these effects as they change over time or across conditions.

Another limitation was the use of an online survey that targeted uni-versity students. The sample was not nationally representative, so re-sults could not be generalized to Lithuanian young adults as a whole. The use of an online survey also created self-selection bias, as those who had access to the Internet came from higher SES backgrounds and may have had more time and resources to engage in civic ac-tivities. Thus, using an online survey methodology produced results that characterized the tendencies of youth who use the Internet, not average youth. However, because the studys purpose was to investi-gate relationships between online engagement and civic participa-tion, it made sense to target Internet-users. Furthermore, Internet use did not guarantee engagement in social networking, information exchange, or political expression, and the sample included a range of students who exhibited low and high engagement.

Future research could apply the Internet engagement scales to more diverse populations, both in Lithuania and in other countries. Given that greater numbers of youth are embedded in multiple contexts online and offline, civic research must reach diverse participants us-ing diverse methods. Qualitative research may be useful in re-con-ceptualizing important indicators of civic health. Content analyses of popular websites may be able to provide a more detailed picture of the types of websites that young adults engage in and the kinds of networking, information exchange, and public discourse that pro-vide meaningful contributions to civic socialization. Such analyses could target neighbourhood forums, public policy debates, or users own creative websites and blogs. Both the technological capabilities of the Internet and the actual content accessed may influence stu-dents attitudes and behaviours.

CONCLUSION

The Internet exists within different social, political, and cultural con-texts, and fostering a healthy media culture for youth depends on research on how digital technologies can best serve the goals of free-

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dom and democracy in different cultures. Civic socialization will not occur simply by connecting every citizen to the Internet, unless indi-viduals take advantage of opportunities to participate. Marginalized groups still face barriers; however, for those who do engage, online public spheres may improve civic activism and involve more actors. Online, youth can find others who share their interests, contribute knowledge to others around the world, and creatively participate in discourse and self-governance. As individuals choices contribute to larger societal trends, youth participation may act as a catalyst to broader civic reform.

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(Dis-)respectful public discussions online: insights on audience polarization and formation of radical hate or support groups

ISSN 2029-865Xdoi://10.7220/2029-865X.10.03

(DIS-)RESPECTFUL PUBLIC DISCUSSIONS ONLINE: INSIGHTS ON AUDIENCE POLARIZATION AND FORMATION OF RADICAL HATE OR SUPPORT GROUPS

Inesa [email protected], Lecturer Department of Public CommunicationsVytautas Magnus UniversityKaunas, Lithuania

ABSTRACT: Debates related to the quality of online discussions are quickly enga-ging scholars from different fields, but still, there is no single answer if we can expect online discussions to be deliberative enough for the establishment and maintenance of a well-functioning public sphere online. In this paper, I presume that respect is an essential category determining overall quality of online public discussions. There-fore, I assess if discussions from a preselected Facebook page on climate change are respectful. I find that in comparison to similar face-to-face settings, members of preselected discussions are quite respectful to each other. On the other hand, foul language is often used to address outside actors or groups. In turn, I link these results to the phenomenon of audience polarization online and conclude that in my sam-ple, discussions cannot be of good quality because they are dominated by similarly thinking members, which possibly leads to polarization and generation of support and/or hate groups.

KEYWORDS: audience polarization, hate and support groups online, respectful dis-course, deliberation


INTRODUCTION

Respect is a crucial category in determining the quality of public dis-cussions as well as an important indicator revealing the existence of a well-functioning public sphere1 online. If the discussions between citizens and policy makers are based on disrespectful and offensive language, it cannot be expected that rational deliberation will be reached and a well-functioning public sphere will be established. Therefore, in this paper I measure the level of respect in pre-selected Web 2.0 based online communication environments in order to as-sess and define the quality of public discussions online and evaluate potentials for a well-functioning public sphere to emerge and devel-op in Web 2.0 based online communication environments. But first, why it is important to discuss the quality of virtual public discussions and the formation of a well-functioning public sphere online? In this paper, I consider a number of reasons, which are closely intercon-nected and condition each other; and which explain the possible im-portance of public online discussions.

First of all, emerging new global risk-related problems, such as cli-mate change, virtual wildfires, and health crises, among others, re-quire crucial changes in global and local political and social systems, including changing relations between citizens and policy makers, which in turn raises the question of shifting democratic traditions (i.e. deliberative turn). In this sense, discussions online could pos-sibly constitute a core of deliberations where major issues could be discussed between citizens and preliminary decisions reached.

Secondly, a deliberative turn in policy making is determined also by the recognition of limitations and uncertainties of traditional polit-ical and scientific practices (especially related to the emergence of phenomenon of post-normal science or the politics of uncertainty) indicating that any scientific or political decision can be questionable and is not absolute. This means that there is no single and correct answer; therefore, we ourselves (in consultations with experts) have to decide which way to take it.

Such a situation requires reassessment of traditional forms of policy and science making, preferably by increasing the level of democra-tization (e.g., democratization of science and deliberative democ-racy). Hence, the third point deals with democratization, which is

1 In this paper, I perceive the concept of a well-functioning public sphere fol-lowing Habermasian tradition. Specifically, I assume that a public sphere is well-func-tioning when it corresponds to the main criteria listed by Habermas participa-tion, respect, listening, justification, force of better argument, and truthfulness; however, here I limit my anal-ysis to the category of respect, as I believe it is the most essential in defining level of audience polarization, which is the major obstacle for quality deliberation to occur.

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perceived as a stronger and closer connection between citizens and policy makers. It is important because if the citizens positions are not properly considered by policy makers, the gap between the citi-zens aspirations and satisfaction with democratic politics increases, in turn causing democratic deficit and leading to declining public trust and support for political actors (Norris, 2011). The publics trust and support for political decisions are indeed important when dealing with new global risks, because they require global solutions, which are based on local or even personal initiatives and actions. In other words, there is no global effect if actions are not taken at a per-sonal level. To foster and maintain the quality of recent democracies, communication between society and policy-makers are crucial.

Fortunately, new information and communication technologies pro-vide current democracies with unprecedented virtual environments, where two-way communication between citizens and their repre-sentatives becomes possible. New discursive spaces are being estab-lished, enabling new and possibly more democratic relations between citizens and policy makers. Some scholars express huge hopes for the Internet as a new type of public sphere, (Kenix, 2008; Dutton, 2009; Armstrong and Zniga, 2006; Reynolds and Ball, 2006; Benkler, 2006; Xenos and Bennett, 2007; Dahlgren, 2005) arguing that on-line communication environments help to improve communication practices (e.g., enable multi-directional communicational modes) and serve in democratizing the ways in which news can be generated and disseminated (Cox, 2013). Few go even further, suggesting that online communication environments also provide citizens with un-precedented communicative power. Meanwhile, others remain skep-tical and point to different obstacles, including increasing individu-alization, audience fragmentation, and polarization (Sunstein, 2001; Gentzkow & Shapiro, 2010; Putnam, 2000; Bennett, 1998, 2012; Habermas, 2006) that prevent the formation of a well-functioning public-sphere online. Hence, the major goal of this paper is to bring some clarity into these theoretical discussions by generating some empirical evidence.


Inesa BIRBILAIT


METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK AND INTRODUCTION TO THE CASE STUDY

Data for the empirical research was collected from the Facebook page UN Climate Change Conference, 2009 created for the 15th Conference of Parties also known as COP15 meeting. This annual global confer-ence was organized in Copenhagen in 2009 with the major hope to establish a new climate change document, which would replace the Kyoto Protocol. However, the outcomes of the meeting were not as expected and led to public disappointment and dissatisfaction.

This conference, in general, is a good example, demonstrating that traditional democratic ways of policy-making are no longer suffi-cient in effectively dealing with recent global risks and uncertainties (Birbilait, 2013). In particular, no global-binding agreements were reached at the COP15 and in turn, while some countries took in-dependent actions to fight climate change on their own, others still wait. Besides, during the conference, another important trend was noticed surprisingly intense global public discussions occurring online on climate change.

I assessed the level of respect of each comment posted on the Face-book page UN Climate Change Conference, 2009. The final sample constituted 156 wall-posts published by the page moderator(s) and 2788 comments made by 1424 active participants. Data analysis was performed in two stages. Following them, I provide the results in this paper. First, I discuss descriptive analysis of my data. In ad-dition, I compare results to other similar investigations where the same instrument was used to measure discourse quality in face-to-face discussions. Namely, I selected two PhD studies performed by Ugarriza (2011) and Caluwaerts (2012)2. While the discussions be-tween ex-combatants of Columbia analysed in the first dissertation by Ugarriza demonstrated a low-level of deliberation, the second study reported rather high-quality discussions between linguisti-cally divided citizens of Belgium. Hence, I aimed to identify where, in comparison with these different studies, my discussions, in terms of respect, stands. Further, I proceed to a more in-depth analysis of empirical data, aiming to identify significant internal and external factors, which might influence variations of quality level.

2 Both studies were performed as a part of a larger research project on deliberation in deeply divided societies, coordinated by Jrg Steiner, professor at the University of Bern (Switzerland) and University of North Carolina (the USA). The project had an ex-plicit comparative aim of determining the fa-vorable conditions for deliberation in deeply divided societies.

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Inesa BIRBILAIT

HOW TO MEASURE LEVEL OF RESPECT? A BRIEF INTRO-DUCTION TO THE DISCOURSE QUALITY INDEX

Discourse quality index (DQI) was the main instrument used to col-lect and analyse empirical data. Although, this instrument was creat-ed to primarily analyse the quality of official face-to-face discussions (e.g., parliamentary debates) my research proves that with minor changes it can easily be adapted to study online content. The core of this index lies in the Habermasian theory of Communication action. In particular, it closely follows six normative discourse conditions discussed by Habermas: participation, respect, justification, com-mon good, force of better argument, and truthfulness. Although some scholars criticize the DQI for being too focused on discourse itself while ignoring the broader context in which discourse takes place (OBrien, 2009) or for distorting Habermasian ideals because it re-duces them to observable phenomena and fails to measure discourse accurately and objectively (King, 2009), Habermas himself applauds the instrument and notices that the DQI captures essential features of proper deliberation (Habermas in Bchtinger et al., 2010). Inven-tors of the DQI agree that coding following the DQI can be subjec-tive and, therefore, requires broader interpretations (Steiner, 2012).

For the purpose of the present paper, I applied the DQI to meas-ure the category of respect in chosen online discussions. Category of respect in the updated version of the DQI is measured in two stag-es. First, the researcher examines if foul language is used towards participants of the discourse (at a personal level) or towards their arguments. If yes, such contributions are coded under the group of foul language type I (FL I). Contributions that contain foul language at a personal level are considered to be least deliberative. Second, all contributions are assessed for the existence of respectful language to-wards other participants (at a personal level) and/or their arguments respectful language type I (RL I).

As noticed by Talpin (2011), for ordinary citizens public expression of disagreement is a difficult move, agreement (arising as respectful language) might be a more favourable way to express positions and also oppositions. Hence, comments containing respectful language towards discourse participants (at a personal level) or towards their comments are perceived as most deliberative, because the participant


expresses his/her position (positive, negative or neutral) in a respect-ful way without any offensiveness.

In addition to the traditional DQI measurements of the category of respect, in my analysis I also considered respect towards participants who did not directly participate (i.e. politicians, experts, scientists, and others) in the discussions but were important actors of the dis-course. I called these indicators foul language type II (FL II) and re-spectful language type II (RL II). I assumed that when dealing with the quality of online discussions these indicators might be signifi-cant, especially considering scholarly literature stressing that online discussions encourage public polarization, formation of hate groups, and might greatly determine low quality of the discourse.

Before turning to the analysis of the empirical data, it is important to ascertain that the coding process was reliable. Since the entire empir-ical data of this research project was collected and coded by only one coder, I also performed an inter-coder reliability test. Hence, after the main researcher coded the data, the DQI was introduced and ex-plained to four other coders, who were third year bachelor students. One discussion was coded together with students and afterwards they were asked to analyse four separate, randomly selected discus-sions following the DQI. In total, 192 comments were re-coded. In general, results indicated that the coding process was reliable, as the overall ratio of coding agreement (RCA) was 0.9353, which means that coders agreed on 93.5 per cent of the cases. Category of respect demonstrated very high level of inter-coder reliability. Coders agreed on all cases of category RL II, there was a perfect inter-coder agree-ment (1.000). RCA for RL I was 0.990 and for FL I 0.974. Yet, a quite low level of reliability was achieved while coding category of FL II (0.828). This can be explained by the fact that sometimes, for additional coders, it was difficult to distinguish between slight foul languages pointed to outside actors or their thoughts, i.e. what was considered to be slight foul language by the main coder to others seemed to be simply strong contra-argument. In other words, the main coder was, in general, stricter. However, Cohens kappa indicat-ed that the level of agreement was moderate but acceptable (Landis and Koch, 1977).

3 Here I refer to overall ration of coding agreement (RCA), which is an average measure of RCA of all categories, including participation, respect, listening, justification, common good, force of better arguments and additional measurements (type of communication, consistency, and sourcing).

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