Working Papers www.mmg.mpg.de/workingpapers MMG Working Paper 19-02 ● ISSN 2192-2357 Sakura Yamamura (MPI-MMG) / Paul Lassalle (University of Strathclyde, UK) Approximating Entrepreneurial Superdiversity: Reconceptualizing the superdiversity debate in ethnic minority entrepreneurship Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity Max-Planck-Institut zur Erforschung multireligiöser und multiethnischer Gesellschaften
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Working Paperswww.mmg.mpg.de/workingpapers
MMG Working Paper 19-02 ● ISSN 2192-2357
Sakura Yamamura (MPI-MMG) / Paul Lassalle (University of Strathclyde, UK) Approximating Entrepreneurial Superdiversity: Reconceptualizing the superdiversity debate in ethnic minority entrepreneurship
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Sakura Yamamura (MPI-MMG) / Paul Lassalle (University of Strathclyde, UK) Approximating Entrepreneurial Superdiversity:Reconceptualizing the superdiversity debate in ethnic minority entrepreneurship
MMG Working Paper 19-02
Max-Planck-Institut zur Erforschung multireligiöser und multiethnischer Gesellschaften, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic DiversityGöttingen
Working Papers are the work of staff members as well as visitors to the Institute’s events. The analyses and opinions presented in the papers do not reflect those of the Institute but are those of the author alone.
Download: www.mmg.mpg.de/workingpapers
MPI zur Erforschung multireligiöser und multiethnischer GesellschaftenMPI for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, GöttingenHermann-Föge-Weg 11, 37073 Göttingen, GermanyTel.: +49 (551) 4956 - 0Fax: +49 (551) 4956 - 170
A small-scale district-level analysis allows more in-depth research on the accumula-
tion and overlapping of different dimensions of the superdiverse attributes of EME,
too. The selection of areas of superdiverse EME should therefore be based on the
degree of ethnic diversity rather than simply on the large number of one particular
ethnic minority group in specific areas.
However, such small district-level urban data are rarely available. Glasgow, as the
largest Scottish economy with its vibrant entrepreneurial landscape and with a diverse
ethnic minority population, is an ideal field for in-depth intra-urban research on the
super-diversification of ethnic entrepreneurial activities. Available data are, however,
limited to either larger scales or larger ethnic/racial groups. Though imprecise in
the ethnic breakdown on the district level, such data and also previous literature
already indicate the superdiverse dynamics in this particular city, which has recently
experienced a strong increase of its ethnic minority populations from 13% in 1991 to
21% in 2011 (Kelly and Ashe 2014). Apart from strong increases in the population
of Black Africans and Caribbeans (890%), Other Black (339%), Chinese (176%) and
Other Asian groups (176%), Glasgow has also been the site of recent arrivals of
white migrants from A8 countries after the 2004-enlargment of the European Union
(Stevenson 2007; General Register Office for Scotland 2010; Glasgow City Council
2012)1. Using such areal data based on the latest census of 2011 already allows an
approximation of the ethnic diversity of the residential population2. Based on such
data of ethnic minority distribution, we propose building a cumulative indicator of
the superdiversity of ethnic minorities in the districts within Glasgow, illustrating
1 It must be noted that tremendous care is needed when using the different data sets available. In many countries, especially with a jus soli as the basis for migration policies, such as US, Canada, France or UK (the latter European countries with restrictions), population data are often collected according to the country of birth, with data illustrating foreign-born vs. native. Other countries base their data on citizenship, whereas in some more exceptional cases, such as in Germany, also data on citizens “with a migration background”, irrespective of the naturalization and citizenship at birth, are collected. Further categories of capturing the ethnic diversity are (usually self-indicated) data on ethnic or racial identities. Harmonization issues are undeniable (Lemaitre et al. 2006; Lemaitre et al. 2007, OECD), yet the complexity of the data available also aligns with the original idea of superdiversity in migration by Vertovec (2007).
2 Statistically, available data refer to the residential population. It may differ from the client base, as businesses do show larger catchment areas than the actual district in which they are located. However, especially ethnic minority businesses have been observed to show strong tendencies in – at least initially- focusing on the local ethnic niche market and only later venturing out. The residential population can thus be regarded as an appropriate and pragmatic approximation of the diversity of ethnic minority entrepreneurship.
more than reasonable as a basis for the analysis of entrepreneurial superdiversity at the
district-level of the entrepreneurial landscape.
The third aspect taken into consideration for selection of further in-depth research
on the superdiversity phenomenon in EME, is the potential of the areas for ethnic
businesses. Basing on previous research on the Glaswegian entrepreneurial ecosys-
tem in particular (Lassalle and McElwee 2016), and on the migrant communities (e.g.
Piętka 2011; McGhee et al. 2013), as well as further sources of information, such as
mass media coverage and knowledge of local residents, areas with high entrepreneur-
ial activity, especially of ethnic niche markets, were also taken into consideration.
Ruling out the city centre itself, so as to avoid the impact of diversification deriv-
ing from the unique and ubiquitous context of urban centres, the areas were selected
according to following three dimensions of diversity4: (1) areas with high concen-
trations of ethnic diversity, which is a prerequisite for the development of an ethnic
niche market and also ethnic diversification of the local customer base along with
the businesses; (2) areas with high concentration of businesses with ethnic minor-
ity labelling and signs, especially focussing on streets well-known for their business
activity and vibrancy; and (3) reflecting the diversity within the Glaswegian city itself,
areas with different multiple deprivation indices according to the Scottish Index of
Multiple Deprivation (SIMD).
The final selection consisted of three areas, in which to conduct the site survey:
West End, in particular the University of Glasgow area (1a) and Kelvinbridge/Mary-
hill (1b), East End with High Street (2a) and Duke Street (2b) areas, and South Side
covering Eglinton Toll (3a) and Govanhill (3b) areas. The areas of entrepreneurial
activities refer to business streets, such as Great Western Road, Maryhill Road, Byres
Road in the West End, Duke Street, High Street in the East End, Victoria Road,
Pollockshield Road, and Allison Street in the South side. The rest of the areas are
primarily residential with none to very limited number of businesses. The data collec-
tion consisted of a site survey in the selected areas, based on the mapping of visible
signs of entrepreneurial superdiversity complemented by ethnographic assessment
of the entrepreneurial landscape.
4 The focus on main or “high streets” in ethnographic assessments of superdiversity is also found in Hall’s seminal works on trans-ethnographic study; see also Hall and Datta (2010, 70) on the significance of the urban high streets within the scale of the neighbourhood as the empirical context studied.
UoG area high (others) low low low high lowKelvinbridge/Maryhill high high medium high high mediumHigh Street medium medium medium medium medium highDuke Street high medium high high high highEglintontoll low low medium low extra high highGovanhill high high high high+ high high
1) Ethnic Minority Entrepreneurs (EME): identification according to visible signs2) Data based on geographical distribution of largest ethnic minority groups, i.e. Pakistani, African, White Other British and White Others in 2011 (Kelly and Ashe 2014)3) Religious backgrounds: identification according to visible dietary laws and religion of ethnic backgrounds3) Data based on Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD) in 2012, encompassing 7 weighted domains, incl. income, employment, geographic access and housing
West End
East End
South Glasgow
Table 1: Entrepreneurial Superdiversity Index on cumulative diversity indicators
Although fully capturing the complexity of a phenomenon with numbers is gener-
ally problematic (Sen 1994; Arrow 2012), the proposed Entrepreneurial Superdiver-
sity Index builds on the most widespread linear aggregation6 and provides a reliable
quantitative assessment. This can be used to capture, or at least approximate, the dif-
ferent dimensions of superdiversity in entrepreneurship, and can therefore constitute
a first step in the comparative research of (entrepreneurial) superdiversity between
districts or, internationally, between different cities.
The Entrepreneurial Superdiversity Index (ESI) measures achievements in three
key dimensions of evidence of superdiversity in entrepreneurial activity: (1) ethnic
diversity of the population in the area (for customer base), (2) diversity of business
types, and (3) visible signs of ethnic diversity of the businesses. It is calculated using
the following formula:
ESI (Index) = ∑ (Ipopulation diversity+ Idiversity of business type+Idiversity of ethnic labelling
of the businesses)
The results provide a level of diversity ranging on a spectrum from ‘low’ entrepreneur-
ial superdiversity to ‘very high’ entrepreneurial superdiversity for each of the areas
selected7. In that sense, Eglinton Toll and Govanhill present very different superdi-
versity landscapes, despite similar level of high economic and social deprivation.
6 The Index is the sum of the normalised individual indicators (OECD 2008; UNDP 2016).7 Categorization depend on different criteria depending data availability. For example,
regarding deprivation, the last decile was considered as ‘highly’ deprived whereas the last quintiles would be ‘very highly’ deprived.
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