Malaysian Malay Middle-Class: Negotiating Conspicuous Consumption with Meanings

Malaysian Malay Middle-Class:

Negotiating Conspicuous Consumption with Meanings

This was a term paper done when I was an undergraduate in NUS.

Do pardon any errors in the paper.

The ideas here can be explored and studied further and

I hope that someone would take it up for proper research.

ANNAS BIN MAHMUD

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Malaysian Malay Middle-Class:

Negotiating Conspicuous Consumption with Meanings

Introduction

Looking at the context of Malaysia, this essay will attempt to look into the

negotiations of the Malay middle-class1 in performing conspicuous consumption,

keeping in mind the criticism of such consumption on the grounds of morality. In order

to investigate these negotiations, this paper will look into three main questions namely

(a) What is conspicuous consumption? (b) What are some of the tensions that rise from

the practise of conspicuous consumption amongst the Malay middle-class in Malaysia?

And (c) how do the Malay middle-class in Malaysia negotiate their performance of

“proper” and conspicuous consumption?

Based on these research questions, it will be shown here that the Malay middle-

class in Malaysia negotiate between “proper” and conspicuous consumption by relating

it to Islamic practices as well as the ‘Malaysian ideals’. This essay will thus argue that

the definition of ‘proper’ consumption, in relation to this negotiation process, may vary

depending a lot on the symbolic meanings (Islamic or patriotic) attached to the

consumption. Before going in-depth to the topic at hand, however, there is first a need

to look at why conspicuous consumption is important in the lives of the Malay middle-

class in Malaysia.

Social (Class) Distinction

In studying the Malay middle-class in Malaysia2, A.B. Shamsul (1999) argued

that there is a differentiation made between the Orang Kaya Baru and the Melayu Baru.

In his study, Shamsul discussed how the emergence of the ‘new’ Malay new rich, or

Melayu Baru can be seen as “directly related to the implementation of the NEP’s [New

Economic Policy] second objective of ‘restructuring society’, particularly in the field of

education” (1999:101). Shamsul further posited that the idea of the Melayu Baru, as

championed by the then Malaysian prime minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamed in 1991 came

1 It must be kept in mind that the ‘Malay middle-class’ is by no means a homogenous group. However, for initial discussion, it will be considered as a whole. 2 On the Malay middle-class in Malaysia, Fischer also posited that the “number and proportion of Malays engaged in the modern sector of the economy rising significantly.” (2011:51)

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with ideas which differentiate them from the other Malays3 whereby “The ‘New Malay’,

declared Dr Mahathir, is a community of completely rehabilitated Malays... who now

possess a culture suited to the modern period, who are capable of meeting challenges,

able to compete without assistance, learned and knowledgeable, sophisticated, honest,

disciplined, trustworthy and competent” (Shamsul, 1999:105).

However, as highlighted by Shamsul, “the authoritatively defined social reality is

being questioned and doubts are raised about it by the Malay new middle class” (ibid:

104). Such a new form of stratification brings with it the need for these ‘new Malays’

collectivity to distinguish themselves from the other Malays. This need for a collective

identity formation can be seen in Jenkins’ work where he argued that “People must have

something significant in common – no matter how vague, apparently unimportant or

apparently illusory – before we can talk about their membership of a collectivity”

(2004:79). While the ‘authoritatively defined social reality’ talks about the ideals

constituting what a ‘new Malay’ should be, this essay will look into how conspicuous

consumption, “as an evidence of wealth” (Veblen, 2000:32), becomes one form of

distinction between the middle-class self and the others.

Conspicuous Consumption

Consumption, in general, makes for an important class differentiation. This is

especially so because, as Fischer pointed out, “Consumption in all its forms has

materialised as the most pervasive narrative or script in class narratives in

contemporary suburban Malaysia” (2008:73). In order to differentiate themselves from

the working class, the middle class consume goods which are considered as luxuries

whereby “...for a good to be a luxury it needs to be desired by many but attained by few”

(van der Veen, 2003:407). It is also important to understand that the differentiation

comes in the idea of taste – “tastes of luxury (or freedom) and the tastes of necessity”

(Bourdieu, 1984:177) – whereby those who cannot afford taste of luxury (i.e. working

class) face “conditions of existence which rule out all alternatives as mere daydreams

and leave no choice but the taste for the necessary” (ibid:178).

3 Patricia Sloane-White (2007) also highlighted such ideas which came with the ‘new’ Malay tag, saying, “‘New Malays’ were identified as people committed to and participating in the modern project of social and economic development of all Malays, a kind of status group who represented all of the goals NEP was intended to achieve” (2007:10).

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However, it does not suffice to look at consumption alone as the form of class

differentiation. Keeping in mind Fischer’s argument that “...one’s class identity is

constructed through the gaze of others” (2008:72), it is vital for us to now shift our

attention to conspicuous consumption. Veblen, in his study on conspicuous

consumption, posited that “...in order to effectually mend the consumer’s good fame it

must be an expenditure of superfluities. In order to be reputable it must be wasteful”

(2000:45). He further explained that “It is here called ‘waste’ because this expenditure

does not serve human life or human well-being on the whole” (ibid:46). It will be seen

later how this idea of wastefulness creates tensions on the grounds of morality in the

consumption of the Malay middle-class in Malaysia.

Practicing Conspicuous Consumption

In order to look into the kinds of tensions and negotiations which have emerged

in relation to the wastefulness of conspicuous consumption, it is vital to first look at

some examples of conspicuous consumption practiced by the Malaysian Malay middle-

class. In this essay, three forms of conspicuous consumption will be looked into namely

(a) holidays and travel, (b) clothing (wearing the hijab) and (c) branded goods. Through

these forms, the tensions will be explored and it will be seen how varying symbolic

meanings attached to these forms of consumption lead to varying ideas of ‘proper’

consumption and thus varying ways of negotiation.

Areas of Tensions and Negotiations

In practicing these forms of conspicuous consumption which are observable

amongst the Malaysian Malay middle-class – i.e. holidays and travel, clothing (wearing

the hijab) and branded goods – tensions can also be seen to follow suit. This, as Fischer

(2008) pointed out, is due to the ideas within the Malays community about what is

considered moderate and excessive. Fischer further posited, “Moderation and excess are

crucial to understandings and practices of consumption in Malay middle-class families”

(2008:176). To understand the tensions that stems from excessiveness, one must be

reminded that conspicuous consumption, in the Veblen sense, constitutes that

“Unproductive consumption of goods is honourable, primarily as a mark of prowess and

a perquisite of human dignity; secondary it becomes substantially honourable in itself,

especially the consumption of the more desirable things” (2000:32). It is this

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‘unproductive’/ ‘wasteful’ consumption that can be considered as excessive and thus

giving rise to tensions in the Malay middle-class’ conspicuous consumption.

With the existence of tensions in their practicing of conspicuous consumption, it

will be explored how the Malaysian Malay middle-class attempts, successfully or

otherwise, to negotiate their consumption vis-á-vis the rest of the Malays in Malaysia.

This is crucial especially when one looks at the fact that their identity is an overlap of

the two collectivities. In this case, Goffman’s argument about ‘fitting in’ becomes very

relevant whereby “what is proper in one situation may certainly not be proper in

another” (1963:12). In other words, practicing conspicuous and wasteful consumption

may be considered proper within the middle-class collectivity but not the Malay

collectivity as a whole, thus the need to negotiate their consumption where “Moderation

and excess are constitutive of a discursive field into which informants plot their

personal consumption” (Fischer, 2008:176).

Holidays and Travel

In his study, A.R. Embong (2002) argued how holidays and travel are essentially

middle-class activities. While he merely based it on his quantitative data, the

excessiveness in these activities amongst the middle-class comes in the form of the

kinds of place they visit. In his study, A.R. Embong pointed out that “Among the new

Malay middle-class respondents, more than four-fifths had taken vacations and

travelled inside the country... most popular holiday destinations were seaside resorts...

island resorts... and mountain resorts” (2002:117). Adding to the fact that their

destinations include the more expensive locations within Malaysia, A.R. Embong also

pointed that most of the middle-class do their shopping while on holidays compared to

those from the working class. Such excessiveness in their holidaying, the conspicuous-

ness of their expenditure upon their return home and coupled with the idea that

“Generally, all amusements, in the Islamic perspective, carry with them the taint of the

forbidden, and could be rejected” (Sloane-White, 2007:18) become the basis upon

which tensions arise.

In reaction to such tensions, Sloane-White’s study showed how negotiations

were made by some Malaysian Malay middle-class in their travels by making sense of

their travels on the basis of “incorporating Malay ideals of morality” (2007:10). In her

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study, Sloane-White pointed how her informants tend to relate their travels to work and

seeking business opportunities, as well as to judge for themselves the progress the

country has made. For example, one of her informants, Rokiah’s stay in a hotel, which

Sloane-White admitted “seemed like an excessive expense on what could have been a

day trip” (ibid:13-14), was negotiated on the grounds that “she and her cousin were

interested in experiencing and evaluating Langkawi hospitality” (ibid:14). As such, it

can be argued that the Malay middle-class here impose upon their consumption an

altruistic meaning, “putting their interests of the nation before the self, consuming in

such a way that it could uplift both Malaysia and their ethnic group” (ibid:11).

Sloane-White also posited how her Malay middle-class informants also

negotiated their holidays and travel on Islamic grounds. Rather than the idea that Islam

forbids amusements, as mentioned earlier, some of Sloane-White’s informants used “the

image of the Musaffir... [and] speculated that travel, rather than being wasteful or

vaguely sinful, was justified in Islam and even recommended... [as] travel is a form of

learning and expands knowledge of the world” (2007:18). As such, it can be argued that

the Malay middle-class’ conspicuous travels, arguably wasteful and excessive, is seen by

them to “increasingly fit well a paradigm of purposeful action... the goals any good

Muslim should pursue in anticipation of Judgment Day” (ibid:19).

Clothing (Wearing the Hijab)

The hijabista phenomenon of late – which can be seen to be an expensive affair

and, with events like the Islamic Fashion Festival held – can be argued to be a middle-

class arena which definitely can be classified as conspicuous. On the wearing of the

hijab, Fischer pointed out how it becomes a display of “the classing and fashioning of the

body in material terms while performing piety” (2008:96). Here, the Islamic Fashion

Festival will be the focus of discussion as Fischer had already discussed the tensions of

higher end hijab in the case study of Sri Munawwarah where “this clothing was

considered Islamically fashionable as an expression of legitimate taste by those who

could afford it and excessive and unattainable by those who could not” (Fischer,

2008:96).

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The Islamic Fashion Festival (IFF) which has been held in many countries from

Malaysia to Singapore to London (among others)4, can be seen as excessive in terms of

the expenditure spent on the managing of the events. Furthermore, the excessiveness

can also be observed in the designs – in terms of price and outlook where some may

argue to be ‘unIslamic’ – which are showcased in these festivals. Negotiations towards

these tensions can be seen from the way this event is advertised. According to their

official website5, under the tab ‘THE IFF STORY”, IFF aims to promote Islam and tackle

Islamophobia after the September 11, 2011 attacks.

There is also a mention of the “True spirit of Islam”6 where “This [Islamophobia]

was indeed a sad state of affairs for a religion that subscribed to peace, compassion and

tolerance”. In support for moderate Islam, IFF also quoted the Prime Minister of

Malaysia Najib Tun Abdul Razak on the website saying, “I therefore urge us to embark

on building a “Global Movement of the Moderates” from all faiths who are committed to

work together to combat and marginalize extremists who have held the world hostage

with their bigotry and bias”7. As such, it can be argued that negotiations here are based

on ideals of moderation in Islamic practices and the responsibility of Muslims in

protecting the reputation of Islam.

Branded Goods

The consumption of branded goods on the everyday level can also bring about

tensions when consumed excessively. As Fischer pointed out, looking at food products,

“excess takes the form of un-Islamic, even un-patriotic, Malayness in distinction to the

extreme efforts and particularity the pious Malay invests in his halal-branded food”

(2008:180) and negotiations therefore to be otherwise. In Aihwa Ong’s study, she noted

how the women who worked in factories were frowned upon when they are seen

wearing “eye-catching outfits” (2010:179) and are thus branded as un-Islamic. Looking

at cosmetic products, it will be shown how negotiations have been made in the

Malaysian Malay middle-class conspicuous consumption of it.

4 See the tab Diary on http://www.islamicfashionfestival.com.my 5 http://www.islamicfashionfestival.com.my (last accessed 10/11/2013) 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid.

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Firstly, the availability of halal cosmetics has been on the rise in Malaysia.

Besides ensuring the exclusion of ingredients seen as haram like animal parts or

alcohol, “the Halal and Toyyiban Standard is synonymous with halal and of very high

quality. Therefore, a halalan-toyyiban cosmetic products is (sic) clean, pure, nutritious,

hygienic and healthy” (Rosita et. al 2012:3, emphasis from source). As such, with the

halal branding certified by JAKIM8, the consumption of cosmetics is negotiated on the

basis of Islamic practices to be permissible and indeed, better for consumption.

Secondly, the fact that these halalan-toyyiban products are locally made gives

room for the Malaysian Malay middle-class to negotiate their consumption of the

cosmetics on the basis of patriotic consumption. This can be paralleled to Fischer’s

study on the informants’ preference of “local fish instead of imported meat harmful to

the Malaysian economy” (2008:178) as well as Mahathir’s call for buycott of local

products “to boost national consumption” (Fischer, 2007:32). One example of such

locally-made cosmetic product would be the SimplySiti cosmetic line by Malaysian

artiste Siti Nurhaliza.

Ironically, though, it needs to be pointed out that other tensions may still arise on

the basis of excess when one compares the price of such locally-made cosmetic. This is

due to the fact that the products have similar price range9 to that of other

internationally branded cosmetic lines like M.A.C. As such, further negotiation, in the

form of the quality and ‘extreme efforts and particularity the pious Malay invests’ in the

products, is made. For example, SimplySiti’s Argan Wonder Powder10 includes

ingredients from the argan tree which is alleged to only be found, and thus imported

from, the Southwest region of Morocco. This ‘qualifies’ the value of the cosmetic,

especially to the middle-class who can afford to buycott the local products over the

international ones.

Symbolic Meaning Attachment

8 Refers to Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia (Department of Islamic Development Malaysia). In his other study, Fischer (2011) also looked at how Malaysians living in London look out for the JAKIM brand when it comes to their everyday halal consumption. 9 The SimplySiti Argan Wonder Powder is priced at RM62.90 (before current discounted price) while the M.A.C. Bronzing Powder is priced at RM67. 10 See http://simplysiti.com.my/shop/browse/cosmetics/argan-wonder-powder/ (last accessed 10/11/2013)

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As mentioned earlier, this essay argues that the definition of ‘proper’

consumption, in relation to the negotiation process, may vary depending a lot on the

symbolic meaning (Islamic or patriotic) attached to the consumption. This has been

shown in the illustrations given in the case of Malaysian Malay middle-class

consumption of holidays and travel, clothing and branded goods. It is also important to

note that, as Fischer pointed out in his study, that “Concerns with ‘getting consumption

right’ have helped shape new forms of ethnic and religious Malay middle-class

identities” (2008:176). In this case, attaching meanings of how ‘Islamic’ or ‘patriotic’

their consumption is, in their definition of ‘proper’ consumption, allows also for their

negotiation of what makes them ‘good’ or ‘better’ Muslims or Malays.

At the same time, it can also be argued that their need for conspicuous

consumption in displaying their middle-class identity means that the symbolic

meanings attached have to be flexible and not static. As can be observed in the case of

the cosmetics, it is not enough for them to be Islamic with halal cosmetics, they are also

expected (or rather expects of themselves, in their own identity building) to be patriotic

as well as moderate. In possible cases where these contradicting ideals overlap, the

Malay middle-class may find themselves in a position where they become “...people who

can’t prove who they are, who appear not to know ‘who they are’, who are one thing one

moment and something else the next, who are in the throes of ‘identity crises’” (Jenkins

2004:6). As A.B. Shamsul argued, “Therefore, it is not difficult to understand why many

observers quickly label the Melayu Baru, who belong to the middle class, a confused or

schizophrenic lot” (1999:103).

Conclusion

This essay has attempted to illustrate how the meanings given to different goods

in the process of conspicuous consumption of the Malaysian Malay middle-class allow

for the consumption to be seen as ‘proper’ or not. The criticism of middle-class

conspicuous consumption based on moral grounds cannot therefore be taken so simply

because the negotiation process changes the ‘morality’ of this consumption process. The

fact that such negotiations also allows for their own formation of identity – ethnic,

Islamic or middle-class – must also not be taken lightly.

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With that said, it is also crucial to note that while this essay has discussed the

Malaysian Malay middle-class as a collectivity, their lifestyles, cultural preferences and

even consumption preferences are not homogenous. As Jenkins puts it, “Differences of

opinion and more – of world view, cosmology and other fundamentals – among and

between members of the same community are normal, even inevitable” (2004:113).

References: http://www.islamicfashionfestival.com.my (last accessed 10/11/2013)

http://simplysiti.com.my/shop/browse/cosmetics/argan-wonder-powder/ (last

accessed 10/11/2013)

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the Malay 'New Rich'. In M. Pinches (Ed.), Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia.

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Sloane-White, P. (2007). Why Malays Travel: Middle-Class Tourism and the Creation of

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Grade: A

Comment on Pg 5 after 2nd paragraph:

The idea of industriousness furthermore justifies holidays and travels because they are

hardworking modern Malays (See Sloane-White, 2008 – The Ethnography of Failure)