MagnaCartaWithaNewCommentaryby
DavidCarpenter
Contents
Preface
NoteontheText
MAGNACARTA
1MagnaCarta:TheDocuments
2TheChapters,ContentsandTextofMagnaCarta
TextofMagnaCarta
3KingJohnandtheSourcesforHisReign
4MagnaCartaandSociety:Women,Peasants,Jews,theTownsandtheChurch
5MagnaCartaandSociety:Earls,Barons,KnightsandFreeTenants
6MagnaCartaandtheStructureofRoyalGovernment
7TheRuleoftheKing:JohnandHisPredecessors
8StandardsofJudgement
9Resistance,1212–1215
10TheDevelopmentoftheOppositionProgramme
11Runnymede
12TheEnforcementandFailureoftheCharter
13TheRevivaloftheCharter,1216–1225
14DidMagnaCartaMakeaDifference?
Notes
Bibliography
GlossaryofTerms
MapoftheEnglishCounties
AppendixI:KingJohn’sletterannouncingthetermsofthe1209TreatyofNorham
AppendixII:TheCanterburyMagnaCarta
FollowPenguin
PENGUIN CLASSICS
MAGNACARTA
DAVIDCARPENTERisprofessorofmedievalhistoryatKing’sCollegeLondon.HeisaleadingauthorityonthehistoryofBritaininthecentralMiddleAgesandauthorofTheStrugglefor
Mastery:Britain1066–1284.HehasheldlectureshipsatChristChurch,Oxford,StHilda’sCollege,Oxford,theUniversityofAberdeen,andQueenMaryCollege,UniversityofLondon.
Preface
Runnymedetodayisanatmosphericandevocativeplace.ThegreatmeadowstretchesoutbesidetheThames,andonecaneasilyimagineitfilledwiththepavilionsofKingJohnand
thetentsofthebaronsduringthoseJunedaysin1215whenMagnaCartawasbeingnegotiated.JohnendedtheGreatCharterwiththestatementthatitwas‘GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign’,which
meantthatitwason15June1215thatheauthorizedtheCharter’swritingoutandsealing.ThegreatjetstakingofffromLondon’sHeathrowAirportoftencomeupoverRunnymede,andthenturntoflydownitswholelength,slowlygainingheightastheydisappearintothedistance.Itisasthoughtheyarecarrying
theChartertothefourcornersoftheworld.TheCharterhasindeed
becomeoneofthemostfamousdocumentsinworldconstitutionalhistory,regardedasafundamentalprotectionagainstarbitraryandtyrannicalrule.Insomeways,thisillustrioushistoryisasundeservedasitwasunintended.MagnaCarta,as
originallyconceived,certainlydidnotofferequalprotectiontoalltheking’ssubjects.Itwas,inmanyways,aselfishdocumentinwhichthebaronialelitelookedafteritsowninterests.While,moreover,theCharterisusuallyregardedasfiringitssalvoesattheking,itwasalso(amajorthemeofthisbook)firingatsectionsof
society.Itdiscriminatedagainstunfreepeasants,whoformedthelargestsectionofthepopulation.Italsodiscriminatedagainstwomen.Itrevealedtensionsbetweenbaronsandtheirknightlytenants.Thetowns,liketheknights,gotfarlessfromtheCharterthantheymighthavehoped.MagnaCartashowstheking’ssubjectsinconflict
withoneanotheraswellasinconflictwiththeking.YetMagnaCartadidassert
afundamentalprinciple.Thatprinciplewastheruleoflaw.Henceforth,thekingwastobeboundbylaw,thelawtheChartermade.Hewasthusrestrictedinawholeseriesofways,fortheCharterhadnofewerthansixty-threechapters.Mostsignificantof
allwerechapters39and40.Inchapter40,thekingwasnottosell,denyordelayjustice.Underchapter39,nofreemanwastobeimprisonedordispossessedsave‘bythelawfuljudgementofhispeers’or‘bythelawoftheland’.ThesetwochaptersarestillonthestatutebookoftheUnitedKingdom.1Tobesure,in
1215,itwasonlythe‘freeman’whobenefitedfromchapter39.Itofferednothing,therefore,totheunfreepeasant.Thechapterstillreads‘freeman’today.Incourseoftime,however,thechapterbecamemoresociallyinclusive.Legislationin1354defined‘freeman’asa‘manofwhateverestateandconditionhemaybe’.The
legislationalsomadeclearthattreatmentaccordingtothelawofthelandmeanttreatmentaccordingtoduelegalprocess.Otherlegislationinterpreted‘lawfuljudgement’bypeersasmeaningtrialbypeers(thatissocialequals),andsotrialbyjury.2While,moreover,chapter39read‘nofreeman’,‘man’here,fromthe
startin1215,couldbeunderstoodasmeaninghumanbeing,andthusasapplyingtobothsexes.3
Intermsoftheprinciplesitasserted,therefore,theCharterwasrightlycalledinaidbytheparliamentaryoppositiontoCharlesI,andbythefoundingfathersoftheUnitedStatesofAmerica.Inthetwentiethcenturyitwas
appealedtobybothMahatmaGandhiandbyNelsonMandela.4ItstillfeaturesinpoliticaldebatesinBritaintoday.AGuardiannewspaperleaderin2005,protestingabouttheproposedninety-daydetentionperiodinterroristcases,washeaded‘ProtectingMagnaCarta’.5
ThatMagnaCartawastohaveanillustriousfuture
hardlyseemedlikelyin1215.LittlemorethanamonthafterRunnymede,JohnaskedthepopetoquashtheCharter.Hisbaronialopponentstooseemedtoabandonit.Givinguphopeofrestrictingtheking,theydecidedtoreplacehimaltogetherandofferedthethronetoPrinceLouis,theeldestsonofthekingofFrance.Theresultwasacivil
war,notthepeacethatMagnaCartawassupposedtobring.WhenJohndiedatNewark,duringthenightof17–18October1216,asagreatstormbatteredthetown,hisheirwashisnine-year-oldson,HenryIII,whileLouiscontrolledmorethanhalfthecountry.Inthisdesperatesituation,Henry’sgovernorseffectedacompletechangeof
policy.Inordertotemptrebelsintotheyoungking’sallegiance,theyimmediatelyissued,intheking’sname,anewversionofMagnaCarta.TheydidsoagaininNovember1217,havingwonthecivilwar,thistimeinordertoconsolidatethepeace.AndthenHenryissuedtheCharterforathirdandfinaltimein1225,inreturn
foragrantoftaxation.Itwasthe1225Charterthatbecamethedefinitiveversion.ConfirmedmanytimesunderHenryIIIandhissonEdwardI,bytheendofthethirteenthcenturyithadachievediconicstatus.Giventhesignificanceof
theCharterof1225,itmightbewonderedwhythe800thanniversaryofMagnaCarta
isbeingcelebratedin2015andnotin2025.Celebrationsin2025willcertainlybeinorder,butthosein2015easilydeservefirstplace.Althoughthereareimportantdifferences,theCharterof1225,initsspirit,detailandmuchofitsphraseology,replicatestheCharterof1215.Withoutthe1215originaltherewouldhave
beenno1225version.ThisbookischieflyaboutMagnaCarta1215,althoughitalsoconsiderstheimpactoftheCharter,initsvariousversions,inthethirteenthcentury.IfirstencounteredMagna
Cartain1968inthechapterhouseofOxfordcathedral,abuilding,withitselegantlancetwindows,whichwas
beingerectedaroundthetimeJohnconcededtheCharter.ThereIheardJohnMasonlectureonBishopStubbs’SelectChartersandOtherIllustrationsofEnglishConstitutionalHistoryfromtheEarliestTimestotheReignofEdwardtheFirst.ThiswasnolongerapopularcoursebythetimeItookit,havingbeeneclipsedbyone
ontheCrusades.AsfarasIremember,therewereonlyoneortwootherstudentsintheaudience.YetIfoundthelectures,whichclimaxedwithMagnaCarta,enthralling.ThedocumentsthemselvesilluminatedbothconstitutionalhistoryandthewholechangingnatureofEnglishsociety.WhenIcomplimentedDrMasonon
theseries,hemodestly(toomodestlyIthink)saidthatthelectureswereactuallythoseofhisoldtutor,SirGoronwyEdwards,whohadbeentaughtbyT.F.Tout,whointurnhadbeentaughtbyStubbshimself.Thelectureswerefollowedbyone-to-onetutorialswithJohn(althoughitwasmanyyearsbeforeIcalledhimthat),inwhichwe
workedthroughthedocuments,andIwrotegobbetsonmanyofMagnaCarta’schapter.6
Subsequently,revisingforfinalsbackatWestminster(wheremyfatherwasacanonoftheabbey),Iworkedlateintotheeveningintheabbey’smunimentroom,withitswonderfulviewoverHenryIII’sgreatchurch.
ThereIcross-referencedinmycopyofSelectChartersthechaptersofMagnaCartawiththeirequivalentsintheArticlesoftheBarons,theCoronationCharterofHenryI,andtheChartersof1216,1217and1225.IhaveusedmyannotatedcopyofSelectCharterseversince,althoughithasnowlostitscoverandisinaverydilapidatedstate.
The1960sprovedtobeaveryexcitingtimegenerallyandespeciallysoforthosestartingworkonMagnaCarta.ThiswasbecausethesubjecthadbeentransformedbytwogreatbooksbyJ.C.Holt.ThefirstwasTheNortherners:AStudyintheReignofKingJohn,whichappearedin1961.ThesecondwasMagnaCarta,published
in1965tocoincidewiththeCharter’s750thanniversary.Iacquiredmycopyofthelatteron27March1968,oratleastthatisthedateIwroteintoit.W.L.Warren,whoin1961broughtoutasuperbbiographyofKingJohn,generouslyacknowledgedthatHolt’sbookshadsoalteredthelandscapethat‘allearlierwork[ontheCharter]
appearstobelessthansatisfactory’.7AlthoughmybookoftendiffersfromHolt,itdoessointhecontextofaprofoundadmirationandrespectforhiswork.Unlikeprevioushistoriansoftheperiod,Holtstartednotwiththekingbutwithavastamountofresearchintothehistoriesofbaronialandknightlyfamilies.Hefocused
onthenorthbecauseitwasthenortherners,astheywerecalledatthetime,whotooktheleadintherebellionthatledtoMagnaCarta.Holtthusgainedauniqueunderstandingofthecomplextiesoflordship,neighbourhood,friendshipandfamilythatheldtogetherthelocalsocietyonwhichJohn’sgovernmentimpacted.
Hewasalsoadeptatdeducingpoliticalideasfromstatementsinlettersandlawcases.Andheexpressedhimselfinwhatwereoftenpithyandepigrammaticsentences:‘SometimesMagnaCartastatedlaw.Sometimesitstatedwhatitssupportershopedwouldbecomelaw.Sometimesitstatedwhattheypretended
waslaw.Asapartymanifestoitmadeapartycasewithscantregardforfactorexistingpractice.’8
TheimpactandauthorityofHolt’sworkwassuchthatformanyyearslittlewaswrittenaboutMagnaCartabyanyoneelse.Indeed,whenHoltbroughtoutasecondeditionofMagnaCartain1992,themajoraddition,a
chapteronjusticeandjurisdiction,wastheresultofhisownresearch.9Knowingasecondeditionwasontheway,IhadmyselfsentHoltasmalllistofmistakesthatIhadfoundinthefirstedition.ApostcardcamebackinreplypointingoutthatIhadgotthedateofJohn’sdeathwronginmyMinorityofHenryIII(1990)!
Nonetheless,whenthesecondeditionappeared,Holtdidthankmeintheprefaceforcorrectingerrors‘whichwerestillburieddeepinthefirstedition’.Readingthesecond
edition,IwasstruckbytheaccountofeventsatRunnymede,asIhadnotbeenforsomereasonbefore,althoughitwasmuchthe
sameasinthefirstedition.Holt(incommonwithmanyhistorians)tooktheviewthat15June1215wasnotthetruedateofMagnaCarta.Insteadhethoughtitwasonlyfinalizedfourdayslateron19June.Ifeltthishypothesiswasmistaken,andthefirstchapterofmyReignofHenryIII(1996)soughttovindicatethe15Junedate.Letushope
Iamrightaboutthat,otherwisethecelebrationsin2015willclimaxonthewrongday.Chapter2ofTheReignofHenryIIIwentontoofferacritiqueofHolt’snewchapteronjusticeandjurisdiction.Inaletterofreply,Holt,whilenotsayingheagreed,congratulatedmeonthe‘toughthinking’aboutthedateofMagnaCarta,and
wrotethat‘Cheneywouldhavelikedthis,andGalbraithwouldhaverelishedit’.Highpraiseindeed!Ontheotherhand,hethoughtthatthechapteronjusticeandjurisdictionwas‘almosttotallymisconceivedasyourbrighterstudentswillbeabletotellyouinamoment’.Iwasnotpersuadedbyhiscomments,butthisisagood
exampleofhowhistorianscanlookatthesameevidenceandcometodifferentconclusions.10
ThisbookdiffersfromHoltinitsinterpretationofseveralindividualchaptersintheCharter.11Moresignificantly,italsogiveswhatissometimesaverydifferentnarrativeoftheeventsof1214–1215,quite
apartfromtheactualdateoftheCharter.WhereHoltwasscepticalastowhethertherehadbeenarevolutionarymeetingofthebaronsatBuryStEdmundsin1214,Iarguethatonecertainlydidtakeplace,butnotatthetimeusuallyascribedtoit.IalsoarguethatJohnwasforcedtomakefurtherconcessionsatRunnymede,havinggranted
theCharter,somethingonecanonlyappreciateafterestablishingitstruedate.IgiveacompletelynewaccountofhowtheCharterwasimplementedinthelocalities.Inaddition,IbringouttheimportanceoftheOxfordcouncilinJuly1215,andsuggestitwastherethatJohntookthedecisiontoabandontheCharter.The
bookalsooffersafreshperspectiveonMagnaCartabyusingitasawindowintothenatureof,andtensionswithin,Englishsocietyintheearlythirteenthcentury.SomeofwhatIsayhas
dependedonnewdiscoveries.Ihave,Ihope,beenabletoprovethatoneofthefourextantoriginalsofthe1215Charter,thatpreservedinthe
BritishLibraryandknownasCi,wassenttoCanterburycathedral,whereindeeditremaineduntilitwasstolenintheseventeenthcentury.ItshouldthusbeknownastheCanterburyMagnaCarta.ThisexcitingfindingaddstoourunderstandingofhowtheCharterwasdistributedandpublicized.Ihavealsodiscoveredacopyofaletter
inwhichKingJohnsetsoutthetermsofthetreatythatheforcedonWilliamtheLion,kingofScots,in1209.Thisrevealsastunningfact,hithertounknown,namelythatJohnwastryingtoassertoverlordshipovertheScottishkingdom.TheScottishinvolvementinMagnaCartaandmuchelseaboutAnglo-Scottishrelationsinthe
thirteenthcenturybecomeclearerinthiscontext.Inthecourseofmyresearch,Ihaveattemptedtocollectandanalysecopiesofthe1215MagnaCartamadeinthehundredyearsafterRunnymede,somethingneverdonebefore.Manyoftheseturnouttobevarianttexts,andseeminplacestopreservedraftsmadeat
Runnymede.TheyhelpcastnewlightbothonthecourseofthenegotiationsandonhowknowledgeoftheCharterwasspread.InChapter2,IprovideaLatintextandtranslationoftheCharter,whichforthefirsttimeindicateshowtheconventionaldivisionsintochaptersdonotalways
correspondwiththedivisionsinthefouroriginals.SinceHolt’ssecond
edition,muchimportantworkhasbeenpublishedaboutthereignofKingJohn,MagnaCarta,andthewiderpoliticalandsocialsetting.IhopeIhaveputittogooduse.WeknowfarmoreabouttheAnglo-Normanrealm,thescaleofroyalrevenue,the
developmentofparliament,thenatureoftheknightlyclass,theroleoftheking’shouseholdknights,thepositionofwomenandthestructuresofmagnatepower.Wealsoknowmoreabouttheintellectualclimateoftheperiod,towhichJohn’sarchbishopofCanterbury,StephenLangton,himselfmadeanotablecontribution.
ThereismuchaboutLangtoninthisbook.Ioweagreatdebttothe
MagnaCartaProject,fundedbytheArtsandHumanitiesResearchCouncil:http://magnacarta.cmp.uea.ac.ukIts‘PrincipalInvestigator’,tousetheofficialterm,isNicholasVincent,oftheUniversityofEastAnglia(UEA),whiletheco-
investigatorsarePaulBrandofAllSoulsCollege,Oxford,LouiseWilkinsonofCanterburyChristChurchUniversityandDavidCarpenterofKing’sCollegeLondon,thatistosaymyself.Theoriginal‘Researchers’wereHughDohertyandHenrySummerson,withHughbeingreplacedbySophieAmbleronhis
appointmenttoalectureshipatUEA.TheBritishLibraryisalsoinvolved,whereClaireBreayandJulianHarrisonareorganizingagreatMagnaCartaexhibitionfor2015.Onefocusoftheproject’sresearchistocollect,analyseandpublishontheproject’swebsitealltheoriginalchartersandlettersofKingJohn,scatteredastheyare
acrossmanyarchivesinBritainandabroad.Severalhundredofthesehavenowbeenfound.NicholasVincenthasalsodiscovered,thistimeasacopyratherthananoriginal,abaronialletterfrom1215thatIhaveusedextensivelyinmychapterontheenforcementoftheCharter.ThediscoverywasmadeonewetFriday
afternoonintheLambethPalaceLibrary,andIwasluckyenough,throughNick’semail,togetthereintimetoseeitwithhim.Amemorablemoment!Anotherfocusoftheprojectistowritethefirstchapter-by-chaptercommentaryonthe1215ChartersinceW.S.McKechnie’sin1905,andthefirstchapter-by-chapter
commentaryeveronthedefinitiveCharterof1225.ThebulkoftheworkhereisbeingdonebyHenrySummerson,andhiscommentariesarelikewiseappearingontheproject’swebsite.HenryandIhavenotalwaysagreedaboutthemeaningandsignificanceofindividualchapters,but,asmyfootnotesshow,Iam
hugelyindebtedtohiscommentariesbothforinformationandforinterpretation.Manyotherscholarshavehelpedbygivingtheiradviceonindividualpointsandbyreadingsectionsandchaptersofthebook.Ithankthemallattheappropriateplace.Manycelebratoryevents
forthe800thanniversaryof
theCharterin2015havebeenplannedandcoordinatedbytheMagnaCarta800thCommittee,chairedbySirRobertWorcester:http://magnacarta800th.com/magna-carta-today/the-magna-carta-800th-committe.Muchhistoricalwork,explainingthesignificanceoftheCharter,hasbeendonebyNigelSaulofRoyal
HollowayCollege,andIhaveoftenbeenhelpedandentertainedbydiscussingmatterswithhim.Parliament’sowncelebrationsin2015bothforMagnaCartaandforthe750thanniversaryofthe1265parliamentofSimondeMontforthavebeenorganizedbyCaterinaLoriggio.Ihavebeenluckyenoughtobeon
therelevantSpeaker’sAdvisoryCommitteechairedbyLordBewandSirPeterLuff.AtPenguinIoweagreat
debttomycommissioningeditor,SimonWinder,andtoAnnaHervé,editorialmanagerofthePenguinClassicsseries,andPenelopeVogler,publicist.Iamalsogreatlyindebtedtomycopy-
editor,RichardMason,andtotheproofreaderStephanRyan.ThebookcouldnothavebeenwrittenwithouttheMAstudentsatKing’sCollegeLondonwhohavetakenmyMAcourseonMagnaCartaovertheyears.Manyoftheideasandapproachesinthebookhavebeendevelopedandtestedinourdiscussions.
DavidCarpenterKing’sCollegeLondon
June2014
NOTES
1.See‘MagnaCartarepeals’:http://www.legislation.gov.uk/aep/EdwIcc1929/25/9/contentsChapters39and40ofthe1215Charterbecamechapter29ofthedefinitiveMagnaCartaof1225.ThelatterappearsonthestatutebookinEdwardI’sconfirmationof
1297.Theotherchaptersstillonthestatutebookarechapter1,givingfreedomtothechurchandannouncingtheconcessionstotherealm,andchapter9,protectingthelibertiesandcustomsofLondonandthoseofothercities,boroughs,townsandports,includingtheCinquePorts.Althoughtheotherchaptershavebeenrepealed,thiswasoftenbecause,asRichardGoddenhaspointed
outtome,theircontentswerecoveredbylaterlegislation.
2.Thompson,FirstCentury,pp.90–92;Holt,MagnaCarta(1992),pp.9–10.
3.FortheuseofhomointhissenseseeGlanvill,p.106,areferenceIowetoJohnGillingham.
4.ThislaterhistoryoftheCharterisfullyexploredintheBritishLibrary’sMagnaCartaexhibitionof2015.
5.TheGuardian,5November2005:
http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2005/nov/05/terrorism.terrorism6.Inthecardshesentme,John,
whowasakindbutquiteshyman,avoided,orsoIthought,signingoffeitheras‘John’oras‘JohnMason’,byalwaysscrawlinghisinitials‘JFAM’.
7.Warren,KingJohn,p.xiv.8.Holt,MagnaCarta(1965),p.
205;MagnaCarta(1992),pp.300–301.
9.HoltseemstohavemissedThomasKeefe’simportantarticle‘HenryIIandtheearls’.
10.JohnHudson,inhisOxfordHistory,p.853note47,observesthat‘overallthedifferencesof[Carpenter’s]positionandthatofHoltarelimited’.ThisistruewhenitcomestothecourseofjusticeunderJohn.ThedebatechieflyconcernedwhathappenedunderHenryIII.
11.Holttoldmehedislikedtalkingofthe‘clauses’oftheCharter,andIhavefollowedhiminspeakingof‘chapters’.
NoteontheText
TheTextandTranslationofMagnaCarta
TheLatintextandEnglishtranslationofMagnaCartamaybefoundbetweenpp.36and69.
GlossaryofTerms
AglossaryoftermsfoundinMagnaCartaisplacedattheendofthebookbetweenpp.461and470.Thisincludesanexplanationofpounds,shillings,penceandmarks,forwhichseealsop.26.
References
Intheendnotes,worksbyauthorswritinginthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturiesappearforthemostpartundereitherthenameoftheauthor,or,inthecaseofchronicleswheretheauthorisunknown,undertheplacewherethechroniclewaswritten.Occasionallytheyarealsocitedunderanabbreviatedformofthetitleofthework.
Recordsourcesarecitedbyanabbreviatedformofthepublishedtitle,soPRforPipeRollandFforFoedera.FullreferencestoallthesesourcescanbefoundintheBibliography.Referencestounprintedsourcesaregiveninfullintheendnotes,whereBLstandsfortheBritishLibraryandTNAforTheNationalArchivesatKew.
Secondarysourcesarecitedbythesurnameoftheauthorandashortformofthetitle,italicizedinthecaseofbooks,placedwithininvertedcommasinthecaseofarticles.FulldetailsmaybefoundintheBibliographyunderthenameoftheauthor.
CapitalizationandSurnames
Aftersomehesitation,Ihaveemployedlowercaseforofficesandinstitutions:so‘chancellor’and‘chancery’.Asforsurnames,wheretheyrefertoidentifiableEnglishplaces,theplaceisputinitsmodernform,precededby‘of’:soRobertofRopsley(Lincolnshire).However,Ihavenotappliedtherulewhereitconflictswith
establishedusage:soHubertdeBurghnotHubertofBurgh(Norfolk).Whereplacescannotreadilybeidentified(atleastbyme),Ihaveusedacontemporaryform,precededby‘de’:soLaurencedeTybridge.IdentifiableplacesinFrancearelikewiseputintheirmodernform,precededby‘de’:soEngelarddeCigogné(dép.Indre-et-
Loire).
1
MagnaCarta:TheDocuments
MagnaCartaisadocumentapproximately3,550wordslong,writteninLatin.1
‘MagnaCarta’meansinEnglish‘GreatCharter’.ItwastheNormanConquestthatreplacedEnglishwithLatinasthelanguageofrecord.LatinwasthusthelanguageofthehugenumberofdocumentsproducedbythegovernmentofKingJohn.
Itwasalsothelanguageofthemonasticchroniclerswhowrotethehistoryofhisreign.FortheofficialversionofMagnaCartatohavebeeninotherthanLatinwouldhavebeeninconceivable.2
Latinwasnot,however,thenormalspokenlanguageeitherofKingJohnorofthebaronsandknightswhoshapedthecourseofeventsin
1215.ThatwasFrench.InordertobroadcasttheChartertosuchanaudience,itwasquicklytranslatedintoFrench,thusbringingusclosesttothelanguageusedduringthenegotiationsatRunnymedebeforeitwasturnedbyclerksintothelapidaryLatinoftheCharter.AlatertranslationshowshowMagnaCartawasdescribed
inFrench:‘lagrauntchartredesfraunchises’–‘thegreatcharterofliberties’.3ItwaslikewiseinFrenchthatthetwoaccountsofJohn’sreigndesigneddirectlyforconsumptionbythelayaristocracywerewritten.4ItisherethatonecomesclosesttotheactuallanguageusedbyKingJohn,hisremarksatturnscutting,atturns
conciliatory,oftenfixingattentionbyadirectaddressorbytheuseofhisfavouriteoath,‘Segnour…’,‘Ha,Robiert’,‘parlesdenzDieu’(‘bytheteethofGod’).5
ThisdoesnotmeanthatJohnandhisnobleswereignorantofLatin,makingtheCharter,initsofficialform,aclosedbooktoallbutchurchmen.John’sfather,
HenryII,accordingtohisclerkWalterMap,spokeLatinaswellasFrenchandwasforpracticalpurposes‘litteratus’,whichcertainlymeanthecouldread.ThesamewasprobablytrueofJohnandmanyofhisbaronsandknights.6BaronsmightalsospeakEnglish,atleasttocommunicatewiththeirsocialinferiors.Amongtheknights,
EnglishsatalongsideFrenchasanaturallyspokenlanguage.Thepeasantry,whoformedthegreatbulkofthepopulation,wereexclusiveEnglishspeakers.ItindicatesthecirclesinwhichtheChartermovedthatitwastranslatedintoFrenchbothin1215andseveraltimeslaterinthethirteenthcentury.Itwasnotuntil1300,asfaras
theevidencegoes,thattheCharterwasproclaimedinEnglish.ThefirstwrittenEnglishtranslationsonlyappearinthesixteenthcentury.7
WHENCETHENAMEMAGNACARTA?
KingJohnneverdescribedthecharterthatheissuedatRunnymedeinJune1215as
‘magnacarta’.Nor,atthetime,didanyoneelse.Inthedocumentitselfandinlettersissuedsoonafterwards,Johnspokesimplyofhis‘carta’(‘charter’).SodidtheEnglishbishopswhentheyissuedaletterauthenticatingthefinaltext.When,in1216,therebelJohndeLacysurrenderedtotheking,heforswore‘thecharteroflibertieswhichthe
lordkinghasgrantedincommontothebaronsofEngland’.8Contemporarychroniclerswroteinexactlythesameterms.9How,then,didtheterm‘magnacarta’comeintobeing?Theansweristhatitcameintobeingasaresultofaclerk’ssecondthought.InNovember1217,atthe
endofthecivilwar,the
minoritygovernmentofJohn’sson,HenryIII,issuedanewversionofthe1215Charter,onethatamendedtheversionithadissuedatthestartofthereignin1216.AlongsidethenewCharter,italsopublishedaquiteseparatecharterregulatingtherunningoftheroyalforest.Somemonthslater,inFebruary1218,the
governmentorderedthetwocharterstobeproclaimedthroughoutthecountry.Nooriginalofthisorderisknowntosurvive,butacopywasmadeonthechancerycloseroll.Asitfirstappearedthere,theorderremindedthesheriffs(theking’slocalagents)ofanewclause‘attheend’whichstipulatedthatalltheunauthorizedcastles
builtduringthewarshouldbedestroyed:
youaretocausethecharterstobeobservedinallpoints,andyouareespeciallytoimplement,withoutanydelay,whatisplacedattheendconcerningthedestructionofunauthorizedcastles,builtorrebuiltafterthebeginningofthewar,accordingtowhatis
containedinthegreatercharter[inmaioricarta].
Heretheterm‘greatercharter’wasbeingusedtodistinguishHenryIII’s1217versionofthe1215CharterfromtheshorterCharteroftheForest.Thetextinthecloserolldidnot,however,remainlikethis,forverysoonafterwardstheclerkmadean
alteration.Attheendoftheentry,hecrossedout‘inthegreatercharter’(‘inmaioricarta’)andwroteinstead‘inthesamecharter’.Thisreferredbacktoaninsertionthathehadmadeabovethelinebetween‘attheend’and‘concerningthedestructionofunauthorizedcastles’.Theinsertionwas‘magnecarte’,whichwas‘magnacarta’in
thegenitivecase,hence‘ofmagnacarta’.Thepassageaboutthecastleswasthustobefound‘attheendofmagnacarta’.Thetextnowran:youaretocausethecharterstobeobservedinallpoints,andyouareespeciallytoimplement,withoutanydelay,whatisplacedattheendofmagnacartaconcerning
thedestructionofunauthorizedcastles,builtorrebuiltafterthebeginningofthewar,accordingtowhatiscontainedinthesamecharter.
Almostcertainly,theexplanationforthischangeisthattheclerkwasworkingfromadraftoftheorder,whichwassubsequentlyaltered,andsohealteredhis
copytobringitintoline.Itis,therefore,ascribalinsertionabovealineinthechanceryrolls,promptedbythesecondthoughtsofadraftingclerk,thatthenameMagnaCartaentershistory.ItappearednottoproclaimthegreatnessofthedocumentbuttodistinguishitfromitssmallerForestCharterbrother.10
Thefutureoftheterm‘magnacarta’(itwasrarelycapitalized)wasfarfromassured.In1225,whenHenryIIIissuednewversionsofbothcharters,hedidnothingtoinserttheterm‘magnacarta’intothelargerone.Insteadhesimplycalledit,asbefore,‘ourcharter’.Thus,althoughtheCharterof1225becamethefinaland
definitiveversionofMagnaCarta,theonewithlegalforce,thenamebywhichitbecameknowntohistoryneveractuallyappearedinthedocumentatall.ItsestablishmentdependedentirelyonhowtheCharterwasdescribedelsewhere.Hereinitially‘magnacarta’,asthepreferredterm,hadtoviewiththe‘maiorcarta’
(‘greatercharter’)initiallyusedin1218.ThustheCharteroftheForest,inits1225version,referredtothelibertiesconcedednotin‘magnacarta’but‘inmaioricarta’.Likewise,inaproclamationof1225thegovernmentreferredtotheliberties‘inthegreatercharter’and‘inthelessercharter’–‘inmaioricarta’,
‘inminoricarta’.11Neither‘maiorcarta’nor‘magnacarta’,however,seemstohavepenetratedthemindsofcontemporarychroniclerswhentheymentionedtheChartersof1225.AtStAlbansabbey,RogerofWendoverdescribedoneasacharterof‘commonliberties’andtheotherasacharterabout‘thelibertiesofthe
forest’.12
Theterm‘magnacarta’,however,remainedinthefieldandgraduallyconquered.HenryIIIhimself,inaletterof1225tothebishopofDurham,referredtothelibertiesconcededin‘ourmagnacarta’.13In1237,whenHenryconfirmedtheChartersof1225,hedescribedthemashis‘magnacarta’andhis
‘charteroftheforest’.14Inthesameway,MatthewParis,whohadbythentakenoverfromRogerofWendoverasthechronicleratStAlbansabbey,wroteofthekingpromisingtomaintain‘thelibertiesofmagnacarta’.15
Whenthe1225Charterswereagainconfirmedin1253,withthebishopssolemnlyexcommunicatingallwho
transgressedthem,theterm‘magnacarta’isfoundingeneraluseinbothgovernmentproclamationsandtheaccountsofchroniclers.16Itwasnotuniversal.Contemporariescontinuedtospeakof‘thecharterofcommonliberties’orjustthe‘charterofliberties’.17Nonetheless,in1297and1300,whenEdward
Iconfirmedagainthe1225Chartersinwidelycirculatedletters,hereferredto‘themagnacartaofthelordHenry,formerlykingofEngland,ourfather,aboutthelibertiesofEngland’.AclerkattheexchequerdrewasplendidpictureofEdward,imposinginhiscrown,withastraightnoseandbigjaw,pointingtohisorder‘forthe
observanceofthegreatcharter’–‘promagnacartaobservanda’.18Theterm‘magnacarta’wasnowfirmlyfixedinthepublicmind.Bythistimetoo,onemaybesure,‘great’wasnolongersimplyawayofdistinguishingitfromtheForestCharter.ItreferredtothegreatnessoftheCharteritself.
Thisgradualestablishmentoftheterm‘magnacarta’was,however,establishmentfortheCharterofHenryIII.‘Magnacarta’wasveryrarelyappliedtotheCharterofKingJohn.Instead,whenitwascopiedinthethirteenthcenturythelatterdocumentwasgivensuchtitlesas‘thecharterofRunnymede’,‘theprovisionsofRunnymede’,
‘thecharterofKingJohnwhichiscalledRunnymede’,orindeedsimply‘Runnymede’.Inthis,itwasbeingbroughtintolinewithotherlegislationthatwasoftenassociatedwithitsplaceofissue.Thuslegalcollectionsmightbeginwith‘theprovisionsofRunnymede’,continuewithHenryIII’s‘magnacarta’,
andthenhavethestatutesofMerton(1236),Marlborough(1267),Westminster(1275)andsoon.Againstthistideconfining
theterm‘magnacarta’totheCharterofHenryIII,therewere,inthethirteenthcentury,justafewcontrarystreams.ThechiefwasatStAlbansabbey,whereRogerofWendovertooktheview,
infacterroneous,thatHenryIII’sCharterof1225wasidenticaltoJohn’sof1215.ThisseemedallthemorethecasesincetheonlytextoftheCharterthatWendoverprovidedwasoneissuedinJohn’sname,althoughinfactitwasaconflationoftheChartersof1215,1217and1225.LikewiseWendover,orhissource,hadconcocteda
versionoftheForestCharterwhichhaditgrantedbyJohn,ratherthanbyHenryIII.19Itwashardlysurprising,therefore,thatinthe1250sMatthewPariscoulddescribethe1225Charterasthe‘magnacartaofKingJohn,whichKingHenryIIIsworetouphold…’.20ItwasdoubtlessinthesamespiritthattheArticlesoftheBarons
(aprecursorofMagnaCarta)werecataloguedinthemunimentsofthearchbishopofCanterburyas‘thearticlesofthemagnacartaoflibertiesunderthesealofKingJohn’.21
Thesecontraryviews,didnot,however,havemuchimmediatepurchase.TheStAlbans’texts,whichcontainedWendover’s
versionofJohn’sMagnaCartaandofhisCharteroftheForest,hadverylittlecirculation.Instead,theworkbyWendoverandParisthatdidgainwidecurrencywastheFloresHistoriarum.ThiscertainlyhadHenry,inthe1250s,confirmingthe‘magnacartawhichKingJohnconceded’,buttheimpactwasratherlessenedbythe
omissionofanyreferencetoJohn’sCharterfromtheaccountsofeither1215or1225,asalsobythefailuretoprovideanytextsoftheChartersatall.22Thegeneralview,exemplifiedbythelawyersoftheTudorperiod,remainedthatMagnaCartahadbegunwithHenryIII.23
Itwasinthelaterpartofthesixteenthcenturythatall
thischanged.In1571ArchbishopParkerpublishedMatthewParis’sChronicaMajora,whichforJohn’sreignwasessentiallyWendover’schroniclewithParis’sadditions.ThisexposedthehistoriansStoweandHolinshed,andthelawyersCokeandSelden,totheviewthatJohn’sCharterwasthesameasHenryIII’s.
ForthosereadingParisandWendover,therefore,thereappearedtobeonlyoneMagnaCarta,thatofKingJohn.IthadbeenconceivedasabulwarkagainstJohn’styranny.Now,itcouldbeabulwarkagainstthetyrannyoftheStuarts.Itwasnotuntiltheworkof
thelawyerWilliamBlackstone,publishedin
1759,thattheversionsoftheCharterissuedin1215,1216,1217and1225werefinallydistinguished,andtheirseparatetextsestablished.Intheprocess,BlackstoneshowedthatJohnhadneverissueda‘CharteroftheForest’.Blackstone,however,madenoefforttodepriveJohn’sCharterofthenameandstatusof‘MagnaCarta’.
HistranscriptionofJohn’sCharterwasheadedincapitalletters‘MAGNACARTAREGISJOHANNIS’.Subsequenthistorianshaveallfollowedhislead,withoutfeelingmuchneedforexcuseorevenexplanation.Indeed,theCharterofHenryIII,whichonceheldcentrestage,hasdroppedintothebackground,receiving
nothinglikethestudydevotedtotheCharterofKingJohn.W.S.McKechnie’sMagnaCarta,firstpublishedin1905,wasthus,asthesubtitlestated,‘AcommentaryontheGreatCharterofKingJohn’.SowasJ.C.Holt’sclassicMagnaCarta,whichwasfirstpublishedin1965tocoincidewiththe750thanniversary.
Thisbookisnodifferent.Ittooplacesthe1215Chartercentrestage.Technically,tobesure,therewasno‘MagnaCarta’in1215.Thenamehadyettobeinvented.YetwithouttheCharterof1215,therewouldhavebeennosubsequentversionsandnodefinitiveversionof1225.WhilethelatterisnotidenticalwithJohn’sCharter,
itretainsalargeproportionofitscontents.Contemporariesthemselvesrecognizedtheimportanceofthe1215Charter,fortheycopieditmanytimesinthethirteenthcentury.WhenMatthewParisfinallyobtainedanauthentictext,hestrovetocorrectthebotchedversionhehadfoundinWendover.WhenhedescribedtheCharterof1225
as‘themagnacartaofKingJohn,whichKingHenryIIIsworetouphold’,hewastechnicallyincorrect,butrightinspirit.TheCharterof1215isdeservedlyhallowedbythenameMagnaCarta.
THEAUTHORIZEDTEXT
Wasthereafinal,authorizedtextofMagnaCartain1215?Nosuchtextwasrecordedon
therollsofthechancerytowhichwehavereferred,althoughtheyhadreamsofotherbusinessfrom1215.Yetafinal,authorizedtexttherewas.AttheendoftheCharter,Johndeclaredthatthebishopswouldissue‘letterspatenttestimonial’tothe‘aforesaidconcessions’.Theseletterstestimonialwereinfactlettersaffirmingand
guaranteeingthefinal,authentictextoftheCharter.Weknowthisbecause,althoughnooriginalssurvive,onedidresideintheroyalexchequerintheearlyfourteenthcentury,whenitwascopiedintoavolumeofimportantdocumentsknownas‘TheRedBookoftheExchequer’.24Theletter,asrecordedthere,wasissuedin
thenameofthearchbishopofCanterbury,StephenLangton,thearchbishopofDublin,sixotherbishops,andMasterPandulf,therepresentativeofthepope.ThisimposingbodyofecclesiasticshadfeaturedatthestartoftheCharterinthelistofthoseonwhoseadviceJohnsaidthathehadacted.Theynowmadepublictheir‘inspection’ofthe
Charter‘underthisform’,thewholetextoftheCharterbeingthensetout.Theaimoftheinspectionwasmadeclearintheconclusiontotheletter:‘sothatnothingcanbeaddedortakenawayordiminishedfromtheforesaidform,wehaveplacedoursealstothiswriting’.25Thecopyistoftheletterstestimonialmadeafewmistakesinhistranscription.
Onewasparticularlysilly,forhewroteofallwho‘wish’(‘voluerint’)tosweartosupporttheCharterbeingcompelledtodoso,insteadofallwho‘donotwish’(‘noluerint’).26Elsewhere,however,hewascarefultocorrecthisslips,soadding‘letters’abovethelinetocorrectanomissioninchapter14andsqueezinginthe‘or’
(‘aut’)thathehadomittedinchapter40.Wecanbeconfidentthattheletterstestimonialofthebishops,barafewobviousmistakes,preservethefinal,authorizedtextoftheCharter.
THEENGROSSMENTANDSEALINGOFTHECHARTER
Althoughtherewasasingleauthorizedtext,therewasno
singleoriginalMagnaCarta.Rather,Johnissuedanumberoforiginals,allwithequalstatus.Itisusualtocalltheseoriginals‘engrossments’,anengrossmentbeingadocumentwrittenout(orengrossed)soastomakeaformalandlegalrecordofatransaction.Itisthusdistinctfromwhatissimplyacopyofsuchadocument,whichin
itselfhasnoauthority.JohnendedtheCharterwiththestatementthatithadbeen‘GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign’.The‘givenbythehand’formula–‘datapermanum’intheLatin–was
usualinroyalcharters,andindicatedwhen,whereandbywhomauthorizationhadbeengivenforthefinalengrossment.SoJohnauthorizedMagnaCartaatRunnymedeon15Juneintheseventeenthyearofhisreign,whichwas15June1215.27Theengrossmentwasfollowedbythesealing,whichgavetheCharterits
finalauthentication.OneofthemostoftenrepeatederrorsaboutMagnaCartaisthatitwas‘signed’byKingJohn.ThevisionofJohnworkinghiswaythroughapileofMagnaCartas,grimlyscribblinghisnameattheend,iscertainlyattractive,butitisafantasy.Royaldocumentsatthistimedidnotreceivetheking’ssign-
manual.MagnaCarta,likeallroyalcharters,wasvalidatedbyattachingtheking’sseal,nothissignature.Itwasthesealthatdistinguishedtheoriginalengrossmentsfromsimplecopies,accurateorotherwise.AsthechroniclerRalphofCoggeshallputit,theCharterswere‘ofonetenorvalidatedbytheroyalseal’.28
Thesealingitselfwastheworkofaspecialofficial,thebeareroftheseal.Hewouldhaveplacedthesilkencordsorparchmenttongue,withwhichthesealwastobeattachedtoeachCharter,intothesealingapparatusalongwiththesoftwaxthatcameinavarietyofcolours–white,green,red,yellow.Theapparatuswasthentightened
sothatitpressedthewaxbetweenthetwohalvesofthesilverdealdie,andproducedJohn’smagnificentdouble-sidedseal.TheapparatusitselfanditsoperatordoindeedappearinsomemoderndepictionsofthesceneatRunnymede.
THENUMBEROFCHARTERSANDTHESURVIVING
ORIGINALS
AlmostcertainlysomeengrossmentsoftheCharterwereimmediatelywrittenoutandsealed.Attheveryleastthebaronialnegotiatorsneededoneasproofoftheirachievements.Inthedaysandweeksthatfollowed,moreengrossmentswereproducedfordistributionaroundthecountry,aprocesswhichwas
stillgoingonaslateas22July.Justhowmanythereultimatelywereisamatterofdebate.If,ascouldbeargued,eachcountygotanengrossment,alongwithLondonandtheCinquePorts,thentherewerearoundfortyCharters,beyondthosemadeimmediatelyatRunnymede.Ifontheotherhand(asisarguedinChapter12),the
Charterwasdistributednottothecountiesbuttothebishoprics,thenumberproducedwasmuchsmaller,beingsomethingupwardsofthirteen.Historianshavelong
acceptedthatfouroriginalengrossmentssurviveofthe1215Charter.TwoofthesearenowdisplayedintheBritishLibraryandwerepart
ofthestupendouscollectionofmedievaldocumentsmadeintheseventeenthcenturybySirRobertCotton.TheseareconventionallyknownasCiandCii.TheothertwoengrossmentsarepreservedatLincolnandSalisbury,andbelongtothecathedralarchives.Likemostdocumentsinthisperiod,allfourCharterswerewrittenon
parchment,awritingmaterialprepared,byanelaborateprocess,fromsheepskin.Thefouraredifferentinshapeandsize.CiandSalisburyaretallerthantheyarebroad.TheythushavemorebutshorterlinesoftextthanCiiandLincoln,whicharebroaderthantheyaretall.Tobeexact,Cihas86lines,Salisbury76lines,Cii52
lines,andLincoln(themostnearlysquare)54lines.29Noparticularsignificanceattachestothesedifferencesindimension.Itwasnormalforroyalcharters,andindeedforlaterversionsofMagnaCarta,tobeissuedindifferentshapesandsizes.Probablytheclerkseithertookwhateversizeofparchmentwasathand,orcut
itthemselvesintothesizewithwhichtheyfeltmostcomfortable.Thereasonsfordeeming
thefourChartersauthenticarethreefold.First,allarewritteninhandscompatiblewithadateintheearlythirteenthcentury;second,allhavetextsintheiressentialsthesameasthatfoundintheletterstestimonialofthe
bishops;andthird,andmostimportant,allhaveevidenceofsealing.IthasbeenassertedthatCi
andCiiaretheworkofthesamescribe,butthisplainlyisnotthecase.30Infact,allfourChartershaddifferentscribes,whichisnotsurprisinggiventhelengthofthedocument,andthenumbersthathadtobe
produced.AccordingtoacalculationbyJ.C.Fox,basedonthetestimonyof‘anexperiencedlawstationer’aboutratesofcopying‘inanoldengrossinghand’,theCharterwouldhavetakenabouteighthourstowriteout.31Ci,CiiandLincolnareallinhandstypicalofclerksworkinginKingJohn’schancery.Theclerkswere
using,however,notthemostformalchanceryhand,suchasthatfoundinsomeroyalcharters,butoneastepdown,aquicker,more‘cursive’hand(tousethetechnicaltermforit)–againnotsurprisinggiventheamounttheyhadtowriteout.ItmaybethatwhentheMagnaCartaProject’scollectionoforiginalKingJohncharters
hasbeencompletedandsifted,thehandsofthethreeMagnaCartascribeswillreappearinthatcorpus.Theymayalsobefoundelsewhere,forsuchhandswerecertainlynotconfinedtotheroyalchancery.ThehandintheSalisburyCharterisdifferentfromthoseintheotherthreeCharters.Itisfarmore‘bookish’inform,being
similartothosefoundintextssuchasbiblesandpsalters,asopposedtoroyaldocuments.This,however,isnoreasontodoubtitsauthenticity,ashasoccasionallybeendone.32Itwouldnotbesurprising,underthepressureofbusinessafterMagnaCarta,iftheking’sclerkscalledinorweremadetoacceptoutsidehelp.OfthefourCharters,
Lincoln’s(inmyview)isthemostfinelywritten.Itistheonlyonewheretheclerkelegantlyspacedoutthewordsonthelastline(aswassometimesdoneinroyalcharters)soastomakethatlinecomplete.Inalltheotherexamples,partofthelastlineisleftblank.AftertheLincolnCharter,simplyasaworkofart(asmanyroyal
chartersare),comesCi,andthenthemoreworkadayCii.TheSalisburyhandisthemostformalandthus,tomymind,theleastidiosyncraticandengaging.Thetextsofthefour
originalsare,aswehavesaid,intheiressentialsidentical.ThevariationsarerecordedinthenotestotheLatintextoftheCharter,whichisgivenin
thenextchapter.33ThemostobviousdifferenceisthatthescribesofCiandCiimistakenlyomittedsomeshortpassages,andhadtowritetheseinatthebottomoftheCharterwithanindicationastowheretheyshouldgo.TherearethreesuchcorrectionsinCii,andfiveinCi,threeofwhichoverlapwiththoseinCii.Thetwo
originaltoCimaybenomorethanthescribecorrectinghisownmistakes,butthethreecorrectionsthatthetwoChartershaveincommonpresumablyarosefromtheirbeingcopiedfromasimilarlymisleadingdraft.AcollationofthetextsagainshowstheSalisburyChartertobetheoddoneout,sinceithasoverthirtyreadingsnotfoundin
theotherengrossments,overtwiceasmanyasintheLincolnCharter,whichhasthenexthighestscore.NearlyallSalisbury’sdifferences,however,likeLincoln’s,areminoranddonotaffectthesense.Theyarisefromsuchthingsastheinsertionoromissionofindividualwordslike‘et’and‘de’,fromvariationsinwordorderand
fromdifferencesintense,Salisburyoftenpreferringthefutureindicativetothepresentsubjunctive.ThereareonlythreemistakesinSalisburywhichvergeonthesignificant:namelytheomissionof‘elongatus’(‘dispossessed’)fromchapter57;theomissionofthenameofHenry,archbishopofDublin,fromchapter62;and
thestatement,inchapter61,probablythroughaslipofthepen,thatbreachesoftheChartershouldbereferredtotheking’sjustices,ratherthanhisjusticiar.NoneofthesewereasseriousasthemistakesinCiandCii,and,iftheywerespotted,theywereevidentlyconsiderednotworthcorrecting.Iftheothervariationsweredownto
Salisbury’sscribe,asopposedtobeingfoundinthedraftfromwhichhewasworking,theyarenomorethanmightbeexpectedfromanoutsiderunusedtoroutinecopyingofroyaldocuments.TheoverallimpressionisthatallfourengrossmentswerewrittencarefullyandwithapropersenseoftheCharter’simportance.Certainlyitwas
notacaseofthescribesallgoingindifferentdirections.ThuswheneithertheLincolnorSalisburyCharterdidgoitalone,theotherengrossmentsandthebishops’copynearlyalwaysagreeagainstthem.Wenowcometothemost
importantfeatureoftheCharters,whenitcomestojudgingtheirauthenticity,namelytheirsealing.34Here
Cistandsabovetheothers.Itistheonlyonethathaspreserveditsseal,albeitnowreducedbyafirein1731tonomorethanadiminishedandfeaturelessroundelofwax.TheCottoniansub-librarian,however,testifiedthathehadseenthesealbeforethefireandrecognizeditasindeedKingJohn’s.Theendoftheparchmenttongue
thatattachedthesealtotheCharterstillprotrudesfromthewax,althoughthecurrentattachmentistheresultofrepair.TheLincolnCharterhasnosurvivingsealbut,byanarrangementsoastobeartheweightoftheseal,whichisfoundinotherroyalcharters(andprobablyonceinCi),theparchmentisfoldedatthebottom.Inthe
centreofthefoldtherearethreeholesintheformofapyramidthroughwhichthecordsholdingthesealonceran.InthecaseofSalisbury,thesealwasprobablyattachedtotheCharterbycordshangingfromtwoholesratherthanthree.ThiswouldexplainthetwogashesintheparchmentatthebottomoftheCharter,whichwere
made,onemaysuppose,whenthesealwasremovedbyaclumsywrench.TheSalisburyCharterhasnofold,butthatmaywellhavebeentrimmedoffatsomepointafterthesealwasremoved.FinallyCii.Herethereis
evidenceofsealingbecauseatthebottomoftheCharter,inthecentre,thereisaslit,throughwhichthesealtag
wouldhaverun.ThesealwasthusattachedinthesamewayasinCi,ratherthanwiththecordsoftheLincolnandSalisburyCharters.Givenitscurrentsituation,thereiscertainlyinsufficientparchmentbeneaththeslitinCiitocreateafoldforbearingtheweightofthetagwiththeseal,butwehavetorememberthattheCharter
wasprobablycroppedwhenitwasboundintoavolumeoftheCottoncollection.35Cialsohastwosmallerslitsatitsbase,totherightofthecentralslitthathadthetag.‘Fromtheirappearance,’Foxwrote,‘theymight…betakenfortheworkofJohn’sownhand–stabswithaknifeoradagger–thevisibleevidenceofhisfuryagainst
thebarons.’Theyare,disappointingly,farmorelikelytobetheresultofincisionsmadebyRobertCotton’sbookbinder.36
Whatoftheoriginsandhistoryofthefouroriginals?TheLincolnCharterhas‘LINCOLNIA’writtentwiceonitsback.Sincethehandseemsthesameasthatwhichwrotetheactualtext,this
suggeststheCharterwasdestinedforLincolnfromthestart.Thatitwaskeptinthecathedralarchivesisindicatedbyshelfmarksonitsback.Itisalsoverylikelytohavebeenthesourceforthecopyofthe1215Charterfoundinthecathedral’sfourteenth-centuryregister.37TheLincolnCharter,morerecently,hashadan
adventurous,nottosaydangerous,time.ItwassenttotheUSAin1939fortheNewYorkWorldFairand,trappedacrosstheAtlanticbytheoutbreakofhostilities,wasexhibitedattheLibraryofCongressinWashington.AschemetogivetheCharterpermanentlytotheUSAhavingfallenthrough,itwasreturnedtoLincolnafterthe
war.ItwassubsequentlytouredaroundAustralia,inthehopethatitwouldmakemoneyforLincolncathedral.Sincenomoneywasmadeandthecathedralendedupindebt,LincolnwasperhapsluckytogettheCharterback.Beforeoneofitslasttrips,Imyselfsawthespeciallymadebomb-proofcontainerinwhichitwastowingits
wayagainacrosstheAtlantic.TheLincolnCharterisnowdisplayednotinthecathedralbutinthecastle,thusendingupironicallyintheoneplacein1215where(aswewillsee)itwasnotmeanttogo.TheSalisburyCharterhas
hadalessexcitinghistory.Ithasnodestinationmarkonitsback,butseemstohaveremainedinthecathedral
archivesthroughoutitshistory,althoughforaperiodnoonecouldfindit.AsaresultitdidnotcontributetotheofficialtextoftheMagnaCartapublishedintheStatutesoftheRealmin1810.ItisnowdisplayedinthechapterhouseasthecentreofaMagnaCartaexhibition.Weknowvirtuallynothing
abouttheprovenanceofCii,
savethatCottonacquireditin1629fromabarrister,HumphreyWyems.38
Cotton’ssecondCharter,Ci,isquiteanothermatter.
THECANTERBURYMAGNACARTAREVEALED
InMay1630,SirEdwardDeringwrotetoCottonfromDovercastle(wherehewaslieutenant)asfollows:
IhaueheereyeCharterofK.Johndat.attRunningMeade:byyefirstsafeandsuremessengerittisyour’s.SoareyeSaxoncharters,asfastasIcancoppythem:butinyemeanetimeIwillcloseK.Johninaboxeandsendhim.39
IfonlyanoriginalofMagnaCarta,letaloneJohnhimself,
couldbeobtainedsoeasilyinaboxtoday!AttheSotheby’sNewYorkauctionin2007,anengrossmentofthe1225CharterinEdwardI’sconfirmationof1297fetched$21,321,000.ThesubsequenthistoryofCihasbeensadindeed.Cii,LincolnandSalisburyareallinreasonablecondition,andperfectlylegible,despitethedarkened
cabinetsinwhichperforcetheyhavenowtolive.Ciisquitedifferent.ItwasfirstofallcaughtupinthegreatfirethatsweptthroughtheCottoncollectionin1731.This,however,leftthetextperfectlylegible,asisclearfromanengravingmadeandmarketedbyJohnPinein1733,wherethecharterwasattractivelysurroundedbythe
‘hand-coloured’shieldsoftheMagnaCartabarons.Despitehiscommercialinterestandacumen,thereisnoreasontosupposethatPine’sengravingwasotherthanaccurate.Indeeditwascertifiedassuchatthetime,whenonlyninelettersinthemaintexthadtobesuppliedbyreferencetoCii.40Thechiefdamageseemstohavebeentothe
seal,whichappearsfeatureless,althoughPine’sengravingshowsitwasthenred,asopposedtoitscurrentdarkishhue.Allthusmighthavebeenwellbutforfurtherinterventionin1834.Thevillainofthepiecehere,exposedbyAndrewPrescott,wastherestorerHogarth.Itwasalmostcertainlyhismisplacedeffortsthatreduced
Citonomorethanaparchmentsheetonwhichhardlyasinglewordisreadilydiscernible.41HowfortunatethenthatthetextlivesoninPine’slovelyengraving,showingCitohavebeen,despiteitscorrections,areallybeautifulexemplaroftheCharter.ThefactthatCiwassentto
CottonfromDovercastlehas
ledtorepeatedsuggestionsthatitwasanengrossmentdespatchedtotheCinquePorts,ofwhichofcourseDoverwasone.ThisideaseemedsupportedbythefactthataletterinJohn’sname,dated19June1215,wasindeedsenttotheofficialsoftheCinquePortsinformingthemofthepeace‘whichyoucanseefromourcharter,
whichwehaveorderedtobereadandobeyedinyourbailiwick’.TheimplicationisthattheofficialsoftheCinquePorts,likethesheriffstowhomtheletterwasalsosent,weretoreceiveengrossmentsoftheCharter.Infact,however,therearereasonstobelievethatthisneverhappened.Evenifithad,CiwasnottheCharter
thatwassenttothePorts.InsteaditsdestinationwasCanterburycathedral.ThepossibilitythatCihadaCanterburyprovenancewasfirstputtomebyJulianHarrisonandNicholasVincent,thisonthegroundsthatSirEdwardDeringhadcertainlyobtainedtheAnglo-Saxoncharters(whichhelikewisementionedinhis
lettertoCotton)fromthatsource.42Followingupthissuggestion,Ihadabrainwave,namelythatofcollatingCi,asfoundinthePineengraving,withthecopyofthe1215Charterpreservedinthelatethirteenth-centuryRegisterEofCanterburycathedral,aregisterthatisstillinthecathedralarchives.43Wasthereany
evidencethatthetextinRegisterEwascopiedfromCi?Iftherewas,itwouldcomeclosetoprovingthatCiwasintheCanterburyarchivesatleastinthelatethirteenthcentury.Ihadnotmuchhopeofanyveryconclusiveresults,butIwaswrong.AsIwentthroughtheCharteritbecameclearerandclearerthatthetextin
RegisterEwasindeedcopiedfromCi.Theevidenceissetoutin
AppendixII.ItturnsoncertainmistakesandodditiesintheEtext,whicharereadilyexplicableifitwascopiedfromCi.MostconclusiveofallisthepassagewherethescribeofEgottooneofthesectionsinwhichCihadomittedsome
wordsfromitstextandhadaddedtheminatthebottom.HereE’sscribebecameconfusedoverjustwhatneededtobeincluded,andcopiedintextfromthebottomofCibelongingtoadifferentinsertion.Hethenrealizedhiserror,andhadtostartthepassagealloveragain.Theseandotherindicationscomecloseto
provingthatEwascopiedfromCiandthus,asIsay,thatCiwasinthearchivesofCanterburycathedralinthelatethirteenthcentury.Onecanofferseveralhypothesesastohowitgotthere,butbyfarthemostlikelyisthatitwassenttherein1215itself,justastheengrossmentsnowatLincolnandSalisburywereprobablydespatchedtotheir
cathedrals.Ifthisisright,threeofthefourknownoriginalsofthe1215Charterwerepreservedfromthestartatcathedrals.ThesignificanceofthisformofdistributionwewilldiscussinChapter12.
THEUNKNOWNCHARTERANDTHEARTICLESOFTHE
BARONS
Whathistorianscallthe‘UnknownCharter’isalistofconcessionssaidtohavebeenmadebyKingJohn.TheyareundatedbutprobablyrepresentbaronialdemandsputtogetherintheimmediateperiodbeforeMagnaCarta.Thenamethe‘UnknownCharter’derivesfromthedocumentbeingindeedunknowntoEnglish
historiansbefore1893.TheUnknownChartersurvivesonasinglesheetofparchmentnowpreservedintheArchivesNationalesinParis,whereitisclassifiedasJ.655.Onthesheet,itfollowsacopyofthecharterissuedbyHenryIafterhiscoronationin1100.44BoththeCoronationcharterandtheUnknownCharterarewritten
bythesamescribe,whomadesomeerrorsinbothtexts,someofwhichhecorrected.Althoughitcannotbeproved,myfeelingisthathewascopyingadocumentinwhichthetwowerealreadytogether.Aswewillsee,theCoronationCharteritselfplayedaveryimportantpartinthebuild-upofbaronialdemandsin1214–15.Just
whenthecopywasmadewecannotknow,butthehand,aneverydaybusinessone,iscertainlycompatiblewithadatein1215orsoonafterwards.ItisnotatallimpossiblethatthedocumententeredtheFrenchroyalarchivesaspartofthematerialtakenoutofEnglandbyPrinceLouisafterhegaveuphisclaimtotheEnglish
thronein1217.45Whateverthetruthhere,thereisnoreasontodoubttheUnknownCharter’sauthenticity.Itstwelvechaptersareimportantevidenceforthedevelopmentofbaronialdemandsin1215.Doubtlesstherewereother,similarschedulesnowlost.BythetimenegotiationsbeganatRunnymede,however,allthesehadbeen
consolidatedintoonecomprehensivedocument,theArticlesoftheBarons.TheArticlesoftheBarons
surviveasanoriginaldocument.Bythemiddleofthethirteenthcentury,theywereinthearchivesofthearchbishopofCanterbury.ProbablytheyweretakenfromRunnymedebyArchbishopLangton
himself.46TheArticlesremainedinthearchiepiscopalarchivesuntilthefallofArchbishopLaudin1640,whenwithotherdocumentstheywerespiritedawaytopreventtheircapturebyhisparliamentaryenemies.Aftervarioustravels,whichtheywereluckytosurvive,theyfinallyreachedtheBritishMuseumin1769.
TheyarenowondisplayintheBritishLibraryalongsidetheLibrary’stwooriginalsofthe1215Charter,Cii,andCiortheCanterburyCharteraswewillnowcallit.TheArticlesoftheBaronsconsistofasinglesheetofparchmentwiththeheading‘ThesearethechapterswhichtheBaronsseekandthelordKingconcedes’.What‘concedes’
reallymeantinthiscontextwewilldiscusslater.ThatJohnhad,however,agreedtheArticlesinsomewaywasmadeclearbyonevitalfeature,afeaturethatgavethemanauthoritywhichtheUnknownChartercompletelylacked.Thiswasthat,althoughnotcouchedinanywayasaformalcharterissuedinJohn’sname,the
Articlesnonethelessborehisseal.Thiswasattachedbyaparchmenttongueinsertedintothefoldatthebottomofthedocument,muchaswasthecaseinCiiandtheCanteburyCharter.Theseal,madeofwhitewax,isnowdetachedanddisplayedseparately.However,itwasinplaceinanearlynineteenth-centuryengraving.
Judgingfromthehand,theArticlescouldhavebeenwrittenoutbyoneofJohn’schanceryclerks,although,aswehavesaid,suchhandsarenotexclusivetothechancery.TheprecisepointatwhichJohnagreedtheArticlesisunknown,forthedocumentisundated,butitwasprobablyon10June,atthestartofthe
finalnegotiationsatRunnymede.47
Underneaththeheading,proclaimingJohn’sconsent,theArticlescontainedforty-eightseparatechapters,unnumberedbuteachbeginninganewline,distinguishedbyaparagraphmark.Thesetakeupseventy-fourlines.Then,afterafour-linegap,therefollowsthe
securityclause,inwhichtwenty-fivebaronsarepermittedtoforceJohntokeeptheCharter.Thistakesupanotherfourteenlines,makingeighty-eightinall.Someofthechaptersarecouchedintermsofwhatthekingshallorshallnotdo.Othersjuststatewhatistobewithoutreferencetotheking(so‘justice’isnottobe
denied).TheArticleswerethefoundationforMagnaCarta.Allforty-eightofthechaptershavecorrespondingchapters,orpartsofchapters,inMagnaCarta,oftenemployingthesameorsimilarphraseology.
COPIESOFTHE1215MAGNACARTA:THESURVIVALOF
DRAFTS
TheCharterofKingJohnwascopiedmanytimesinthecenturyafteritsconcession.Itisfound(inwholeorpart)inchronicles,monasticcartulariesandunofficialcompilationsmadebylawyersoflegislationandotherlegaltextsknownasstatutebooks.Sometimesthecopywasmade,asinthecaseofCanterbury’sRegisterE,
fromanoriginalengrossment;sometimesitwasmadefromanothercopy.Onecannotalwaysbesurewhich.Notallthecopies,however,areofthefinal,authorizedtext.Instead,someseemtocontainelementsfromdraftscirculatingatRunnymede.Oneoftheearliestcopies
oftheCharteristhatpreservedinthecartularyof
theleperhospitalofSaintGilesatPont-AudemerinNormandy.ThecopyisremarkableinbeingthatofaFrenchtranslationoftheCharter.Thecopyitselfisinanearlythirteenth-centuryhandandmusthavebeenwrittenwithinafewyearsof1215.Thetranslationwasprobablymadein1215itself.48Anotherearlycopyof
theCharterwasthatmadebyRogerofWendoveratStAlbans.Itdatestosoonafter1225.Wendoverdidnot,however,possessacompletetextofthe1215Charter.Hehadthebeginningandthesecurityclauseattheend;fortheresthe,orhissource,insertedsectionsfromtheChartersof1217and1225.Wendover’ssecurityclause,
moreover,differsfromthatfoundintheCharter,notablybyplacingthecastellansoffourstrategiccastlesundertheordersofthetwenty-fivebaronsappointedtoenforcetheCharter.Wendoverdoesnothaveagreatreputationforaccuracy,buthecannothavemadethisup.Inallprobabilityhewasusingarivaldraftoftheclauseaimed
atimposingtougherrestrictionsontheking.WhenHoltbroughtoutthe
firsteditionofhisMagnaCartain1965,Wendover’sversionofthesecurityclausewastheonlyknownevidencefordrafts.Thiswassoontochange.In1967,V.H.GalbraithpublishedanarticleaboutacopyofMagnaCartawhichhehadfoundinalate
thirteenth-centurystatutebookpreservedintheHuntingtonLibraryinCalifornia.49ThisdifferedfromtheauthorizedversionoftheCharterinvariouswaysandwas,soGalbraithargued,infactadraft.Theabsolutelykeyevidenceherecameinthechapteronfinesandamercements,wherethephraseologywasfarcloserto
thatintheArticlesoftheBaronsthanitwastothatinMagnaCarta.50Again,thiswasnotsomethingaclerkcouldhavemadeup.Itseemed,therefore,thattheHuntingtoncopypreservedaversionoftheCharterinwhichsomefeaturesoftheArticleshadyettobechangedintotheformfoundintheauthorizedversionof
theCharter.SincetheHuntingtoncopywasgivenbythehandofKingJohnon15JunenotatRunnymedebutatWindsor,Galbraitharguedthatitwas,infact,thepenultimatedraft,beingmadebeforeJohnmovedlaterinthedaytoRunnymedeforthelastnegotiationsandtheagreementofthefinaltext.
Galbraith,onhisreturntoEnglandfromAmerica,seemstohavemadenoefforttofollowuphisdiscoverybyexaminingothercopiesoftheCharter.Inthatsensehewaslikeatouristwholooksatsightsabroadbutneglectsthoseathome.Tobefair,Galbraithhadtheexcuseofage.HehadretiredfromtheRegiusChairatOxford
Universitybackin1955,hoping,vainlyasitturnedout,thatA.J.P.TaylormightbehissuccessorratherthanHughTrevor-Roper.HolthimselfwasagreatadmirerofGalbraith(rightlyso),buthetoosteeredclearofthefieldofcopies.InthesecondeditionofhisMagnaCarta,publishedin1992,hecommentedinanAppendix
onGalbraith’sfindings(whichheaccepted),andobservedthat‘draftversionsoftheCharterconstitutethemostintriguingproblemofall’.Healsosaidtherecouldbemoreofthem,butthenleftitatthat.51
Icannotclaimanyparticularvirtuemyselfinthisareaofhistoricalendeavour.Ibecame
interestedincopiesofMagnaCartanottofinddraftsbuttoseethedifferentwaysinwhichitwasdividedupintochapters,thedivisionsoftenbeingmoreemphaticincopiesthanintheoriginalengrossments.ItwasreadingthroughacopyoftheCharterinacartularyofPeterboroughabbey,preservedintheSocietyofAntiquariesin
London,withthisendinview,thatIsuddenlynoticedchaptersinadifferentorderandtextindifferentwordsfromthatfoundintheauthorizedversion.52ItwasonlythenthatIthoughtofGalbraithandstartedtocomparehisHuntingtoncopywiththePeterboroughone.AlthoughmostofPeterborough’svariations
weredifferentfromHuntington’s,theydidhaveonesovereignpointincommon,namelythetextofthechapteronfinesandamercements.InthePeterboroughcopy,asintheHuntington,thismanifestlycamefromtheArticlesoftheBaronsratherthanMagnaCarta.Therewasalsooneotherchapter(onthe
dismissalofJohn’sforeignagents)wherethePeterboroughwordorder,hereunlikeHuntington’s,seemedclosertothatintheArticlesthantothatintheCharter.Inspiredbythisfinding,I
setouttofindmorecopiesofthe1215Charterwiththeideaoftesting,byword-for-wordcollation,whetherthey
wereinfactcopiesoftheauthorizedversion.Onethingquicklybecameapparent,namelynottotruststatementsincatalogues,forthesesometimesclaimedacopyasbeingoftheauthorizedtextwhenitturnedouttobenosuchthing.Editorsevidentlyhadmerelyglancedatthetext,insteadofactuallyreadingitthrough.Thesearch
forcopiesofthe1215Charterremainsongoingbut,atthetimeofwriting,Ihavefoundoverthirtyexamplesfromthehundredyearsafter1215.53
Nearlyhalfoftheseareoftheauthorizedversion,barringobviousmistakes.Theothersarevariants,sevenassociatedwithStAlbans,andoneauniquesingle-sheetcopynowintheBodleianLibrary.Ten
arealllinkedtotheHuntington/Peterboroughfamilythroughthetreatmentofthechapteronfines.Thereis,however,onlyoneincompletecopywhichfollowsHuntingtoninbeing‘given’atWindsorratherthanatRunnymedeon15June.Alltoldthecopiesseemtopreserveatleastfivedifferentversionsofthe
Charter.Onecannot,ofcourse,assumethatallthevariationsderivefromdrafts.Somemaybemistakesorimprovementsmadeintheprocessoftransmission.Nonetheless,itisnoticeablethattheyoftenoccurinchaptersthatweknowwerechangedduringthenegotiationsatRunnymede.Arguably,thecopiesshed
newlightonthetenseandtortuousdebatesthatfinallyproducedtheCharter.Theycertainlysuggestthatunofficialtextsmadeanimportantcontributiontospreadingknowledgeaboutit.Enoughaboutthecopies,
illuminatingalthoughtheymaybe.LetusnowturntothetextofMagnaCartaitself.
2
TheChapters,ContentsandTextofMagna
Carta
THECHAPTERSOFMAGNACARTA
DiscussionofthecontentsofMagnaCartahingesonitsseparatechapters:‘chapter40saysthis’,‘chapter42saysthat’.Toaidsuchadiscussion,intextsprintedtoday,whetherinLatinorinEnglishtranslation,eachchapterisnumberedandstartsanewparagraph.The
originalCharterwasnotlikethatatall.Allthefourengrossmentswerewrittenoutascontinuoustextwithoutanynumeration.InthistheydifferedfromtheArticlesoftheBarons,whereeachofthe‘capitula’,althoughstillunnumbered,beganonanewlineandstartedwithasignconventionallyusedtoindicateanewitemonalist.
TheCharterdidnotfollowthispattern,becausetherewasnotraditionofputtingnewparagraphsintoroyalcharters.Whatthefourengrossmentsdiddo,however,wastodividethecontentsupintowhatwereeffectivelyseparatechaptersbystartingeachnewonewithaprominentcapitalletter,althoughthiswasdoneless
emphaticallyintheSalisburyCharter,givenitsformalbookhand,thanintheothers.Sometimes,moreover,capitalsofsmaller,butstillabnormalsize,seemtoindicatesubsectionswithinchapters.Thesedivisionsmayreflecttheway,untilalatestage,draftsoftheCharterweredividedupintoseparate‘capitula’,asintheArticles
oftheBarons.Thisinturnwouldreflecthowthenegotiationsthemselveswerecarriedoutarticlebyarticle.WhenMagnaCartawascopiedoutafter1215,thescribesoftenmadethedivisionsclearerbystartingeachchapteronanewlineandcolouringinitsfirstletterorparagraphmarker.Onlyoneattempt,asfarasIhave
discovered,wasmadeinthesecopiestonumberthechaptersoftheCharterandtheretheeffortwasabandonedbeforetheend.Thenumberswereanywaybeingappliednottothefinal,authorizedversionbuttooneofthevariantcopiesoftheHuntington/Peterboroughfamily.1
Thekeymomentinthenumberingofthe1215ChartercamewithBlackstone.Inhisbookof1759,heprintedtheCharterasacontinuoustext,anddidnotdistinguishthestartofnewchapterswithlargercapitalletters.Butwhathediddowastosupplynumberstothechaptersinthemarginofhistext,histotalbeing
sixty-three.NearlyallthelatereditionshavekepttoBlackstone’snumbers,althoughBishopStubbsinhisSelectChartersdidnotdivideupthesecurityclause,andthusendedupwithonlysixty.2Itisacuriousfact,however,neverapparentlynoticed,thatBlackstone’schapterdivisionsdonotexactlymatchupwiththose
intheengrossmentsoftheCharter,asindicatedbytheircapitalization.ThiswaspartlybecauseBlackstonehadnumberedtheArticlesoftheBaronsinordertorelatethechaptersintheArticlestothecorrespondingchaptersinMagnaCarta.WhereaMagnaCartachaptereitherbrokeanArticleschapterintotwo,orrantwotogether,Blackstone
occasionallyignoredthisandkepttotheArticles’division.Equally,whenanewsectionappearedintheCharter,hesometimescreatedachapterforit,aswithhischapter19,evenwhentheengrossmentsdidnotdoso.Blackstonealsomadenoefforttoindicatewheretheengrossments,ifnotnecessarilystartingnewchapters,certainlyseemto
indicatesubsectionswithinchapters.Theresultingdivergencesarenotofgreatmoment,butarenonethelessapity,fortheycanobscurewhatisgoingon.Theengrossments,forexample,manifestlybreakwhatischapter27intheArticlesintotwo,rightlysobecausethebearingofthesecondpartiscompletelychanged,andina
wayprejudicialtoknightsandunder-tenants.Blackstone,however,presumablytoretainthecorrespondencewiththeArticles,kepteverythingtogetherastheCharter’schapter37.Itis,ofcourse,toolatenowtoundoBlackstone’snumbering,butImentiontheoriginaldivisionsinthediscussion
thatfollows,andalsoindicatetheminmytextandtranslationoftheCharter.Studentsstudyingthe
Charteraresometimesgiventhetask(atleastbyme)ofputtingitschaptersintoamorecoherentorder.HowfartheCharter,asitstands,isorganizedlogicallyisaquestionwewilladdresswhenlookingatthe
negotiationsatRunnymedeandthedifferences(somemadetoimprovetheorganization)betweentheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.Herewewillindicatebriefly,bywayofintroduction,theCharter’smainconcerns,thedosanddon’tsthatitlaiddownforkingship.Thosecanbebrokendownintoseveral
broadinterlockingareas,withindividualchaptersoftenbearingonmorethanoneofthem.TheCharterwasaboveall
aboutmoney.Itsoverwhelmingaimwastorestricttheking’sabilitytotakeitfromhissubjects.Anothermajorthrustwasintheareaoflawandjustice.TheCharterwantedtomake
theking’sdispensationofjusticefairerandmoreaccessible,whileatthesametimepreventinghisarbitraryandlawlesstreatmentofindividuals.Overlappingwithboththeseagendaswastheissueoflocalgovernment.HeretheChartersoughttodealwiththemalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials,aboveallhissheriffsand
foresters.TherewerechaptersonLondon,andtownsandtrade,whilethefirstchapterofallwasonthechurch,onethatarrivedataverylatestageinthenegotiations,despitecomingrightattheCharter’sstart.TheCharter,asithoped,thussetanewcourseforkingshipinthefuture.Itwasalsoaboutredressingtheinjustices
committedinthepast.Severalchapterssetupproceduresfordoingthat,andincludedamongthebeneficiariesbothLlywelynabIorwerth,theWelshrulerofNorthWales,andAlexanderII,thekingofScots.MuchthoughtwentintohowJohn’sconcessionsmightbeenforced.The‘securityclause’attheendof
theCharterwaseasilyitslongestandmostcontroversialchapter.ThechaptersoftheCharter
setoutthe‘liberties’beinggrantedbythekingtohissubjects,hencethewaythe1215Charter,likeitssuccessors,wascalled‘thecharterofliberties’.Johnwouldhaveregardedtheselibertiesverymuchas
privilegesthathehadgraciouslyconceded.Hissubjectswouldhavebaulkedatsuchadescription.Forthemthelibertiesweremoreinthenatureofrightstowhichtheywereverymuchentitled,oftenbyancientcustom.Indeed,whenJohnconcededtoLondon,inchapter13,‘allitsancientlibertiesandfreecustoms’,he
wasmanifestlymerelyconcedingwhatLondonershadalready.Theissuewasalsoblurred,attheendoftheCharter,whenJohn,inchapters60and63,referredto‘theseaforesaidcustomsandliberties’and‘theforesaidliberties,rightsandconcessions’.Therewasoneotherkey
featureoftheconcessions
Johnwasmaking.Theywere,ashesaidthriceover,tobeheldfromhimandhisheirsinperpetuity.TheCharterforeverafterwardswastoprovidethefundamentallawforthegovernmentofthekingdom.
THECONTENTSOFMAGNACARTA
ThePreamble
KingJohnstartedtheCharter,havingsetouthistitles,bygreetinghissubjects.Hethenfixedtheirattention(aswasusualinroyalcharters)witharesoundingandcommanding‘Know’,alltheengrossmentsgivingabigcapitallettertothe‘S’atthestartof‘Sciatis’.Thekingwentontoexplainhisreasonsforacting,andonwhoseadvicehehadacted,
afterwhichtherefollowedanimpressivelistofcounsellors–bishops,baronsandministers.Itisonlyattheendofthislist(thusmakingagiganticsentence)thatwefindoutwhatJohnwasactuallydoing.
TheChurch
‘Inthefirstplace’–‘Inprimis’–Johngrantedfreedomtothechurch,demonstratinghisgoodfaithinsodoingbyreferencetohisearlierconcessionoffreedomtoelectbishopsandabbots,whichhadbeenconfirmedbyPopeInnocentIII.BlackstonenaturallymadethisthefirstchapteroftheCharter.
TheNewStart
Havingprivilegedthechurchinthisseparatesection,JohnthencommencedtheCharteralloveragain.‘Wehavealsograntedtoallthefreemenofourkingdom,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,allthebelowwrittenliberties.’Blackstonesimplyincludedthisinhischapter1anditisalwaysprintedassuch.That
isfairenoughonthebasisoftheLincolnCharterandthecopyintheletterstestimonial,buttheotherengrossmentshavethekindofacapitalhere(forthe‘C’in‘Concessimus’,‘Wehavegranted’)thatindicatesthebeginningofanewsection.LatercopiesoftheCharterwentdownthesamepath.Thismakessense,
fortheCharterisclearlynowmakinganewstart.Whatthenweretheareas
inwhichJohngrantedlibertiestohisfreemen?
Money
Thepre-eminentconcern,aswehavesaid,wasmoney,andbeforestartinghere,awordaboutmoneyitself.In
John’sreigntherewasonlyonecoin,thesilverpenny,ofwhichtherewere240inthepound.‘Pound’itselfwassimplyatermofaccount,awayofexpressingasumofmoney.Thesamewastruebothof‘shilling’,ofwhichthereweretwentyinthepound,makingeachworthtwelvepennies,andof‘mark’,whichwastwothirds
ofapound,so160penniesorthirteenshillingsandfourpence.TheLatinforpoundwas‘libra’,forshilling‘solidus’andforpenny‘denarius’,hencetheabbreviationsl.s.d.Pounds,shillingsandmarksavoidedtheneedforpeopletotalkinlargesumsofpennies;butsincepenniesweretheonlycurrency,therewasno
avoidingtransportinglargenumbersofthemaround,whichwasoftendoneingreatsacksandbarrels.InJuly1215Johnacknowledgedreceiptof9,900marksinsixty-sixsacks,whichmeanttherewere24,000penniesineach.3Theking’sannualrevenueatthestartofJohn’sreignwasaround£22,000,or5,280,000pennies.John
mintedmanysilverpenniesbutneverinhisownname.HisbrotherRichardhadbeenequallynameless.Bothcontinuedtomintcoinsthatboreononesidethenameoftheirfather‘Henry’placedaroundasometimescrudeimageofaroyalhead.Ontheothersidewasasmallcrossandthenameofthemoneyer.
ReturningthentotheCharter,araftofearlychapters,nearlyallthosebetween2and14,wereconcernedtorestrictthemoney-gettingoperationsofroyalgovernment.Withinthisgroup,chapters2–8regulatedthehighlylucrativerightsthatcamefromthetenurialrelationshipbetweenthekingandhisearls,baronsand
othertenants-in-chief.Sothesechapterswereaboutrelief(aninheritancetax),wardshipsandthemarriagesofheirs,heiressesandwidows.LaterintheCharter,chapters37,43and53dealt,atleastinpart,withparticularaspectsofrelatedrightsanddemands.Withchapters10and11,
theChartertackledanother
issue,thatofdebtsowedtotheJews,onepointbeingtopreventthemaccruinginterestduringminorities.Heretoothekingwasinvolvedbecause(aschapter10indicated)hemighttakedebtsowedtheJewsintohisownhandsandextractthemoneyforhimself.Chapters12and14wereof
thegreatestimportance,for
theywereabouttaxationintheformof‘scutagesandaids’.Saveonthreespecifiedoccasions,thesewereonlytobeleviedby‘ourcommoncounselofthekingdom’.Theassumptionherewasthatcounselwouldleadtoconsent,soessentiallythismeantthattaxationneededtheconsentofthekingdom.4
Chapter14wentontosetout
therulesforconvokingtheassemblywhichcouldgivethatconsent.Thekingwasnotjustowed
money.Healsohadunpleasantwaysofforcingpeopletopayup,notablyby‘distraint’,whichinvolvedtheseizureofthechattelsandlandofthedebtorandhissureties.Thisprocesschapters9,26and27
attemptedtoregulateandlimit.MoneywasalsoanissueinthesectionsoftheCharterthatdealtwithjusticeandlocalgovernment.
JusticeandtheArbitraryTreatmentofIndividuals
AftertheopeningsectionoftheCharteronmoney,therefollowedchapters17to22–
aboutjustice.Chapters17to19madetheking’sproceduresforcivillitigationmoreaccessible,andalsoplacedthemunderlocalcontrol.Later,chapter36waslikewiseconcernedtomaketheking’sjusticemoreavailableandfreeofcost,althoughhereintheareaofcriminaljurisdiction.Conversely,chapter34aimed
atpreventingroyaljusticeinterferingwithprivatecourts.Chapters20to22wereabout‘amercements’.Thesewerefinancialpenaltiesforfallingintotheking’s‘mercy’,andarosewhenanindividualwasconvictedbeforethekingorhisjudgesofsomeoffence.Todaytheywouldbecalledfines.Theaimofthechapters
wastoensuretheywerekeptatareasonablelevelandassessedeitherbythevictim’sneighboursor,inthecaseofanearlorabaron,byhispeers,thatis,socialequals.Therelatedchapter32limitedtheking’sabilitytoseizelandaspenaltyforafelony.Anothersectionabout
justicecomesbetween
chapters38and40.Chapter38preventedabailiff,thatisalocalofficial,puttinganyone‘tolaw’,meaningessentiallyputtinganyoneontrial,onhissoleaccusationunsupportedbywitnesses.Chapters39and40arethemostfamousinMagnaCarta,andarestillpartofthelawoftheUnitedKingdomtoday.Chapter40seemedtomakea
blanketpromiseofjustice,speedyandfree,toeveryone.
Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice.
Chapter39dealtdirectlywiththearbitrarytreatmentofindividuals.
Nofreemanistobearrested,orimprisoned,ordisseised,oroutlawed,orexiled,or
inanywaydestroyed,norwillwegoagainsthim,norwillwesendagainsthim,savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.
Here‘disseised’meantdispossessedofproperty,whilstgoingagainstorsendingagainstsomeonemeant(ifnotexclusively)takingactionagainstthemby
forceofarms.Ihavepreferred‘destroyed’,asatranslationoftheLatin‘destruatur’,tothemorecommon‘ruined’,sinceitbettercapturesthesenseofthreattolifeaswellasproperty.
LocalGovernment
Afterthesectiononjusticebetweenchapters17and22,chapters23to31turnedtolocalgovernmentandthemalpracticesoftheking’slocalagents–sheriffs,bailiffsandconstablesofcastles.Herechapter25hadparticularimportancesinceitsoughttolimitthefinancialburdensplacedbythekingonthecounties.Chapter45
attackedonanotherfrontandinsistedthattheking’sofficialsshould‘knowthelawofthekingdomandwishtoobserveitwell’.Chapter50wentfurtherandmadethekingdismissvariousnamedsheriffsandcastellans,allofthemforeigners,fromtheirbailiwicks,whichmeanttheirlocaloffices.
TheCharterwasalsoconcernedwiththerunningoftheroyalforest.Chapter44soughttolimitthejurisdictionoftheforestjustices,whilechapter47reducedimmediatelytheextentoftheforest,withmoretocome,itwashoped,fromchapter53.MostpromisingofallforJohn’ssubjects,mostpoisonousof
alltotheking,waschapter48,whichempoweredtwelveknightselectedineachcountytoinvestigateandabolishthemalpracticesoftheking’slocalagents.
London,Towns,Trade,MeasuresandMovement
ThechapterprotectingLondonfromarbitrary
taxationandconfirmingitslibertiesis,inmodernprintings,splitbetweenchapters12and13.Onecouldarguethecase,lookingattheoriginalengrossments,formakingitadiscretechapter,oratleastasubsectionwithinachapter.Whatiscertainisthatalltheengrossmentsstartedanewchapterwiththelibertiesand
ancientcustomsoftheothertowns,ratherthantaggingthemon,asinmodernprintings,tothechapteronLondon.AnotherchapterbenefitingbothLondonandothertownswaschapter33,whichremovedfishweirs(anobstacletotrade)fromtheriversThamesandMedwayandelsewherethroughoutallEngland,unlessatthe
seashore.Chapter35soughttoestablishuniformmeasuresofdrink,cornandcloththroughoutthecountry(cornaccordingtothemeasureofLondon),whilechapter41allowed,saveintimeofwar,allmerchantssafetyoftravel,withoutsufferinganyunjustexactions.Thefollowingchapter42gavefreedomoftraveltoeveryoneinandout
ofthekingdom,againsaveintimeofwar.
AppointmentsandPatronage
TheChartersaidthatofficialsshouldknowthelawofthekingdom,anddismissedsomenamedsheriffsandcastellans.Apartfromthat,however,itdidnothingtocontroltheking’schoiceofhisministers,
eitherlocallyorcentrally.Thatcouldbeseenasoneofitscentralweaknesses.TheCharterwasnotmuchmorerestrictivewhenitcametotheking’sbestowalofpatronage.Chapter4atleastmeantthattheking’sappointeeswouldlosecontrolofwardshipsformaladministration.Chapter6wasdesignedtopreventheirsandheiressesinwardship
frombeing‘disparaged’inmarriage,whichmeantbeingmarriedtothosebeneaththeminsocialrank.Italsostipulatedthatthefamilyshouldbeinformedofwhatwasplanned.Theideawasthustomakeitmoredifficultforthekingtogivemarriagestowhomeverhewanted.Thesamewastrue,moreastringently,ofchapter8,
whichlaiddownthatawidowcouldnolongerbeforcedintoremarriageifshewishedtolivewithoutahusband.
RedressofPastGrievances
TwoimportantchaptersintheCharter,chapters52and55,wereconcernedtoredressthewrongssufferedbyindividualsinthepast.Under
chapter52thosedisseised(thatis,dispossessed)oftheirpossessionsbyKingJohnwithoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeerswouldhavethemimmediatelyrestored.Underchapter55allfinesandamercementsimposedunjustlybyJohnweretobepardoned.Amercementswehavealreadyencounteredinthechaptersthatsoughtto
limittheirsizeandregulatetheirassessment.Fineswereoffersofmoneyacceptedbythekingforconcessionsandfavours.Theymightbemoreorlesscompulsory(sotorecovertheking’sgoodwill)orentirelyvoluntary(sofortherighttosetupanewmarket).Bothchapterslaiddownthatifdisputesaroseovertherestorationsand
pardons,theseweretobedeterminedbythetwenty-fivebaronsnamedintheCharter’s‘securityofpeace’,thatisthe‘securityclause’,whichisdescribedbelow.Chapter52alsoputontheagendathedispossessionscommittedbyJohn’spredecessors,hisfatherHenryIIandbrotherRichardI.Johnwastodealwiththesewhenhereturned
fromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade.TherewasnopostponementwhenitcametothehostagesandcharterswhichJohnhadextractedasguaranteesofpeaceand‘faithfulservice’.Underchapter49,theseweretobeimmediatelyreturned.
TheWelshandtheKingofScots
ItwasinthecontextofredressofgrievancesthattheWelshandAlexander,kingofScots,enteredtheCharter.Underchapter56,WelshmenwereimmediatelytoberestoredtolandsandlibertiestakenbyKingJohnwithoutjudgementoftheirpeers.Thechapteralsosetupprocedurestodealwithanydisputesovertheprocess.Chapter57put
thedisseisinssufferedbytheWelshatthehandsofHenryIIandRichardIontheagenda,whilechapter58laiddownthatJohnwastorestorethesonofLlywelynandtheotherWelshhostages.Underchapter59,Johnpromised,withonequalification,totreatKingAlexander,whenitcametoreturninghissisters,hostages,libertiesandrights,
inthesamewayas,underthetermsoftheCharter,hewastotreatthebaronsofEngland.
ThePassingDownoftheConcessions
TheCharterwasprimarilyaimedatthemalpracticesofthekingandhisministers.Itdid,however,aspiretosetthe
samestandardsforothers.Thuschapter60,thefinalonebeforethesecurityclause,statedthatallthecustomsandlibertieswhichJohnhadconcededtohismenshouldbeobservedbyeveryoneinthekingdomtowardstheirmen.Therewereotherchapterstoo,likechapters7and8onwidows,andchapter15onaids,whichprotected
tenantsfromthedemandsoftheirlords.WewilldiscussinChapter4thetensionswithinsocietytheCharterthusrevealed.
TheEnforcementoftheCharter
AttheendoftheChartercamethemostsensationalandrevolutionarychapterof
all.Johndeclaredthat,wishinghisconcessionstobefirmlymaintained,hehadofferedthebaronsthefollowing‘security’.Thiswasthattheymightchoosetwenty-fiveoftheirnumberwhowereempowered,ifnecessary,toforcehimandhisministerstoobservethelibertiesgrantedandconfirmedintheCharter.
Theyalsohadthepowertoputrightanyotherwrongs.Inthis,thetwenty-fiveweretoactwith‘thecommuneofalltheland’.Theword‘commune’heremeantaswornassociation.Itwastobeformedby‘alltheland’swearingeithervoluntarilyor,ifnecessary,undercompulsiontoobeytheordersofthetwenty-fivein
bringingthekingtoheel.Finally,thechapterconcludedwithJohnpromisingnottoseekanythingbywhichtheChartermightbeinvalidated.Blackstoneprintedthesecurityclauseasasinglechapter,buttheengrossmentsbrokeitup,inslightlydifferentways,whichshowsthedesiretomakeits
elementsasclearaspossible.ItwasnotquitetheonlydeviceintheCharterbywhichthebaronssoughttoensureitsenforcement.TheyalsostrovetoreduceJohn’spowerofresistance.Thekeychapterherewaschapter51,underwhichJohnpromised,afterthepeace,todismissalltheforeignsoldiershehadrecruited.Intheprinted
versions,thischapterisseparated,asitisintheArticlesoftheBarons,fromtheprecedingchapter,whichdismissedsomeofJohn’sforeignsheriffsandcastellansfromoffice.Infact,intwooftheengrossments,andinthebishops’copyoftheCharter,thetwochaptersareone,whichstronglysuggeststhatthedismissals,apartfrom
removingunpopularlocalofficials,werealsoseenasstrippingJohnofmilitaryexperts,asallthesemenwere.
TheConclusionoftheCharter
Attheendofthesecurityclause,inwhatisprintedaschapter62,Johnremittedhis
rancourandillwill,pardonedalltransgressionscommittedsincethestartofthecivilwaratEaster1215,andundertookthatthebishopsshouldissueletterstestifyingtothe‘aforesaidconcessions’.Infact,theengrossments,perhapssurprisingly,givelittlewarrantformakingthisadiscreteandsinglechapter,buttheyallagreeinstarting
thefinalsectionoftheCharterwithwhatbecamechapter63.HereJohnreiteratedthatthechurchshouldbefreeandstatedthatthemenofthekingdomandtheirheirsweretoenjoythe‘foresaidliberties,rightsandconcessions’inperpetuity.Anoath,hecontinued,hadbeentakenonhisbehalfandthatofthebaronsforthe
observationofeverythingingoodfaith.Inanormalcharter,whatwouldhavefollowednextwouldhavebeenalistofwitnesses,butinMagnaCartathesewerestatedtobeas‘abovesaid’.ThisreferredtothecounsellorsJohnhadlistedatthestartoftheCharter.MagnaCartathenconcludedwiththefollowingstatement:
GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign.
ThedateofMagnaCartawasthus15June1215.
THETEXTOFMAGNACARTA
TheLatintextandEnglishtranslationofMagnaCartaarehereprintedonfacingpages.TheLatintextcomesfromtheLincolnChartersince,ofalltheengrossments,itisthemostfinelywritten.Itisalsotheengrossmentwhosehistoryismostcertainsince‘LINCOLNIA’,writtentwiceontheback,almostcertainlybythescribeofthe
Charter,showsitwasintendedforLincolnfromthestart.TheLatintextgivenherediffersfrompreviousprintedexamplesintryingtoindicatehowtheoriginals,bytheuseofcapitallettersofdifferentsizes,weredividedupintochapters,orsectionswithinchapters.Whilethedivisions,thusindicated,forthemostpartcorrespondwith
thenumberedchapterssetinstonesinceBlackstone’sworkof1759,5therearedifferences,aswehaveseen.InboththeLatinandEnglishtextssetoutbelow,alineisleftblankwheretheengrossmentsindicatethestartofanewchapterorsection,butonlythosegivennumbersbyBlackstonearenumbered.Thelargestcapital
lettersfoundintheengrossmentsIhaverenderedintheLatintextasN.Capitallettersoflessemphasis,butstillofasizetoindicateadivision,appearasN.WhereBlackstonemadechapterdivisions(soatchapters19and51)thatarequestionable,thenhisnumberisplacedinthebodyofthetext.Inmakingthesedivisions,I
havenotfollowedLincolnexclusively,buthavealsotakenintoaccountthecapitalizationsfoundinCanterbury,CiiandSalisbury,althoughthecapitalsintheSalisburyCharterarethroughoutgivenlessemphasisthanthoseintheotherthree.Ihavealsotakenintoaccountthecapitalizationfoundinthe
bishops’letterstestimonial,whichguaranteedtheauthentictext.Significantdivergencesinthecapitalizationbetweenthesesourcesareindicatedinthefootnotes.Thesymbol|intheLatintextindicateswheretheLincolnlinesend.Ihaveusedalargerfontaltogethertoreflecttheexceptionallylargelettersatthestartofthe
LincolnCharter.Inthetranslation,followingHolt,IindicatetheequivalentchaptersintheArticlesoftheBarons(AB)andtheCharterof1225(1225).Inthefootnotes,Ihave
collatedtheLincolntextwiththatfoundintheotherthreeengrossmentsandthecopyinthebishops’letter.Althoughofnogreatmoment,thisis
thefirstpublishedcollationtouseallfive,sincetheSalisburyengrossmentcouldnotbefoundwhentheStatutesoftheRealmtextwaspublishedin1810.6Mycollationindicatesomissions,correctionsandvariationsinwordorder.Ihavenot,however,includedthevariationsinthespellingsofpersonalnamesplacenames
andsuchwordsas‘pledges’,‘carts’,‘socage’andsoon.Ihavealsoomittedsomesmallslipsinthebishops’copy,whichwereprobablytheresultofmistakesmadebythefourteenth-centurycopyist.SomesignificancemayattachtoacorrectedomissioninCanterburyandCii,butapartfromthatthechiefvalueofacollationisto
showthatthedifferencesbetweenthetextsareminor.Theengrossmentsweremade,onthewhole,withcare.Ofpreviouspublished
texts,Blackstone’sistheCanterburyengrossmentcollatedwiththebishops’copy.ThatinStatutesoftheRealmusestheLincolnengrossment,andindicatesall
variationswithCanterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyinfootnotes.Itmakesnodivisionintochaptersanddoesnotexpandtheabbreviations,insteadusingatypefacethatsoughttoreproducethem.7Italsosoughttofollowtheoriginalpunctuation.Thetextbelow,inlinewithcurrentpractice,expandstheabbreviationsand
usesmodernpunctuation.Itseeks,however,tofollowthetext’suseofcapitals.Asinmuchothercontemporarywriting,thisappearstohavebeenhaphazard.Itisalsooftenambiguous,especiallywherealetterlike‘w’hasthesamefrominbothupperandlowercase.IhaveusedcapitalslessfrequentlythanStatutesoftheRealm,and
usuallyonlywheretheyseemquiteclear.Intheprocess,Imaysometimeshavebeenunfairtosheriffs,WalesandtheWelshwhereIhavegenerallygoneforlowercase:‘vicecomites’,‘wallia’and‘walenses’.8Inpreparingthetranscription,IhaveusedaphotographofthePineengraving,theengravingoftheLincolnCharterpublished
inFoedera,9andphotographsofLincoln,SalisburyandCii.Withthebishops’copy,IhavebeenabletoworkdirectlyonthetextintheRedBookoftheExchequer.10Ihavealsophotographedit.Therehavebeenmany
translationsofthe1215Charter,themostwidelyusedbeingJ.C.Holt’s,whichisprintedasanAppendixtohis
MagnaCarta.(Holt’sLatintextwasCii.)11ThepresenttranslationisinplacesperhapsalittlemoreliteralthanHolt’sbutisnotfundamentallydifferentfromitormanyothers.Inmakingthetranslation,IhavebeenhelpedimmenselybybothDanielHadasandHenrySummerson’stranslationonthewebsiteoftheMagna
CartaProject.ThemeaningofsomeofthetechnicaltermsandobscurewordsfoundinthetranslationisexplainedintheGlossaryattheendofthebook(pp.461–470).
MagnaCarta1215
JohannesdeigratiaRexAnglie,DominusHibernie,DuxNormannieetAquitanie,ComesAndegavie,Archiepiscopis,Episcopis,
Abbatibus,Comitibus,Baronibus,Justiciariis,Forestariis,Vicecomitibus,Prepositis,MinistrisetOmnibusBallivisetFidelibusSuisSalutem.
Sciatisnosintuitudeietprosaluteanimenostreetomniumantecessorumetheredumnostrorum,adhonorem*|deiet
exaltacionemsancteecclesie,etemendationemRegninostri,perconsiliumvenerabiliumpatrumnostrorum,StephaniCantuariensis,ArchiepiscopiTotiusAnglie,PrimatisetSancteRomaneecclesieCardinalis,HenriciDublinensisArchiepiscopi,WillelmiLondoniensis,PetriWintoniensis,Joscelini
BathoniensisetGlastoniensis,HugonisLincolniensis,WalteriWigornensis,WillelmiCoventrensis,etBenedictiRoffensisEpiscoporum;MagistriPandulfidominiPapeSubdi|aconietfamiliaris,et†fratrisEimericiMagistriMilitieTempliinAnglia;etNobiliumvirorumWillelmiMarescalliComitis
Penbrocie,WillelmiComitisSarresbyrie,WillelmiComitisWarennie,WillelmiComitisArundellie,AlanideGalweiaConstabulariiScotie,WarinifiliiGeroldi,HubertideBurgoSenescalliPictavie,PetrifiliiHereberti,‡HugonisdeNevill’,MatheifiliiHereberti,ThomeBasset,|AlaniBasset,PhilippideAlbiniaco,Robertide
Roppelay,JohannisMarescalli,JohannisfiliiHugonisetaliorumfideliumnostrorum:
JohnbythegraceofGod,kingofEngland,lordofIreland,dukeofNormandyandAquitaine,countofAnjou,tohisarchbishops,bishops,abbots,earls,barons,justices,foresters,sheriffs,reeves,ministersandallhis
bailiffsandfaithfulmen,greeting.
Knowthatwe,inspiredbyGodandforthesalvationofoursoul,andforthesoulsofallourancestorsandheirs,forthehonourofGodandtheexaltationofholychurch,andthereformofourkingdom,bythecounselofourvenerablefathers,Stephen
archbishopofCanterbury,primateofallEngland,andcardinaloftheholyRomanchurch,HenryarchbishopofDublin,WilliamofLondon,PeterofWinchester,JocelynofBathandGlastonbury,HughofLincoln,WalterofWorcester,WilliamofCoventryandBenedictofRochester,bishops,MasterPandulfsubdeaconand
memberofthehouseholdofthelordpope,andbrotherAymeric,masteroftheknightsoftheTempleinEngland,andofthenoblemen,WilliamMarshal,earlofPembroke,WilliamearlofSalisbury,WilliamearlofWarenne,WilliamearlofArundel,AlanofGalloway,constableofScotland,WarinfitzGerold,HubertdeBurgh,
seneschalofPoitou,PeterfitzHerbert,HughdeNeville,MatthewfitzHerbert,ThomasBasset,AlanBasset,Philipd’Aubigné,RobertofRopsley,JohnMarshal,JohnfitzHugh,andourotherfaithfulmen:
1.Inprimisconcessissedeoethacpresenticartanostraconfirmasse,pronobisetheredibusnostrisinperpetuum,quodAnglicanaecclesialiberasit,ethabeatjurasuaintegra,etlibertatessuasillesas;etitavolumusobservariquodapparetexeoquodlibertatemelectionum,quemaximaet|*magis
necessariareputaturecclesieAnglicane,meraetspontaneavoluntate,antediscordiaminternosetBaronesnostrosmotam,concessimusetcartanostraconfirmavimus,eteamobtinuimusaDominoPapaInnocentiotercioconfirmari;quametnosobservabimusetabheredibusnostrisinperpetuumbonafidevolumusobservari.
Concessimus†etiamomnibusliberishominibusregninostri,pronobisetheredibusnostrisinperpetuum,omneslibertatessubscriptas,habendasettenendas,eis|etheredibussuis,denobisetheredibusnostris.
1.Inthefirstplace,havegrantedtoGodandbythisourpresentcharterhave
confirmed,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,thattheEnglishchurchistobefree,andistohaveitsrightsinwholeanditslibertiesunharmed,andwewishitsotobeobserved;whichismanifestfromthis,namelythatthelibertyofelections,whichisdeemedtobeofthegreatestimportanceandmostnecessaryfortheEnglish
church,byourfreeandspontaneouswill,beforethediscordmovedbetweenusandourbarons,wegrantedandconfirmedbyourcharter,andobtaineditsconfirmationfromthelordpope,Innocentthethird,whichweshallbothobserveandwishtobeobservedbyourheirsinperpetuityingoodfaith.
Wehavealsograntedtoallthefreemenofourkingdom,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,allthebelowwrittenliberties,tobehadandheldbythemandtheirheirsfromusandourheirs.[1225,1]
2.Siquiscomitumvelbaronumnostrorum,sivealiorumtenentiumdenobisin
capiteperserviciummilitare,mortuusfuerit,etcumdecesseritheressuuspleneetatisfueritetreleviumdebeat,habeathereditatemsuamperantiquumrelevium;ScilicetheresvelheredescomitisdeBaroniacomitisintegrapercentumLibras;heresvelheredesbaronisdeBaroniaintegrapercentumLibras;heresvelheredes|
militisdefeodomilitisintegropercentumsolidosadplus;etquiminusdebueritminusdetsecundumantiquamconsuetudinemfeodorum.
2.Ifanyofourearlsorbarons,orothersholdingfromusinchiefbyknightservice,diesandwhenhedieshisheirisoffullageand
owesrelief,heistohavehisinheritancebytheancientrelief;namelytheheirorheirsofanearlforawholebaronyofanearlbyahundredpounds;theheirorheirsofabaronforawholebaronybyahundredpounds;theheirorheirsofaknightforthewholefeeofaknightbyahundredshillingsatmost;andwhooweslessisto
givelessaccordingtotheancientcustomoffees.[AB,1;1225,2]
3.Siautemheresalicuiustaliumfueritinfraetatemetfueritincustodia,cumadetatempervenerit,habeathereditatemsuamsinerelevioetsinefine.
3.If,however,theheirofanysuchoneisunderageandisinwardship,whenhecomesofage,heistohavehisinheritancewithoutreliefandwithoutfine.[AB,2;1225,3]
4.Custosterrehuiusmodiheredisquiinfraetatemfuerit,noncapiatdeterraheredisnisirationabilesexitusetrationabiles
consuetudines,etrationabiliaservitia,ethocsinedestruc|tioneetvastohominumvelrerum.
Etsinoscommiserimuscustodiamalicuiustalisterrevicecomitivelalicuialiiquideexitibusilliusnobisresponderedebeat,etilledestructionemdecustodiafeceritvelvastum,nosabillo
capiemusemendam,etterracommittaturduobuslegalibusetdiscretishominibusdefeodoillo,quideexitibusrespondeantnobisveleicuieosassignaverimus.
Etsidederimusvelvendiderimusalicuicustodiamalicuiustalisterre,etille|destructionemindefeceritvelvastum,amittat
ipsamcustodiam,ettradaturduobuslegalibusetdiscretishominibusdefeodoilloquisimiliterrespondeantnobis*sicutpredictumest.
4.Theguardianofthelandofanheirofthiskindwhoisunderage,isnottotakefromthelandoftheheiranythingotherthanreasonableissuesandreasonablecustomsand
reasonableservices,andthiswithoutdestructionandwasteofmenorthings.
Andifwecommitthewardshipofanysuchlandtoasherifforanyoneelsewhooughttoanswertousforitsissues,andhecausesdestructiontothewardshiporwaste,wewilltakeamendsfromhim,andthelandisto
becommittedtotwolaw-worthyandprudentmenofthatfee,whoaretoanswerfortheissuestousortohimtowhomweassignthem.
Andifwegiveorsellthewardshipofanysuchlandtoanyone,andhethencausesdestructionorwaste,heistolosethatwardship,anditistobehandedtotwolaw-worthy
andprudentmenofthatfee,whosimilarlyshallanswertousasaforesaid.[AB,3;1225,4]
5.Custosautem,quamdiucustodiamterrehabuerit,sustentetdomos,parcos,vivaria,stagna,molendina,etceteraadterramillampertinentia,deexitibusterreeiusdem;etreddatheredi,
cumadplenametatempervenerit,terramsuamtotaminstauratamdecarruciset|waignagiissecundumquodtempuswaignagiiexigetetexitusterrerationabiliterpoteruntsustinere.
5.Theguardian,however,foraslongashehaswardshipoftheland,istomaintainthehouses,parks,fishponds,
ponds,millsandotherthingsbelongingtothatland,fromtheissuesofthesameland.Andheistodelivertotheheir,whenhecomesofage,hislandfullystockedwithploughsandwainagesaccordingtowhatthetimeofthewainagewilldemandandtheissuesofthelandwillreasonablybeabletosustain.[AB,3,35;1225,5]
6.Heredesmaritenturabsquedisparagatione,ita†quod,antequamcontrahatur,matrimoniumostendaturpropinquisdeconsanguinitateipsiusheredis.
6.Heirsaretobemarriedwithoutdisparagement,providedhoweverthat,beforeamarriageiscontracted,itistobemadeknowntothe
nearestkinofthatheir.[AB,3;1225,6]
7.Vidua‡postmortemmaritisuistatimetsinedifficultatehabeatmaritagiumethereditatemsuam,necaliquiddetprodotesua,velpromaritagiosuo,velhereditatesuaquamhereditatemmaritussuusetipsa|tenuerintdieobitusipsiusmariti,etmaneat
indomomaritisuiperquadragintadiespostmortemipsius,infraquosassignetureidossua.
7.Awidow,afterthedeathofherhusband,immediatelyandwithoutdifficulty,istohavehermarriageportionandinheritance,norshallshegiveanythingforherdower,orforhermarriageportion,orher
inheritance,whichinheritancesheandherhusbandheldonthedayofthedeathofthathusband.Andsheistoremaininthehouseofherhusbandforfortydaysafterhisdeath,withinwhichtimeherdoweristobeassignedher.[AB,4;1225,7]
8.Nullaviduadistringaturadsemaritandumdumvoluerit
viveresinemarito,itatamenquodsecuritatemfaciatquodsenonmaritabitsineassensunostro,sidenobistenuerit,velsineassensudominisuidequotenuerit,sidealiotenuerit.
8.Nowidowistobedistrainedtomarrywhileshewishestolivewithoutahusband,providedhowever
thatshegivessecuritythatshewillnotmarrywithoutourassent,ifsheholdsfromus,orwithouttheassentofherlordfromwhomsheholds,ifsheholdsfromanother.[AB,17;1225,7]
9.Necnosnecballivinostrisaisiemusterramaliquamnecredditumprodebitoaliquo|quamdiucatalladebitoris
sufficiuntaddebitumreddendum;necplegiiipsiusdebitorisdistringanturquamdiuipsecapitalisdebitorsufficitadsolutionemdebiti.
Et*sicapitalisdebitordefeceritinsolutionedebiti,nonhabensundesolvat,plegiirespondeantdedebito;et,sivoluerint,habeantterrasetredditusdebitorisdonecsit
eissatisfactumdedebitoquodanteproeosolverint,nisicapitalisdebitormonstraveritseessequietumindeversuseosdemplegios.|
9.Neitherwenorourbailiffsaretoseizeanylandorrentforanydebt,foraslongasthechattelsofthedebtorsufficetopaythedebt;norarethesuretiesofthatdebtor
tobedistrainedforaslongasthechiefdebtorhimselfhassufficientforpaymentofthedebt.
Andifthechiefdebtorfailsinthepaymentofthedebt,nothavingthewherewithaltopay,thesuretiesaretoanswerforthedebt.Andiftheywish,theyaretohavethelandsandtherentsofthedebtoruntil
satisfactionisgiventothemforthedebtwhichbeforetheypaidforhim,unlessthechiefdebtorshowsthatheisquitagainstthosesamesuretiesinthatmatter.[AB,5;1225,8]
10.SiquismutuoceperitaliquidaJudeis,plusvelminus,etmoriaturantequamdebitumilludsolvatur,debitumnonusuretquamdiu
heresfueritinfraetatem,dequocumqueteneat;etsidebitumilludincideritinmanusnostras,nosnoncapiemusnisicatallumcontentumincarta.
10.IfanyonehastakenanythingonloanfromtheJews,moreorless,anddiesbeforethatdebtispaid,thedebtisnottobearusuryfor
aslongastheheirisunderage,fromwhomeverheholds;andifthatdebtfallsintoourhands,weshallnottakeanythingsavethecapitalcontainedinthecharter.[AB,34]
11.Etsiquismoriatur,etdebitumdebeatJudeis,uxoreiushabeatdotemsuam,etnichilreddatdedebitoillo;et
siliberiipsiusdefunctiquifuerintinfraetatemremanserint,provideantureisnecessariasecundum|tenementumquodfueritdefuncti,etderesiduosolvaturdebitum,salvoservitiodominorum.
SimilimodofiatdedebitisquedebenturaliisquamJudeis.
11.Andifanyonedies,andowesadebttotheJews,hiswifeistohaveherdower,andistopaynothingofthatdebt;andifchildrenofthedeceased,whoareunderage,remain,theirneedsaretobeprovidedforinkeepingwiththetenementwhichwasthedeceased’s,andthedebtsaretobepaidfromtheresidue,savingtheserviceofthe
lords.Inasimilarway,itistobefordebtsowedtoothersthanJews.[AB,35]
12.Nullumscutagiumvelauxiliumponaturinregnonostronisipercommuneconsiliumregninostri,nisiadcorpusnostrumredimendum,etprimogenitumfiliumnostrummilitemfaciendum,etadfiliamnostram
primogenitamsemelmaritandam,etadhecnonfiatnisirationabileauxilium.
Similimodofiatdeauxiliis|decivitateLondoniarum.
12.Noscutageoraidistobeleviedinourkingdom,savebythecommoncounselofourkingdom,savefortheransomingofourbody,and
themakingofourfirst-bornsonaknight,andforthemarryingasingletimeofourfirst-borndaughter;andforthesethingsthereisonlytobeareasonableaid.[AB,32;1225,37]
InasimilarwayitistobeforaidsfromthecityofLondon.[AB,32]
13.EtcivitasLondoniarumhabeatomnesantiquaslibertatesetliberasconsuetudinessuas,tamperterras,quamperaquas.
Pretereavolumusetconcedimusquodomnesaliecivitates,etburgi,etville,etportus,habeantomneslibertatesetliberasconsuetudinessuas.
13.AndthecityofLondonistohaveallitsancientlibertiesandfreecustoms,bybothlandandwater.
Inaddition,wewishandgrantthatallothercitiesandboroughs,andvillsandports,havealltheirlibertiesandfreecustoms.[AB,32;1225,9]
14.Etadhabendumcommuneconsiliumregnideauxilioassidendoaliter*quamintribuscasibuspredictis,veldescutagioassidendo,summonerifaciemusArchiepiscopos,Episcopos,|Abbates,Comites,etmaioresbarones,sigillatimperLitterasnostras.Etpretereafaciemussummoneriingenerali,per
vicecomitesetballivosnostros,omnesillosquidenobistenentincapiteadcertumdiem,scilicetadterminumquadragintadierumadminus,etadcertumlocum;etinomnibuslitterisilliussummonitioniscausamsummonitionisexprimemus;etsicfactasummonitionenegotiumaddiemassignatumprocedatsecundumconsilium
illorumquipresentes|fuerint,quamvisnonomnessummonitivenerint.
14.Andtohavethecommoncounselofthekingdomforanaidtobeassessed,otherthaninthethreecasesaforesaid,orforascutagetobeassessed,wewillcausetobesummonedarchbishops,bishops,abbots,earlsand
greaterbarons,individuallybyourletters;andinadditionwewillcausetobesummonedingeneral,byoursheriffsandbailiffs,allthosewhoholdfromusinchief,ataspecifiedday,namelyatatermoffortydaysdistantatleast,andataspecifiedplace;andinallthelettersofthatsummons,wewillexpressthecauseofthesummons;and
thus,thesummonshavingbeenmade,thebusinessistoproceedontheassignedday,accordingtothecounselofthosewhoarepresent,althoughnotallthosesummonedcome.
15.Nosnonconcedemusdeceteroalicuiquodcapiatauxiliumdeliberishominibussuis,nisiadcorpussuum
redimendum,etadfaciendumprimogenitumfiliumsuummilitem,etadprimogenitamfiliamsuamsemelmaritandam,etadhecnonfiatnisirationabileauxilium.
15.Wewillnotgranthenceforthtoanyonethathemaytakeanaidfromhisfreemen,savefortheransomingofhisbody,andthemaking
ofhisfirst-bornsonaknight,andforthemarryingasingletimeofhisfirst-borndaughter,andforthesethingsthereisonlytobeareasonableaid.[AB,6]
16.Nullusdistringaturadfaciendummaiusservitiumdefeodomilitis,necdealioliberotenemento,quamindedebetur.
16.Nooneistobedistrainedtodomoreserviceforthefeeofaknight,orforanotherfreetenement,thanisowedtherefrom.[AB,7;1225,10]
17.Co|mmuniaplacitanonsequanturcuriamnostramsedteneanturinaliquocertoloco.†
17.Commonpleasarenottofollowourcourtbutaretobeheldinsomespecifiedplace.[AB,8;1225,11]
18.Recognitionesdenovadissaisina,demorteantecessoris,etde‡ultimapresentatione,noncapianturnisiinsuiscomitatibusethocmodo.
Nos,vel,siextraregnumfuerimus,capitalisJusticiariusnoster,mittemusduosjusticiariosperunumquemquecomitatumperquattuorvicesinanno,qui,cumquattuormilitibuscuiuslibetcomitatuselectispercomitatum,capiantincomi|tatuetindieetlococomitatusassisaspredictas.(19)Et*siindiecomitatus
assisepredictecapinonpossint,totmilitesetliberetenentesremaneantdeillisquiinterfuerintcomitatuidieillo,perquospossintsufficienterjuditia†fieri,secundumquodnegotiumfueritmaiusvelminus.
18.Recognitionsofnoveldisseisin,ofmortd’ancestor,andofdarreinpresentment,
arenottobetakenunlessintheircountiesandinthisway.
Weor,ifweareoutofourkingdom,ourchiefjusticiarshallsendtwojusticesthrougheachcountyfourtimesayear,who,withfourknightsofeachcounty,electedbythecountycourtaretotaketheaforesaidassizes,inthecountycourt
andonthedayandintheplaceofthecountycourt.[AB,8;1225,12](19)Andifonthedayofthecountycourt,theaforesaidassizescannotbetaken,enoughknightsandfreetenantsaretoremainfromthosewhoattendedthecountycourtonthatday,thatjudgementscanbeeffectivelymade,accordingtowhetherthe
businessisgreatorsmall.[AB,13;1225,12]
20.Liberhomononamercieturproparvodelicto,nisisecundummodumdelicti;etpromagnodelictoamercietursecundummagnitudinemdelicti,salvocontenementosuo,etmercatoreodem|modosalvamercandisasua,etvillanus
eodemmodoamercietursalvowaignagiosuo,siinciderintinmisericordiamnostram;etnullapredictarummisericordiarumponaturnisipersacramentumproborumhominumdevisneto.
20.Afreemanisnotbeamercedforasmalloffence,andonlyinaccordancewiththedegreeoftheoffence;and
foragreatoffence,heistobeamercedaccordingtothemagnitudeoftheoffence,savinghislivelihood,andamerchantinthesame,waysavinghismerchandise,andavilleinistobeamercedinthesamewaysavinghiswainage,iftheyfallintoourmercy.Andnoneoftheaforesaidamercementsaretobeimposedsavebytheoathof
uprightmenoftheneighbourhood.[AB,9;1225,14]
21.Comitesetbaronesnonamercienturnisiperparessuos,etnonnisisecundummodumdelicti.
21.Earlsandbaronsarenottobeamercedsavebytheirpeers,andonlyinaccordance
withthedegreeoftheoffence.[1225,14]
22.Nullusclericusamercieturdelaicotenementosuo,nisisecundummodumaliorumpredictorum,etnonsecundumquantitatembeneficiisuiecclesiastici.
22.Noclerkistobeamercedinrespectofhislaytenement,
saveaccordingtothemanneroftheothersaforesaid,andnotaccordingtothequantityofhisecclesiasticalbenefice.[AB,10;1225,14]
23.Nec‡|villanechomodistringaturfacerepontesadRiparias,nisiquiabantiquoetdeiurefaceredebent.
23.Novillnormanistobedistrainedtobuildbridgesatriverbanks,savethoseobligedtodosofromancienttimesandbylaw.[AB,11;1225,15]
24.Nullusvicecomes,Constabularius,Coronatores,velaliiballivinostri,teneantplacitacoronenostre.
24.Nosheriff,constable,coronersorotherofourbailiffsaretoholdpleasofourcrown.[AB,14;1225,17]
25.OmnesComitatus,et§Hundredi,TrethingiietWapentachii¶sintadantiquasfirmasabsqueulloincremento,exceptisdominicismaneriisnostris.
25.Allcountiesandhundreds,ridingsandwapentakes,aretobeattheancientfarmswithoutanyincrement,exceptourdemesnemanors.[AB,14]
26.Sialiquistenensdenobislaicumfeodummoriatur,etvicecomesvelBallivus|nosterostendatlitterasnostras*patentesde
summonitionenostradedebitoquoddefunctusnobisdebuit,liceatvicecomitivelBallivonostroattachiareetinbreviarecatalladefunctiinventainlaicofeodoadvalentiamilliusdebiti,pervisumlegaliumhominum,itatamenquodnichilindeamoveatur,donecpersolvaturnobisdebitumquodclarumfuit;†etresiduumrelinquatur
executoribusadfaciendumtestamentumdefuncti;et‡sinichilnobisde|beaturabipso,omniacatallacedantdefuncto,salvisuxoriipsiusetpuerisrationabilibuspartibussuis.
26.Ifanyoneholdingalayfeefromusdies,andoursherifforbailiffshowsourletterspatentforour
summonsofadebtwhichthedeceasedowedus,itistobepermissibleforoursherifforbailifftoattachandwritedownthechattelsofthedeceasedfoundinthelayfee,tothevalueofthatdebt,byviewoflaw-worthymen,providedhoweverthatnothingisremovedfromthereuntilthedebtwhichwasclearispaidtous.Andthe
residueistobelefttotheexecutorstomakethewillofthedeceased;andifnothingisowedusbyhim,allthechattelsaretopasstothedeceased,savingforhiswifeandchildrentheirreasonableshares.[AB,15;1225,18]
27.Sialiquisliberhomointestatusdecesserit,catallasuapermanuspropinquorum
parentumetamicorumsuorum,pervisumecclesiedistribuantur,salvisunicuiquedebitisquedefunctuseidebebat.
27.Ifanyfreemandiesintestate,hischattelsaretobedistributedbythehandsofhisnearestrelationsandfriends,underthesupervisionofthechurch,savingtoeachperson
thedebtswhichthedeceasedowedhim.[AB,16]
28.Nullusconstabulariusvelaliusballivusnostercapiat§bladavelaliacatallaalicuiusnisistatiminde¶reddatdenariosautrespectumindehabere|possitdevoluntatevenditoris.
28.Noconstableorotherbailiffofoursistotakethecornorotherchattelsofanyone,unlessheimmediatelygivesmoneyforthis,orisabletohaveadelaywiththeconsentofthevendor.[AB,18;1225,19]
29.Nullusconstabulariusdistringataliquemmilitemaddandumdenariosprocustodia
castrisifacerevolueritcustodiamillaminpropriapersonasuavelperaliumprobumhominem,siipseeamfacerenonpossitpropterrationabilemcausam;etsinosduxerimusvelmiserimuseuminexercitum,eritquietusdecustodiasecundumquantitatemtemporisquopernosfueritinexercitum.**
29.Noconstableistodistrainanyknighttogivemoneyfortheguardofacastle,ifhewishestoperformthatguardinhisownperson,orthroughanotheruprightman,ifhehimselfcannotdoitforareasonablecause.Andifweleadorsendhiminanarmy,hewillbequitoftheguard,accordingtotheamountoftimehewillhavebeeninthe
armybyourorder.[AB,19;1225,20]
30.Nullusvicecomes,velBallivusnoster,velaliquis|aliuscapiat††equosvelcarettasalicuiusliberihominisprocarriagiofaciendo,nisidevoluntateipsiusliberihominis.
30.Nosherifforbailiffofoursoranyoneelseistotakethehorsesorcartsofanyfreemanforcarriage,savewiththeconsentofthefreemanhimself.[AB,20;1225,21]
31.Nec*nosnecballivinostricapiemusalienumboscumadcastra,velaliaagendanostra,nisiper
voluntatemipsius†cuiusboscusillefuerit.
31.Neitherwenorourbailiffsshalltakewoodbelongingtoanotherpersonforcastles,orforourotheraffairs,unlesswiththeconsentofhimwhosewooditis.[AB,21;1225,21]
32.Nosnontenebimusterrasillorumquiconvictifuerintde‡felonianisiperunumannumetunumdiem,ettuncreddanturterredominisfeodorum.
32.Wewillnotholdthelandsofthosewhoareconvictedoffelony,saveforoneyearandoneday,andthenthelandsaretobereturnedtothelords
ofthefees.[AB,22;1225,22]
33.OmneskidellideceterodeponanturpenitusdeTamisia,et|Medewaye,§etpertotamAngliam,nisipercosterammaris.
33.AllfishweirsarehenceforthtoberemovedcompletelyfromtheThames
andtheMedway,andthroughallEngland,saveattheseashore.[AB,23;1225,23]
34.Brevequodvocaturprecipedeceterononfiatalicuidealiquotenementoundeliberhomopossit¶amitterecuriamsuam.
34.Thewritwhichiscalledprecipeisnottobemadeout
henceforthtoanyoneforanytenementwherebyafreemancouldlosehiscourt.[AB,24;1225,24]
35.Unamensuravinisitpertotumregnumnostrum,etunamensura**cervisie,etunamensurabladi,scilicetQuartariumLondoniense,etunalatitudopannorumtinctorumetRussetorumet
Halbergettorum,scilicetdueulneinfralistas.Deponderibusautemsitutdeme|nsuris.
35.Thereistobeonemeasureofwinethroughallourkingdom,andonemeasureofale,andonemeasureofcorn,namelythequarterofLondon,andonewidthoftintedcloths,and
russetsandhaubergets,namelytwoellswithintheborders.Moreover,forweightsitistobeasformeasures.[AB,12;1225,25]
36.Nichildeturvelcapiaturdeceteroprobreviinquisitionisdevitavelmenbris,sedgratisconcedaturetnonnegetur.
36.Nothingistobegivenortakenhenceforthforawritofinquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbs,butitistobegivenwithoutpaymentandnotdenied.[AB,26;1225,26]
37.Sialiquisteneatdenobisperfeodifirmam,velpersocagium,velperburgagium,etdealioterramteneatperservitiummilitare,nosnon
habebimuscustodiamheredisnecterresuequeestdefeodoalterius,occasioneilliusfeodifirme,velsocagii,velburgagii;nechabebimuscustodiamilliusfeodifirme,velsocagii,velburgagii,nisiipsafeodifirma|debeatservitiummilitare.
Nos*nonhabebimuscustodiamheredisvelterre
alicuius,quamtenetdealioperservitiummilitare,occasionealicuiusparveserianteriequamtenetdenobisperservitiumreddendinobiscultellos,velsagittas,velhuiusmodi.
37.Ifanyoneholdsfromusbyfeefarm,orbysocage,orbyburgage,andholdslandfromanotherbyknight
service,wewillnothavewardshipoftheheirnorofhislandwhichisofthefeeofanother,byreasonofthatfeefarm,orsocage,orburgage,norwillwehavewardshipofthatfeefarmorsocageorburgage,unlessthatfeefarmowesknightservice.
Wewillnothavewardshipoftheheirorthelandofanyone,
whichheholdsfromanotherbyknightservice,byreasonofanysmallserjeantywhichheholdsfromusbytheserviceofrenderingtousknives,arrowsorthingsofthatkind.[AB,27;1225,27]
38.Nullusballivusponatdeceteroaliquemadlegemsimpliciloquelasua,sine
testibusfidelibusadhocinductis.
38.Nobailiffishenceforthtoputanyonetolawonhissoleaccusationwithouttrustworthywitnessesbroughtforwardforthis.[AB,28;1225,28]
39.Nullusliberhomocapiatur,velinprisonetur,aut
dissaisiatur,aututlaghetur,autexuletur,autaliquomodo|destruatur,necsupereumibimus,necsupereummittemus,nisiperlegaleiuditiumpariumsuorumvelperlegemterre.
39.Nofreemanistobearrested,orimprisoned,ordisseised,oroutlawed,orexiled,orinanyway
destroyed,norwillwegoagainsthim,norwillwesendagainsthim,savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.[AB,29;1225,29]
40.Nullivendemus,nullinegabimus,autdifferemus,rectumaut†justitiam.
40.Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice.[AB,30;1225,29]
41.Omnesmercatoreshabeantsalvumetsecurumexireab‡Anglia,etvenireinAngliam,§morarietireperAngliam,tamperterramquamperaquam,ademendumetvendendumsine
omnibusmalistoltis,perantiquasetrectasconsuetudines,preterquamintemporeguerre,etsisintdeterra|contranosguerrina,etsitalesinvenianturinterranostrainprincipioguerre,attachientursinedampnocorporumetrerum,donecsciaturanobisvelcapitalijusticiarionostroquomodomercatoresterrenostre
tractentur,quituncinvenienturinterracontranosguerrina;etsinostrisalvisintibi,aliisalvisintinterranostra.
41.AllmerchantsaretobesafeandsecuredepartingfromEnglandandenteringintoEngland,andstayingandgoingthroughEngland,bothbylandandbywater,tobuy
andsell,withoutanyevilexactions,accordingtoancientandrightcustoms,saveintimeofwar,andiftheyarefromalandatwarwithus.Andifsucharefoundinourlandatthebeginningofthewar,theyaretobeattachedwithoutdamageofbodyandgoods,untilitisknownbyusorourchiefjusticiar,howthe
merchantsofourlandaretreated,whothenarefoundinthelandatwarwithus,andifoursaresafethere,theothersaretobesafeinourland.[AB,31;1225,30]
42.Liceatunicuiquedeceteroexirederegnonostro,etrediresalvoetsecureperterrametperaquam,salvafidenostra,nisitempore
guerreperaliquodbrevetempus,|proptercommunemutilitatemregni,exceptisinprisonatisetutlaghatissecundumlegemregni,etgentedeterracontranosguerrina,etmercatoribusdequibusfiatsicutpredictumest.
42.Itistobeallowableforanyonehenceforthtodepart
fromourkingdom,andreturnsafelyandsecurely,bylandandbywater,savingourfaith,saveintimeofwarforsomebrieftime,forthecommonutilityofthekingdom,exceptthoseimprisonedandoutlawedaccordingtothelawofthekingdom,andpeoplefromalandatwarwithus,and
merchantsforwhomitistobeasaforesaid.[AB,33]
43.Siquistenueritdealiquaescaeta,sicutdehonoreWallingeford’,Notingeham’,Bolonie,Lancastrie,veldealiisescaetis,quesuntinmanunostra,etsuntbaronie,etobierit,hereseiusnondetaliudrelevium,necfaciataliudnobisservitium*quam
faceretbaronisibaroniaillaesset|inmanubaronis;et†noseodemmodoeamtenebimusquobaroeamtenuit.
43.Ifanyonedieswhoholdsfromanyescheat,asfromthehonourofWallingford,Nottingham,Boulogne,Lancaster,orfromotherescheatswhichareinour
hand,andarebaronies,hisheirisnottogiveusotherrelief,nortodousotherservice,thanhewoulddotothebaronifthatbaronywasinthehandofabaron;andwewillholditinthesamewayasthebaronheldit.[AB,36;1225,31]
44.Hominesquimanentextraforestamnonveniant
deceterocoramjusticiariisnostrisdeforestapercommunessummonitiones,nisisintinplacitovelplegiialicuiusvelaliquorumquiattachiatisintproforesta.
44.Menwholiveoutsidetheforestarenothenceforthtocomebeforeourjusticesoftheforestthroughthecommonsummonses,unless
theyareinaplea,orthesuretiesofsomepersonorpersonswhohavebeenattachedfortheforestbusiness.[AB,39;1225ForestCharter,2]
45.Nosnonfaciemusjusticiarios,‡constabularios,vicecomites,velballivos,nisidetalibusquisciantlegem
regnieteambenevelintobservare.
45.Wewillnotmakejustices,constables,sheriffsorbailiffs,savefromthosewhoknowthelawofthekingdomandwishtoobserveitwell.[AB,42]
46.Omnes|baronesquifundaveruntAbbatias,unde
habentcartasRegumAnglie,velantiquamtenuram,habeantearumcustodiamcumvacaverint,sicuthaberedebent.
46.Allbaronswhohavefoundedabbeys,forwhichtheyhavechartersofthekingsofEngland,orancienttenure,aretohavecustodyofthesewhentheybecome
vacant,astheyoughttohave.[AB,43;1225,33]
47.Omnesforestequeafforestatesunttemporenostro,statimdeafforestentur;etitafiatderipariisquepernostemporenostropositesuntindefenso.
47.Allforestswhichhavebeenafforestedinourtime
aretobeimmediatelydeforested;anditistobethesameforriverbankswhichthroughusinourtimehavebeenplacedinenclosure.[AB,47;1225,16;1225ForestCharter,3]
48.Omnesmaleconsuetudinesdeforestisetwarrennis,etdeforestariisetwarrennariis,vicecomitibus,
eteorumministris,Ripariis|etearumcustodibus,statiminquiranturinquolibetcomitatuperduodecimmilitesiuratosdeeodemcomitatu,quidebenteligiperproboshomineseiusdemcomitatus,etinfraquadragintadiespostinquisitionemfactam,penitus,itaquodnumquamrevocentur,deleantur*per
eosdem.Itaquodnoshocprius†sciamusveljusticiariusnoster,si‡inAnglianonfuerimus.
48.Allevilcustomsofforestsandwarrens,andofforestersandwarreners,sheriffsandtheirministers,riverbanksandtheirkeepers,aretobeimmediatelyinquiredintoineachcountybytwelvesworn
knightsofthesamecounty,whoaretobeelectedbyuprightmenofthesamecounty,andwithinfortydaysaftertheinquiryhasbeenmade,theyaretobewhollyabolishedbythem,sothattheyareneverrevived,providedthatwe,orourjusticiar,ifwearenotinEngland,knowaboutitbeforehand.[AB,39]
49.OmnesobsidesetcartasstatimreddemusqueliberatefueruntnobisabAnglicisinsecuritatempacisvelfide|lisservitii.
49.WewillimmediatelyreturnallhostagesandcharterswhichweregiventousbyEnglishmenassecurityforpeaceorfaithfulservice.[AB,38]
50.NosamovebimuspenitusdeballiisparentesGerardideAtyes§quoddeceteronullamhabeantballiaminAnglia;EngelardumdeCygoyny,Andream,PetrumetGyonemdeCancellis,¶GyonemdeCygoyny,GalfridumdeMartinyetfratreseius,PhilippumMarc’,etfratreseius,etGalfridumnepotemeius,ettotamsequelam
eorumdem;(51)et**statimpostpacisreformationemamovebimusderegnoomnesalienigenasmilites,Balistarios,servientes|stipendiarios,quivenerintcumequisetarmisadnocumentumregni.
50.Wewillremovecompletelyfromtheirbailiwicksthekinsmenof
Gerardd’Athée,sothathenceforththeyshallholdnobailiwickinEngland:EngelarddeCigogné,Andrew,PeterandGiodeChanceaux,GiodeCigogné,GeoffreydeMartigny,andhisbrothers,PhilipMarcandhisbrothers,andGeoffreyhisnephew,andalltheirfollowing.[AB,40](51)Andimmediatelyafterthe
restorationofpeace,wewillremovefromthekingdomallalienknights,cross-bowmen,serjeants,mercenaries,whohavecomewithhorsesandarmstotheharmofthekingdom.[AB,41]
52.Siquisfueritdissaisitusvelelongatuspernossinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,deterris,castellis,††
libertatibus,veliuresuo,statimeaeirestituemus;etsicontentiosuperhocortafuerit,tuncindefiat‡‡perjuditiumvigintiquinquebaronum,dequibusfitmentioinferiusinsecuritatepacis.
Deomnibusautemillisdequibusaliquisdissaisitusfueritvelelongatussinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,per
Henricum|RegempatremnostrumvelperRicardumregemfratremnostrum,queinmanunostrahabemus,velquealiitenent,quenosoporteatwarantizare,respectumhabebimususqueadcommunemterminumcrucesignatorum;exceptisillisdequibusplacitummotumfuitvelinquisitiofactaperpreceptumnostrum,
antesusceptionemcrucisnostre.
Cumautemredierimusdeperegrinationenostra,velsiforteremanserimusaperegrinationenostra,statimindeplenamiustitiamexhibebimus.
52.Ifanyonehasbeendisseisedordispossessedby
us,withoutlawfuljudgementofhispeers,oflands,castles,libertiesorhisright,wewillrestorethesetohimimmediately.Andifadisputearisesaboutthis,thenitistobedealtwithbythejudgementofthetwenty-fivebaronsofwhommentionismadebelowinthesecurityofpeace.
Concerning,however,allthosewhohavebeendisseisedordispossessedwithoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeersbyKingHenry,ourfather,orbyKingRichard,ourbrother,whichthingswehaveinourhand,orwhichothershold,whichweoughttowarrant,wewillhaverespiteuntilthecommontermofcrusaders;
exceptforthosethingsconcerningwhichapleahasbeenmovedoraninquestmadebyourorder,beforethereceivingofourcross.
When,however,wereturnfrompilgrimage,orifbychanceweremainbehindfromourpilgrimage,wewillthenimmediatelygivefulljustice.[AB,25]
53.Eundem*autem|respectumhabebimus,eteodemmodo,deiustitiaexhibendadeforestisdeafforestandis†velremansurisforestis,quasHenricuspaternostervelRicardusfraternosterafforestaverunt,etdecustodiisterrarumquesuntdealienofeodo,cuiusmodicustodiashucusquehabuimus
occasionefeodiquodaliquisdenobistenuitperservitiummilitare.EtdeAbbatiisquefundatefuerintinfeodoalteriusquamnostro,inquibusdominusfeodidixeritseiushabere.Etcumredierimus,velsireman|serimusaperegrinationenostra,superhiisconquerentibusplenamiustitiamstatimexhibebimus.
53.Weshallhavethesamerespite,andinthesameway,concerningthegivingofjusticewithregardtoforeststobedeforestedorforeststoberetained,whichHenry,ourfather,orRichard,ourbrother,afforested,andconcerningthewardshipoflandswhichareofthefeeofanother,wardshipsofwhichkindwehavehadhithertoby
reasonofafeewhichsomebodyheldfromusbyknightservice;andconcerningabbeyswhichhavebeenfoundedinthefeeofanother,notourown,inwhichthelordofthefeesayshehasright.Andwhenwereturn,orifweremainbehindfromourpilgrimage,wewillimmediatelygivefulljusticeonthesethingstothe
complainants.[1225ForestCharter,1,3]
54.Nulluscapiaturnecinprisoneturpropterappellumfeminedemortealteriusquamvirisui.
54.Nooneistobearrestedorimprisonedthroughtheappealofawomanforthe
deathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.[1225,34]
55.Omnesfinesquiiniusteetcontralegemterrefactisuntnobiscum,etomniaamerciamentafactainiusteetcontralegemterre,omninocondonentur,velfiatindeperiuditiumvigintiquinquebaronumdequibusfitmentioinferiusinsecuritatepacis,
velperiuditiummaiorispartis|eorumdem,unacumpredictoStephanoCantuariensiArchiepiscopo,siinteressepoterit,etaliisquossecumadhocvocarevoluerit:etsiinteressenonpoterit,nichilominusprocedatnegotiumsineeo.Itaquod,sialiquisvelaliquidepredictisvigintiquinquebaronibusfuerintinsimiliquerela,
amoveanturquantumadhociuditium,etaliilocoeorumperresiduosdeeisdemvigintiquinque,*tantumadhocfaciendumelectietiuratisubstituantur.†
55.Allfineswhichhavebeenmadewithusunjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland,andallamercementsmadeunjustlyandagainstthelaw
oftheland,aretobecompletelyremitted,ordealtwithbythejudgementofthetwenty-fivebaronsofwhommentionismadebelowinthesecurityofpeace,orbythejudgementofthegreaterpartofthem,togetherwiththeaforesaidStephen,archbishopofCanterbury,ifhewillbeabletoattend,andwithotherswhomhewishestocallwith
himforthis.Andifhewillnotbeabletoattend,nonethelessthebusinessistoproceedwithouthim,providedthatifanypersonorpersonsfromtheaforesaidtwenty-fivebaronsisinsuchaplea,theyaretoberemovedjustforthatjudgement,andothersinplaceofthem,chosenandswornjusttomakethatjudgement,areto
besubstitutedbytherestofthetwenty-five.[AB,37]
56.Sinosdisseisivimusvelelongavi|muswalensesdeterrisvellibertatibusvelrebusaliis,sinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,‡inangliavelinwallia,eisstatimreddantur;etsicontentiosuperhocortafuerit,tuncindefiatinmarchiaper
iuditiumpariumsuorum,detenementisangliesecundumlegemanglie,detenementiswalliesecundumlegemwallie,detenementismarchiesecundumlegemmarchie.Idemfacientwalensesnobisetnostris.
56.IfwehavedisseisedordispossessedWelshmenoflands,orlibertiesorother
things,withoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeers,inEnglandorinWales,thosethingsaretobeimmediatelyrestoredtothem.Andifadisputearisesaboutthis,thenitistobedealtwithintheMarchbyjudgementoftheirpeers,concerningtenementsinEnglandaccordingtothelawofEngland,concerningtenementsofWales,
accordingtothelawofWales,concerningtenementsoftheMarch,accordingtothelawoftheMarch.Welshmenshalldothesameforusandourmen.[AB,44]
57.Deomnibusautemillisdequibusaliquiswalensiumdissaisitusfuerit|velelongatus§sinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,per
HenricumregempatremnostrumvelRicardumRegemfratremnostrumquenosinmanunostrahabemus,velquealiitenentquenosoporteatwarantizare,respectumhabebimususqueadcommunemterminumcrucesignatorum,illisexceptisdequibusplacitummotumfuitvelinquisitiofactaperpreceptumnostrum
antesusceptionemcrucisnostre.Cumautemredierimus,velsiforteremanserimusaperegrinationenostra,statimeisindeplenamiusticiam|exhibebimus,secundumlegeswalensium¶etpartespredictas.
57.Concerning,however,allthethingsofwhichany
Welshmanhasbeendisseisedordispossessed,withoutlawfuljudgementofhispeers,byKingHenry,ourfather,orKingRichard,ourbrother,whichwehaveinourhand,orwhichothersholdwhichweoughttowarrant,wewillhaverespiteuntilthecommontermofcrusaders,thosethingsexceptedconcerningwhichapleahas
beenmovedoraninquesthasbeenmadebyourorderbeforethereceivingofourcross.When,however,wereturn,orifbychanceweremainbehindfromourpilgrimage,wewillthenimmediatelygivefulljusticetothemaccordingtothelawsoftheWelshandtheforesaidparts.[AB,44]
58.NosreddemusfiliumLeulinistatim,etomnesobsidesdewallia,etcartasquenobisliberatefueruntinsecuritatempacis.
58.WewillreturnthesonofLlywelynimmediately,andallhostagesfromWales,andthecharterswhichhavebeendeliveredtousassecurityofpeace.[AB,45]
59.NosfaciemusAlexandroRegiscottorumdesororibussuisetobsidibusreddendis,etlibertatibussuis,etjuresuo,secundumformaminquafaciemusaliisbaronibusnostrisAnglie,nisialiteressedebeatpercartasquashabemusdeWillelmopatreipsius,*quondamregescottorum;ethoceritper|
iuditiumparium|suorumincurianostra.
59.WewilldealwithAlexander,kingofScots,concerningtherestorationofhissistersandhostages,andhislibertiesandhisright,accordingtotheforminwhichwewilldealwithourotherbaronsofEngland,unlessitshouldbeotherwise
byreasonofthecharterswhichwehavefromWilliam,hisfather,oncekingofScots,andthiswillbebyjudgementofhispeersinourcourt.[AB,46]
60.Omnesautemistasconsuetudinespredictasetlibertatesquasnosconcessimus†inregnonostrotenendasquantumadnos
pertineterganostros,omnesderegnonostro,tamclericiquamlaici,observent‡quantumadsepertinetergasuos.
60.Alltheseaforesaidcustomsandliberties,moreover,whichwehavegrantedtobeheldinourkingdom,asmuchasitpertainstoustowardsour
men,allthemenofourkingdom,bothclerksandlaymen,aretoobserve,asmuchasitpertainstothem,totheirmen.[AB,48;1225,37;1225ForestCharter,17]
61.Cumautemprodeo,etademendationemregninostri,etadmeliussopiendamdiscordiaminternosetbaronesnostrosortam,hec
omniapredictaconcesserimus,volenteseaintegraetfirma§stabilitateinperpetuumgaudere,¶facimusetconce|dimuseissecuritatemsubscriptam;videlicetquodbaroneseligent**vigintiquinquebaronesderegnoquosvoluerint,quidebeantprototisviribussuisobservare,tenere,etfacereobservari,
pacemetlibertatesquaseisconcessimus,ethacpresenticartanostraconfirmavimus.Itascilicetquod,sinos,veljusticiariusnoster,velballivinostri,velaliquisdeministrisnostris,inaliquoergaaliquemdeliquerimus,velaliquemarticulorumpacisautsecuritatistransgressifuerimus,etdelictumostensum|fueritquattuor
baronibusdepredictisvigintiquinquebaronibus,illiquattuorbaronesaccedent††adnosveladjusticiariumnostrum,sifuerimusextraregnum,proponentesnobisexcessum;*petentutexcessumillumsinedilationefaciamusemendari.Etsinosexcessumnonemendaverimus,vel,sifuerimusextraregnum,
justiciariusnosternonemendaveritinfratempusquadragintadierumcomputandumatemporequomonstratumfueritnobisveljusticiarionostro†siextraregnumfuerimus,predicti|quattuorbaronesreferantcausam‡adresiduosdeillis§vigintiquinquebaronibus,etillivigintiquinquebaronescumcommunatotiusterre
distringentetgravabuntnosmodisomnibusquibuspoterunt,scilicet¶percaptionemcastrorum,terrarum,possessionum,etaliismodisquibuspoterunt,donecfueritemendatumsecundumarbitriumeorum,salvapersonanostraetReginenostreetliberorumnostrorum;etcumfuerit
emendatum,intendentnobissicutpriusfecerunt.
Etquicumquevolueritde|terra,iuretquodadpredictaomniaexequenda,parebitmandatispredictorumvigintiquinquebaronum,etquodgravabitnospropossesuocumipsis,etnospubliceetliberedamuslicentiamiurandicuilibetquiiurare
voluerit,etnulliumquamiurareprohibebimus.
Omnesautemillosdeterraquiperseetspontesuanoluerintiurare**vigintiquinquebaronibus,dedistringendoetgravandonoscumeis,faciemusiurareeosdemdemandatonostro,sicutpredictumest.
Etsialiquisde††vigin|tiquinquebaronibusdecesserit,velaterrarecesserit,velaliquoaliomodoimpeditusfuerit,quominusistapredictapossent‡‡exequi,quiresiduifuerintdepredictis§§vigintiquinquebaronibuseligantaliumlocoipsius,proarbitriosuo,quisimilimodoeritiuratusquoetceteri.
Inomnibusautemqueistisvigintiquinquebaronibuscommittunturexequenda,siforteipsivigintiquinquepresentesfuerint,etintersesuperrealiquadiscordaverint,velaliquiexeissummonitinolintvelneq|ueantinteresse,ratumhabeaturetfirmumquodmaiorparseorumquipresentesfuerint,providerit,
velpreceperit,acsiomnesvigintiquinqueinhocconsensissent.Etpredictivigintiquinqueiurentquodomniaantedictafideliterobservabunt,etprototopossesuofacientobservari.
Etnosnichilimpetrabimusabaliquo,pernosnecperalium,perquodaliquaistarumconcessionumet*libertatum
revoceturvelminuatur.Etsialiquidtaleimpetratumfueritirritumsitetinaneetnumquam|eoutemurpernosnecperalium.
61.Since,moreover,forGodandforthereformofourkingdomandforthebetterquietingofthediscordarisenbetweenusandourbarons,wehavegrantedallthethings
aforesaid,wishingthesethingstoenjoyacompleteandfirmdurabilityinperpetuity,wemakeandgrantthemthebelowwrittensecurity:namelythatthebaronsshallchoosetwenty-fivebaronsofthekingdom,whomtheywish,whoshouldwithalltheirstrengthobserve,keepandcausetobeobserved,thepeaceand
libertieswhichwehavegrantedtothem,andhaveconfirmedbythisourpresentcharter,sonamelythatifwe,orourjusticiar,orourbailiffs,oranyofourministers,offendsagainstanyoneinanyway,ortransgressesanyofthearticlesofpeaceorsecurity,andtheoffenceisshowntofourbaronsoftheaforesaid
twenty-fivebarons,thesefourbaronsshallgotousorourjusticiar,ifweareoutofthekingdom,puttingbeforeusthetransgression;theyshallseekthatwecausethattransgressiontoberedressedwithoutdelay.Andifwedonotredressit,or,ifweareoutofthekingdom,ourjusticiardoesnotredressit,withinthetimeoffortydaystobe
countedfromthetimewhenitisshowntousorourjusticiar,ifweareoutofthekingdom,theaforesaidfourbaronsaretoreferthecausetotherestofthosetwenty-fivebarons,andthosetwenty-fivebarons,withthecommuneofalltheland,shalldistrainanddistressusinallwaystheycan,namelybythetakingofcastles,lands,possessions,
andinotherwaysastheyshallbeable,untilitisredressed,accordingtotheirjudgement,savingourpersonandthoseofourqueenandourchildren.Andwhenitisredressed,theyshallobeyusastheydidbefore.
Andwhosoeverofthelandwishes,istoswearthatfortheexecutingofallthe
aforesaidthings,heshallobeytheordersoftheforesaidtwenty-fivebarons,andthathewilldistressuswiththemaccordingtohisability,andwepubliclyandfreelygivelicencetosweartoanyonewhowishestoswear,andtonoonewillweeverprohibitswearing.
Allthose,however,ofthelandwhodonotwishoftheirownaccordandspontaneouslytosweartothetwenty-fivebarons,concerningdistraininganddistressinguswiththem,weshallcausethesesametoswearbyourorder,asisaforesaid.
Andifanyofthetwenty-fivebaronsdies,ordepartsfromtheland,orinanyotherwayisimpeded,sothattheyarethelessabletocarryouttheforesaidthings,thosewhoremainoftheaforesaidtwenty-fivebaronsaretochooseanotherinhisplace,accordingtotheirdecision,whowillbesworninthesamewayastheothers.
Inallthethings,moreover,whicharecommittedtothesetwenty-fivebaronstobedealtwith,ifbychancethesetwenty-fivearepresent,anddisagreeamongthemselvesonanything,orifanyofthem,havingbeensummoned,shouldnotwishorshouldbeunabletoattend,whatthegreaterpartofthosewhoarepresentprovideor
order,istobetreatedasratifiedandbinding,asifallthetwenty-fivehadconsentedtothis.Andtheaforesaidtwenty-fivearetoswearthattheywillfaithfullyobservealltheaforesaidthings,andtothebestoftheirabilitywillcausethemtobeobserved.
Andwewillobtainnothingfromanybody,byusnorby
another,bywhichanyoftheseconcessionsandlibertiesmayberevokedordiminished;andifanysuchthingisobtained,itistobeinvalidandvoid,andwewillneveruseit,eitherthroughourselvesorthroughanother.[AB,49]
62.Et†omnesmalasvoluntates,indignationes,et
rancores,ortosinternosethominesnostros,clericosetlaicos,atemporediscordie,pleneomnibusremisimusetcondonavimus.
Pretereaomnestrangressionesfactasoccasioneeiusdem‡discordie,aPaschaannoRegninostrisextodecimousqueadpacemreformatam,
pleneremisimusomnibus,clericisetlaicis,etquantumadnospertinet,plenecondonavimus.
Etinsuper,fecimuseisfieri|litterastestimonialespatentesDominiStephaniCantuariensisArchiepiscopi,DominiHenriciDublinensisArchiepiscopi,§etEpiscoporumpredictorum,et
MagistriPandulfi,supersecuritateista¶etconcessionibusprefatis.
62.Andallillwill,indignationandrancourwhichhasarisenbetweenusandourmen,clerksandlaymen,fromthetimeofthediscord,wehavefullyremittedandpardonedtoeveryone.
Inaddition,alltransgressionsperpetratedonoccasionoftheaforesaiddiscord,fromEasterinthesixteenthyearofourreign,untiltherestorationofpeace,wehavefullyremittedtoall,clerksandlaymen,andasmuchasitbelongstous,havefullypardoned.
And,moreover,wehavecausedtobemadeforthem
letterspatenttestimonialoflordStephen,archbishopofCanterbury,oflordHenry,archbishopofDublin,andoftheaforesaidbishops,andofMasterPandulf,onthissecurityandtheaforesaidconcessions.
63.Quarevolumusetfirmiterprecipimusquodanglicanaecclesialiberasitetquod
hominesinregnonostrohabeantetteneantomnesprefataslibertates,jura,etconcessiones,beneet*inpace,libereetquiete,pleneetintegre,sibiet|heredibussuis,denobisetheredibusnostris,inomnibusrebusetlocis,inperpetuum,sicutpredictumest.
Juratumestautem,tamexpartenostraquamexpartebaronum,quodhecomniasupradictabonafideetsinemaloingenioservabuntur.†
Testibussupradictisetmultisaliis.
DatapermanumnostraminPratoquodvocaturRunimed’interWindleshor’etStanes|
QuintodecimodieJunii,AnnoRegniNostriSeptimodecimo.‡
63.Wherefore,wewishandfirmlycommandthattheEnglishchurchbefree,andthatthemeninourkingdomhaveandholdalltheaforesaidliberties,rightsandconcessions,wellandinpeace,freelyandquietly,
fullyandcompletely,forthemandtheirheirs,fromusandourheirs,inallthingsandplaces,inperpetuity,asisaforesaid.
Moreover,ithasbeenswornbothonourpartandonthepartofthebarons,thatallthesethingsabovesaidwillbeobservedingoodfaithandwithoutevilintent.
Witnessestheabovesaidandmanyothers.
GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign.*
3
KingJohnandtheSourcesforHisReign
JohnwastheyoungestsonofKingHenryIIandEleanorofAquitaine.HeaccededtothethroneofEngland,onthedeathofhisbrotherRichardtheLionheart,in1199.YethewasfarmorethansimplykingofEngland.AtitsstartMagnaCartaproclaimedhimalso‘lordofIreland,dukeofNormandyandAquitaine,countofAnjou’.Inan
importantrespect,eventhispanoplyoftitlesfailedtoreflectJohn’spower,foritsuggestednothingofhisdominanceoverWalesandScotland.ItwasthatwhichprovokedtheWelshrulersandthekingofScots,AlexanderII,toallywiththebaronsin1215.TherewerechaptersintheirfavourinMagnaCarta,makingita
British,notjustanEnglish,document.Norweretheotherdominionsirrelevanttowhathappenedin1215.Quitethereverse.TherebellionhadnofootinginIreland,andthe1215Charterwasnotsentthere,butJohn’squarrelswithsomeofhisgreatestbaronshadmajorIrishdimensions.1Evenmoreimportant,indeedabsolutely
crucial,wasthecontinentalempire.HowrightthatNormandy,AquitaineandAnjoustandinlargelettersonthefirstlineofMagnaCarta,asthoughweighingdownalltherest!ThefinancialburdensplacedonEnglandtodefendandrecoverthecontinentalempirewerethesinglemostimportantcauseofMagnaCarta.HadJohn
beencontentwithrulingEnglandanddominatingBritainandIreland,therewouldhavebeennoCharter.Theassemblageof
territoriesproclaimedinJohn’stitlewasputtogetherbyHenryII.HenrybegantoruleinAnjouandNormandyin1151.Anjouhehadinheritedfromhisfather,Geoffrey,hencethewaythat
historiansrefertothedynastyasthatoftheAngevins,whilecallingthedominionsundertheirruletheAngevinempire.Henry’stitletoNormandy,astoEngland,camefromhismother,Matilda,daughterofHenryI(r.1100–1135),andthusagranddaughterofWilliamtheConqueror.In1152HenryII’smarriagetoEleanorofAquitainebrought
himherextensiveduchy,whichembracedbothPoitouandGascony.ThenHenry,endingatlastthelongcivilwar,forcedKingStephentoaccepthisclaimtothethroneofEngland,becomingkingonthelatter’sdeathin1154.Morewastocome,forHenry’sinterventioninIrelandin1171–2createdthedynasty’slordshipthere.He
conferreditonJohn,who,atthestartofhisreign,added‘lordofIreland’totheroyaltitles.Thecontinentaldominions,
Normandy,AnjouandAquitaine,wereheldasfiefsfromtheCapetiankingofFrance.Theymightbeliabletoforfeitureforanybreachofthehomageandservicethatwasowedhim.Intheearly
yearsofHenryII’sreign,thelikelihoodofanysuchsentencebeingenforcedwasnegligible,giventheweaknessoftheCapetianking,LouisVII(r.1137–80).EverythingbegantochangewiththeaccessionofPhilipII,latercalledAugustus,in1180.Hisburningaimwastoweaken,and,ifpossible,destroytheAngevinempire.
Graduallyhebuiltuptheresourcestodoso.HealsoprovedamasteratexploitingdivisionswithintheAngevinfamily.WhenHenrydiedin1189,onlytwoofhissonsbyEleanorofAquitaineremainedalive,RichardandJohn.RichardsucceededtoEnglandandtoallthecontinentalpossessions,andthenleftimmediatelyon
crusade.DuringRichard’sabsenceintheHolyLand,andthenincaptivityinGermany,JohnfirstchallengedthegovernmentinEnglandandthenlaidclaimtothethrone.PhilipAugustus,meanwhile,overranmuchofNormandy.Richard,onhisreturnin1194,havingputdownwhatwasleftofJohn’srevolt,
spentthefollowingyearsonthecontinentinafiercestruggletorecoverwhathehadlost.Hehadgreatsuccess,yetfailedtoputthefrontiersofNormandybacktotheirstatein1189.2Then,in1199,Richard’sdramaticcareerwasabruptlyended.LayingsiegetothecastleofChalus-ChabrolintheLimousin,helefthistentone
eveningonatourofinspection.Withcharacteristicbutfatalself-confidence,hehadnotdonnedhisarmour.Hewascarryingashield,butthenfailedtoduckbehinditintimewhenanarrowwingeditswaytowardshimfromthebattlements.Thearrowbitdeepintohisshoulder,itsextractionwasbotched,the
woundfestered,andRicharddiedon6April.3Hewaschildless.Thereweretwocandidatesforthesuccession,JohnhimselfandhisnephewArthur,thesonofJohn’sdeceasedolderbrotherGeoffreyofBrittany.Arthur,however,wasonlytwelve,andhadfewsupportersamongtheAnglo-Normanbarons.Johnwasableto
secureNormandyandEnglandwithoutdifficulty.In1200,bytheTreatyofLeGoulet,KingPhilipacceptedhissuccessiontoallthecontinentaldominions.Ofthedisastersthatsoonfollowed,wewillsaysomethinginChapter7.Theyculminatedin1203–4withJohn’slossofNormandyandAnjou.Hespentmuchofthenextten
yearsexploitingEnglandinordertogaintheresourcestowintheempireback.ThefinancialexactionsofAngevingovernmentwerealreadyunpopularin1199.Nowthesituationseemedmanytimesworse.TheresultwasMagnaCarta.TheneedsoftheAngevin
empirecannotbeseeninisolationfromthesystemof
governmentthatfedthemandthestructureofthesocietyonwhichthatfeedingimpacted.BotharereflectedpowerfullyintheCharter,aswewillseeinChapters4to6.Equallyimportantwerethepoliticalideas,discussedinChapter8,thatsetthestandardsbywhichtheking’srulewasjudged.Importanttoowasthecharacteroftheking.John’s
governmentwouldhavebeenunpopularwhateverhischaracter,giventhelevelofhisexactions.Yethadhebeenabetterman,hemightwellhavegotawaywiththem.Withouttheintensehostilitytohimasaperson,therewouldhavebeennorevoltandnoMagnaCarta.TheCharteritselfcanseem
verypersonaltoKingJohn.
Hisnameisitsfirstword,the‘J’insomeoftheengrossmentsandlatercopiesbeingelongatedanddecorated.Thewords‘we’and‘our’–‘nos’and‘noster’–appearnofewerthan139timesinthetext.Atitsend,John‘gives’theCharterwithhisownhand.Andthen,hangingbeneathalltheoriginalswouldhavebeen
John’sseal.Thereheappeared,ononeside,sittingelegantlycrownedandholdingorbandsword,whileontheothersidehewasastridehishorse,inarmour,brandishinghissword,andwithashieldbearingthelionsofEngland.Thesealgaveawonderfulpictureofkingship’smajestyandmight.Howironicthatitshould
authenticateacharterthatwasdesignedtodiminishboth!TheCharteralsosuggested
somethingofthemenacingcontradictionsinJohn’scharacter.Atitsstart,JohnsaidthathewasactingforthehonourofGod,thehealthofhissoul,theexaltationofholychurchandthereformofhiskingdom.Noblesentiments,whichdidnot
comealtogetherfalselyfromhislips.TheywerecertainlynotinventedjustfortheCharter,forJohnoftenexplainedhisactionsinsuchterms.YettheCharteralsosuggestedJohn’sotherside.Underchapter62,heremitted‘allillwill,indignationandrancour’betweenhimselfandhismen,angryfeelingsfromwhichmightflowthearrest,
imprisonment,outlawry,dispossession,exileanddestructionmentionedinchapter39.TheCharteralsotestifiedpowerfullytothebeliefthatJohnwasutterlyuntrustworthy.Hencethewaythesecurityclausegavesuchextraordinarycoercivepowerstothetwenty-fivebaronsandthecommuneofthelandifJohnbrokethe
agreement.SuspicionalsohoveredoverJohn’ssincerityasacrusader,hencethewaytheCharterenvisagedthathemightneverinfactsetout.AndJohn’spromiseattheendoftheChartertoseeknothingbywhichitmightbeinvalidatedrevealedalltooclearlythesuspicionthatheintendedtodojustthat.John’scharacterwasfarfrom
straightforward,whichwasonereasonwhyhewassodangerous.Hewasperfectlycapableofactinginwhatappearedtobeagraciousandconsensualmanner.Hefrequentlysaidhewishedtoupholdlawandcustom.Ontheotherhand,hecouldequallybehaveinwaysthatseemedutterlyunacceptable.Thebetteroneknewhim,the
moreonedetectedthemalevolencebehindthesmileandtheknifebeneaththecloak.Johnwasinhisearly
thirtieswhenhecametothethronein1199andlatefortiesatthetimeofMagnaCarta,havingbeenborninEnglandin1166or1167.Weknowlittleofhisphysicalappearance.Overhistombin
Worcestercathedralliesaneffigyofthekingmadefromdark,ratherforbiddingPurbeckmarble.ItgivesJohnashortbeard,aclippedmoustacheandasmallish,almostdelicatefacewithprominentcheekbones.AlthoughpresumablyfinishedintimefortheremovalofJohn’sbodytoitsnewtombin1232,thereisno
reasontothinkthatitbearsalikenesstohim.4Thetombitselfwasopenedin1797,whensomegreyhairswerediscernibleunderthecoveringofthehead,acoveringthatdisappointinglywasnotremoved.Theteethinthedisplacedupperjawweregood,andthebonesoftherightfootwerewellpreserved‘ontwoorthreeof
whichthenailswerestillvisible’.Someteeth,athumbboneandashoefromthetombaredisplayedintheBritishLibrary’sMagnaCartaexhibition.Thebodymeasuredfivefootsixandahalfinches,soJohn,forthetime,wasofreasonableheight.5When,therefore,Gervase,amonkofCanterbury,writingofearly
inthereign,spokeofJohn’s‘smallnessofbody’–‘corporisparvitatem’–hewasprobablyreferringtotheslightnessofhisframe.Later,givenhisgoodappetite,forwhichthereisampleevidence,heprobablyputonweight.TheStAlbanschronicler,MatthewParis,hasaformerservantofJohn,inthecourseofnarratinga
veryfancifulstory,describehimas‘stronginbody,nottall,butrathercompact’.6
HowthencanwegetafeelforwhatJohnwaslike?Theansweristhroughtheworksofcontemporarywritersandthroughtherecordsofroyalgovernment.ThischapterexploresJohn’spersonalityasseenthroughthelensofboth,therebyalsoprovidingan
introductiontowhatarethemostimportantsourcesfortheMagnaCartaperiod.ThecontemporarieswhowroteaboutKingJohnhavenotreceivedagoodpress,beingoftenjudgedbothprejudicedandinaccurate.YetitisremarkablehowmanyaccountswerewrittenbymenwhoeithersawJohnatclosequartersorhadinformation
fromthosewhodid.SuchsourcesoftenpreservewhatseemauthenticandintimatepicturesofJohninactionandconversation.Theycantakeusclosetotheking.
JOHNBEFOREHISACCESSION:GERALDOFWALESANDROGEROF
HOWDEN
WegetafirstglimpseofJohninthewritingsofGeraldofWales,aprolificandprejudicedauthor,sometimeroyalclerk,andaspiranttothebishopricofStDavid’s.7
GeraldaccompaniedJohntoIrelandin1185,andgaveanaccountoftheexpeditioninhisConquestofIreland,whichwasfinishedfouryearslater.Atthistime,Geraldwas
stillbroadlyasupporteroftheroyalhouse.HispictureofJohnbetraysthecontradictionsthatweretobecomefamiliar.GeraldhasJohnfallingathisfather’sfeetandbegging‘inamostlaudablefashionitissaid’tobesentnottoIrelandbutoncrusadetoJerusalem.Thiswascertainlynoeasyoption,butitwastoIreland,by
decisionofhisfatherHenryII,thatJohnwent.Therehisyoungandirresponsibleentourageshoweditscontemptforthenativerulersbypullingtheirbeards,‘whichwerelargeandflowingaccordingtothenativecustom’.Suchoffensiveconductwasonereason,Geraldbelieved,forthefailureoftheexpedition.8
John’sreputationintheensuingyearswasfurtherblastedbyhisrebellionagainsthisfather.ItwasGerald,inalaterdyspepticphase,whogavethevividpictureofHenry,onhisdeathbed,turninghisfacetothewallwhenlearningofthetreacheryofhisyoungestandfavouriteson.ThiswasfollowedbyJohn’srebellion
againsthisbrotherRichardwhilethelatterwasabsentoncrusadeandthenincaptivity.ThemostdetailedaccountoftheseyearsisgivenbyRogerofHowden,anotherroyalclerk,butonewhosewritings,comparedtoGerald’s,aremeasuredandself-effacing.HowdenpreservesRichard’scontemptuousreflectiononJohn’streachery:‘mybrother
Johnisnotamantoconqueralandifthereissomeonetoresisthimwithevenameagredegreeofforce’.9YetHowdenalsohasJohn,afterhisrehabilitationonRichard’sreturnin1194,fightingloyallyandsuccessfullyagainstthekingofFrance,aswellasclearinghimselfoffurtherchargesoftreachery.Indeed,in1196,
JohnandthemercenarycaptainMercadier,havingcapturedthebishopofBeauvais,returnedtoRichard‘gloriouslytriumphant’.10
RALPHOFCOGGESHALL
ThismixedbutfarfromwhollynegativepictureiscontinuedinthechronicleofRalphofCoggeshall,amonkand,from1207,theabbotof
theCistercianmonasteryofCoggeshallinEssex.Ralph’snarrativeoftheyears1199–1201waswrittenverysoonafterwards,andcertainlybeforethedisastersofthelossofNormandyin1204andtheInterdictpronouncedonEnglandin1208byPopeInnocentIII.11CoggeshallwasnotacourtinsiderlikeGeraldofWalesandRogerof
Howden,butwhenitcametonarratingJohn’squarrelwiththeCistercians,hewasalmostcertainlyaneyewitness.WhentheCistercians,
standingontheirrightsofexemption,refusedtopayataxleviedonEnglandin1200,John‘inangerandfury’orderedthesheriffsbothbywordofmouthandbyletterstodoasmuchdamage
tothemastheycould.TheyweretodenytheCisterciansany‘justice’orassistanceandrefereverythingtohim.Aftertheinterventionofhischancellor,thearchbishopofCanterbury,HubertWalter,Johnwithdrewthese‘cruel’orders,buthethenbrushedaside,asfartoosmall,thepaymentof1,000marksthatHubertsuggestedfora
settlement,andgaveorderstohisforesterstoexpelallCistercian-ownedanimalsfromhiswoods.WhenagreatcouncilmetatLincolninNovember1200,theCistercianabbotsdidnotgoinprocessiontogreettheking,forfearofbeingturnedawaybyhisattendantsandexcludedwithridiculefromtheroyalhall.John,
meanwhile,refusedtolistentoanotherattemptedinterventionbyHubertWalter:‘Mylordarchbishop,Ibegyounottoenragemetoday,becauseIproposetobebled.’Intheend,however,after
thearchbishophadtalkedtoJohnashecameoutfromMass,theabbotswereallowedtoprostrate
themselvesbeforetheking,andwerethengivenaccesstohischamber.ThereJohnleftthemstandingashetwicewithdrewforprivatediscussionwithministersandbishops,beforeHubertWalterhimself,onJohn’scommand,pronouncedasettlement.TheCistercianswererestoredtotheking’sfavour,nomentionwasmade
ofthetaxandJohnpromisedtofoundamonasteryoftheorder(whichhedidlateratBeaulieu).When,inreturn,theabbotsforgaveallthedamagesthattheyhadsuffered,Johnprostratedhimselfhumblyattheirfeet,hisfacecoveredwithtears,whilethemonksintheirturnfelltotheground,‘seeingsuchgreathumilityand
reverencefromtheking’.Theabbots,Coggeshall,concluded,‘werefilledwithimmensejoyandgavemanifoldthankstoGod,whohadsoinclinedthemindofthekingtomercyandreverencefortheirorder’.12
Johnhereseemsverydifferentfromtheignorant,ineffectualyouthportrayedbyGeraldofWalesand
dismissedbyRichard.Heishandsonandintimidating,askingsneededtobe,yethealsotakescounselandchangescourse,comingoutofaquarrelwithhisreputationenhanced,indeedasoneguidedbythehandofGod.AllthisisnotdisimilartoJohn’sconductinhisquarrel,in1201–2,withtheabbeyofStAugustine,
Canterbury,overthepatronageofthechurchofFaversham.Here,accordingtotheabbey’saccount,JohninafurythreatenedtoburnFavershamchurchdownandallinsideit.Hecertainlyissuedordersthatledtothechurch’sblockade,theviolentextractionfromitoftheabbotandsomemonks,andtheseizureofStAugustine’s
estates.Then,however,withthepopebecominginvolved,sentencesofexcommunicationflyingroundandthemonksofferingmoneyforasettlement,JohncalmeddownandaskedadvicefromHubertWalter.Thearchbishop,inalongandnuancedletter,counselledaclimb-down.HisconclusionwasthatitwasJohn’sagents,
ratherthanJohnhimself,whohadprofitedfromtheseizureoftheestates:‘forastoyouitmaybesaidonthismatterthatyouhaveshakenthebushesandothershavecaughtthebirds’.ClearlyJohnwassomeonetowhomaleadingcounsellorcouldwritefranklyandfully.Apartfromdecidingtotaketheofferedmoney,Johnactedon
theadvice.‘Andthushewhohadformerlybeenthemostcruelpersecutorofthismonasterybecameitspatronandprotector’,theabbey’saccountconcluded.13
John’srecordearlyinthereignwonfavourablecommentinmattersofgreatermoment.ThusCoggeshallwelcomedthepeaceJohnmadewithPhilipAugustusin
1200,hopingthiswouldendtheterriblefinancialexactionsthathadbeenneededtofinanceRichard’swars.14GervaseofCanterbury(whofinishedwritingin1210)wasalsoimpressedbythepeace.Ifitledthe‘malevolentandenvious’tocallJohn‘softsword’,thatwasonlybecause‘byprudencemore
thanwar,hehadobtainedpeaceeverywhere’.15
THELIFEOFSTHUGHOFLINCOLN
Therewas,ofcourse,nopeace,ornotforlong.In1204PhilipAugustuscompletedhisconquestofNormandyandAnjou.AfterthatJohnwassoonembroiledinhisquarrelwiththe
papacy,whichsawhisexcommunicationandEnglandbeinglaidunderanInterdict.16ThereisoneintimateaccountofJohnwrittenduringthistime,writteninfactin1213,sobeforeMagnaCarta.ThiscomesintheLifeofHughofAvalon,thebishopofLincolnbetween1186and1200,whowascanonizedin1220.The
LifeofSaintHughwastheworkofhischaplain,AdamofEynsham,andisoneofthegreatestbiographiesbyanacolyteeverwritten,quiteworthytostandbesideBoswell’sLifeofJohnson.Inevitably,Adam’saccountofthestartofJohn’sreignisprejudicedbylaterevents.BishopHughismadetorumbletheking’scharacter
andforeseethedisastersthatweretocome.YetAdam,inhispositionbyHugh’sside,wasextremelywellinformed.Oncethelaterveneerisremoved,hecanactuallyshowJohnasmuchlikethe‘good’kingrevealedbyRalphofCoggeshall.17ThusatChinon,justafter
Richard’sdeath,seeingBishopHughapproaching,
Johnspurredhishorseforwardinhiseagernesstomeethim,leavingallhiscompanionsbehind.Thepairmetagainafewdayslater,attheabbeyofFontevrault,wherebothHenryIIandnowRichardwereburied.StandingunderthegreatLastJudgementportal,Hugh,asadreadfulwarning,pointeduptokingsbeingdraggeddown
toHell,onlyforJohntopointuptothekingsontheotherside,joyfullyascendingtoHeaven,withtheassurancethathewouldbeamongtheirnumber.Nextyear,whenHughwasdying,Johndismissedhisattendantsandsataloneforalongtimebesidehisbed,‘sayingmanykindwords’.
Mixedinwithsuchconduct,however,wasotherbehaviourthatseemedutterlyinappropriateanddisrespectful.ThusJohnboastedtoHughthatastonesetingold,whichheworearoundhisneck,wouldpreserveallhisdominionsfromharm.ThispromptedthenaturalresponsethatJohnshouldputhistrustnotin
magicalgemsbutintheLordJesusChrist.Alittlelater,JohnscandalizedthebishopbyseemingforamomentabouttopocketthetwelvegoldcoinsofhisofferingatMass.Andthen,tocapitall,beinghungryandwantingtoeat,hesentthreemessagesaskingthebishoptoconcludethesermonandhurryonwiththeservice.TheLifeofSaint
HughalsoreportedthelaughterandlevityofJohn’sentourageduringhisinvestitureasdukeofNormandy.Turningroundtojoinin,Johndroppedthelancethathadbeenplacedinhishands–notagoodomen.John’scontradictory
treatmentofBishopHughhasparallelswithhisconductinJocelinofBrakelond’sLifeof
Samson,abbotofBuryStEdmunds,whichwasfinishedsoonafter1202.HereJohnwongoldenopinionsbygoingatonce,afterhiscoronation,onapilgrimagetoBury.Hethenspoiledtheeffectbygivingthemonksnotthegreatofferingthattheyexpectedbutasinglesilkenclothwhichhehad
borrowedfromtheabbey’ssacrist,andneverpaidfor.18
AdamofEynsham’sLifeofSaintHughisthelastsignificanttestimonytoJohn’spersonalityactuallywritteninhisreign.Theotherrelevantworkscomefromthedecadeafterhisdeath.Oneofthese,anaccountofHughofNorthwold’selectionasSamson’ssuccessoratBury,
writtenbyaBurymonkandeyewitness,givesafascinatingimpressionofJohnin1214and1215,andwehavesaveditforournarrativeoftheseyears.HereletuslookfirstatanaccountofthereignbyawriterknownastheAnonymousofBéthune.
THEANONYMOUSOFBÉTHUNE
Itishardtothinkofamoreunappetizingnamethan‘theAnonymousofBéthune’fortheauthorofwhatisasuperbanduniqueaccountoftheMagnaCartaperiod.Thisisfoundaspartofalargerwork,conventionallyentitled‘TheHistoryoftheDukesofNormandy’.19Attheheartof
theportionthatconcernsusisacircumstantialnarrativeofeventsbetween1213and1217.ThisiscombinedwithacharactersketchofKingJohn,andamuchvagueraccountofepisodesinhisreignpriorto1213,notablyJohn’sexpeditiontoIrelandin1210andthefalloftheBriouzefamily.Theworkisenlivenedbynumerous
anecdotes,vividscenes,andquotationsfromJohn’sactualconversations.Sincetheauthorisunnamedheiscalled‘theAnonymous’.SincehewasintheentourageofRobertdeBéthune(judgingfromthenumberoftimesRobertappears),hebecomes‘theAnonymousofBéthune’.
Theauthorhadeveryreasontobewellinformed.Hewaswritingatthelatestsoonafter1220.Between1213and1216hismaster,RobertdeBéthune,wasintermittentlyinEnglandinJohn’sservice.Indeed,hewastherefortheweekseithersideofMagnaCarta.Ourauthorwasalmostcertainlywithhismasterandthusan
eyewitnesstowhathenarrates.Giventhelevelofdetail,insuchmattersasdates,hemustalsohavetakennotesatthetime.RobertwastheyoungersonofthelordBéthuneinArtoisandDendermondeinFlanders.HeandhisassociateswereregardedandregardedthemselvesasFlemings.Roberthad,
however,inheritedlandin1214(onhisfather’sdeath)innofewerthanfiveEnglishcounties.20WithnumerousconnectionswiththegreatEnglishandAnglo-Normanbarons,hewasfarfrombeinganoutsider.TheAnonymouswroteforRobertdeBéthune’sentertainment(henceinFrench),andtheamountofdetailabout
warfaredoubtlessreflectsRobert’ssoldierlyinterests.Therewasalsoapoliticalagenda.Althoughneveropenlyavowed,thewaythenarrativeswitchesfocusinthemiddleof1216stronglysuggeststhatRobert,atthispoint,hadswitchedsidesandenteredtheserviceofPrinceLouisonhisarrivalinEngland,havingbeenoffered
thethronebytherebels.TheportraitofJohnas‘bad’thusjustifiedthisconduct.Thatdoesnotmakeitanythelessbelievable.TheAnonymous
acknowledgedJohn’slavishhospitalityandhisgenerosityingivingrobestohisknights.Buttheoverallpicturewasnegativeindeed:
Hewasaverybadman,morecruelthanallothers;helustedafterbeautifulwomenandbecauseofthisheshamedthehighmenoftheland,forwhichreasonhewasgreatlyhated.Wheneverhecould,hetoldliesratherthanthetruth.Hersethisbaronsagainstoneanotherwheneverhecould;hewasveryhappywhenhesawhate
betweenthem.Hehatedandwasjealousofallhonourablemen;itgreatlydispleasedhimwhenhesawanyoneactingwell.Hewasbrim-fullofevilqualities.21
HerethenwemeettwoofthekeychargesagainstJohn:hiscruelty,andhistamperingwiththewivesanddaughtersofhisbarons.The
AnonymousgivesanexampleofthesecondinrelayingRobertfitzWalter’sclaimthatJohnhadtriedtoseducehisdaughter,thewifeofGeoffreydeMandeville.22HegivesanexampleofthefirstinagraphicaccountofthemurderofMatildadeBriouzeandhereldestson.AlthoughtheAnonymousdoesnotmaketheconnection,here
Johnhadform,forhehadalsobeenresponsibleforthemurderofhisownnephewArthur.23ArthurhadcomeintoJohn’shandsin1202andbeenimprisonedfirstatFalaiseandthenatRouen.TheannalsofMargamabbeyinsouthWalesgivetheonlycircumstantialaccountofwhathappenednext:
InthetowerofRouen,afterdinnerontheThursdaybeforeEaster[3April1203],whenhewasdrunkandpossessedbythedevil,[John]killedhimwithhisownhand,andattachingagreatstonetothebody,threwitintotheSeine.24
TheMargamstoryprobablycamefromWilliamdeBriouze,Matilda’shusband.
HewasinRouenatthetime,butisobviouslyahostilesource.That,however,John,inonewayoranother,murderedArthur,therecanbelittledoubt.Themurderwasnotnecessarilyunpremeditated.RalphofCoggeshallhadheardofanearlierplantoblindandemasculateArthurwhenhewasatFalaise.25Arthur,as
wehavesaid,hadlittlesupportinEngland,butLouis,sonofPhilipAugustus,thoughtthemurderworthharpingoninhismanifestowhenheinvadedEnglandin1216.26AccordingtotheStAlbansabbeychronicler,RogerofWendover,MatildadeBriouzeherselfrefusedtosurrenderhersonsas
hostagesonthegroundsthatJohnhadwickedlymurderedArthur.27
IfthemurderofArthurwasbadenough,thatofMatildadeBriouzeandhereldestsonseemedfarmoreshocking,foritstruckattheheartofagreatbaronialfamily,withwidelordshipsinIreland,WalesandEngland.Thecourseofthefamily’squarrel
withKingJohnwewilltraceinChapter7.Itendedin1210withMatildaandWilliamdeBriouzejuniorbeingstarvedtodeath.Therewasnothingunpremeditatedaboutthat.TheAnonymous’saccountregistersthefullhorrorofthisatrocity:
HeimprisonedMatildaandhersonatCorfeandorderedthatasheafof
oatsandonepieceofrawbaconbegiventothem.Hedidnotallowthemtohaveanymoremeat.Afterelevendays,themotherwasfounddeadbetweenherson’slegs,stilluprightalbeitleaningforwardagainstherson’sfoot.Herson,whowasalsodead,wasfoundsittingstraight,bentagainstthewall.Sodesperatewasthe
motherthatshehadeatenherson’scheeks.28
Sofarsoterrible,yetwhentheAnonymousgetstohisnarrativeof1213andportraysJohncloseup,thepictureisratherdifferent.Weseeakingacerbiccertainlybutalsoquiteabletotakecounselandactinarationalandappropriatemanner.29
Thuswhen,in1213,Robert
deBéthunecomestocourttoseekhelpfortheembattledFerrand,countofFlanders,Johniswelcomingandwellinformed:‘Iknowexactlywhatyouwant.’Hecallsinhiscounsellors,andagreestosendouttheearlofSalisbury,theresultbeingthedestructionoftheFrenchfleetatDamme.Nextyear,whenRobertannouncesthearrival
ofthecountinEngland,andaskswhyJohn(attheTowerofLondon)isnotatonceridingtomeethim,Johnappearstomock:
HeartheFleming,hedoesthinkhislordthecountofFlandersisagreatman.30
ButwhenRobertrepliedthat‘bySaintJames’,hecertainlywas,Johnlaughed,
summonedhishorsesandoutrodehisentourageinhishastetogettoCanterbury.Onarrivalhewentstraighttothecount’shosteland,withthecountwaitingoutsideintheroad,dismountedtosaluteandkisshim.Inside,Johnwasaffabilityitselfandinvitedthecounttodinewithhimonthenextday,whentheiralliancewouldbe
sealed.ItisdifficulttothinkJohncouldhavehandledthisbetter.31Hereisverymuchthekingwho,astheAnonymousobserved,treatedRobertdeDreux,whencapturedlaterin1214,‘mosthonourably’,allowinghimtohuntandhawk.32Onbalance,therefore,theAnonymous’spictureofJohnbetween1213
and1215wasapositiveone.33
THELIFEOFWILLIAMMARSHAL
ThesamecouldnotbesaidforthesecondgreatworkwrittenforaristocratswhohadactuallyparticipatedintheeventsofJohn’sreign,namelythelifeofWilliamMarshal.Williamwasa
youngersonofamiddle-rankingmagnatewhohadlandsinWiltshireandBerkshireandwasmarshaloftheroyalhousehold.Bornaround1147,andwithnoprospectofaninheritance,WilliamhadmadeanawesomereputationasaknightontheFrenchtournamentcircuit,FrenchbecauseFrance,notEngland,
wasthecentreforsuchchivalricenterprises.34HeeventuallyenteredtheserviceofHenryII,wherehecombinedhisreputationasafightingknightwiththatofacounsellorandmilitarystrategist.OnHenry’sdeath,KingRichardmarriedWilliamtoastupendouslywealthyheiress,thustransforminghimintooneof
thegreatestbaronsintheAnglo-Normanworld,lordofLeinsterinIreland,ChepstowinWalesandLonguevilleinNormandy.Atthestartofhisreign,JohnwentfurtherandacceptedWilliam’sclaim(throughhiswife)totheearldomofPembroke.Despitemuchprovocation,WilliamneverrebelledagainstKingJohnandis
namedinMagnaCartaasthefirstofthe‘noblemen’onwhoseadviceJohnsaidthathehadacted.Ontheking’sdeathinOctober1216,Williambecameregentforhisson,thenine-year-oldHenryIII,despitebeingaroundseventy.HeheldthepostuntilshortlybeforehisdeathinMay1219,winningthewarfortheyoungking,
andsealingwiththepapallegatethenewversionsofMagnaCartaissuedin1216and1217.Inthemid-1220sWilliam’s
sonsdecidedthatthisextraordinarylifeshouldbemadeknownandpreserved.Sotheycommissionedapoettowriteitinwhatturnedouttobenofewerthan19,214linesofrhymingFrench
verse.TheHistoryofWilliamMarshal,asitiscalled,isacardinaltextfortheidealsandactionsofchivalricknights.Itisequallysoforthefactualcourseofevents.William’sfamilyandentouragetookgreatpainstoseethatthepoetwaswellinformed.KeytestimonycamefromtheMarshal’sformersteward,Johnof
Earley,whowitnessedmanyofthecrucialpassagesbetweenJohnandtheMarshal.Thevividpictureofthekingisthuswellsourced.TheportraitofJohnhasa
fewredeemingfeatures.TheimmensityofhisvictoryatMirebeauinAugust1202(describedlater)isbroughtout,evenifthefruitsarethenthrownaway.Inonepassage
JohnseemsconcernedoverthehealthofoneoftheMarshal’syoungersons(Richard),keptasahostage;andthereispathosintheaccountofthekingonhisdeathbed,whenheaskstheMarshal’spardonandbegshimtoassumetheregencyofthekingdom.Occasionallythepleasantfacethekingcouldadoptisacknowledged:
herevertedtohisformerhabitofdisplayingfriendliness[belechiere]in[theMarshal’s]companyasifheborenogrudgeagainsthimorwasangrywithhim.35
Itis,however,madeveryclearthatsuchfriendlinesswasduplicitous,assumed
merelywhenthekingneededtheMarshal’ssupport.36ThegeneralthrustoftheHistoryistosubstantiatetheAnonymous’sviewthatJohnwas‘brim-fullofevilqualities’.Thereisasubtexthere,notverydifferentfromthatintheworkoftheAnonymous.TheMarshalwasloyal,buthiseldestson,WilliamMarshaljunior,
perhapswithhisfather’sconnivance,joinedtherebelsandwasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronscommissionedtoenforcetheCharter.NothingissaidabouthisrebellionintheHistory,butclearly,asthechiefpatronofthework,WilliamMarshaljuniorwouldhavewelcomedevidencetojustifyhisconduct.Johnhimselfwould
certainlyhavedefendedhisowntreatmentoftheMarshal.ShouldWilliamnothavebeenmoregratefulforbecomingearlofPembrokeatthestartofthereign?WashenotguiltyoftrickeryanddisloyaltyinstrikingadealwithPhilipAugustus,andthuskeepinghisNormanlandsafterJohn’slossoftheduchy?37Andyet,whenall
allowanceshavebeenmade,thepictureintheHistory,supportedbymuchcircumstantialdetail,remainsapowerfulandforthemostpartconvincingindictmentoftheking.TheHistorydoesnot
mentiondirectlythemurdersofArthurorMatildadeBriouze,butitcertainlyagreeswiththeAnonymous’s
chargeofcruelty,notablyinJohn’streatmentoftheprisonerstakenatMirebeau:
WhenthekingarrivedinChinon,hekepthisprisonersinsuchahorriblemannerandinsuchabjectconfinementthatitseemedanindignityandadisgracetoallthosewithhimwhowitnessedhiscruelty.38
ItwasnotjustatChinonthattheprisonerssuffered.TheMargamannalsmentiontwenty-twonobleandgallantknightstakenatMirebeaubeingstarvedtodeathatCorfecastle.39
AnaspectofhiscrueltywasJohn’sreadinesstolieinthecauseofgivingpain.Oneday,ridingoutfromGuildford,Johnsummoned
theMarshaluptohimandannouncednewsfromIreland.Inagreatconflictthere,theMarshal’sknightshadapparentlybeenvictorious,butsomehadbeenkilled,includingJohnofEarley.Itwasallmadeup,butuntilhelearntthetruth,theMarshalwasleft‘greatlyaggrievedatheart’.40
TheconflictinIrelandillustratesanothercharacteristicmentionedbytheAnonymous,namelythewayinwhichJohn‘sethisbaronsagainstoneotherwheneverhecould’.Thus,inIreland,thekingdidallhecouldtoexploitandexacerbatethetensionsbetweenhisgovernorthere,MeilerfitzHenry,andthe
Marshal.HealsomadestrenuouseffortstounderminetheloyaltyoftheMarshal’smen.Duringthesequarrels,theHistoryshowsthedifficultiesofbeingagreatmanatcourt.Betweenhisburstsof‘goodcheer’,thekingcouldtreattheMarshalsocoollythatnoonewouldspeaktohim.41Andinsuchsituations,weseeagainthe
Johnwholovedtomock.Inoneconfrontation,whenthecourtwasinafieldoverlookingtheseaatPortsmouth,waitingtoembarkforPoitou,Johnstompedofftoonesidewithhisentourage,leavingtheMarshalvirtuallyalone:
Theking,fromwherehewasstanding,
lookedatthesceneandwasgreatlypleasedbyit,andhesaid:‘ThatishowIwantit.Hereallyisrichlycounselled.TheMarshalhasnobodytherewithhiminhisdeliberations,fromamongstallthosehewantedtobepresent,exceptHenryfitzGerold
andthatmangyJohnofEarley…’42
Thekinghadreasonforhisanger.TheMarshalwasrefusingtojointheexpedition,beingunwillingtofightagainstthekingofFrance,towhomhehaddonehomageforhisNormanlands.YettoseektohumiliatetheMarshalinthisway,inanepisodethat
clearlyburntdeepandwaslongremembered,wasneitherwisenorkingly.43
ThemenJohnwentoffwith,whiletauntingtheMarshal,werenothisbaronsbuthis‘bachelors’.Thesewerehishouseholdknights,someofgoodbirth,somenot,whohadtakenaspecialoathofloyaltytothekingand,usuallywithoutgreatlanded
estates,weretotallydependentonhisfavour.Itwasoneofthese,JohnofBassingbourn,whoactedasJohn’sspokesmanagainsttheMarshal.44Later,inanotherepisode,itisamanofsimilarstatus,Gerardd’Athée,aknightfromtheTouraine,andverymuchoneofJohn’screatures,whoisseenintheHistorygoingintotheking’s
chamberafterdinner,withMeilerfitzHenry,todiscusstheMarshal’saffairs,whiletheMarshalhimselfisleftoutside,coldshouldered.ItwaswithpeoplesuchasBassingbournandAthéethatJohnfeltmostcomfortable,peoplewhowouldlaughsycophanticallyathisjokesand,withoutquestion,dohisbidding.Athéehimselfwas
deadby1215,buthisnameappearsinMagnaCartachapter50,whereJohnwasmadetodismisshisrelationsfromoffice.TheHistoryshows
somethingelseaboutJohn,namelythewayhecouldswingfromover-confidencetounder-confidence,fromill-judgedarrogancetoexaggeratedfearsand
suspicion.ThekingowedmuchofhisvictoryatMirebeautoWilliamdesRoches,butintheflushofthatsuccesshefobbedWilliamoff,tellinghimfirsttomeetupwithhimatChinon,thenatLeMans:
…daybydaytheking’sarrogance[orguels]grewandgrew,afaultwhichdoesnotallowthosein
itsgriptoseereasonbutbringsthemdown.
JohnthussawnoneedtohonourhispromisestodesRoches,andtheresultwasthelatter’sdefectiontothekingofFrance,andtheunderminingofJohn’spositioninAnjou.45Nextyear,Johnseemsverydifferent.Sensingtreason
everywhere,theHistorygivesagraphicpictureofhisflightfromNormandy,steelingawayinthemorningbeforepeoplewereup,avoidingthemainroadsandpromisinghewouldreturn,whileleavingeveryonesuspectingthathewouldnot.Thereasonforsuchconductwasclear:
Amanwhodoesnotknowwhomhehasto
fear,andwhoalwaysthinksheisinaninferiorposition,isboundtofeareverybody.46
RalphofCoggeshall’sverdictwasthesameontheseevents.John‘alwaysfearedbetrayalbyhismen’.47Nowonderthekingsooftentriedtosecureloyaltybythetakingofhostages.
COGGESHALL’SCONTINUATIONANDTHECROWLANDCHRONICLE
RalphofCoggeshall’saccountofthelaterstagesofJohn’sreign,thatisfrom1212,waswrittenafterJohn’sdeathin1216,inmuchthesameperiodastheworkoftheAnonymousandtheHistoryoftheMarshal.Itisofthefirstimportanceas
evidencefortheMagnaCartaperiod,butlackstheintimatepictureofthekingatworkfoundintheportionfinishedsoonafter1201.WhatisclearisthatCoggeshall’sviewofJohnhascompletelychanged.ThecatalystwasprobablytheInterdict,duringwhichtheCisterciansweremajorsufferers.ThusCoggeshall’shostilitytothekingwasnow
set,albeitexpressedinclippedremarksratherthanset-piecedenunciations.ThushestigmatizedJohn’s‘violent’exactionsfromtheEnglishchurch,hisresorttofraud,‘aswashiscustom’,hiscruelthreatsatthesiegeofRochesterin1215,andhistearful,terrifiedandshamefulretreatsafterPrinceLouis’invasion.Toseekmercyfrom
Johnwastoseek‘mercyfromtheunmerciful’.48CoggeshallgivesaneerieandluridaccountofJohn’sdeathinNewarkcastleduringthenightof17–18October1216,andaddsthat‘manyhorribleandfantasticvisionsweretoldbymanypeopleafterwards,thetenorofwhichwewillforgodescribinghere’.Hisreaderswouldhave
knownwhatthismeant.ThevisionswereofJohnsufferingthetormentsofHell.49
AsecondmajoraccountofJohn’slastyearsisfoundinwhatisoftencalled‘theBarnwellchronicle’,thisfornobetterreasonthanthatacopyofitoncebelongedtoBarnwellabbeyinCambridge.Infact,thanksto
theworkofCristianIspir,therecanbenodoubtthattheoriginaltextwaswrittenbyamonkatCrowlandabbeyinsouthernLincolnshire,anditwillbecalledtheCrowlandchronicleinthisbook.50
Gettingintoitsstridearound1212,thechronicleofferswhatisgenerallyagreedtobethemostperceptiveanalysisofJohn’slastyears.The
chroniclehasnoneoftheunremittinghostilitytothekingfoundinCoggeshall.ItrecognizesthedominationheachievedforawhileoverBritain,thepopularityofhisconcessionsin1212and1213,andtheadvantagesgainedfromhissubmissiontothepope.Ontheotherhand,initsfinalcomments,thechronicleobservesthatJohn
favouredforeignersandoppressedhisnativesubjects,beingdesertedbythematthelast.Johnwas‘agreatbutunluckyprince’–‘princepsmagnussedminusfelix’.LikeMarius,heexperiencedbothtypesoffortune–thereferencebeingtoGaiusMarius,theseven-timesconsulandtriumphantgeneralwho,attheendofhis
life,sufferedexileandthenengulfedRomeinabloodycivilwar.51Thismeasuredviewisstrikingandmaybeexplicable.TheabbotofCrowlandbetween1190and1236wasHenrydeLongchamp.ThefamilywasNormanbutHenryspentmostofhislifeinEngland,havingbeenamonkofEveshambeforebecoming
abbot.Heowedhispromotiontohisbrother,noneotherthanJohn’sgreatenemyinthe1190s,WilliamdeLongchamp,bishopofEly,Richard’schancellor.Henryhad,therefore,reasonstodislikeJohn.Yetwhen,earlyinthereign,hesawJohnatclosequarters,thisinthecourseofCrowland’sgreatdisputewithSpalding
abbey,hefoundhimperfectlyreasonable.Theking‘graciously’promisedtoshowtheabbot‘thefullnessofjustice’,andthoughhepostponedthecaseagainandagain,andtookmoneyfrombothsides,heultimatelycamedowninCrowland’sfavour,havingtakenadvicefrom‘thewisemenofhiscourt’.52Themonksof
CrowlandknewthatJohnwasnotallbad.
STALBANSABBEY:ROGEROFWENDOVERANDMATTHEWPARIS
AtStAlbans,RogerofWendoverdidnotcompletehisaccountofJohn’sreignuntil1225attheearliest.Thataccountwasthencopiedandembellishedafter1235byhis
successorastheStAlbanshousechronicler,MatthewParis.GiventhecircumstantialdetailthatWendoveroffers,hemusthavebeenworkingfromadraftorfromnotesmadeclosetotheeventshedescribes,althoughthisdidnotfreehimfrominventionanderror.NeitherWendovernorParisisofmuchvalue
whenitcomestoanassessmentofJohn’scharacter,buttheirworkswereimportantinfosteringthepictureofJohnasacruel,godlesstyrant.ThusitisWendoverwhohasthestoryofhowJohntorturedtodeathGeoffrey,archdeaconofNorwich,byhavinghimpressedtodeathinaleadencope,hiscrimebeing
disloyaltyduringtheInterdict.Here,however,therewasatleastsometruthbehindthestory,forthesoberannalsofDunstablerecordhowGeoffreyofNorwich(notthearchdeacon)diedinprisonatBristol,havingsufferedalongandgrievous‘martyrdom’.AReadingabbeysourcehashimbeingstarvedtodeaththere.53
MatthewParis,however,wascertainlyascendingintotheworldofpurefantasywhen,havingheardthetalefromoneofthesupposedenvoys,hedescribedanembassyJohnsenttotheemirofMoroccoofferingtoconvertthekingdomtoIslam.PariscopiedWendover’sfamousaccountofJohn’sdeathinwhichtheking’sfeveris
exacerbatedbypigginghimselfonenightonpeaches(wouldtherebepeachesinOctober?)andnewcider.Hethenconcludeswithamuch-quotedverse:
EnglandisstillfouledbythestinkofJohn,ThefoulnessofHellisdefiledbyJohn’sfoulness.54
THERECORDSOURCES
Inmakinguseofthewritingsofcontemporarywriters,scholarsare,ofcourse,utilizingasourcewithalongpedigreebehindit.Whentheyalsousetherecordsofroyalgovernment,theyareusingasourcethat,ingoodpart,issensationallynew.ItisatthestartofJohn’sreignthatthefullorchestraofgovernmentrecordsbeginstoplaywitha
poundingforce.TheserecordsallowthehistoryofJohn’sreigntobewritteninalevelofdetailimpossibleforanypreviousperiodofEnglishhistory.Inunderstandingthoserecords,andthegovernmentthatproducedthem,therearealsotworemarkablebooksbothwritteninthereignofHenryII.Oneofthese,calledthe
DialogusdeScaccario,wasbyHenry’streasurer,RichardfitzNigel,andexplainstheworkingsoftheexchequer.Theother,namedGlanvillafterHenry’schiefjusticiar,RanulfdeGlanvill,doesthesameforthenewlegalproceduresintroducedinHenry’sreign,whichwereattheheartofthecommonlaw.BoththeDialogusand
Glanvillareextraordinaryachievements,fullofprofessionalprideforthesystemstheydescribewithsuchpassionateprecision.55
TheDialogusandGlanvillareabouthowthingsoughttowork,atleastintheeyesoftheirauthors.Howgovernmentactuallydidwork(andhowsocietyrespondedtoit)isshownbythegigantic
corpusofroyalrecords.From1155thereisacontinuousannualsequenceofpiperollsthatrecordtheexchequer’sannualauditofthemoneyowedthecrown.Then,from1199,manyrollssurviveonwhichthechanceryrecordedthechartersandlettersissuedbytheking,asalsotheoffersofmoneytohimforconcessionsandfavours.
Fromthe1190stherearealsotherollsrecordingpleasintheking’scourts.Thankstothelaboursofnineteenth-andtwentieth-centuryeditors,nearlyallthismaterialhasbeenpublished.Onaroughcount,forJohn’sreignitrunstosome8,650printedpagesofvariousshapesandsizes,allofitindexed,albeittovariablestandards.Eventhis
doesnotexhaustthecorpusofgovernmentmaterial,foronlynow,undertheMagnaCartaProject,areJohn’soriginalchartersandletters(asopposedtothecopiesonthechanceryrolls)beingcollected,analysedandpublished.Therecordsproducedby
thechancery,exchequerandlawcourtsshowthegreat
powerofthegovernmentalmachineinJohn’shands.Theyalsoshedlight,sometimesoblique,sometimesdirect,onhischaracter.Tobesure,manyoftheking’sletters,copiedandthuspreservedonthechanceryrolls,wereaboutroutinemattersandweretheworkofministers,sometimesexplicitlyso.Wheretheking
wasdirectlyinvolved,heprobablygavegeneralinstructionsabouttheformoftheletters,ratherthandictatingthemwordforword,buthecouldstillgivevigourtotheirphraseology.OnepictureintheMarshalHistorytakesusclosetohowthingsworked:
Thekingsaidtohischancellor:
‘Makeallhastetocarryoutthetask.Preparetheselettersforthwith,withexplicitwordingaimedatallthoseholdinglandfromme,totheeffectthat,iftheyfailtocometoEngland,theywillnotholdsomuchasafootoflandfrommeinthewholeofEngland.’
Someletters,therefore,maywellcatchJohn’sownemphaticwords,aswheremiscreantsaretobe‘hangedfromthenearestoak’,orJewsaretobeprotectedsince‘evenifwegiveourpeacetoadog,itoughttobeinviolablyobserved’.56
Aboveall,therecordsshowJohn’stremendousgraspofdetail.Hewas
alwaysthinkingaroundtheanglesoftheproblemshefaced,intheprocesssometimesrevealingalltooclearlyhisanxietythatthingsmightgowrong.Thewordingofacharterisalteredbyhis‘specialorder’;aprisoneristobekeptinadeepdungeon;knightssenttogarrisonacastlearenottogointothesurroundingcountry;
prisonersaretobereleasedalthoughnotnamedinhisletter(hedoesn’tknowtheirnames);paymentofadebtistobedelayeduntilhecancometotheexchequerandseefromitsrollsexactlyhowmuchisowed;ifheisrightinthinkinganinstalmentofapensionhasbeenpaidtwiceover,thenitistobeadjustedaccordingly;housesandlands
aretobetakenawaybecausehehasbeendeceivedbyliesaboutthesizeofadebt;EngelarddeCigognéistobringRobertdeDreuxtoWinchesterprovidedhecansafelyleavethecastlesinhiscustody;ifhecannot,heshouldgivethejobtoreliablemen.57Theseexamplesinvolverelativelysmallmatters,butthesame
attentiontodetailwasdisplayedinmattersofmoresignificance,notablyindevisingpunishmentsandinsettingoftenexcruciatingtermsfortherepaymentofdebts.TheOxfordshirebaronHenryd’Oillywastopayoffadebtof£1,015at100marksayear.Ifhedidnotkeeptheterms,inanoft-usedthreat,
hewastoloseallhehadpaid.58
ThelettersalsotestifytopositivesidesofJohn’skingship,amplyjustifyingtheAnonymous’sclaimthathewasanexpansivehost.Withsuchalimentaryextravagance,Johnhopedtoenhancethemoraleofhisentourage,conciliatethosewhocametocourtandby
holdinggreatfeastswitherstwhileenemiesdemonstratethatquarrelswereatanend.ForJohnitseemedespeciallygrievousthatsomeone‘whoatemybread’shouldbetrayhim.59
Therecordsalsohintatahumansideoftheking.HeallowsthehostagesonofRobertdeRostospendthewinterwithhisparents,
althoughhewantshimbackatEaster.Sometimesthethreatsthemselveswerejokes,aswhenJohnsenthisministerWilliamBrewerafatdeer,andtoldhimhewouldnotgetanotherunlesshecarriedouttheaccompanyingorder.60Theletterscanexpresswhatseemslikegenuinefriendship:
Knowthatwearesafeandwell…wearecomingintoyourareasoonandarethinkingaboutyouconcerningthehawk,andalthoughwehavebeenapartfromyoufortenyears,onourarrivalitwillnotseemtousmorethanthreedays.
ThiswasaddressedtotheGermanknightTheodoricTeutonicus,whomJohnhad
madeconstableofBerkhamsted.ThehawkwasprobablyagiftofTheodorictotheking.61Johncouldalsowritelettersfulloffulsomepraise,nonemoresothanwhenthankingWilliamMarshalforhissupportinIrelandin1212.HereJohnconcludedbyrespondingtotheMarshal’sanxietiesabouthishostageson.Theking
offeredtoentrusttheboytoJohnofEarley,volunteeredtobuyhimamuchneededhorseandrobe(althoughwantingtoberepaid),anddeniedthathehadtheleastintentionofsendinghimtoPoitou.Indeed,hehadheardnothingabouttheideauntilitwasmentionedbyoneofhisministers.62
TherollsrecordingthelawsuitsthatwereheardatJohn’scourtlikewiseshowhisactivityinafavourablelight.63Johnthusdeclaresthatcasesshouldbedecidedaccordingtocustom,reasonand‘thecounselofhisbarons’.Heisfrequentlyconsultedbyhisjudges(‘speakwiththelordking’)evenoverminorcases.In
one,hemakesarulinginfavourofoneEmma,daughterofHolfrid,whowasseekingamereeightacresoflandasherinheritance.DorisStenton,reviewingthismaterial,feltsuchinvolvement,evenindifficulttimes,‘demonstratesasingularstrengthofcharacter,agenuine“stabilitas”,whichiswhollyadmirablewhatever
viewistakenofKingJohnasaman’.64
Therecords,ontheotherhand,alsogosomewaytosupportallegationsofimpiety.TworollsrecordingJohn’sday-to-dayexpenditureduringtheregnalyears1209–10and1212–13(apartfromrevealingtheking’sregularbaths)arefullofofferingstothepooras
actsofpenance.ThusJohnfrequentlyfedahundredpaupersbecausehedinedtwiceonaFriday,supposedlyadayofabstinence.Fivehundredpaupersbenefitedwhen,insteadoffasting,heatefishanddrankwineonthefeastoftheAdorationoftheHolyCross.65OtheroccasionsforalmsgivingwerewhenJohnwenthuntingor
hawkingonachurchfestival.OneHolyInnocents’Day,hegaveapennyapieceto350paupers,thisbeingfiftyforeachofthesevencranestakenbyhishawks.66ThelessthanpietisticatmosphereatcourtisalsoreflectedinthewayJohnfedpaupersbecauseofthefoodanddrinktransgressionsofhisministers,onebeneficiary
beingThomasBasset,whowasnamedasacounsellorinMagnaCarta.67Ontheotherhand,thefactthatJohnfelttheneedforactsofpenanceatallshowshewasnotwhollyirreligious.Healsofedpaupersforreasonsotherthanhisowntransgressions,forexampleforthesoulsofhisfatherHenryandbrotherRichard.Whenhismother
diedin1204,hearrangedforthefeedingofovertwothousandpauperseachdaythroughoutthesummer.68IfheaskedBishopHughtohurryuphissermonsohecouldgoandeat,itwassurelybecausehehadfastedbeforetheservice.69
TherecordshavesomethingtosayaboutJohn’srecreations.Wehave
justseenhimasahawker.IndeedhishawkinghelpedprovokeacoupleofthechaptersinMagnaCarta.70
Hewasalsoagreathunterwithhounds.John’shunt‘shadowed’hisitineraryandcouldrisetoasmanyas300greyhounds,nineotherhuntingdogsandsixteenboarhounds,withsixty-fourhandlers,animpressivesight
astheywentpast.71TherollsalsorecordpaymentsofJohn’sgamblingdebtsandoccasionallymentionhismistresses.In1212achapletofroseswassenttoJohn’s‘friend’fromamanorofthechiefjusticiar,GeoffreyfitzPeter.72MoresinisterisanentryconcerningthewifeofJohn’schiefforester,HughdeNeville.The‘finerolls’for
1204–5recordherasofferingtheking‘200chickenssothatshemightbeabletolieonenightwithherlord,HughdeNeville’.Interpretationsofwhatwasgoingonhavevaried,butthemostlikelyexplanationisthatthewifewasJohn’smistressandthetwoofthemwerejokingaboutwhatanightbackwithHughwasworth;theanswer
wasaridiculous200chickens.ThejokewasmadeallthemorehumiliatingforHughbyputtinghimdownassuretyforthedeliveryofahundredofthechickens.73
HughwastodesertJohnin1216,althoughhehadlittletohopeforintherebelcamp.Another,evenmorehigh-profiledesertionwasthatofJohn’shalf-brother,William
Longespee,earlofSalisbury(anillegitimatesonofHenryII).TheFrenchcourthadasimpleexplanationforthat.WhileLongespeewasinFrenchcaptivityin1214,Johnhadseducedhiswife.74
Howintheendtobalanceallthisup?ItistemptingtoagreewithJohnGillingham’spithyconclusionthatJohnwasa‘shit’.Thiswassaidin
aradiodebateinwhichmyunpalatabletaskwastodefendtheking!Yetadefencecanbemade.Johnwasenergetic,intelligent,astute,imaginative,informedandamasterofdetail.Hewassensitivetobehaviouralexpectations,and,whenhefeltlikeit,couldappearpiousandpenitent,courteousandconsiderate,akingeagerto
actjustly(ifformoney)andreadytotakeadvice.Johnalsofacedimmenseproblems.Heinheritedamonarchyalreadyunpopularandanempirealreadyseriouslyunderthreat.TheCrowlandchronicler,evenattheendofthereign,thoughtofJohnasagreatprince,ifanunluckyone.Onecan,however,seetheforceina
Gillingham-typeverdict.IfthetestimonyofWendoverandMatthewPariscanbediscounted,itismuchhardertosetaside,whatevertheiragendas,thecharactersketchbytheAnonymousofBéthuneandthepicturethatemergesfromtheMarshalHistory.ThattheywerewrittenafterJohn’sdeathmerelyincreasestheirforce.
Therecordwasnowcomplete.ThosewhoreallygottoknowJohnrealizedthatbehindthesometimesacceptableexteriortherelayafracturedpersonality,suspicious,untrustworthy,aggressiveandcruel.John,aswehaveseen,seemstohavegotonbestwithsubordinates,whodidwhattheyweretold.Itisnoaccidentthatthe
greatestshowofaffectioninhislettersispreciselytoonesuchman,TheodoricTeutonicus.Thekingfeltmuchlesseasywiththosemorehisequals,andprobablydidnotliketheircompany.Inonetellingepisode(forwhichoneofhislettersisevidence),hetriedtopersuadeWilliamMarshaltoleavecourtandgoandvisithisestatesuntilthe
nextmeetingoftheking’scouncil.(TheMarshal,knowingthedangersofabsence,refusedtogo.)75
WhereasJohn’sgoodcharacteristicswereassumed,hisbadoneswerepartofhisverybeing.WhenhewaspleasanttotheMarshalandtheFlemings,hewassooutofcalculation.WhenhecastasideWilliamdesRoches,
andmurderedMatildadeBriouze,hegaveventtorealfeelings.Itisalsofarfromclearthat
John’scharacterbeganwellandthendeterioratedunderthepressurescreatedbythelossofNormandy.IfheactedsensiblyinhisquarrelswiththeCisterciansandStAugustine’s,Canterbury,earlyinthereign,thatisnot
sodifferentfromhowheappearsatworkintheAnonymousofBéthune’saccountbetween1213and1215.Equally,thenegativesidesofJohn’scharactercanallbeseenbefore1204:hisdelightinmockery;hiscruelty;hisarrogance;hisfearfulsuspicions;hisunseemlyconduct(AdamofEynsham’sstorieshere
cannotbeentirelymadeup).Whathappenedisthatafter1204thesecharacteristicsoperatedinafarmorehostileenvironmentcreatedbyabsolutelynovelfinancialexactions.John’scharacteritselfwouldnothaveprovokedtherebellionthatledtoMagnaCarta.Norwouldhisfinancialexactions.
Itwasthetwotogetherthatwereunsupportable.HowJohnbecamelikethis
onecanonlyspeculate.Didhisconspiraciesagainsthisfatherandbrothermakehimalwaysexpecttreatmentinlikecoin?Hadhebeendamagedasayoungestson,treatedbyRichardwithcontempt,andforlongholdingonlytheremote
lordshipofIreland?Thenickname‘Lackland’(‘sineterra’)wascontemporary,as(unfairly)was‘softsword’.76
Didhisslightframe,inearlylife,makehimfeelinferiortomachoknightssuchasWilliamMarshal?Whateverthecauses,fortheAnonymousofBéthune,evenJohn’sperfectlyreasonabletreatmentoftheFlemings
couldnoterasehisreputationasanevilman.Onhisdeath-bed,WilliamMarshalwasequallyexplicit.TurningtotheyoungHenryIII,andclaspinghishand,heexpressedthehopethathewouldgrowuptobeaworthyman.If,ontheotherhand,hefollowedthepathof‘anycriminalancestor’(‘alcunfelonancestre’),then‘Ipray
Godthathedoesnotgiveyoulongtolive’.The‘criminalancestor’was,ofcourse,KingJohn.77
QUEENISABELLA
MagnaCartabeginswithKingJohn.Itends,inthesecurityclause,withhisqueenandchildren.Nomentionismadeoftheirnames,buttheirpersons,like
thatoftheking,aretobesparedinanyactionstakenbythetwenty-fivebarons.JohnmarriedIsabellaofAngoulême,thenatmostinherearlyteens,in1200,hisfirstmarriagetothecountessofGloucesterhavingbeenannulled.JohntherebygainedIsabella’srichandstrategicinheritanceofAngoulême.Beyondthat,Isabella
certainlyfulfilledherprimaryroleofprovidingJohnwithanheir.78Herfirstchild,borninOctober1207,wasason,thefutureHenryIII.Shewentontoproduceanothersonandthreedaughters.DespiteJohn’smistresses,maritalrelationscontinuedthroughoutthereign,andIsabellawaspregnantwithherlastchild,Eleanor(the
futurewifeofSimondeMontfort),atthetimeofJohn’sdeathin1216.79TheStAlbanschroniclers
providetwostoriesaboutIsabella.One,fromWendover,wasthatJohndalliedinhercompanywhileNormandyfellin1204.That,ofcourse,isridiculous.80Theother,fromMatthewParis,isthattheenvoysentto
MoroccotoldtheemirthatJohnhadhermanyloversstrangledonherbed.81Ifso,shecertainlypaidJohnbackforhisinfidelities,althoughwithunfortunateresultsforthelovers.ButofcoursethestoryisevenmoreunbelievablethanWendover’s.BothchronicleandrecordevidencesuggeststhatIsabellaresidedina
seriesofroyalcastles,whereshewasdoubtlesscarefullyguarded.AtacriticalmomentinNovember1214,byanordertypicalofJohn’smicro-management,TheodoricTeutonicuswastold,oncehehadsufficientknights(doubtlessforaguard),totakeIsabellatoBerkhamstedbyaspecifiedroute.Amonthlater,Theodoricwasordered
togowithhertoGloucester,and‘keepherthereinthechamberinwhichourdaughterJoanwasborn’.82
ItdoesnotsoundasthoughIsabellahadmuchsayaboutthesearrangements,andthatwouldhavebeenparforthecourse.Shehadbeencrownedandanointedwithmuchdisplay.Isabellawasqueen‘bythegraceofGod’,
justasJohnwasking.Asqueen,theexpectationwasthatshewouldplayaroleasanintercessorandpeacemaker.Yet,thereisnoevidencethatJohninvolvedherinpoliticaloranyotherdecisions.Evenwhenshemusthavebeeninhertwenties,hedeniedherthetraditionalrevenuesofqueenship,andtreated
Angoulêmeashisown.Isabella’slatercareershowsshewasawomanofhardandhighspirit.AfterJohn’sdeath,deniedanyroleintheminoritygovernment,sheleftherfivechildren,returnedtoAngoulême,andproducedanotherfamilywithhersecondhusband,HughdeLusignan.Sheneverforgotherqueenlystatusandwas
‘killed’(assheputit)whenmadetostandinthechamberofthekingofFrancelikesome‘fatuousservant’,whiletheroyalfamilylolledonthebed.WhenherhusbandwentontoentertaintheFrenchatLusignan,sheransackedthecastle,tookallhergoodsbacktoAngoulêmeandkeptHughwaitingoutsideforthreedaysbeforeshewould
seehim.83HowIsabellamusthavewishedtotreatJohninthesameway!ThatshedidtrytostanduptohimissuggestedinonestorypreservedbytheAnonymous.WiththeFrenchoverrunningthecontinentalpossessions,Johntriedtoreassureher:
Mylady,don’tworry…Iknowacornerwhereyouwon’thavetowatch
outforthekingofFrancefortenyears,notforallhispower.
ThiswasIsabella’sreply:Indeed,mylord,Ireallythinkyouarekeentobeakingwhoismatedinacorner.84
Ifthisreflectsthenatureoftheirconversations,onecanunderstandwhyIsabellahadsolittleinfluenceoverher
husband.AftersheleftEngland,shementionedhiminnotasingleoneofhercharters.85
KINGJOHNANDCORFECASTLE
ThischapterhasconcentratedonthewrittensourcesforJohn’sreign.Itisapitythatsolittlesurvivesofthephysicalenvironmentin
whichhelived,allthemoresosinceJohnwasamasterofmanipulatingspace,asthecontemporaryaccountsofhimatworkshow.Hemoveddiscussionsbetweenhalls,chambers,chapelsandchapterhouses,inakindofritualoftherooms.Withdifferentspacescamedifferentaudiences,asJohnfirsttookcounselfromone
group,thenanother–‘you,you,you,therestwaitoutside’–beforeannouncinghisdecisionsorhavingthemannounced.Wehavenoevidencefordiningarrangements,butthesetoowerepartoftheritual.Hoipolloiate(andslept)inthehall,whilethekinghimself,saveatgreatfeasts,atewiththefavouredfewinhis
chamber.Aninvitationtothechambermealshowedyouwere‘in’.Ifyouwereexcluded,youknewyouwere‘out’.Fortunately,onebuilding
doessurvivetogiveanimpressionoftheenvironmentJohncreatedforthistheatre.ItisCorfecastle,onwhichhespentover£1,400.86JohnwasatCorfe
innineyearsofhisreign.Hemadethreevisitsin1215.In1216hewasthereforamonthashepreparedforwhatturnedouttobehisfinalcampaign.JohnwasacutelyawareofthedifferentgradationsofCorfe’sarchitecturallayout.In1215theprivilegedprisonerRobertdeDreuxwastobeentertainedinthecastle’shall
andallowed,ifhewished,toenterthekeep,butnothingwassaidaboutthemoreprivateapartments.87
ThecastleonwhichJohnlavishedsuchattentionwasbuiltonanextraordinarynaturalmound,stickingupinacleftbetweentworangesofthePurbeckhills.Johnstrengthenedthecastlebecauseithadgreatstrategic
significance,controllingtheharboursofPooleandWareham.Healsowantedittobeutterlysecure,aplacewherehecouldkeephisprisoners,andhousehiswifeandsons.AndJohnalsowantedthecastletoimpress.AvisitorarrivingatCorfecameupfromthelittlevillageandenteredthroughthegatewayofthecastle’souter
bailey.Havingdismounted,hethenwalkedupthesteepinclineandpassedthroughasecondgateway,fromwherehesawthegreatpalisadedditchdug,onJohn’sorders,toprotectthemiddleandinnerbailey.ThemiddlebaileyJohnhadstrengthenedwithnewwalltowers,makingthewholeensembleresemblethemostfamousofall
contemporarycastles,RichardI’sChâteauGaillard.Inthemiddlebaileywastheking’shallwhereRobertdeDreuxwastobeentertained.Toprogressfurther,thevisitorhadtogoonandupintotheinnerbailey,wherehecouldenter,asRobertwaspermittedtodo,thetoweringtwelfth-centurykeep,andreflectonthosewhohad
starvedtodeathinitsdungeons.Hehadstillnotreachedtheking’sownprivateapartments.Johnhadbuilttheseattheveryhighestpointofthecastle.Toreachthem,youhadtoclimbacoveredstonestairwayleadingtothemiddlestageofathree-storeytower,fromwhichdoorwaysopenedlefttotheking’schapelandright
intohis‘greatchamber’.Andwhatachamber!ForJohn,afterthemightoftherestofthecastle,hadgonenotforsizebutfordelicacyandsophistication.Builtliketherestoftheapartmentsinbeautifullycutstone,thechamberwaslitbylonglancetwindows,fouroneitherside,eachrisingfromwindowseats.Fromthe
windowsontheeasternside,standingabovethecastle’souterwall,thereweremagnificentviewstowardstheDorsetcoast.Inthegreatchamber,theking’sclerks,counsellorsandcroniesmingled,waitingtobecalledintoanotherroom,orforthekingtocomeoutfromit.Forthegreatchamberwasnottheendofthissetofapartments.
Beyondit(alasnowlost)wasanevenmoreextraordinaryroom,calledquiteprobablybyJohnhimself‘LaGloriette’.Thenameseemstohavederivedfromatwelfth-centurychansondegeste,inwhichaSaracenpalacecalledLaGloriettehas,amongotherwonders,‘afantasticalmarbletowerwithfixturesingoldandsilverincludingsilver
windows’.HowJohn’sinnerchamberresembledthatwedonotknow,butevidentlyitdid.88Itwashere,ifhecouldgetpasttheushers,thatabaroncouldatlastbowdownbeforeJohnhimself,akingdoubtlessbejewelledanddressedinmagnificentrobes,playingperhapswithanewswordorcrown,andporingoversomeofthemany
treasuresofgoldandsilverhekeptatthecastle.WasthebaronawedandinspiredtodoJohn’sbidding?Ordidheseethroughtheoutwardshow,toJohn’srealpersonality?Probablyhedid.
4
MagnaCartaandSociety:Women,Peasants,Jews,
theTownsandtheChurch
AtthestartofMagnaCarta,Johngreetedhisclericalandlaymagnates,hisministersand‘hisfaithfulmen’–‘FidelibusSuis’–and
informedthemofwhathewasdoing.HewastherebyannouncingtheChartertoallthemenofthekingdom,sinceeachadultmalewasexpectedtotakeanoathoffealtytotheking,thusbecominghis‘faithfulman’–‘fidelis’.LikewiseattheendoftheCharter,inthesecurityclause,itwas‘everyone’–‘omnes’–orallmenwho
weretosweartheoathtosupportthetwenty-fivebaronsintheirworkofmaintainingtheCharter.Alladultmaleswerethuspotentiallypartofthe‘communeofalltheland’(‘commune’meaningswornassociation),whichtheoathcreated.1
ContemporariescouldregardtheCharterinthesame
way.TheannalsofDunstabledescribeditasbeingabout‘thelibertiesofthekingdomofEngland’.Lateritwasoftencalledacharterof‘commonliberties’.2Thismeantitwas‘common’inthegeographicalsenseinthatitappliedtoallthecountry(whereasthelaterForestCharterwasonlyrelevanttoforestareas),buttheCharter
alsocarriedatleastatingeofbeingcommoninthesenseofeveryonesharinginitsbenefits.Noronthefaceofitwasthatuntrue.Someofthechaptersseemedtohaveauniversalreach.‘Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice’,ranchapter40.
THEECONOMICFRAMEWORK
ThepeopleofMagnaCarta’sEnglandlivedinanageofeconomicexpansion.3AllhistorianswouldagreethatthepopulationofEnglandroseveryconsiderablyinthehundredorsoyearseithersideoftheCharter,beforeitwasslashedbytheBlackDeath.Therewouldbemuch
lessagreementoverprecisefigures,especiallyforthe1200s,whicharesituatedinastatisticalvacuumbetweenthedatathatcomefromDomesdayBookin1086andthe‘HundredRoll’surveyof1279.Ahighestimatefortheearlythirteenthcenturywouldbe4.5millionpeople,alowone3million.Perhapsaround3.5millionmightbethe
safestbet.Therisingpopulationwasaccompaniedbyurbanandcommercialexpansion.Manynewtownswerefounded,andoldonesgrewinsize.Thetownpopulationmaywellhaveincreasedfasterthanthatinthecountryside,reachingby1300atleast10percentofthewhole.4Therewasagiganticincreaseinthe
moneysupply,andanewnetworkofmarketsandfairswasintroduced.5
JustwherethereignofJohnfitsintothispictureofgeneralexpansionis,however,farfromclear.Indeed,itcouldbearguedthattheeconomyinhistimesufferedaseriesofshocks,somebeingtheresultsofhispolicies,somenot.There
werecertainlyatthestartofJohn’sreignsomeyearsofveryrapidinflation,inwhichpricestripledormorethantripled.Althoughtheythenfellback,pricesneverreturnedtotheiroldlevels.Themostimportantpriceofall,thatofwheat,fluctuated,after1207,atsomethingmorethantwiceitslevelbefore1200.6Thecausesofthe
inflationhavebeenmuchdebated,butthemostimmediatefactorwasprobablyaseriesofbadharveststhatpushedupthepriceofcorn.RalphofCoggeshallspecificallyblamedthehighpricesof1205,whichhecontrastedwiththoseinthereignofHenryII,onthefreezingweatherthathaddestroyed
thecrops.7Chroniclersalsocommentedonthebadweatherof1201andthefamineof1203.8Anotherfactor,purelymonetary,wasarguablythereleaseoflargenumbersofcoinsbecausehoardershaddecidedtospendtheirmoney,havinglostconfidenceinamuchclippedcurrencyandbeingfearfuloflosingoutina
recoinage,whichindeedwasintroducedin1205.9Overthelongerterm,thefailureofpricestoreturntotheiroldlevelswasprobablyduetotheflowofsilverintothecountryfromFlandersinordertopayforEnglishwool.Thisinflationtookplace,moreover,despitethedeflationarypressuresresultingfromthemoneysent
overseasforthedefenceandthenrecoveryoftheAngevinempire.AlargeamountofmoneywasalsotakenoutofcirculationasJohn,after1204,builtupthetreasureneededtofinancehiscontinentalschemes.10
Tradingpatterns,meanwhile,musthavebeendisruptedbothbythelossofNormandyandAnjouin1203–4,andthe
conflictwithFrancethatcontinuedthereafter.ThisindeedisreflectedinMagnaCarta’schapter41withitsconcern,ifwarbrokeout,forthetreatmentofforeignmerchantsinEnglandandEnglishmerchantsabroad,theimplicationbeingthathithertotheyhadbeenarrestedandtheirgoodsseized.
John’sreigninthisperspectivemightseemthentocombinebadharvests,inflation,shortageofcoin,disruptionoftradeandageneraldeclineinproductivity,allmakinghisexactionsthemoregrievous.MagnaCartabecomestheresultofaneconomiccrisis.P.D.A.Harveyindeedremarkedthat‘nolandmark
inEnglishconstitutionalhistorywasmoreclearlybroughtaboutbyeconomicchangethanMagnaCarta’.11
Yetitisimpossibletobesureofthisinterpretation.Theharvestsin1213and1214wereactuallygood,andpricestumbledfromthehighlevelsofsomeearlieryears.12
Theyear1215wasthusverydifferentfrom1258,whena
greatpoliticalrevolution,strippingJohn’sson,HenryIII,ofpower,tookplaceatatimeofdearthandstarvation,followingaharvestfailure.ThesumsJohnwasabletoraisefrombaronsevenlateinhisreignhardlysuggestthattheywerestrappedforcash.Withsurpluscorntosellontherisingmarketforagriculturalproduce,lords
mightanywaybeshieldedfromtheinflation.ManytownsinJohn’sreignwereprosperousenoughtoofferhimmoneyforexemptionfromtollsandtherighttoanswerdirectlyfortheirrevenuesattheexchequer.Itisanywayimpossibleto
generalizeacrosssociety,sinceeconomicdevelopmentsaffecteddifferentgroupsin
differentways.Theeconomymightexpand,forexample,withoutbringinganybenefittothepeasantswhoformedthebulkofthepopulation.TheCharteritselfreflecteddeepdivisionsinEnglandsociety,divisionsbetweenmenandwomen,freeandunfree,lordsandtowns,lordsandtenants,ChristiansandJews,andchurchandstate.It
was,moreover,farfrombeingamerepassivereflectionofthestatusquo.Onthecontrary,theCharterwas,inplaces,anaggressivedocument,whichsectionsofsocietysoughttouseagainsteachother.Itisusual,whenlookingatthatsociety,tofocusontheearls,baronsandknights.Thisisunderstandable,giventhatit
wasthiselitewhichforcedtheCharterontheking.Johnhimselfandthecontemporarywritersoftendescribedtherebelssimplyas‘thebarons’.ButsuchconcentrationalsoconcealswhattheChartertellsus,sometimesbyitssilence,abouteveryoneelse.Earlsandbaronsformedatinyeliteonehundredorsostrong.Ofknightstherewere
severalthousand.Thepopulationwasseveralmillion.Thischapter,therefore,concentratesonthosewhomtheChartermoreorlessleftout,namelywomen,peasants,Jewsandtowns,beforeconcludingwiththechurch.Earls,baronsandknightsappearinthechapterthatfollows.
WOMEN
IfthepopulationinJohn’sreignwas3.5million,thentherewerearound1.75millionfemales,ofwhomperhapshalfwouldhavebeenunderfifteen,so875,000adultwomen,andaroundthesamenumberofadultmales.13NowomenarementionedbynameinMagnaCarta.Thequeenappearsin
thesecurityclausebutisleftanonymous.AlsoanonymousarethesistersofthekingofScots,AlexanderII,whofeatureinchapter59,althoughtheyarenamedinJohn’sletterannouncingthe1209TreatyofNorham;itwasunderthistreatythattheycameintohishands.14Bycontrast,theCharternamesJohnandthirty-eightother
men.Thewords‘man’and‘men’–‘homo’and‘homines’–appearnineteentimesintheCharter.‘Woman’–‘femina’–appearsonce,andinachapter(54)thatreducesthepowerofwomenovermen.Therearetworeferencestothe‘widow’–‘vidua’–andtwotothewidowed‘wife’–‘uxor’(chapters7,8,11and26).To
besure,theword‘homo’couldcertainlybeusedatthistimetomeansimplyahumanbeing.Women,therefore,wereprotectedbymanyofMagnaCarta’schapters.Indeed,itmaybethatthemurderofMatildadeBriouze,alongsidehereldestson,wasonestrandbehindchapter39’sinsistencethatnofreemanbe‘destroyed’
savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.Yetchapter39,ifitembracedwomen,alsoignoredthem.Whenitsaidthatthereshouldbenooutlawrysavebyjudgementorbylaw,itwasdealingexclusivelywithmen.Awomanwasnotoutlawed,shewas‘waived’,whichmeantshewasabandonedasa
‘waif’.Thishadthesameconsequences(awaivedwomanlikeanoutlawedmancouldbekilledonsight)butalsoreflectedafundamentaldifferencebetweenmenandwomen.Whereaswomendidhaverightsoverproperty(althoughlessthanthoseofmen),theyhadhardlyanypublicfunctions.Thuswhereasalladultmales,as
wehaveseen,sworefealtytotheking,womeningeneraldidnot.Therewasnoneedforthemtodososince,intheory,everywomanwasundertheprotectionof,andcouldbeansweredforby,aman,beitfather,husbandorlord.Since,therefore,therewasnooathoffealtymakingwomengenerally‘inlaw’,theycouldnotbe‘outlawed’,
andhencetheywere‘waived’.Theonlywomenwhotookanoathoffealtytothekingwerethosewhodidsoaspartofanactofhomageperformedtotheking(anactdiscussedmorefullyinthenextchapter).Thenumberofwomeninthiscategorywassmall,sinceitwasconfinedtoheiresseswhoheldtheirlanddirectlyfromtheking
anddidhomagewhentheyenteredtheirinheritances–didhomage,thatis,iftheywereunmarried(usuallybeingwidows).Iftheyweremarried,theirhusbandsperfomedhomagefortheirlands.Onlywhenthehusbanddiedwastheheiresscalledontodoso.Since,therefore,thegreatmajorityofwomendidnotswearfealtytotheking,
theyweretechnicallynotevenamongtheking’s‘fideles’towhomtheCharterwasaddressed.Thisimbalance
correspondedtothepositionofwomeninmale-craftedlaw,customandwiderthought.15‘Womendifferfrommeninmanyrespects,fortheirpositionisinferiortothatofmen’,opinedthegreat
bookonthelawsofEnglandknownasBracton,muchofwhichwaswritteninthecoupleofdecadesafterJohn’sdeath.16Thesubordinationofwomenwaspartlyjustifiedbiblically,goingbacktoEve’sroleasAdam’sserpentinetemptress.Otherfemalefailings(intheviewofthemid-thirteenth-centuryOxfordfriarJohnof
Wales)weregarrulity,slothandostentationindressandmakeup.17WalterMap,writinginthe1180s,equatedwomenwithonething,namely‘malicia’–‘malice’.18
HownecessarythentheinjunctioninEphesians5:22–3:‘WivesshouldbesubjecttotheirhusbandsastotheLord,sincethehusbandistheheadofthewifeasChristis
theheadoftheChurch…’!Womenwerealsofrail.When,in1249,UghtredSmith,ofButelandinNorthumberland,pulledanarrowoutofhisheadbeforegoinghome,itwas‘sothatmywifemaynotseeit,forshewouldperhapsgrieveovermuch’.19Strongman,weakwoman.
Womenthenhadaverylimitedpublicrole.Theydidnotsitonjuries,andonlyveryexceptionallyheldanykindofoffice.If,underchapter39oftheCharter,freewomenwereentitledtojudgementbytheirpeers,thatjudgementwouldhavebeengivenexclusivelybymen.WhenMagnaCartawasredraftedin1216,itwas
madeclearthatawomancouldnotremaininthehouseofherlatehusbandifitwasacastle.The1216Charterwasissuedinthemiddleofacivilwar,buttheclauseremainedinplaceinthelaterversionsissuedintimeofpeace.Evidentlycastleswerenotforsinglewomen.TheCharter,however,showsthatwomendidhaverightsoverproperty.
Chapter7laiddownthat,onthedeathoftheirhusbands,widowsshouldhavefreeentryintotheirinheritances,marriageportionsanddowers.TheCharterwasthinkingpre-eminentlyhereofthoseatthetopofthesocialscale,namelythedaughtersandwidowsoftheking’sbaronialandknightlytenants-in-chief;butits
stipulationsalsoapplieddownwards,thatis,tothedaughtersandwidowsoftheknightswhoheldfromthetenants-in-chiefthemselves.20
Thiswaswhy,ifawidowwantedtoremarry,sheneeded,underchapter8,togettheconsentofwhomeversheheldherlandfrom,whetheritwasthekingoralord.UnderKingJohn,
widowshadcertainlynotenteredtheirdowers,marriageportionsandinheritancesfreeofcharge;butthattheywereentitledtothem,underexistinglawandcustom,wasnotdisputed.TheCharterwasconcernedtosecurefreeentryintothoseproperties,notestablishtheprincipleofentryitself.Whenitcametoinheritances,a
woman’srightswereinferiortoaman’s.Sheonlyinheritedherparents’propertyindefaultofabrother.Andwhereas,bytheoperationofprimogeniture,aneldestbrotherwouldinheriteverything,withwomentherewasnoprimogenitureandsistersdividedtheinheritance.Thisiswhychapter2oftheCharterspoke
ofthe‘heirorheirs’ofearls,baronsandknights,theheirsherebeingwomen.Itwasalsowhythechapterimpliedthatbaroniesandknights’feesmightnotbe‘whole’,whichwouldbetheresultoftheirdivisionbetweenheiresses.Whentheywerenotheiresses,womenmightstillhavelandintheformofamarriageportiongivenby
theirnatalfamilies.And,onthedeathoftheirhusbands,theywereentitledtoadower,carvedoutofhisestates.The1217versionoftheCharterdefinedthisasathirdoftheestatesheldbythehusbandinhislifetime,unlessasmalleramounthadbeenagreed.21
Awoman,therefore,mighthaveproperty,butherchancesofactually
controllingitwerelimited.Formuchofthetimeitwascontrolledbymen.InthelawasstatedbyGlanvill,afemaleheiresscouldnotenterherinheritanceunlessshewasmarried.Ifunmarriedatthetimeofherfather’sdeath,then,evenwhenoffullage,sheremainedinthewardshipofherlord,untilhemarriedheroff.22Amaleheir,by
contrast,escapedfromwardshipandgainedhisinheritanceassoonasheattainedhismajority.The1216Chartergavetheageforthatastwenty-one.Inpractice,mostheiressesweremarriedoffeitherbytheirfathersor,iftheycameintowardship,bytheirlords,longbeforetheyreachedthatage.Inthecaseofdaughtersof
tenants-in-chief,thelordwastheking.WhenMagnaCartalaiddownthat‘heirs’(ofbothsexes)weretobemarried‘withoutdisparagement’,itwasdesignedtostoplords,andabovealltheking,frommarryingoffheiressesintheirwardshiptothoseoflowersocialrank.Inmarriageahusbandhadcontrolofhiswife’sinheritanceandcould
alienateitashewished.TheCharteracknowledgedasmuch.Theinheritanceitallowedawidowtorecoverwastheinheritanceasheldatthetimeofherhusband’sdeath.Itwasonlyaftera
husband’sdeaththatthispicturechanged.Aswidows,womencouldthemselvescontroltheirinheritances,
marriageportionsanddowers.TheCharter,insayingthatthesepropertiesshouldbeenteredwithoutdifficultyandwithoutcharge,wasdesignedtomakeitalltheeasierforwidowstoobtainthem.Whenitcametowidowsobtainingtheirdowers,theCharterwasalsoputtingtheminastrongerpositionthansome
translationshaveindicated.InHolt’s,forexample,itissaidthatthewidow‘maystayinherhusband’shouseforfortydaysafterhisdeath,withinwhichperiodherdowershallbeassignedtoher’.The‘maystay’herecouldbetakentoimplythatstayingisjustapossibilityopentothewidow.ButthereisverylittleintheLatintojustifythe‘may’.
Rather,thepresentsubjunctiveisjussive,asitisintheotherverbsinthechapter,andismuchbettertranslatedas‘istostay’.Inotherwords,thewidowisabsolutelynotgoingtobedisturbed,untilthefortydaysareup,byking,lord,familyorwhomever.23TheCharteralsoofferedtwofurtherprotectionsforwidows.In
chapter11,ifahusbanddiedowingmoneytotheJews,oranyoneelse,thewidowwasbothtogetherdowerandpaynothingofthedebt.Underchapter26,althoughthisonlyappliedtowidowsoftenants-in-chief,widowswereguaranteedareasonableshareoftheirlatehusband’schattelsasagainstthe
demandsoftheexecutorsofhiswill.Ifwidowsremarried,
however,theirpropertybecameagainsubjecttotheirhusband’scontrol,butatleasttheCharter,inchapter8,preventedthemfrombeingforcedintoasecondunion.Asunmarriedwidows,womencouldalsolitigate,andindeedmanydidsoboth
overtheirdowersandoverpropertyalienatedbytheirhusbandsfromtheirinheritances.Unmarriedwidowswerethusverymuchpublicfiguresintheking’scourts.Indeed,theyhadallthemoreopportunityinthisareaunderthedemandsof1215.Theprotectionofferedwidows,whenitcametothefreeentryintotheirdowers,
marriageportionsandinheritances,wasnotmerelyforthefuture.Therewasalsotheintentionofredressingthegrievancesofthepast.Underchapter37oftheArticlesoftheBarons,allfinesmadefordowers,marriageportionsandinheritances,unjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland,weretoberemitted.24Iftherewasanydispute(aswasquite
likely),itwastobejudgedbythetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclauseandArchbishopLangton.Therewerenumerouswidowswithgrievancesoverjustsuchfines.Iftheysecuredredressbyauthorityofthetwenty-fivebarons,theywereexploitingthemostrevolutionaryfeatureoftheCharter.
ItisnaturaltothinkthatthechaptersinfavourofwidowsintheCharterowedagooddealtothedemandsoftheirmalerelatives,andtheremustbetruthinthat.Nosonwantedtoseehismother,withallherlands,takenoffbysomesecondhusband.Itwasfarbetterthatsheremainedsingle,inwhichcasethesonhimselfmight
hopetoprofitfromherlands.Women,however,werefarfrombeingmerepawnsinthehandsofmen.Before1215theyhadbeenactiveinsecuring,inreturnformoney,preciselythekindsofconcessionsthattheyweretogaininMagnaCarta.Governmentrecordsshownofewerthan149widowsinJohn’sreignofferingmoney
tothekingfortherighttostaysingleormarrywhomtheywished,offersthatweresometimesalsoforentryintotheirlandsandthewardshipoftheirchildren.25Holthascalledsuchproffers‘oneofthefirstgreatstagesintheemancipationofwomen’.26Itseemsinconceivablethatallthewomeninquestionwerebeingmanipulatedbymen.
John,ofcourse,couldnotcarelessonewayortheother.Allhewantedwashismoney,andtheoffersshowthatwomenhadplentyofit.In1214Margaret,widowofRobertfitzRoger,promisedthequeenlysumof£1,000fortherighttostaysingleandotherconcessions.Herofferwasclearlyatherintitiative,foritwasactuallyaimedin
partatherson:shewastohaveherdower,evenifhedidnotwishtogiveittoher.Thispointedtoacommoncauseoffriction.Sinceawidow’sdowerhadtobecarvedoutofherlatehusband’slands,itdiminished,untilherdeath,theamounttobeinheritedbytheheir,whetherhersonoranyoneelse.Theofferalso
showshowdeterminedMargaretwastolitigateinordertorightperceivedinjustices.ThusJohnagreedtogiveherjusticeinhiscourtoverherclaimstoherinheritance,partofitalienated,shebelieved,byhertwoformerhusbands.27
Womenmightalsohopetobenefitfromthefamouschaptersaboutjusticeinthe
Charter.Chapter39mightnotreferto‘waiving’,butfreewomencouldstillbeprotectedfromunjustdisseiseunderitsterms.Indeed,Isabella,countessofArundel,laterupbraidedHenryIIIfortheway,inhisdealingswithher,hehadbreachedthisveryclause.28Thiswasalsoasocietywhichacceptedthatnoblewomencouldhold
publicofficeatleastinthefewcaseswheretheyhadinheritedatitletoit.JohnhimselfacceptedtheclaimofNicoladeHay,asherfather’sheir,tobecastellanofLincoln,andshewasdeterminedtodothejobinperson.TheHistoryoftheMarshalshowsherincommandthereduringthegreatsiegein1217that
helpeddeterminetheoutcomeofthecivilwar.Bythistimeshehadwiderauthority,forJohn,onthedayofhisdeath,madeherjointsheriffofLincolnshire.29
Atthelowestlevelofsociety,theCharterhadnothingtosayaboutthepropertyoftheunfree,maleorfemale,since,aswewillsee,thatwasentirelyamatter
forthelord.Womenasawhole,however,didfeatureintheCharter,whichbringsustotheonechapter,chapter54,wheretheword‘woman’–‘femina’–appears.Thiswasachapterintroduced,forreasonswewillsee,atRunnymedeitself.30Thebackgroundtothechapterwasthewayinwhichwomen,whatevertheirstatus,
werepermittedincourtsoflawtoappeal,thatisaccuse,individualsofcrime.Whereasamancouldbringappealsforawholerangeofcrimes,awoman,inthelegaltheoryassetoutinGlanvill,waslimitedtoaccusationsoftwokinds.31Thefirstwasforthekillingofherhusband,whereshehadpersonallywitnessedthedeed–withthehusband,
intheconventionalphraseology,dyinginherarms.Thesecondwasforrapeandinjurytoherbody.Onefactorunderlyingtheserestrictions,quiteapartfromtheusualprejudices,wastheviewthatwomenhadanunfair‘proceduraladvantage’.Theycouldnotbechallengedtobackuptheiraccusationsinatrialby
battle,andso,withlesstolose,mightbringtheirchargesirresponsibly,eitherontheirownaccountorbecausetheywerebeingmanipulatedbymen.32
Chapter54didnotdealwiththeserestrictionsdirectly,butlimitedthepowerofwomeninarelatedarea.Thusitdirectedthatnoonewastobearrestedorimprisonedonthe
appealofawomanforthedeathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.Inotherwords,ifawomandidmakeanappealforthekillingofsomeoneotherthanherhusband,theaccusedwasnottobeimprisonedpriortotrial,aswouldhavebeenthecaseiftheaccuserwasaman.Instead,aswasprobablythepracticeforcrimesotherthan
homicide,whateverthegenderoftheaccuser,hecouldgivesuretiesforcomingtocourtandansweringthecharge.Women,asaccusers,therefore,werebeingputonalowerplanethanmen.Chapter54could,however,
havebeenworse.Itclearlyimpliedthatwomenweremakingappealsforhomicides
otherthanthoseoftheirhusbands.Itlimitedthepre-trialconsequencesofsuchaccusationsbutdidnothingtostopthem,orotherappeals,byenforcingGlanvill’srule.Indeed,plearollevidence,bothbeforeandafter1215,showsthattherestrictionsonwomen’sappealswerefarfromroutinelyenforcedbytheking’sjudges.Whatis
equallyclearisthatappealsbroughtbywomenformedalargepartofthebusinessofjudgeswhentheytouredthecounties.TherewereoverseventysuchappealsbroughtbeforethejudgesinLincolnshirein1202.Thegreatmajorityoftheappeals,moreover,seemtohavecomefromwomenofpeasantbackground.Heretherewas
nodistinctionbetweenthefreeandtheunfree.ThatwascertainlynotthecaseelsewhereintheCharter.33
THEPEASANTRY:UNFREEANDFREE
Inthe1200s,onaveryroughestimate,about90percentofEngland’spopulationwerepeasants,soapproachingsome3.15millionsouls–
men,womenandchildren–ifthetotalpopulationwasaround3.5million.Withinthisgroupthebalancebetweenpeasantswhowerefreeandunfreevariedbothasbetweenneighbouringmanorsandasbetweendifferentpartsofthecountry,andthereissimplynottheevidencetobepreciseaboutit.Aclassicstudybythe
RussianhistorianE.A.Kosminsky(whosurvivedthepurgesbyputtingindutifulreferencestotheworksofJ.Stalin)showedthatinsixMidlandscountiesforwhichtherewasevidenceinthe1279HundredRollsurvey,theratiobetweentheunfreeandfreepeasantrywas62percentto38percentintermsoflandheld,and58percentto
42percentintermsofnumberofhouseholds.Inotherpartsofthecountry,however,notablyinEastAngliaandthenorth,therewascertainlyamuchhigherproportion,indeedapreponderanceoffreepeasants.34TheLatintextsthatmostly
describetheirconditionhadawholevarietyofwordsfor
peasant,including‘villanus’,‘servus’,‘rusticus’,‘nativus’,‘custumarius’and‘bondus’.Althoughsomeofthesewordscouldbeusedinaloosersense,theyusuallycarriedtheimplicationthattheindividualwasunfree.Asokeman,ontheotherhand,wasafreeorfreerpeasant.Fortunately,thereisnoneedtospendtimeagonizingover
definitions.Weknowfromnumeroussurveysofmanors,notleastthe1279HundredRollsurvey,thetypeofpersonwhomcontemporariesdescribedaspeasants,usingoneoftheaboveterms.Insuchsurveyslistsof
unfreepeasants(mostoftendescribedasvilleins)frequentlyshowthemholdingeitherawholeorahalf
virgateoflandfromtheirlord.Avirgatevariedinsize;itcouldbethirtyacres,twenty-fouracres,orless.Land,ofcourse,variedinproductivity.Halfavirgateinoneplacemightbeworthasmuchormorethanavirgatesomewhereelse,butprobablymostpeasantswithhalfavirgateandupwardscouldsupporttheirfamilieslargely
fromtheirland.Beneaththevilleins,anothergroupoftenlisted(stillclearlyunfree)werethe‘cottarii’–‘cottagers’.Theseweresmallholderswithatbestafewacresofland(theamountisrarelystated).Inreturnfortheirland,boththesegroupsofpeasantsowedthelordacombinationofmoneyrentsandagriculturallabour
services;forvilleinvirgaters,thelattermightinvolvesupplyingtwomen,whowouldworkforthelordacoupleofdaysaweekformostoftheyear,andeverydayinharvesttime.Thepeasantsdescribedas
sokemencanbefoundinsurveysholdingasfewasfiveacresoflandand,moretypically,asmuchashalfa
virgateoravirgate.Theyansweredformoneyrents,andiftheyowedlabourservices,thesewereusuallylightcomparedtothoseofvilleins.Manorialsurveysalsooftenhavelistsof‘freetenants’.Theseweremenwhoansweredexclusivelyformoneyrents.Somehadsubstantialholdingsthatplacedthemabovethe
generalrunofthepeasantry,butmanyothershadlandofequivalentsizetothatheldbyvilleinsandcottars.Apartfrombeinglegallyfree,andansweringexclusivelyforrents,theymustoftenhavebeeninaverysimilareconomiccondition.Theframeworkgoverning
thelifeofthepeasant,especiallytheunfreepeasant,
wasveryoftenthatofthemanor,althoughthesecameinmanyforms,shapesandsizes.Sometimestheywerecoterminouswithanotherunitoflocalsociety,the‘villa’,mentionedinchapter23oftheCharter,whichisconventionallytranslated‘vill’butinmanycasesequatedtoavillage.Manyvillages,ontheotherhand,
hadmorethanonemanor.Inthethirteenthcentury,lordsretainedmostoftheirmanorsinhand–‘indemesne’–ratherthanrentingthemout.Chapter25oftheChartermentionedtheking’sown‘demesnemanors’,whileanewchapter(26)intheCharterof1217safeguardedthedemesnecartsoflordsfromseizure,whichmeant
thecartsthattheyhadontheirdemesnemanors.Withanin-handmanor,lordscultivatedfortheirownprofitalargepartofthelandwithinwhatwereusuallytwoorthreebigfieldsaroundthevillagecentre.Thisareawasalsocalledthe‘demesne’,beingthein-handpartofademesnemanor.Thelabourservicesowedbytheunfree
couldbeusedtoworkthedemesne,althoughpaidlabourwasoftenemployedaswell.InKosminsky’sanalysisofthe1279survey,32percentofthelandwasdemesne,asagainst40percentvilleinlandand24percentpeasantfreeholdings.35Thisjustshowstheinequalitiesthatexisted,forofcoursethenumberoflordsraninto
thousands,andthenumberofpeasants(whoanywayhadtoworkforthelords)intomillions.Evenalargepeasantholdingofthirtyacreswassmallcomparedtothe250acresthatmighttypicallybeheldindemesneinamedium-sizedmanor,andgreatlordshadmanymanors.By1215theking’sjudges
haddevelopedaveryclear
testtodecidewhowasunfree,andusedthewords‘villein’and‘servus’–‘serf’–inatechnicallegalsensetodescribesomeoneinthatcondition.Thetesthadseveralcomponents,butthemostvitalwaswhetherthepeasant(orhisancestor)hadperformedagriculturallabourservicesofanysignificancetothelordinreturnforhis
land.Theking’sjudgeswereveryclearabouttheconsequencesofunfreedom.Villeinscouldnotleavethemanorwithoutthelord’sconsent.Theyhadtopaythetaxcalled‘merchet’tomarryofftheirdaughters.Villeinscouldbesoldwiththeland‘likeoxenandcows’.Theyhadnorecourseatalltotheking’scourtsinanymatter
concerningtheirlandandservices.Thesewereentirelymattersforthelordtodetermine.AsthelawbookBractonputit,avillein‘cannotknowintheeveningtheservicetoberenderedinthemorning.[He]isboundtodowhateverheisbid.’36
Theeconomicpositionofthepeasantryinthethirteenthcenturyhasbeenmuch
debatedintheso-called‘standardoflivingcontroversy’.37Accordingtooneview,therisingpopulationwasoutrunningtheabilityofthelandtosupportit,andcreatingaproliferationofpeasantsmallholderslivingontheedgeofsubsistence.Akeycalculationhereisthat,inaverageconditions,apeasant
familyneededatleasttenarableacrestosubsistsimplyfromitsland.Kosminsky’sfigureschillinglysuggestthatover40percentofthepeasantryweresmallholderswhofellbelowthatlevel.Indeed,ithasbeenestimatedthataround1300thiswastrueof60percentofpeasanthouseholds.38Tosurviveatall,smallholdershadtofind
othersourcesofincome,mostnotablyfromwagelabour.Thatmightprovideenoughtogetbyinnormaltimes,butnotwhenpriceswentupwithbadharvests.Thentheremightbewidespreadstarvation.Somehistorians,however,havesoughttoqualifythisbleakpicture,whichinanycaserelatesmoretothelaterthirteenth
centurythanitdoestothereignofJohn.Insomepartsofthecountry,peasantscouldexploitresourcesofforestandmeadow,outsidethearablefields.Theten-acrecalculationisitselfbasedonfiguresfromtheproductivityoflordlydemesnes,whereasproductivityonpeasantland,whichwasliterallyamatteroflifeanddeath,mighthave
beenmuchhigher.Wherepeasantslackedaccesstoploughs,theycould,withplentyoffamilylabour,preparetheirlandsforsowingallthemorefruitfullybyspade.39Yet,whateverthetruthinthisdebate,noonewoulddisputethattheEnglishpeasantrywerepooranddisadvantaged.They
neededalltheprotectioninMagnaCartatheycouldget.Therewasnoreason,in
theory,whythefreepeasantryshouldnotbenefitdirectlyfromtheCharter.Asfreemen,underchapter20,theywereprotectedfromexcessiveamercements(finesinmodernparlance),whetherimposedbythekingortheirlords;inchapter39,they
wereprotectedfromunjustdispossession.Theymightalsogainfromchapters17to19,whichaimedtoexpeditecivillitigationintheking’scourts.Thiswasmorethanmereform,fortheplearollsrecordingsuchbusinessshowmanyofapparentlypeasantstatuslitigatingoversmallamountsofland.TheCharterturnedamuchmorenegative
facetotheunfree,indeeditwasdeliberatelydesignedtodoso.Theunfreewereamongtheking’sfidelestowhomtheCharterwasannounced,buttheconcessionswerenotactuallygiventothem.John,atthestart,madehisgrantto‘allthefreemenofourkingdom’,sonottotheunfreeatall.Thebishops,intheirletters
testifyingtotheCharter’sauthorizedtext,describeditasbeinggrantedto‘theearls,baronsandfreemenofEngland’.True,inchapter63,itwas‘themeninourkingdom’whoweretoenjoytheconcessions,butitwentwithoutsayingthatthesemenwerefree.Thepointwasclearinchapter60’sstipulationthat‘allthemenofour
kingdom’shouldobservetheconcessionstotheirownmen.Theunfreehadnomen.TheCharterdidnothingat
alltochallengethebasicrestrictionsofunfreedom.Onthecontrary,itreinforcedthem,makingitveryclearthattheunfreewereindeedsubjecttothewilloftheirlords.Theonlychapterinwhichvilleinsappearedby
name,andwheretheygainedprotection,wasnotwhatitseemed.Thiswaschapter20onamercements.Itlaiddownthatamercementsimposedonfreemenandmerchantsshouldfitthecrime.Theyshouldnotbesolargeastoaffectafreeman’s‘contenementum’,whichmeanthismeansoflivelihood,andamerchant’s
merchandise,whichcametothesamething.Thechapterthencontinued:
andavilleinistobeamercedinthesamewaysavinghiswainage,iftheyfallintoourmercy.Andnoneoftheaforesaidamercementsaretobeimposed,savebytheoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood.
‘Wainage’heremeansthethingsnecessaryforthevilleintobeabletomakealiving,inotherwordshiscropsundercultivation,seedcorn,ploughsandploughteams.40Itwasthustheequivalentof‘contenementum’andmerchandise.Onthefaceit,therefore,villeinsherearebeingtreatedlikeeveryone
else.Indeed,thepluralinthepassagequotedabove,‘iftheyfallintoourmercy’,mightseemtoimplythatthe‘if’qualificationappliestothefreemenandmerchantsintheearlypartofthechapterjustasmuchastovilleinsattheend.Inotherwords,allthreegroupsareonlyprotectedfromamercementsimposedbytheking.41
Indeed,thechapterhassometimesbeentranslatedtomakethisalltheclearerwith‘Iftheyfallintoourmercy’beingplacedatitsstarttogovernallthatfollows.Butitisplainthatthequalification‘iftheyfallintoourmercy’wasmeanttoapplyonlytothevillein.HadtheChartermeanttolumpfreemen,merchantsandvilleins
togetherhere,itwouldhavemadethatclear,asitdidintheimmediatelyfollowingpassage,whichsaidthat‘noneoftheaforesaidamercements’weretobeimposedsavebytheoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood.Theconfusionthatcouldarisefromthe‘iftheyfallintoourmercy’beingpluralrather
thansingularwaseliminatedintheCharterof1216,anditssuccessors.Therethe‘they’waschangedto‘he’,sothepassagenowread‘ifhefallsintoourmercy’,thusclearlyreferringonlytothevillein.IntheengrossmentsofthelaterCharters,moreover,thesection‘andavillein…ifhefallsintoourmercy’isoftenpunctuatedasaseparateand
discreteclause.ThischangewasanticipatedintheveryearlyFrenchtranslationofthe1215Charter,whereagain‘iftheyfall’appearsas‘ifhefalls’.42Eitherthetranslatorhadsensedthecorrectmeaningorhewasworkingfromanengrossmentwherethesingularinfactoccurred.Thepointofallthisisthatthelordswishedtoprotecttheir
villeinsfromamercementsimposedbytheking,whileremainingfreetoimposewhateveramercementstheylikedthemselves.Thereisoneotherstriking
featureaboutthisclauseonvilleins.Thequalification‘ifhefallsintoourmercy’(asitshouldhaveread)doesnotappearintheequivalentchapterintheArticlesofthe
Barons(9).ItwasthusinsertedintotheCharteratRunnymedeitself.Evidentlylordshadrealizedthat,leftasitwas,thechaptergaveblanketprotectiontovilleins.Thatwouldnotdo,hencethechange.Thedoingdownofvilleinsinthechapterandtheseparationofthemfromeveryoneelsewasthushighlydeliberate.Evenat
Runnymede,inthemidstoftensenegotiationswiththeking,lordswerethinkingofhowtoentrenchtheirauthorityovertheunfreepeasantry.Thatisameasureofhowimportanttheissueseemedtobe.Justhowawarethedrafters
oftheCharterwereofchapter20’simplicationsforthepeasantryisshownina
changemadetoitinthenewversionoftheCharterwhichwasissuedin1217.The1215Charter,probablyinadvertently,hadleftthekinginaworsepositionthanhislords.Theycouldimposewhateveramercementstheylikedontheirownvilleins.Theking,ontheotherhand,couldnot,fortherewasnothingtoindicatethathis
ownvilleinswerenotprotectedbythechapteriftheyfellintohismercy.In1217thiswasputrightthroughtheintroductionofanotherqualificationtothechapter.43Thevilleinswhoweretobeprotectedfromexcessiveamercementsimposedbythekingweretobe‘otherthanourown’.Inotherwords,thekingnow
gainedthesamelet-outaslordsandcoulddowhatheliked,asfarastheCharterwasconcerned,whenamercinghisownvilleins.Inthe1215Charteritself,thekinghadalreadygonesomewaytoassertinghisauthorityoverhisownpeasants.Chapter25hadexemptedtheking’sdemesnemanorsfromthelimitationsonthemoney
thatcouldbetakenfromthecounties.Thekingwasthusfreetoimposeheavierburdensonhismanors,whichmeantofcourseheavierburdensonhispeasanttenants.Afterthesectionon
amercements,chapter23wentontoprotectmenandvillsfrombeingdistrainedtoworkonbridges,otherthan
whensuchworkwascustomary,theprotectionof‘men’ratherthanjustofvillsbeingaddedatRunnymedeitself.Thiscertainlyofferedsomethingtounfreepeasants.Thatthechapterspokeof‘men’ratherthan‘freemen’showsthatthelowestsectionsofsocietywereinvolved.Thechapterwasthere,however,becauselordswereactingin
theirowninterests.Theiraimwastopreventtheirpeasantsbeingdraggedawayfromtheirproperdutiesbyworkontheking’sbridges.Failuretocarryoutsuchworkalsorenderedmenandvillsliabletoamercement,anditwasontheissueofamercementsthatthechapterintheArticlesoftheBaronshadfocused,whichiswhyitappearsafter
thesectiononamercements,aplaceitkeptintheCharteritself.Toenforcebridgeworkwasanancientroyalright.44Itwas,however,onewhichJohnhadexploitedinanewwayforthebridgesneededforhishawking.45
Whatthenoftheclutchofchaptersaboutjusticebetween38and40?Chapter38,ininsistingthatnobailiff
(andnotjustabailiffoftheking)shouldput‘anyone’‘tolaw’,andthusontrial,onhisownunsupportedaccusation,seemedintheorytobenefiteveryone.Thismadethecontrastwith39,theCharter’smostfamouschapter,allthestarker.Hereitwas‘nofreeman’not‘noman’whowastobeprotectedfromunjustimprisonment,
disseisinandoutlawry.Theimplicationherewasnotthatlordscouldoutlawtheirvilleinsastheyliked.Outlawrywasapublicprocessforthecountycourts.Norreallycouldlordsimprisontheirvilleins.Butwhattheycoulddowastodisseisethemoftheirland.Thatwasavitalpower,andtoreserveitwasthereasonwhy
thechapterprotectedthefreemanbutnotthemanwhowasunfree.Lords,asfarastheCharterwasconcerned,coulddisseizethelatterastheyliked.ThiswasmadeevenclearerinaslightrevisiontothechapterintheCharterof1217,whereitnowstatedthatnofreemanwastobedisseisedofhis‘freetenement’.Thisgavelords
evenmorescopebecauseitmeantafreemancouldbedisseisedoflandheheldinvilleinage,whichmeantlandtowhichvilleincustoms,suchaslabourservices,wereattached.Forfreementotakeonsuchlandwasriskybecauseitcouldinvolvebeingdraggeddownintopersonalunfreedom,butwith
landinshortsupply,manytooktherisk.Andsotochapter40.‘To
noone[nulli]willwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice.’Surely,hereatlast,theCharterwasofferingjusticeequallytofreeandunfreealike.Unfortunatelynot.Ifavilleinaccusedhislordoffelonyandsedition(notaverylikely
occurrence),itistruethekingwasboundtohearhim.Butitwasthelawitselfthatdeniedvilleinsanyrightsagainsttheirlords,andthusanyjusticefromtheking,inmattersconcerninglandandservices.Lords,judgingfromthe
Charter,werethusveryconcernedtosingleouttheirunfreepeasantsandkeep
themintheirplace.Butwhyso?Afterall,inpracticelordsdidnotmakeregularuseofthefullrangeoftheirpowers;theydidnotusuallydispossesstheirpeasants,ormakethemwork‘attheirbidding’.Sometimeslordswerereadytoconvertlabourservicesintomoneyrents,eventograntvilleinsoutrightfreedom.Theyalsoallowed
(aslaterrecordsshow)peasantsthemselvestoassesstheamercementsimposedinmanorialcourts,muchinlinewiththestipulationintheCharterthattheyshouldbeassessedbylocalmen.46
Itis,however,veryclearwhythepowersaffirmedintheCharterweresoimportant.Theearlythirteenthcenturywasa
periodwhentheruraleconomywasbeingtransformed.Lords,awarethattherewasmoreprofittobemadefromlandintheexpandingeconomy,werereducingtheareasthattheyhadoutatrent,andincreasingthesizeoftheirdemesnes,withtheaimofcultivatingthemdirectlyandhavinglargegrainsurplusestosell.
Butattheverytimewhenlordswishedtoassertmorecontrolovertheirmanors,therewereforcesmakingitmoredifficulttodoso.Therisingpopulationwascreatingpressuretosubdividepeasantholdings.Alongwithanincreasingmoneysupply,itwasalsogeneratingapeasantlandmarket.47Lords,inthefaceofentrenchedmanorial
customs,mightfinditmoredifficulttoincreasetheburdensontheirpeasantsthanlegaltheoryimplied.Failingthetestingoftheissueincourt,therecouldbeconsiderableuncertaintyastowherethelinebetweenfreeandunfreeshouldbedrawn.Apeasantmightappearasasokemaninonesurveyandavilleininanother.Therewere
sokemenfreesokemen‘gersumarii’sokemen,bondsokemen,villeinsokemenandserfsokemen,avarietyofnamesthatsuggeststhestruggleofsokementoasserttheirfreedomontheonehand,andoflordstodenyitontheother.48Inaddition,freemen,aswehavesaid,mighttakelandtowhichvilleinserviceswereattached.
Inthesechallengingcircumstances,lordsfeltitwasabsolutelynecessarytoholdthelineandretaintheirpackageofpowersovertheunfree.Thosepowersseemedvitalfordiscipliningtheirpeasantworkforceandkeepingcontrolofwhatwasgoingoninthemanor.TheCharterthusbecameaninstrumentoflordshipthat
assertedthefundamentaldivisionbetweenthefreeandunfree.Itprotectedtheunfreefromtheking,onlytoplacethemallthemorefirmlyundertheirlords.Whatmadethislordly
victoryallthemoresignificantwasthatitcutacrossacurrentwhichsuggesteditmighthavebeenotherwise.Unfreepeasants
couldcertainlyberegardedasverymuchpartoftherealm.Johnenlistedeveryone,freeandunfreealike,inhisschemeofnationaldefencein1205,justaseveryonewasenlistedtoenforcetheCharter.49Peasants,freeandunfree,wereinvolvedintherunningoflocalgovernment,havingtogiveevidenceatcoroners’inquestsandat
localcourts.Therewasalsotheideathatthekingshouldindeedprotectunfreepeasantsfromtheirlords.Thisemergesinthediscussion,foundintheDialogusdeScaccario,astowhythekingcouldtakepossessionofthechattelsofvilleinswhentheywereconvictedofanoffence.Wasthisnotsurprising,the
Dialogusasked,giventhatsuchchattelswerethepropertyofthelord?Theanswerwasthatiflordsgotthechattelsinsuchcircumstances,theymightbeencouragedtotrumpupchargesagainsttheirvilleins.Sotheking,‘entrustedbyGodwiththecareofallhissubjects’,hadprotectedvilleinsfromthe‘greed’of
theirlords,bylayingdownthatthechattelsshouldbelongtohim.50TheunfreegainednoprotectionfromthegreedoftheirlordsinMagnaCarta.
THEJEWS51
Chapter10laiddownthatifanyonediedowingmoneytotheJews,thedebtshouldnot
gatherinterestduringtheminorityoftheheir.Inaddition,ifadebtowedtheJewscameintothehandsoftheking,thenhewouldonlytaketheprincipalofthedebt(the‘catallum’),inotherwordshewouldnotexacttheaccumulatedinterest.Chapter11wentfurther,protectingbothadebtor’swidow,aswehaveseen,andunderage
children.Thelatterweretohavethenecessaryrequirementsfortheirsupport,andonlythenwasthedebttobepaidfromwhatremained.InJohn’sreigntherewere
probablynotmanymorethanfivethousandJewsinEngland,andtheywereconfinedtothemajortowns.Thattherewerechapters
abouttheminMagnaCarta,nonetheless,showsthecentralparttheyplayedintheeconomiclifeofthecountry.Thereason,astheChartershowed,wasthatJewsweremoneylenders;indeed,giventhechurch’sbanonChristianusury,theywerethemainsourceofcredit.Theborrowersrangedacrosssociety:freetenants,evenof
peasantstatus,knights,barons,earls,bishopsandmonastichouses.Thedebtsofgreatmencouldrunintohundreds,eventhousandsofpounds,withthisbusinessbeinginthehandsofasmallnumberofJewishplutocrats,whosetownhousesexcitedaweandenvy.Theinterestratecouldrunatoneortwopenceinthepoundperweek,
so22percentor44percentayear.TheJewswerenotonlyresentedbecauseoftheirmoneylending.Theywerealsopersecutedfortheirreligion.AcombinationofbothfactorsledtoanappallingmassacreoftheJewsinYorkin1189.Givensuchpowerful
enemies,whywastheCharternotmoreradical?Whydidit
notseektobaninterestondebtsaltogether,orevenexpeltheJewsfromthecountryasfinallyhappenedin1290?TheanswerlaypartlyinanacknowledgementthattheJewswereindeedusefulassourcesofcredit,andpartlyinthewaytheywereprotectedbytheking.ThiswasnotanissueonwhichJohnwouldgiveway.
ThefactwasthattheJewswereavitalsourceofprofitforthecrown.TherewereawholevarietyofwaysinwhichdebtsowedtheJewscouldcomeintoroyalhands,whereuponthekingcouldthenexactthemforhimself.Inaddition,thekingcouldtaxtheJewsatwill.Thereasonwasthatthekingregardedthemashisownproperty.As
alegalworkofthemid-twelfthcentury,knownastheLegesEdwardiConfessoris(TheLawsofEdwardtheConfessor),putit,‘theJewsthemselvesandalltheirpossessionsaretheking’s’.52
John,likehispredecessors,thusputtheJewsunderhis‘specialprotection’,andgavethemaseriesofprivileges.Hewasfuriouswhenthey
weremaltreatedinLondon.Hisresultinglettertothemayorandsheriffs,sayingthathispeaceshouldbeobservedevenifgiventoadog,showedhiscontemptfortheJews,butalsohisdeterminationtoprotectthem.53
LONDON,TOWNSANDMERCHANTS54
LondonistheonlytownmentionedbynameinMagnaCarta.TheCharterstipulatedthattheaids(thatis,taxes)leviedonLondonbythekingweretobetakeninthesamewayasthoseimposedontherestofthekingdom,whichmeantthattheyweretobe‘reasonable’insizeandagreedbythe‘commoncounselofthekingdom’.
Londonwasalsotohaveallitsancientlibertiesandfreecustomsbybothlandandwater.InmodernprintingsoftheCharter,thefirstoftheseprovisionsistackedontotheendofchapter12,thesecondmadetostartchapter13.Lookingattheoriginalengrossments,therewouldbeacaseforjoiningthemtogetherinanexclusive
chapteronLondonitself,andthatishowtheyappearinoneearlycopyoftheCharter.55Chapter33oftheCharter,followingagaintheArticles,alsometoneofLondon’smajordemands(onealreadyconcededinroyalcharters),namelythatfishweirsshouldbecompletelyremovedfromtheThamesandMedway.Inchapter35‘thequarter’of
Londonwastobeadoptedasthestandardformeasures.London’sexclusiveplace
intheCharterisabsolutelyunderstandable.IthadplayedacentralpartintherebellionagainstKingJohn.Indeeditsmayorwasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Alreadyinthe1150s,Londoncouldbedescribedas‘thequeenofthewhole
kingdom’.56Onereasonableestimateofitspopulationintheearlythirteenthcenturyisaround40,000,havingdoubledintheprevioushundredyears.ItwasmanytimeslargerthanitsnearestrivalsBristol,Winchester,NorwichandYork.57
Situatedinalowriverbasin,shelteredbythefriendlyprotectinghills
aroundBlackheath,BrockleyandHampstead,Londonoweditspre-eminencetoitslocation.Itsplaceontheeasternsideofthecountryopenedittomerchantsfromthecontinentwho,sailinguptheThames,couldunloadtheirwares,notinsomechannelportbutwellinland.Thebridge,themostseawardovertheriver,meantthat
fromLondononecouldtravelbothnorthandsouth.VesselscouldalsonavigateupstreamasfarasLechladeinGloucestershire.Inthesecondhalfofthetwelfthcentury,theexchequermovedfromWinchestertoWestminster,confirmingLondonasthecountry’sgovernmentalcapital.WiththemightoftheTower
controllingthecity,andwithWilliamRufus’sgigantichallatWestminsterprovidingamagnificentsettingforfeastsandassemblies,LondonwasthechiefseatofEngland’smonarchy.Thepowerandaspirations
oftheLondonershadlongbeenrecognizedinconcessionsmadetothembytheking.Thesewerethe
‘ancient’libertiesthatMagnaCartaconfirmed.Theyfacilitatedtradebyfreeingthecitizensfromtolls,andalsoallowedthemtoelecttheirownsheriffs.Inthecrisisof1191,duringKingRichard’sabsenceoncrusade,theLondonershadgainedfromJohnandthemagnatesofthekingdomtherighttoforma‘commune’,whichmeanta
sworn,self-governingassociation,headedbyitsownelectedmayor.58NeitherRichardonhisreturn,norJohnonhisaccession,actuallyconfirmedthecommune,buttheyprobablyacquiescedinitsexistence.In1206,duringanepisodethatrevealsthesocialtensionsinthecity,Johncomplainedthat‘thesuperiors’ofLondon
wereexploiting‘thecommonpeople’athisexpense.Nonetheless,hestillacceptedthecity’sself-government,forheorderedtheleadingcitizens,‘thebarons’,toelecttwenty-fouroftheirfellowstoputmattersright.In1215itself,littlemorethanamonthbeforeheconcededMagnaCarta,Johngrantedthe‘barons’ofthecitythe
righttochoosetheirownmayor.59
TheCharteralsorecognizedtheimportance,albeitnameless,of‘allothercitiesandboroughs,andvillsandports’,whenitconfirmed‘theirlibertiesandfreecustoms’.Indeed,theoriginalengrossmentsallhaveanewchapterbeginningwiththisclause,ratherthanjoiningit
ontochapter13onLondon.Themostimportantofthesetownsdidindeedhavelibertiestodefend,sincebetween1100and1215overseventyhadacquiredroyalchartersgrantingvariousprivileges,sometimessimilartothoseenjoyedbyLondon.Inthecharters,thetownsweredescribedascities,boroughsorvills,so
correspondingtotheterminologyinMagnaCarta.Sandwich,Dover,Hythe,RomneyandHastingsformedtheCinquePorts,withRyeandWinchelseaassociatedtowns.Therecipientsofthegrantswerecalledcitizens,burgessesorsimplymen.Theyheldtheirpropertybyburgagetenure,referredtoinchapter37oftheCharter,
whichmeantinreturnforrentandwithfreedomofalienation.60Thewealthofthetownscamefrombothtradeandmanufacture.TheCharter,inoneofitsfewnon-partisanchapters(35),triedtofacilitatebothbystandardizingmeasuresofwine,ale,cornandcloth.Italso,inchapter41,gavemerchantssafetransitto,
fromandwithinEngland,freefromall‘evilexactions’.Theimportanceofthemerchantswasseenequallyinchapter20,whichtreatedthemasaseparateclassalongsidefreemenandvilleins,whenlayingdownthattheyshouldonlybeamercedsavingtheir‘merchandise’.ThatthemerchantsinEnglandmightbeforeign,as,equally,
Englishmerchantsmightbeinforeignparts,wasclearinchapter41,inwhichJohnestablishedregulationsaboutwhatshouldhappentobothgroupsintheeventofa‘landatwarwithus’.Theuseof‘land’here,ratherthankingdom,reflectedthatmerchants,suchasthosefromFlanders,mightnotcomefromakingdomatall.
Muchtradewas,ofcourse,internaltoEngland,includingthatincorn,whichwasonlyimportedintimesofdearth.Alewasevenmorelocal,forithadtobeconsumedsoonafteritwasbrewed.ThedifferentclothsmentionedintheCharter–thedyedcloths,russetsandhalbergetsinchapter35–weremanufacturedatmanycentres
inEngland.Athirteenth-centurydoggerelmentionedthescarletsofLincoln,thehalbergetsofStamford,therussetsofColchesterandsoon.61High-qualityclothwasalsoimported,aboveallfromFlanders,thecentreoftheEuropeanclothindustry.England’schiefimport,however,waswine.WiththelossofAnjou,in1204,this
camemoreandmorefromGascony,routedthroughitsgreatportofBordeaux.England’schiefexportwaswool,abovealltoFlanderstosupplyitsclothindustry.ThedutyonexportedsacksofwoolwastobethefoundationoftheEnglishcustoms,andjustwhyitwasnotintroducedbefore1275isoneofthemysteriesofEnglishroyal
finance.62SincetheclothFlanderssenttoEnglanddidnotbalancethevalueofthewoolitimported,itpaidformuchofthewoolincash,insilver,whichwasamajorfactorinthestunningincreaseinEngland’smoneysupplyinthethirteenthcentury.Atfirstsight,Londonand
otherprivilegedtownsseemtobeverymuchgettingtheir
dueintheCharter,evenagainstothersectionsofsociety.Thustheremovaloffishweirs(asanobstacletotradepassingupanddownrivers)impactedonthelordswhohadweirsontheirownsectionsofriver.Later,incompliancewiththischapterofMagnaCarta,amongtheweirsdestroyedwerethoseofRichard,earlofCornwall.63
Inotherways,however,townsgotmuchlessthantheyhadhopedfor,indeedlessthantheyhadsolicitedintheArticlesoftheBarons.TheretallagesandaidsimposedbothonLondonandonothercitieswithlibertiesweretorequirethecommonconsentofthekingdom.Here,intermsofprinciple,therealprizewascontrolovertallage.
Thekingmightacknowledgethattaxesintheformofaidsrequiredsomeformofconsent,howevernebulousthatconsentmightbeinpractice,hencethewaytheCharter,aswewillsee,triedtodefinetheassemblywhichshouldgiveit.Tallages,ontheotherhand,thekingclaimedtolevyonhistownsatwill.Thattheyshould
henceforthrequireconsentwouldthushavebeenamajorgain.ButinMagnaCartathereferencetotallagewasdropped.InsteadjustaidsrequiredcommonconsentandonlythoseimposedonLondon,nottheothertowns.Therewasanotherchapterwheremoremighthavebeendonefortowns.Chapter25preventedthekingincreasing
thefixedpayments(called‘farms’)duefromhiscountiesandhundreds,butnosimilarrestrictionswereimposedontownfarms.ThetownswouldcertainlyhavewelcomethatforJohnwasverymuchinthebusinessofincreasingtheirfarms.64
Johnhimselfmustsurelyhavefoughthardtokeeptallageandtownfarmsoutof
hisconcessions,arguingthathisopponentshadnobusinesstointerferewithhisrightsoverhisownproperty.Thatthebaronsdidnotmakeastandontheissueswas,however,alsobecauseofself-interestandself-regard.IfMagnaCartapreventedthekingtallaginghistownsandincreasingtheirfarms,thenthebaronsalsomightbe
subjecttothesamerestrictionsintownssubjecttotheirlordship.TheearlofChester,forexample,wasaccustomedtotakeregulartaxesfromhisburgessesofCoventry.65Therewasarelateddanger.Whenthekingtallagedhistownsandmanors,lordstoocouldprofitbecausetheywereusuallyallowedtotallageanyoftheir
propertiesthathadoncebeentheking’s.When,therefore,AlanBasset,oneofJohn’scounsellorsnamedatthestartoftheCharter,reachedanagreementwithhisburgessesofHighWycombe,hereservedthesumshemightlevy‘whenthekingandhisheirstallagetheirdemesnesthroughEngland’.66Inkeepingtallageoutofthe
Charter,therefore,themagnatesandkingweremakingcommoncauseagainstthetowns.Therewasalsoadegreeofsocialprejudiceagainsttowns,townspeopleandtrading.ThebaronialleaderswouldhaveagreedwiththeDialogusdeScaccariowhenitcriticizedknightswhohadsofar‘degeneratedfromthedignity
oftheirstatus’astomakemoneyfromtrade.67In1236theStatuteofMertonthoughtheirsmightbedisparagediftheyweremarriedeithertoburgessesortovilleins.68
Significantly,althoughthemayorofLondonwasoneofthetwenty-five‘barons’inthesecurityclause,innoneofthelistsofthemembershipishegivenaname.
AllthishelpstoexplaintheverystrikingwayinwhichLondonwasexcludedfromanyroleintheassemblythatwastogivethecommonconsentofthekingdomtotaxation.ThiswastruewhethertheassemblywastoconsenttoaidsleviedonthekingdomasawholeoraidsleviedonLondon.Thesameassemblywastodealwith
bothand,asdefinedinchapter14,itwastobecomposedentirelyoftenants-in-chief.Thearchbishops,bishops,abbots,earlsandgreaterbaronsweretobesummonedindividuallyandtheothertenants-in-chiefgenerally,throughthesheriffs.Asnoted,themayorofLondonwasoneofthetwenty-five‘barons’ofthe
securityclause.Thekingcalledtheleadingcitizenshis‘barons’,butthereisnosuggestionthattheywouldhavebeensummonedeitherpersonallyorgenerallyunderMagnaCarta’sarrangements.WhatmakesthisallthemorepointedisthatLondonhadbeeninvolvedingreatpoliticaldecisionsinthepast.Londonershadplayedakey
roleintheaccessionofStephenin1135,claimingthatitwastheirrightandprivilegetochoosetheking.69
In1191,duringKingRichard’sabsenceoncrusade,theyhadjoinedwithJohnandthebishopsandbaronsindeposingWilliamLongchamp,asgovernorofthekingdom,puttingthearchbishopofRoueninhis
place.ThiswasthemomentwhentheLondonersweregrantedtheircommune.70
TherewasalsoafeelingamongLondonersthattheirconsentshouldbesought,alongwiththatofthekingdom,whenitcametotaxation.ThusascheduleofcitydemandsfromJohn’sreignincludesonestatingthattallagesaretobeabolished
savewhenauthorized‘bycommonconsentofthekingdomandthecity’.71Theimplicationwasclearlythatifatallagewastobeleviedonthecity,thentheLondonerswouldneedtobepartofthenationalassemblywhichconsentedtoit.TheLondonersprobablyalsothoughtthattheyshouldbepresentwhensuchan
assemblyconsentedtoanaid,whetheronepaidjustbyLondonorbyLondonaspartofageneralaidleviedonthekingdom.Suchrepresentation,however,wasnotsomethingthatthebaronsof1215werepreparedtocontemplate.Itwasonlyin1265,whenthegovernmentwascontrolledbySimondeMontfort,thatrepresentatives
ofthetownsweresummonedtoparliament.
THECHURCHANDCHURCHMEN
Churchmenseem,intheCharter,toplayafarlargerpartinthelifeoftherealmthandotownsmen.Thearchbishops,bishopsandabbotsweretoreceivepersonalsummonsesto
chapter14’snationalassembly.StephenLangton,archbishopofCanterbury,togetherwithsevenotherEnglishbishops,wereallmentionedbynameatthestartoftheCharterasthoseonwhoseadviceJohnhadacted.Itwasthesamemen,inchapter62,whoweretoissueletterstestifyingtotheCharter’sauthentictext.
MagnaCarta,initsveryfirstchapter,guaranteedthefreedomofthechurch,andconfirmedJohn’spreviousconcessionoverfreeelections.Chapter22preservedclerksfromunjustamercements.MagnaCartaalsorevealedthepositionofthepopebothasheadofthechurchandasoverlord(thankstoJohn’sconcession
in1213)ofthekingdom.ThusthepreamblelistedMasterPandulf,a‘familiarisofthelordpope’–meaningamemberofPopeInnocentIII’shousehold–asoneofJohn’scounsellors,whilechapter1mentionedInnocent’sconfirmationofJohn’schartergrantingfreeelections.TheArticlesoftheBarons,intheirturn,hadtried
topreventJohnseekinganythingfromthepopethatmightunderminetheCharter.Thisplaceaccordedto
churchmenwasabsolutelynatural.Itstemmedinpartfromthedeep-rootedideathatthebishopsingeneral,andthearchbishopofCanterburyinparticular,shouldbetheking’scounsellorsinbothspiritual
andtemporalaffairs.InnocentIIIhimselfopinedthatbishopsshouldbe‘loyaltotheking,profitabletothekingdom,andcapableofgivingcounselandhelp’.72
TheplaceofthechurchintheCharteralsostemmedfromitsgreatwealth.SomeofthebishopsoftheseventeenEnglishdioceseshadincomesthatequalledorexceeded
thoseofthegreatestearls.Thesamewastrueofthegreaterabbots(ofStAlbansorWestminster,forexample).AtthetimeofDomesdayBookin1086overaquarterofthelandinEnglandwasinthehandsofthechurch,andthesharehadincreasedconsiderablysincethenwiththefoundationofnewmonasteries,especiallythose
oftheCistercianorder.Muchofthisland,moreover,washelddirectlyfromthekinginreturnforthesamemilitaryandotherservices(describedmorefullyinthenextchapter)aswereowedbyearlsandbarons.Thechurch,asalandholder,therefore,benefitedlikeeveryoneelsefromthechaptersintheCharterwhichsoughtto
restraintheabusesoftheking’slocalofficials,andreducetheareaoftheroyalforest.Therewasalso,however,a
vastrangeofecclesiasticalactivitygovernedbythechurch’sownproceduresandcanonlaw,thelatterthesumofpronouncementsbythepopeandchurchcouncilsdowntheages.Oneofthe
mostremarkablenarrativesfromJohn’sreignisanaccountofEveshamabbey’sstruggleagainstitslecherousabbotandthejurisdictionalclaimsofthebishopofWorcester.WrittenbythemonkThomasofMarlborough,whoplayedaleadingpartintheaffair,itrunstoover130printedpagesinamoderneditionand
givesgraphicaccountsofjourneystoRomeanddecisionsbythepopeandhisdelegatedjudges.73KingJohnhardlyappearsonce.ThisseparationbetweenchurchandstateisseenintheveryfirstchapteroftheCharterwheretheconcessiontoGodofthefreedomofthechurchismadequitedistinctfromtheconcessionstotherealm.
Thepreciseboundarybetweenecclesiasticalandsecularjurisdictionhadlongbeencontentious,andMagnaCartaillustratessomethingoftheuneasydivide.Thesecularcourthadjurisdictionwhentherighttoappointaparishpriesttoaliving(oneclaimedbymanylords)wasdisputed.Indeed,therelevantlegalaction,thatof‘darrein
presentment’,wasoneofthosemademoreavailableunderchapter18oftheCharter.Ecclesiasticalcourts,ontheotherhand,hadjurisdictionoverChurchrevenuestowhichnosecularserviceswereattached,sotithesandlandheld‘infreealms’.Thus,inchapter22,theamountofanamercementimposedonaclerkwastobe
determinedaccordingtothevalueofhis‘laytenement’,nothisecclesiasticalbenefice.Overthelatterthekinghadnoauthority.TheCharteralsomadeanodtowardstheChurch’sclaimtooverseetheadministrationofadeadperson’sproperty,thepointbeingsothatitcouldthenensurethefulfilmentofcharitablebequests.Chapter
27thussaidthatthegoodsofsomeonewhodiedintestateshouldbedistributedbyhisnearestrelationsandfriends‘underthesupervisionofthechurch’.74Thechurchdidnot,however,usetheChartertostrengthenthedivisionbetweensecularandecclesiasticaljurisdiction,althoughitoftencomplainedofitsbreach.TheCharter
thusdidnottrytoreaffirmtheconcessionmadebyHenryIIafterthedisputewithThomasBecket,whichfreedclerksaccusedofcrimefromtrialandpunishmentinsecularcourts.JustwhytheCharterwasnotmoreofanecclesiasticaldocumentwillemergewhenwelookattheroleofArchbishopLangtonintheeventsof1215.75
5
MagnaCartaandSociety:Earls,Barons,KnightsandFreeTenants
TheChartergivesnoinformationabouttherelationsbetweenlordsandtheirvilleins.Bycontrast,itprovidesagreatdealofinformationabouttherelationsbetweenthekingandhisleadingmen,namelytheearls,baronsandothersholdingtheirlanddirectlyfromhim,holding,thatis,fromhim‘inchief’–‘in
capite’–asitwasputinchapters2and14oftheCharter.These‘tenants-in-chief’,ashistorianscallthem,formedanelitegroup,abovethemanyotherswhoheldtheirlandnotfromtheking,butfromthetenants-in-chiefthemselves.Toregulaterelationsbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chiefwasacentralthrustofMagnaCarta.
Thetenants-in-chiefwerethusattheheartoftheCharter.Theywerealso,astheChartersawit,attheheartofthekingdom.Theyalone,underchapter14oftheCharter,weretogivethecommonconsentofthekingdomtotaxation.Themostimportantofthetenants-in-chief,theearlsandgreaterbarons,weretoreceive
individuallettersofsummons;therestweretobesummonedgenerallybythesheriffs.AttheendoftheCharter,itwastwenty-fivebarons,chosenbythebaronsthemselves,whoweretoenforceitsterms.Thelandheldbyatenant-
in-chieffromthekingwasoftencalleda‘feodum’,aword,translatedas‘fief’or
‘fee’,whichappearsthirteentimesintheCharter.Anditisfrom‘feodum’thathistorianshaveoftenlabelledthetenurialstructurebasedonthefeeas‘feudalism’.Chapter2oftheCharterhighlightsamajordivisionwithinthetenants-in-chief,between,thatis,theearlsandbaronsontheonehandandknightsontheother.Chapter14
makesadifferentdivisionbetweenearlsandgreaterbarons,andtherestofthetenants-in-chief.Includedamongthegreaterbaronsweretheecclesiasticalmagnates,thearchbishops,bishopsandabbots,fortheytooheldlanddirectfromthekingoncomparabletermstotheirlaycolleagues.
ItwasassumedintheCharterthatfeeswerehereditary,asindeedtheygenerallywere.WhentheArticlesoftheBarons,initschapter1,statedthat‘heirsshallhavetheirinheritanceafterthedeathoftheirancestors…’,theissuewasnotthesuccessionitselfbuttheamounttobepaidforit.Atthestartoftherelationship
betweenthekingandatenant-in-chiefwastheactofhomage.ThisisnotmentionedintheCharter,althoughitdoesfeatureinchapter3oftheCharterof1216anditssuccessors.Homagetookplacewhenanewtenantsucceeded.Thetenantwouldkneeldown,placehistwohandsbetweenthehandsofthekingand
declare‘IbecomeyourmanforthetenementwhichIholdofyou,andIwillbearyoufealtyinlife,limbandearthlyhonour.’1Thisactestablishedamuchstrongerandmoreintimatebondthanthatinvolvedinasimpleoathoffealty,foritwasdirectlyrelatedtoloyaltyinreturnforland,asfealtywasnot.Italsocreatedamutualbond,sothat
theceremonyofthehandssymbolizedtheking’sprotectionofhismanandtheman’ssubjectiontohisking.Theceremonywassupposedtotakeplaceinapublicspace,soinachurch,chapelorhall,andhaveanuminousquality.Itmeanteverytenant-in-chiefbeganhiscareerwithaverypersonalencounterwithhisking,andwas
thereafterboundintoamutualrelationshipwithhim.Whilethe1215Magna
Cartasaidnothingabouthomage,itwasveryclearabouttheotheringredientsintherelationship.Onewasthecounselthekingcouldandshouldreceivefromhistenants,astheChartertestifiedwhenitcametotaxationinchapters12and
14.Anotherwasmilitary.Chapter2mentionedthatthetenants-in-chiefheld‘byknightservice’.Thesamechapteralsoreferredto‘thewholefee[feodum]ofaknight’.Thismeantafeeforwhichtheserviceofoneknightwasowedwhenthekingsummonedouthisarmy.Aknightlytenant-in-chiefmightindeedowetheking
theserviceofoneknight.Thereturnstoaninquiryfrom1166,ontheotherhand,showmanyearlsandbaronsowingthekinganythingbetweentwentyknightsandahundred.2Analternativeformofmilitaryservicewasthatofgarrisoningaroyalcastle.Chapter29wasconcernedtopreventJohndemandingadoubleration–both
garrisoningacastleandappearinginhisarmy.Anadditioninthe1217versionoftheCharter(chapter29)madeitexplicitthatthearmyserviceinquestionwas‘forthefee’forwhichitwasowed.Chapter29also
demonstratedthewayinwhichmilitaryservicecouldbecommutedtomoney,when
directingthatifaknightwantedtoservepersonallyorthroughadeputy,ratherthangivemoneyinlieu,heshouldbeallowedtodoso.Givingmoneyinlieuhadlongbeencommon.Foreachofhismanycampaigns,Johnraisedataxcalled‘scutage’.Thisisreferredtoinchapters12and14,whichtriedtoensurethatitwasleviedonlybycommon
consent.‘Scutage’waspaidatafixedrateaccordingtothenumberoffeesheldbythetenant-in-chief,andthusthenumberofknightsheowed.(Scutageitself–‘scutagium’inLatin–meansshield.)Ifthescutagewas£2afee,abaronwitheightyfeeswouldowe£160.Whetheratenant-in-chiefledacontingentofknights,orgave
scutageinstead,dependedonapersonalagreementwiththeking,asdid,inpractice,theprecisenumbersactuallybroughttothehost.Thenominalservicebasedonfeesdeterminedscutagebutnotanylonger,ifiteverhad,theactualsizeofthecontingents.Thesecouldbemuchsmaller,whichwasareflectionofthecostsinvolved.3
Otherfeaturesoftherelationshipbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chieflikewisestandoutintheearlychaptersoftheCharter.Therewasthepaymentmadewhenthenewtenantenteredhisestate.TheCharterstipulatedthisshouldbeafixedsum,calleda‘relief’,andnotsomearbitraryfine.Therewerethe‘aids’(essentiallytaxes)of
chapters12and14,whichthekingcouldraiseforransominghisbody(asKingRichardhaddone),knightinghiseldestsonandthemarryingononeoccasionofhiseldestdaughter.Andtheninchapters3,4and5thereweretheking’srightsofwardshipoveranheirwhowasunderage.(TheCharterof1216addedtochapter3
thattheageofmajoritywastobetwenty-one.)Theserightsmeantthekingheldthefeeoftheheir(maleorfemale)andreceivedallitsrevenuesduringtheminority.Alternatively(aschapter4said),hecouldgiveorsellthecustodytosomeoneelse.TheCharterwenton,inthenextchapter,namelychapter6,tostatethat‘heirs’weretobe
‘marriedwithoutdisparagement’,thatisnottothosebelowtheminsocialrank.Thekingalsohadpoweroverthewidowsoftenants-in-chief,hencethestatement,inchapters7and8,thatwidowsshouldnothavetopaytogettheirlandsafterthedeathoftheirhusbands,andshouldnotbeforcedintoremarriage.
Anotherchapter,26,showsthespecialvulnerabilityofthewidowandchildrenofatenant-in-chiefwhenhedied(the‘children’hereimpliestherewasnoheirofage),forittriedtostoptheking’sagentsarbitrarilyseizingchattelsontheexcusethatthedeceasedtenant-in-chiefhadowedmoneytothecrown.
Thestatusandmilitarymienofthegreattenants-in-chiefaredisplayedintheeffigiesontheirtombsandtheimagesontheirseals.ThePurbeckmarbleeffigiesofWilliamMarshal,earlofPembroke,andWilliamLongespee,earlofSalisbury(KingJohn’shalf-brother),bothsurvive,theoneinLondon’sTempleChurch,the
otherinSalisburycathedral.Longespee’seffigyshowshimwithhishandonhissword,hisbodyencasedinchainmailprotectedbyagreatshieldonwhichdancethesixlionsofhiscoatofarms.Themightofthesemenstandsoutinthecastlessitedatthecentreoftheirfees.AthisseatatFramlingham,RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,
oneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause,rebuiltthecastlewithnofewerthanthirteentowersarounditscurtainwall.4
Whatkindofnumbersthenarewedealingwithwhenitcomestoearlsandbarons?Earlsareeasiesttocountbecausetheyarealwaysgiventheirtitle,andhadprobablyreceiveditata
formalceremony.IntheLatinoftheCharter,thismadethelorda‘comes’,while,intheFrenchtranslation,heisa‘conte’–a‘count’.ItwasonlyinEnglishthathewouldhavebeencalledan‘earl’,butthatishowconventionallyallhistoriansdescribethesemen.Thankstotheformalceremonyneededtoenterthehonour,oneeitherwasanearl
oronewasn’t.InJohn’sreigntheyusuallynumberedaroundadozen.Thereweresevenearlsamongthetwenty-fivebaronselectedundertheCharter’ssecurityclause,whileJohnwasabletonamefouratthestartoftheCharteramonghisadvisers.HemighthaveaddedRanulf,earlofChester,andhisally,WilliamdeFerrers,earlof
Derby,hadtheynotbeenabsentfromRunnymede.5
Baronsarehardertocount,because,althoughabarondidhomageforhisbarony,hedidnotactuallyuse‘baron’asatitle.Inaddition,theestatesconstitutingthe‘whole’baroniesofchapter2oftheCharterwereneverclearlydefinedbefore1215.Afterwards,theyhadtobe,in
ordertodecidewhoowedthe£100reliefstipulatedbytheCharter.Oftenusingthislaterevidence,I.J.SandersinhisstudyofEnglishbaroniesbetween1087and1327wasabletolist102ofthem,althoughhethenaddedanotherforty-eight‘probablebaronies’.Nearlyallofthesebaronieswereinexistencebefore1215,althoughfar
fromallwereinbeingatanyonetime.Asfortheknightlytenants-in-chiefwhoheldnotbaroniesbutknights’fees,therewereperhapsbetweenthreetofourhundredofthem.6
Theaveragebaronialincome,drawnfromasamplegrouptakenfrombetween1160and1220,wasabout£200ayearandthemedian
was£115,butsevenbaronshadincomesofover£400.Inoneyearbetween1211and1212theking’sofficialswereabletoraise,afternecessaryexpenses,around£1,000fromthelandsoftheunderageJohndeLacy.Probablythatwasthekindofincomeenjoyedbymanyoftheearls,althoughlaterinthecentury,whenwehavemorefigures,
someearlshadincomesofseveralthousandpoundsayear.Bywayofcomparison,KingJohn’sannualincomefromEnglandatthestartofhisreignwasabout£22,000.Thewageofalabourerworkingononeoftheking’sbuildingswasoneandahalfortwopenniesaday.Awomanlabourerreceivedonepenny,so240thofapound.7
Bothearlsandbaronspresidedoverthesamekindofestate.ThatpointemergesfromthephraseologyoftheCharterwhereearlssucceedednottoanearldombuttothe‘baronyofanearl’,whichintermsofitsstructurewasnodifferentfromthebaronyofabaron.Althoughnearlyalltheearlswereearlsofacounty,orthechiefcity
ofacounty,thisentitledthemtonomorethanafairlymodestannualpaymentfromthecounty’srevenues.TheonlyexceptionwasChester,wheretheearlhadalltheking’srightsinCheshireitself.Theearldomwasthusanhonoraryposition,althoughonecoveted,forthehonourwasgreat.Betweentheearlsandgreaterbarons,
andtheothertenants-in-chief,therewas,however,afundamentaldifferenceinthestructureoftheirfees.True,allofthemderivedthebulkoftheirincomefromland,fromthedemesnemanorsthattheykeptinhand.Buttheearlsandgreaterbaronsalsohadmanors,partsofmanorsandotherproperties,heldfromthembytheirown
knightlytenants,whereasminorbaronsandknightsholdinginchiefdidnot,ordidnotonanythinglikethesamescale.In1166WilliamdeFerrers,earlofDerby,listedforty-sevensuchtenants.8Itwasthetotalpackage,demesnemanorsandtenantedlands,thatmadeupthehereditaryfeeoftheearlorbaron.Sometimes,as
inchapter43,whichdealtwithsomefeesintheking’shands,thiswascallednotthebaron’sfeebuthis‘honour’(hisestate).Withinthebaronialfeesor
honours,thegreatmajorityofsignificanttenantsintheearlythirteenthcenturywereknights,andtheirrelationshipwiththeirbaroniallordreplicatedthatbetweenthe
baronandtheking.Thiswasmadeveryclearinrespectofhomageinchapter3oftheCharterof1216,whichdirectedthat,inthecaseofanunderageheir,thelord(sonotjusttheking)wastotakehishomagebeforereceivingthewardship.Therelationshipisalsoilluminatedinchapter43ofthe1215Charter,dealingwithbaroniesintheking’s
hands.Thisstipulatedthatthekingshouldreceivereliefandotherservicesfromthetenantsasifthebaronywasstillheldbythebaron.Theotherserviceswouldhaveincludedaidsandknightservice,aschapters15and16oftheChartershowed.Theywouldalsohaveincludedscutage,sothat,whenleviedbytheking,thebaron
recoupeditfromhisknightlytenants.Inaddition,lordscontrolledwardshipsandmarriagesofunderageheirs,andhadrightsovertheremarriageofwidows.Thus,underchapter8,awidowhadtogivesecuritythatshewouldnotremarrywithouttheking’sassent,ifsheheldherlandfromhim,or‘withouttheassentofherlord
fromwhomsheholds,ifsheholdsfromanother’,aperfectlayingoutofthetenurialhierarchy.Lordsalsoheldacourt(sometimescalledbyhistorians‘thehonorialcourt’)fortheirtenantsbymilitaryservice,anddefendeditsauthorityinchapter34oftheCharter.Suchcourtshadjurisdictionoverdisputesaroundboth
possessionofthefeesandtheservicesowedthelord.Thecourtsmightbecomeafocusofloyaltyandcommunity.Theywerealsoawayforthelordtomakemoneyfromamercements.
KNIGHTS
KnightswereabsolutelycentraltokeyfeaturesoftheCharter.True,theywereonly
nameddirectlyasthebeneficiariesoftwochapters,andthesewerelimitedtoknightlytenants-in-chief.Chapter2regulatedreliefduefromtheheirorheirsofaknight,andchapter29allowedknightstogarrisoncastlesinperson,andprotectedthemfromhavingtodobothgarrisonandarmyduty.Chapter43,too,
benefitedknights,althoughagainonlythoseholdingtheirlandfromtheking,whenitregulatedthereliefandotherserviceswithinhonoursthathadcomeintotheking’shands.Itwasinthechaptersonjusticeandlocalgovernmentthatthegeneralbodyofknights,notjustthoseholdingfromtheking,cameintotheirown.Under
chapter18,thekingwasto‘sendtwojusticesthrougheachcountyfourtimesayear’tohearthecommon-lawlegalactions,calledassizes,whichdetermineddisputesoverproperty.Thesejudgeswerenottoactalone.Theyweretohearthecaseswithfourknightsofthecounty,electedbythecountycourt.Thiswasastriking
recognitionofthelegalexpertiseandself-confidenceoftheknights.Evidently,theyfeltquiteabletositalongsidetheking’sjudges.Inaddition,inwhatBlackstonewronglymadeanewchapter(19),itwaslaiddownthatsufficientknightsandfreetenantsweretostaybehindforjudgementstobemade,ifthebusinesscould
notbefinishedonthedayofthemeetingofthecountycourt.Theroleofknightswasrevealedevenmoreremarkablyinchapter48oftheCharter.Underitsterms,twelveknightsineachcounty,electedby‘uprightmenofthesamecounty’,weretoinvestigatetheabusesoftheking’slocalofficialsandthen,withinfortydays,
abolishthem.Theknightsthushadvirtuallyafreehandinthereformoflocalgovernment.Justhowcentralthischapterwastothewholesettlementwasshownon19June1215,when,asaconditionofthepeace,Johnhadatoncetosettheworkoftheknightsinmotion.9AccordingtothecalculationsofKathrynFaulkner,there
werearound4,500menacceptedasknightsinearlythirteenth-centuryEngland,acceptedthatisforthepurposeofsittingonjuriesandperformingvariousadministrativeandjudicialtasks.AlargecountysuchasYorkshirehadanestimatedtotalof238knights;asmallonesuchasSurrey,90knights.10Afewhundredof
theseknightswouldhavebeentenants-in-chiefoftheking,anddirectbeneficiariesofchapters2and29.Therestwould,forthemostpart,havebeentenantsoftheearls,barons,bishopsandabbots.Aswehaveseen,thetermsonwhichtheyheldfromtheirlordsreplicatedthoseonwhichthoselordsheldfromtheking.Inrespectoflanded
wealth,asurveyoffifty-sevenOxfordshireknightsfromthe1220sshowsthatfivehadfourormoremanors,andthusincomesapproachingbaronialproportions.Someoftheseknightshadtheirowntenantsbyknightserviceforwhomtheyheldcourts.11ManyoftheknightswhostarinHolt’sstudyofnorthernerscome
fromthisupperbandoftheclass.12Theirinfluencehelpstoexplainwhychapter34,protectingprivatejurisdiction,wasdrawnwidelyandspokeofthecourtsoffreemen,notjustofthecourtsofbarons.Belowthisupperleveltherewere,intheOxfordshiresurvey,twentyknightswithtwoorthreemanors;twenty-five
withonemanorofreasonablesize;andsevenwithsmallerproperties.ABedfordshiresurveyfromafewyearsearliersuggestsamuchhigherproportionofknightsinthelastcategory,withover50percenthavinglessthanawholefee,althoughfeesareanuncertainguidetoactualproperty.13Laterinthethirteenthcentury,whenthe
levelwasputatthebareminimumrequired,anincomeof£15ayearwasdeemedsufficienttorenderoneliabletotakeupknighthood.14Probably,inJohn’sreign,mostknightswithtworeasonablysizedmanorsorequivalentpropertieswouldhavebeenabovethatlevel;thosewithonemanorofreasonablesize
mighthavebeenatthatlevel;thosewithless,belowit.TheknightsinJohn’sreign
thuscoveredaverybroadsocialspectrum.Fromacoreofknightswithoneortwomanors,thegroupreacheduptothoseofbaronialwealth,anddowntothosenotmuchdifferentfromthefreetenantssittingabovethepeasantry.Intheupperlevelsofsociety,
bothkingsandbaronshadlongbecomeknightsthroughaformalceremonyinwhichtheyweregirdedwiththeswordofknighthood.Increasingly,apingtheirsuperiors,thiswasalsotrueofthewealthiercountyknights.Whether,however,thegeneralrunofthosedescribedasknightsinJohn’sreignhadgonethrougha
ceremonymaybedoubted.Probablymenwereacceptedasknightsonjuriesandinotherlocalgovernmentrolesbecausetheyinsomewaylookedthepart.Thiscouldcauseargumentsastowhoexactlywasaknight.TheabbotofCrowlandinthe1190scomplainedthatfour‘knights’whohadtestifiedagainsthimwereactually
‘lowfellows’(‘viles’),‘notoftheknightlyordernorgirtwithsword’.Indeedtheydidnotholdtheirlandsbyknightservice.OneofthemcouldnotevenspeakFrench.15Thatthekingsometimesorderedinquiriestobemadebybeltedknightsshowsthatnotallknightswerebelted.InthedecadesafterMagna
Carta,therewasarapid
declineinthenumberofknights.InresponsetoattitudessuchastheabbotofCrowland’s,theviewbecameestablishedthatonlythosewhohadgonethroughtheceremonycouldberegardedasholdingthehonour.16Sincetheceremonywasexpensive(theaspiringknightneededtohavethenecessaryequipment),onlytheupper
levelsoftheoldknightlyclasstookupthehonour.TheexpenseisshowninMagnaCartaitselfwheretheknightingofaneldestsonwasoneoftheoccasionsonwhichbothkingandlordscouldlevyanaid.In1216Johngavesomeonetenmarksorahorseworththesameamount‘inaidofhisknighting’.17InJohn’sreign,
however,westillhavethe‘old’knightlyclass,andthatdidnothingtodiminishitspower.Inasense,ithadthebestofbothworlds,thenewandtheold.Ontheonehand,therewerebeltedknightsveryconsciousoftheirstatusandimportance.Yet,ontheotherhand,onjuriesandinotherlocalroles,thesemen,withoutanyformal
distinctionofstatus,workedalongsideknightsofmuchlesserestate.Indeed,justwhereknightsstoppedandfreetenantsbeganwasnotatallclear.Societywaslessstratifiedandarguablymorecohesivethanitbecamelater.TheCharteritselfdidnotstipulatethattheknightsinchapters18and48neededtobebelted,andthusdid
nothingtoacceleratethedevelopmentofaknightlyelite.Italsoenvisagedaneasycooperationandinterchangebetweenknightsandfreemen,thusreflectingthelackofanycleardivisionbetweenthosewhowereandwerenotknights.TheCharterhadtwomenrunningwardshipswheretheUnknownCharterhadfour
knights.Underchapter19,itisknightsandfreetenantstogetherwhoaretostaybehindtoassistjudgementsinthecountycourt.TheknightsofJohn’sreign
werecertainlymilitarilyactive,hencetheirimportanceintherebellionof1215.Theycouldallhaveperformedthearmyserviceandcastleguardexpectedoftheknightly
tenants-in-chiefinchapter29.Thesamemenwereequallybusyinlocalaffairs.ManyknightsinJohn’sIrisharmyof1210canbefoundsittingongrand-assizejuries.TheknightswerewellqualifiedfortherolesassignedtheminMagnaCarta.Undertheproceduresofthegrandassize,whichdeterminedtherighttoland,twelveknightly
jurors,chosenbyfourknights,gavetheverdicts.Panelsoffourknightswereregularlyappointedtoinvestigatetheexcusesofthosewhodidnotturnupinlawsuits,andalsoto‘beartherecord’ofproceedingsinthecountycourteitherbeforethekingorbeforehisjudgesatWestminster.Thekingwasemployingknightsinawhole
raftofrolesacrosslocalgovernment:assheriffs,coroners,keepersofmanorsandforestofficials.Lordswereemployingthemtoo,notablyastheirstewards.MatthewParisdescribedtheknightLaurencedeTybridge,stewardofStAlbansabbey,as‘amanmosthandsomeinbody,eloquent,wiseandknowledgeableaboutcivil
pleas’.ThevigourwithwhichhestoodupforStAlbansinonedisputeearnedhimthehatredofthegreatbaronRobertfitzWalter.18
Therolesassignedtotheknightsinchapters18and48oftheCharterwerepartofawidercampaign,wellunderwayby1215,forlocalmentocontrollocaloffices.19Thestrengthoffeelingis
brilliantlyhighlightedbyacaseintheSomersetcountycourtin1204recordedbytwelveknightsofthecounty.HereRichardRevelupbraidedthesheriffforbeinganoutsiderwhileheandhisfatherwere‘nativemenandgentlemenofthecountry’–‘naturaleshominesetgentilesdepatria’.20InLincolnshire,nofewerthan
twenty-ninelocalmenstoodsuretyforthe500marksofferedforthesheriffdombythemajorcountyknightThomasofMoulton.21ThemenofCornwall,andofSomerset-Dorset(ajointsheriffdom),bothofferedJohnover1,000markstohavesheriffschosenfromtheirnumber,whowouldberesidentintheircounties.22
Themenofthecountieswhomadesuchofferscouldincludebishopsandbaronsaswellasknights,butknightswereattheheartofsuchgroups.Indeed,bishopsandbarons,thinkingtheycouldlookafterthemselves,sometimesrefusedtobeinvolved.23ItwasknightswholedtheresistanceinDevonwhenthesheriff
seemedtobebreakingthecounty’scharter.InDecember1214twelveknightsapiecefromCornwall,DevonandSomersetcametothekingtonegotiateabouttheconcessionoffurther‘liberties’.24
Thestipulationthattheknightsinchapters18and48belocallyelectedthus
respondedtolocalsociety’sdesiretocontrolthepersonneloftheking’sgovernmentintheshires–‘self-governmentattheking’scommand’,asthehistorianA.B.Whiteputit.25Inchapter18itisclearfromthecontextthatthecountycourtistobethebodyelectingthefourknightssittingwiththejudges.(InLatin,theword
‘comitatus’canmeanboth‘county’and‘countycourt’.)Chapter48,wherethetwelveknightsreformingabusesaretobeelectedby‘proboshomineseiusdemcomitatus’,ismoreambiguous,andthewordsareusuallytranslatedassimply‘uprightmenofthesamecounty’.26However,John’sletterof19June1215,settingchapter48inmotion,
showsthatthecountycourtwasagaintobetheforum.27
Anewlydiscoveredletteralsoshowstheelectionsweretotakeplaceineachcountybeforefourknightsappointedbythetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.28
Thecountycourtsusuallymetonceamonth,butlittlesurvivesfromthisperiodtoshowexactlyhowthey
worked.29That,however,knightswerecentraltotheirprocedures,therecanbenodoubt.ItispanelsofknightswhoroutinelybeartherecordofcasesinthecountycourtbeforethekingorthejudgesatWestminster;in1212itisknightswhoarearrestedformakingfalsejudgementsintheGloucestershirecountycourt;intheHerefordshire
court,ayearbefore,acaseispostponedbecausetheknightsareindisagreementandtoofewarepresent;inSuffolk,in1213,moneyistobepaidoveratthecountycourt‘beforetheknights’;inOxfordshire,in1222,‘nearlyalltheknights’ofthecountycourt‘riseup’inprotestagainstaparticularjudgement.30Justhowmany
knightsroutinelyattendedthecourtwecannotknow.Therewasprobablyasmallishcoreattheforefrontofitsbusiness,astherewaswhenitcametosittingongrand-assizejuries.TheGloucestershirecasesuggeststhatitwasacliqueofknightswhoweremanagingthejudgements.Ontheotherhand,importantbusinessmay
wellhavebroughtinlargernumbers.Theframersofchapter48cannothaveknownpreciselywhowouldconstitutethe‘uprightmen’ofeachcounty,chargedwithelections.Therecannothavebeenanydoubt,however,thattheywouldbelargelysynonymouswiththecountyknights.
Noneofthismeansthatearlsandbaronslackedinfluenceinthecountycourt.Theknightsweretheirtenants,andmanywerealsotheirstewards.Indeed,thosewhoattendedthecourtaresometimesdescribedas‘stewardsandknights’or‘knightsandstewards’.InacaseintheLincolnshirecourt,in1226,knightsofthe
county,rallyingindefenceofachapterinHenryIII’sMagnaCarta,threatenedastewardwhohadsteppedoutoflinewithtellinghislordabouthisbehaviour.31Baronscouldalsoappearinthecountycourtinperson.Yetitwouldbeequallywrongtothinkthatthecountycourtwassimplydominatedbygreatlords.In1220thebaron
RogerdeMontbegon,whowasalsooneofMagnaCarta’stwenty-fivebarons,sweptfuriouslyoutoftheNottinghamshirecourtwhenhefoundthemajorityopinionagainsthim.32TheOxfordshireknightswhoroseupagainstacourtjudgementin1222werenotactingforagreatbaronorbarons;therewerenoneinthecounty.
Instead,theknightswerestandingtogetheragainsttheover-mightysheriff,FalkesdeBréauté,andhisagents.33
Clearly,thebalanceofpowervariedbetweencounties,dependingonthelocalpoliticalgeography.Thatthetwenty-fivebaronsin1215orderedtheelectionstotakeplacebeforefournominatedknightswaspartlytoprotect
theprocessfromthesheriffs,whopresidedoverthecountycourts.Italsomeantthatindirectlytheyhopedtohavesomeinfluenceovertheelectionsthemselves.Butthetwenty-fiveonlywentsofar.Theydidnotsaythefourknights,asinthegrandassize,shouldactuallymaketheelection.Thatwouldhavebeencontrarytothetermsof
theCharter.
FREEMENANDFREETENANTS
MagnaCartareachedouttoamuchbroadersectionofsocietythanthatcomposedofearls,baronsandknights.JohngrantedtheCharter,aswehaveseen,to‘allthefreemenofourkingdom’.Indeed,freemenwereapparentlya
farmoreprivilegedgroupthanearlsandbarons,havingsevenchaptersintheCharterdevotedspecificallytotheirinterests,whereasthelatter(likeknights)onlyhadtwo.34Insomecases,itistrue,‘freemen’meantessentiallyearls,baronsandknights.Therecanhavebeenfewoutsidethatnumberwhoheldthecourtsbelongingtofreemenwhose
jurisdictionwasprotectedinchapter34.Indeed,alaterglossontheclausedescribeditasdealingwiththecourtsof‘magnates’.35Ontheotherhand,freemenaresometimesmanifestlydistinctfromtheearlsandbarons,notablyinthechaptersonamercements(20and21)wherethetwogroupsaregivenseparatetreatment.Inothercases,
‘freeman’wouldseem,intheoryatleast,toembraceallsectionsofsocietyabovetheunfreepeasantry.Thiswastrueofchapter27,whichdirectedthat‘ifanyfreeman’diedintestate,hischattelsweretobedistributedbyhis‘closestkinandfriends’.Itwasalsotrueofchapter30,underwhichnoofficialwastotakethehorsesandcartsof
‘anyfreeman’,save‘withtheconsentofthefreemanhimself’;theconsentofthefreemanwasanempoweringconcept.And,ofcourse,underchapter39itwas‘nofreeman’,notjustnoearl,baronorknight,whowasnottobeproceededagainstsavebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.
Freemenwereawidergroupthanthefreetenants,whoinchapter19weretostaybehindwiththeknightstoheartheassizes.Afreetenantbydefinitionheldland,afreemanmightnot,forhecouldbeamerchant,aprofessionalsoldieroracraftsman.Allfreetenantswerefreemen,butnotallfreemenwerefreetenants.Free
tenantsthemselvesweredividedaccordingtothetermsonwhichtheyheldland,astheChartermadeclearinchapter16.Theycouldoweserviceforthefeeofaknightor‘foranother[kindof]freetenement’.Chapter37revealedthatthelattermightincludetenementsheldinfeefarm,orinsocage,whichmeant
essentiallytenementsheldinreturnfordifferentkindsofrent.36
Freetenantsholdinglandforrentincludedaverylargesliceofthepeasantry.Theyalsoincludedafarmoresignificantgroup,governmentallyandpolitically,onewhoseimportancehelpstoexplainwhythechaptersinthe
Charteronfreemenandfreetenantsappearedatall.Thisisagrouphardtodefine,andverylittlestudiedbyhistorians,butonerecognizedbycontemporarieswhentheyspoke,asinchapter19,offreetenantsseparatefromknightsbutnonethelesscooperatingwiththem.Thesefreetenantsformedahingebetweenthegeneralrunof
thepeasantryfreeandunfree,ontheonehand,andtheknightsontheother.Theyarebestseeninthegroupsoftwelvemencalledontostaffthejuriesrepresentingthelocalgovernmentdivisionofthehundred.Suchjurieswerevitalinstitutions,fortheygaveevidenceabouteventsinthehundredtotheking’sjudgesontheirvisitationsto
thecounties.Intermsofpersonnel,thejuriesprobablyoverlappedwiththemenwhotookaleadingpartinthebusinessofthehundredcourt,attendedthecountycourtandstaffedthenumerouscommon-lawjuries.(Itwasonlythejuriesofthegrandassizethatwereconfinedtoknights.)Whenthepersonnelofthesehundredjuriescanbe
studiedforlateryearsofthethirteenthcentury,atthebottomofthescaletheycomprisemenwhointermsofthesizeoftheirlandedholdingsseemofpeasantstatus.Atthetopofthescaletherecanbesomeknights.Inbetweenthesetwogroups,andformingthesocialcoreofthejuries,weremenwhoheldbetweenthirtyandahundred
orsoacres.Theirlandmightbeinacontiguousblockorscatteredbetweenseveralholdings.Itmightbeallinhand,orpartyheldbytenants.IntheHundredRolls,jurorsfromBlackbournhundredinSuffolkincludethosewith32,56,64,86,110,129,145,180and320acres.Theaverageholdingwas79acres.37Insuch
groups,somememberswererisingsociallyfromtheranksofthepeasants,othersdescending(oftenasyoungersonswithsmallprovision)fromtheranksoftheknights.38Intheearlythirteenthcentury,thenumberofthoseonsuchjuriespassingforknightswouldhavebeenlarger,giventhelaterdeclineinknightly
numbers.Butmanyofthejurors,eveninthe1200s,wouldhavebeenbelowtheknightlylevel,andhavejustbeenregardedasfreetenants.Itwasthroughthesejuries,indeed,thatthejaggedanduncertainlinebetweenknightsandnon-knightsran,asdidtoothedividebetweenthosewhocouldspeakbothFrenchandEnglishandthose
whowereonlyEnglishspeakers.TheabbotofCrowlandcomplained,aswehaveseen,thatoneoftheknightswhosworeagainsthimhadnoFrench,andthatmustincreasinglyhavebeenthesituationasonewentdownthesocialscale.Theroleinlocalaffairsof
thekindof‘hinge’menonthejuries,abovethegeneral
runofpeasantsbutbeneaththeknights,canbesensedinvariousprovisionsintheCharter.Thusifawardshipispillaged,itistobeentrustedto‘twolaw-worthyandprudentmenofthatfee’(chapter4).Ifcommon-pleabusinesscannotbefinishedonthedayofthecountycourt,thensufficientfreetenantsaswellasknightsare
toremainsothatjudgementscanbemade(chapter19).Whenamercementsareimposedonfreemen,villeinsandmerchants,theiramountistobedeterminedby‘theoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood’(chapter20);andwhenthesheriffsorbailiffsmakelistsofthechattelsofdeceasedtenants-in-chief,theyaretodoso‘by
viewoflaw-worthymen’(chapter26).KingJohnhimselfwas
veryawareoftheimportanceofthekindofmenfoundonthehundredjuries,andtheywereprobablythemaintargetofresoundingceremoniesin1209.Ingreatmeetingsthroughoutthecountry,climaxingatonebeforeJohnhimselfatMarlborough,mass
actsofhomagetothekingwereperformedbyfreemen.Thesemenwerenotswearingloyaltytohiminreturnforlandthattheyheldfromhim,asinanormalactofhomage.Thegreatmajority,afterall,heldnolandfromthecrown.ButJohnknewwhathewasdoing,fortheonepersontowhomhomagecouldbedone,wherelandwasnotinvolved,
wastheking.Ofcourse,thesemencannotallhavekneltdownbeforethekingandplacedtheirhandsinhis.Probably,whiletakingtheiroaths,theyraisedtheirhandsratherlikethesalutesatsomefascistrally.TheceremonysymbolizedJohn’sprotectionofthemenandtheirsubjectionandobediencetohim.Itwasthereciprocityof
thebondthuscreated,absentinamereoathoffealty,thatexplainedhowtheceremonycouldberegardedasoneofhomage.Johnhadrecognizedthemilitarypowerofthisgroupinhisordinanceforthedefenceoftherealmin1205.Itenlistedknightsandalso‘serjeants’and‘othersholdingland’,‘serjeant’hereprobablydescribingfree
tenantsjustbeneaththerankofknight.39
FAMILY,FRIENDSHIPANDNEIGHBOURHOOD
ThevisionofEnglandinchapter14oftheCharterwasofakingdomdividedupinto,anddominatedby,thefeesoftheearls,greaterbaronsandecclesiasticaltenants-in-chief.Thesewerethemenwho
werepersonallysummonedtotheassemblygivingthekingdom’scommonconsenttotaxation.Theycananswerforthekingdom,theimplicationseemstobe,becausebycommandingtheloyaltyofthetenantsintheirfees,collectivelytheyanswerforeveryoneinthekingdom.Therewassometruthinthisvision,butnotthewhole
truth.MagnaCarta’sEnglandisEngland,butonlybecauseotherchaptershintatamorenuancedandcomplexpicturefromthatfoundinchapter14.Inthefirstplace,therewereothertiesbeyondthoseintheverticalrelationshiprunningdownbetweenking,baronsandtheirtenants.TheCharterisveryclear
abouttheimportanceofthe
family.Thechaptersprotectingwidows,wards,childrenandheirswereverymuchthereatthebehestofthefamilygroupstowhichtheybelonged.Thatwasmadeplaininchapter6,whichsaidthatbeforeheirscouldbemarried,theirclosestkinweretobeinformedoftheproposedunion.Chapter3oftheArticlesoftheBarons
hadgonefurtheranddemandedthatthemarriagesshouldtakeplacewiththeclosestkin’s‘counsel’.40
Likewise,underchapter27oftheCharter,ifafreemandiedintestate,hischattelsweretobedistributedbyhisnearestrelationsandfriends.Familiescouldbeunitedintheiractions,andthebrothersThomasandAlanBasset,and
PeterandMatthewfitzHerbert,stoodshouldertoshoulderatthestartoftheCharteramongJohn’scounsellors.Theycouldalsobedivided,althoughthedivisionswerenotalwayswhattheyseemed.ItwassurelytokeepafootinbothcampsthatWilliamMarshal,earlofPembroke,remainedloyaltoKingJohn,being
namedfirstamongJohn’slaycounsellorsintheCharter,whilehiseldestsonwasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Thetwenty-fiveincludedtwoBigodsandtwoClares(inbothcasesfatherandson),amongmanyothertiesofkinship.Thechapteronwillsalso
mentioned‘friends’aswellas
family.Tiesoffriendshipcouldbegivenvisualexpression.Onhisdashingseal,RobertfitzWalterdisplayedthecoatofarmsofSaerdeQuincy,earlofWinchester,thusproclaimingtheirmilitary,politicalandpersonalalliance.Saeronhissealrepaidthecompliment.Nordidthisjustapplytothemen,forSaer’swife,
Margaret,likewisefeaturedfitzWalter’scoatonherseal.41Friendshipsmightdevelopfrommeetingsatcourtoroncampaign.Theycouldalsogrowfromtiesofneighbourhood.Therewasacrucialneighbourhooddimensiontothe1215rebellionintheroleplayedbymenfromthenorth,‘thenortherners’ofHolt’sclassic
book.Particularlyintheearlystagesoftherevolt,thatwasthenameoftengivenbycontemporarywriterstotherebelsasawhole.Later,theuprisingbecamemuchwider,andthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclausewerebalancedinfavourofthosefromtheeasternandhomecounties.Butstilleightofitsnumberhadlargeinterestsin
thenorth.42ItwasdoubtlessthenorthernerswhosecuredatRunnymedetheinclusionoftheridingsofYorkshireandLincolnshireamongthelocalgovernmentunitsfromwhichthekingwasnottotakemorethanthefixedannualpaymentsoftheir‘ancient’farms.Workingforroyal
governmentonlocaljuries
andinquiriesitselfsolidifiedgroupsofneighbours.TheCharterdirected,inchapter20,thatamercementsweretobeassessed‘bytheoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood’.Groupsofkinsmen,friendsandneighbourswereequallysolidifiedbythepressuresofroyalgovernment.Onewayinwhichthathappenedis
showninchapter9oftheCharter.Thissoughttopreventthesuretiesofacrowndebtorfrombeingdistrainedtopayhisdebt,whenthedebtorcouldstillpayhimself.Ifthesuretieswereforcedtopay,theycouldhavethedebtor’slandsandrentsincompensation.ItwasroutineforKingJohntodemandsuretiesfroma
debtor.WhenhefinallyturnedonthegreatnorthernbaronWilliamdeMowbray,anddemandedthathepayanastronomicaldebtof1,740marks,hissuretiesincludedsevengreatbarons,sixofthemfromthenorth,allofwhomhadtogosuretyforspecifiedamounts.43Aschapter9inMagnaCartashows,thissystemcould
createtensionbetweenthedebtorandhissureties,butitmightalsogenerateacommunityofinterestandincipientaction.FourofMowbray’spledgesandthesonofanotherappearwithhimamongthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause.
SOCIALCHANGE
Tiesoffamily,friendshipandneighbourhoodexistedalongsidetiesoftenureandcouldindeedsupportthem.Butthetenurialhierarchyitselfwasfarlessclear-cutthanthesimpledivisionintoearls,barons,knightsandfreetenantsmightseemtoimply,asindeedtheCharteragainhinted.Attheverytop,therewasuncertaintyaboutthe
positionofearl,forJohnandhispredecessorswereveryfarfromadmittingthatthehonourwasalwayshereditary.Indeed,eveninMagnaCartatheearlwastoowereliefforthe‘baronyofanearl’,sonotactuallyforanearldomatall.Aswewillsee,thismaywellhavebeenacontentiousissueatRunnymedeitself.44
Therewasalsoambivalenceoverthepositionofbaron.Chapter2oftheCharter,infixingthereliefoftenants-in-chief,madeadivisionbetweenbaronssucceedingtobaroniesandknightssucceedingtoknights’fees.Therewasnothingnovelinthat.ThedistinctionisfoundinboththeDialogusdeScaccario
andinalistofthetenants-in-chiefinShropshiremadebyitssheriffin1212.45YetJohncouldalsodescribesomeonewhoonlyheldoneknight’sfeeashis‘baron’,whichsuggeststhatthetermcouldstillbeusedforanytenant-in-chiefofthecrown.46Itwasequallyemployedbygreatlordstodescribetheirownknightlytenants.‘Inowwish
toconsultmybarons,’saidWilliamMarshal.47
Evenifonedidtrytodrawalinebetweentenants-in-chiefholdingbaroniesandtenants-in-chiefholdingknights’fees,howlogicalintermsofwealthwoulditalwaysbe?Thatsomebaronsmightbemenofnoverygreatimportanceisclearfromchapter14oftheCharter,in
whichonlygreaterbaronsweretoreceivepersonalsummonsestoitsnationalassembly.48Therewasequallyaproblemtheotherwayround,createdbythewealthandimportanceofthosewhoheldonlyoneortwofeesfromthecrownandsocouldscarcelyqualifyasbaronsatall,letalonegreaterbarons.Acaseinpointis
WilliamofHuntingfield.Hewasoneofthetwenty-five‘barons’ofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause,yetheonlyheldonefee(atMendhaminSuffolknearHuntingfield)fromthecrown.Muchofhiswealthcamefromotherproperties,includingsevenfeesheldfromthehonourofEye.49MensuchasHuntingfieldwererisingin
societyfromknightlybackgrounds,oftenthroughroyalservice,andaugmentingtheirinheritancesthroughpurchases,andgiftsfromgreatlordsandfromtheking.AlanBasset,oneofthecounsellorsJohnnamedintheprologuetoMagnaCarta,wasaself-mademan,ayoungerson,whoputtogetheranestateofbaronial
proportions,includingthemanorsofHighWycombeandWoking,whichhereceivedfromtheking.50
ThomasBasset,Alan’selderbrother(althoughbothwereyoungersons),illustratesanotherpoint,namelyhowquicklyfamiliescouldriseandfall.Bythetimeofhisdeathin1220,hetoohadbuiltupagreatestate,
including,asagiftfromKingJohn,themanorofHeadingtonoutsideOxford,butleavingnoson,theestatewassplitbetweenhisthreedaughters.Thomas’sbranchoftheBassetshadcomeandgoneinageneration.ItwouldhavebeenamootpointwhetherHuntingfieldandtheBassetswereentitledtothepersonalsummonsestothe
nationalassemblyenvisagedinMagnaCarta’schapter14.51ThesamewouldhavebeentrueinthecaseofSimonofKyme.HewasaleadingfigureinLincolnshirefromthe1190s.Hehadhisownfollowing,includingtheLincolnshireknightPeterofBeckering,yetofhisthirtyorsofees,onlytwowereheldinchief.52AtleastHuntingfield,
KymeandtheBassetsdidholdinchief,andwouldhavebeensummonedunderthetermsofchapter14.Yetthereweremanyofequivalentornearequivalentstatuswhowouldhavebeenignoredaltogethersincetheyheldnothingfromtheking.53
Inthisfluidsituation,theCharterattemptedapieceofsocialcementing.Chapter2
fixedforthefirsttimethesizeofabaronialandknightlyrelief.Forthefirsttime,therefore,itbecamenecessarytodecidewhoheldbybaronyandwhoheldbyknight’sfee,forthetwogroupsweretoowereliefsofdifferentsizes.Fromonepointofview,thosewhofellonthebaronialsidelostout,fortheyhadtopayalarger
relief.Butthegainwasthattheywouldnowbepartofagroupveryclearlyseparated,intermsofstatus,fromthosebelowthem.Theyweretoformanewelite,asDavidCrouchputsit,the‘king’sbarons,thenoblesclosesttothecrown’.54TheCharteralsoconfirmedandimprovedtheprivilegesthatwentwithbaronialstatus.Chapter21of
theCharterthuslaiddownthatearlsandbaronsweretobeamercedbytheirpeers,whichmeanttheirsocialequals.Thisseparatedearlsandbaronsfromeveryoneelse,freemen,merchants,villeinsandclerks,whoweretobeamercedbymenoftheneighbourhood.ThisprivilegeintheCharterbuiltonexistingpractice,forprior
to1215,ifanearlorabaronwasconvictedofanoffencebeforetheking’sjudgesinthelocalities,theamercementwasassessednotbeforethejudgesbutatWestminsterbytheexchequer.55TheaimoftheCharter,therefore,wastopreventthishappeningandensurethatearlsandbaronswereamercedbythemselves,intheprocessmakingthem
allthemoreofanexclusivegroup.56
AnotherprivilegeaffirmedbytheCharterwasthatrelatingtonationalassemblies.Underchapter14,aswehaveseen,itwasonlyearlsandgreaterbaronswhoweretoreceivepersonalsummonsestothecouncilsempoweredtogivethekingdom’sconsentto
taxation.Theothertenants-in-chiefweretobesummonedgenerally,throughthesheriffs.Herethenthegreatmenoftherealmwerenotevencontentwithadivisionbetweenthebaronageandtherest.Theysetthebarforpersonalsummonseshigher,sothatonlygreaterbaronswouldgetthem.Thosewhowerenot
tenants-in-chief,ofcourse,wouldnotbesummonedatall.Probablychapter14reflectedwhathadlongbeenexistingpractice.Itrespondedtotheideathatthedutytogivecounselwasanobligationinvolvedintenure,andthusespeciallysomethingwhichfellontheking’sowntenants.57Yet,giventhechangingnatureofsociety,
mightnottheCharterhaveincluded‘magnates’withintheassembly,thusensuringthepresenceofgreatmenwhowerenottenants-in-chief?Theanswerwasaresoundingno!Instead,theCharterpulledupthedrawbridgeandsoughttowallinthestatusquo.Byenshriningtheexistingsystem,itsaimwastoensure
thatnationalassembliesremainedexclusiveandexclusionarybodies.Inthisarea,however,
MagnaCartawasbecomingoutofdateattheverytimethatitwaspromulgated.Thereweresimplytoomanymenaroundwhowerenottechnicallybarons,butwhosewealthandstatusjustifiedapersonalsummons.While,in
thecourseofthethirteenthcentury,itwasindeedapersonalsummonstoparliamentthatcreatedaparliamentarypeerage,itwasnotapeeragedefinedbythosewhoheldbaronies.Itwasdefinedbythosewhosewealthandstatusseemedtonecessitateasummons.58Theproblemwithchapter14’svisionoftherealmwas
revealedneartheendoftheCharter,intheveryprovisionwhereitseemedagaintoberecognized.Underchapter60,allthelibertiesthatJohnhadconcededtobeheldinthekingdom:
asmuchasitpertainstoustowardsourmen[nostros],allthemen[omnes]ofourkingdom…aretoobserve,asmuchasitpertainsto
them,totheirmen[suos].
AsisusualintranslationsoftheCharter,Ihaveinsertedhere‘men’after‘our’,‘all’and‘their’,sincethisishowthechapterwascertainlyunderstood.Theking’smenwerehistenants-in-chiefandpre-eminentlyhisearlsandbarons.Atfirstsight,then,wehaveherethetraditional
‘feudal’hierarchy,withthekingmakingconcessionstohistenants-in-chief,whichtheythenpassdowntotheirownmen.Butthisisnotwhatthechaptersays.InsteadofJohnstatingthat‘ourmen[nostros]’aretoobservetheconcessionsintheCharter,hesaysthat‘allthemen[omnes]’ofthekingdomaretodoso.Thetenurial
hierarchyhas,therefore,beeninvadedbyabodycompletelyun-tenurialinitsstructure.WhenHenryIIIreferredtothischapterin1234,hesaiditwashisarchbishops,bishops,earls,baronsand‘othermagnates’whoweretoobeytheCharter.59Thekingthusrecognizedthattherewere‘magnates’quiteonaparwithhiscomitalandbaronial
tenants-in-chief.Nosuchrecognitionwasmadewhenitcametodecidingwhoshouldbesummonedtothenationalassemblyin1215.InthatsenseMagnaCartawasadeeplyconservativedocument.
THREATSTOTHEBARONIALFEES
Earlsandbaronsfacedanotherproblem,namelythatofmaintainingauthoritywithinthelandedestateswhichmadeuptheir‘fees’or‘honours’.Hereweshouldthinkofthefeesnotasaneatsetof‘feudalpyramids’,butasarangeofhillssuchasthataroundWastwaterinCumberland,allofdifferentshapesandsizes,withone
mergingintoanother,andwithrocksandbouldersfrequentlyslippingoffthesidesintogulliesandthelake.Thevastlydifferentsizeofbaroniesisrevealedinthereturnstotheinquiryof1166,wheresomeowedtheserviceofsixtyormoreknights,andsomefewerthanten.60Thefeesofbarons,moreover,didnotexistinsomesteadystate,
fortheywereliabletocomeintotheking’shandseitherthroughforfeitureorthroughfailureofheirs.ThathadhappenedtothehonoursofWallingford,Nottingham,BoulogneandLancaster,aschapter43oftheChartershows.Feeswerealsoliabletodivision.Thestatementinchapter2aboutreliefbeingduefora‘wholebarony’
reflectedthefactthatbaroniesweresometimesnolonger‘whole’.Divisioncouldespeciallycomeaboutthroughthemarriageofheiresses,whichtheChartersoughttoregulateinchapter6.Iftherewasasinglefemaleheir,thehonourremainedwhole.BothWilliamMarshalandWilliamLongespeehadbeensetupbymarriagesto
suchcovetedwomen.Butiftherewasmorethanonefemaleheir,thenthebaronywouldbesplitbetweenthem,ashappenedtothehonourofLeicesterinJohn’sreign.Thiswaswhychapter2oftheCharterspokeoftheheir‘orheirs’ofbaronies,thelatterbeingheiressesorthedescendantsofheiresses.Aschapter6alsoindicated,
anotherdynamicwasthekingmarryinganheiresstosomeoneoflowersocialstatus,the‘disparagement’thatthechaptertriedtoprevent.61
Inmaintainingtheloyaltyoratleasttheobedienceoftheirknightlytenants,agreatdealthendependedonthehistoryofthefeeandwhetherithadremainedwholeor
beensplitapart.Muchdependedtooonitsgeographicalcontours.Manifestly,alordwouldhavemorecontroloverhistenantsiftheylivedclosetooneofhismainresidences.ThesuccessoftheFerrersearlsofDerbyinretainingtheserviceandloyaltyoftheirtenantsowedagreatdealtothecompactnessoftheirhonour
andtheproximityofthefeetoitscentreatTutburyinStaffordshire.62Theloyaltybetweenlordandtenantcouldbeveryreal,asisclearfromchapter4oftheCharter.Thereawardship,pillagedbytheagentsoftheking,wastobehandedoverto‘twolaw-worthyandprudentmenofthatfee’.The‘menofthefee’hadtheirowninterestin
preventingthewardshipbeingexploited,buttheimplicationwasalsothattheycouldbetrustedtolookaftertheinterestsoftheirfuturelord.Themutualbondestablishedbyhomageandtenuresetstandardsofconduct.TheknightRicharddeVernonjustifiedhisrebellioninthe1260sbysayingthat‘inthewholetime
ofthewarhefollowedhislord,RobertdeFerrers,earlofDerby,fromwhomheheldhislandandtowhomhehaddonehomage’.Manyknightsinthe1215–17civilwarwouldhavejustifiedtheirconductinsimilarterms.63ItwaslikewisehowtheMarshalexpectedhistenantsinIrelandtobehave,whenhecalleduponthemtoshow
loyaltyinreturnforthefeesthattheyhadbeengiven.64
Therewere,however,forcesworkingtounravelthetenurialbond.One,ofcourse,wasthatknightsplayedamajorroleintherunningoflocalgovernmentfortheking.Alordmightwelcomeitwhenoneofhisknightswasthusemployed,buthehadalsotoreckonwiththe
independencetheyobtained.Thedevelopmentofthecommonlawalsomeantthatunder-tenantscouldeasilylitigateinthecourtsoftheking,ratherthaninthoseoftheirlords,athreatthatchapter34oftheChartertriedtodosomethingabout.65
Anotherdestabilizingfactorwasthewayknightsmightholdfrommorethanonelord.
Thatwaslesstrueofthemiddle-rankingknightswhoheldonlyonemanor,butitwasincreasinglycommonfurtheruptheknightlyscale.TheCharteritselfbearswitnesstothetensionsproducedwhenthisotherlordwastheking.Thuschapter37showsthatthekingwasusurpingwardshipswhichbelongedto‘thefeeof
another’byknightservice,onthegroundsthatthetenantsalsoheldfromhimbyrentorsomeotherformofservice.TheequivalentchapterintheArticlesoftheBarons(27)madeitevenclearerthatthiswasacaseofusurpingthewardshipsofknightlytenants,foritspokeofJohntaking‘thecustodyoftheknightsofthefeeofanother’.Chapter
53intheCharteralsoputontheagendathewholequestionofhowthekingtookthewardshipoflands‘whichareofthefeeofanother’,whenthetenantsalsoheldfromhimbyknightservice.Intheking’sviewthiswasaprerogativeright,butthatitwasraisedintheCharter,ifonlyasamattertobedealtwithattheendofJohn’s
prospectivecrusade,showshowirritatingitwasthoughttobe.66AtRunnymedeitselftwoofthegreatbaronialleaders,EustacedeVescyandGilbertdeGant,complainedaboutJohnusurpingwardshipsthat,theyclaimed,belongedtotheirfees.67
Equallydamagingweretheconflictswhenserviceandwardshipswereclaimedby
rivallords.In1211Vescyhimselfwasinvolvedinonesuchcase,anditwasthesubjectofmuchlaterlitigation.68
Inthesedifficultcircumstances,theattitudeofgreatlordswasitselfambivalent.Ontheonehand,theywantedtoemploywhomevertheylikedintheirservice.Thekinghadthe
righttodothat,astheDialogusdeScaccarioaffirmed.69Itwasvitalforlordstodothesame.Iftheybecamestuckinsomehonorialstraitjacket,theymightendupwithaveryinferiorentourage.ThusWilliamMarshal’sfollowingcontainedveryfewtenants,andwasrarelyrewardedwithgrantsofland.70Thesearch
forgoodservicewasadynamicanddisruptiveforceinsociety.Greatlordswerealsofarfromdependentontenantsandhonorialcourtsfortheirlocalpower.Aswewillseeinthenextchapter,manyhadcontrolofthelocalgovernmentdivisionofthehundredandclaimedtherighttohangthievesontheirowngallows.Yet,forallthis,
lordsremainedverymuchinthebusinessofpreservingtheintegrityoftheirfees,andtheserviceoftheirtenants.Quiteapartfromthemilitaryservicetheycouldexpect,theirrightswhenitcametoaids,scutages,reliefs,wardships,andthemarriagesofheirsandwidowswerevaluableassourcesofbothmoneyandpatronage.When
itcametocontrollingthefee,however,lordsfacedproblemsfromthetenantsthemselves.Noambitiousknightwishedtobestuckwithalordwhocoulddohimnogood,whateverthebondofhomage.KnightsinOxfordshirethereforedesertedtheirineffectualbaroniallord,Henryd’Oilly,andenteredtheserviceofthe
comingman,ThomasBassetofHeadington,sheriffofthecountyfrom1202to1214.Theyalsoenteredtheserviceofthekingandlitigatedinhiscourts,despited’Oilly’sattemptstopreservethejurisdictionofhisown.71Thecompetitionforgoodlordshipwasjustasdisruptiveaforceasthecompetitionforgoodservice.
Therewerealsotensionswithinthefeesarisingfromthedemandsthatlordsmadeoftheirtenants.Baronsandknightshadmuchincommon.Theycouldallagreeaboutkeepingtheunfreepeasantryinitsplace.TheycouldallagreeaboutthechaptersintheCharterlimitingtheking’sfinancialexactionsandinsistingthathe
actedjustly.When,in1219,thegreatbaronGilbertdeGantargued,intheLincolnshirecountycourt,thathehadsufferedunlawfuldisseisin,thewholecourtralliedbehindhimandMagnaCarta.They‘criedoutwithhimandforhim,andforthemselvesandforthecommonlibertyofallthekingdomconcededand
sworn’.72Thereremained,however,acleardifferenceofinterestbetweenthegreatmajorityofknights,holdinguptooneortwomanors,andwithfeworanytenantsholdingbyknightservice,andthegreaterbaronswhohadmanymanorsandmanyknightlytenants.TheChartershowshowruthlesslythekingexploitedhistenurial
rights,andthereweresurely‘badlords’whodidthesame.Thatsuchmendisparagedheirsinmarriageandlaidwastetowardshipsisclearfromlaterlegislation.73
Evidenceforthelord–tenantrelationshipinJohn’sreignislimited,buttherearetworemarkabledocumentsthatshedlightonthematter.Oneisacharter,issuedsometime
between1207and1209,bythegreatnorthernbaronPeterdeBrus,makingaseriesofconcessionstotheknightsandfreetenantsofhiswapentakeofLangbarghinthenorthYorkshiremoors.Knightsandfreetenantsare,ofcourse,preciselythegroupwefindinchapter19oftheCharter,stayingbehindtoattendjudgementsinthe
countycourt.UndertheBruscharter,noonewastobeputontrialatthewapentakecourtsavein‘reasonable’fashionand‘byconsiderationofthewapentake’,whichanticipatedchapter38oftheCharter.Brusalsoconcededthatanypenaltiesweretobeassessedaccordingtothemeansofthoseconvictedandthenatureoftheoffence;so
chapter20ofMagnaCarta.Indeed,bothchartersusedthesamewordfortheoffence:‘delictum’.Andfinally,Brusputhisconcessionsintoacharter,anddescribedthemas‘liberties’,whichweretobeheld‘inperpetuity’,alllikeMagnaCarta.BrushadjustboughtthewapentakeofLangbarghfromKingJohnfor400marks.Hestillowed
1,300marksofhisfinemadein1200toacquirethenearbylordshipofDanby.Theknightsandfreetenantshadeveryreasontoexpect,andprobablywerealreadyexperiencing,hisoppressiverule.74TheBruscharterdoesnotstandaloneastestimonytotensionsbetweenlordsandmen.AfterMagnaCarta,Ranulf,earlofChester,was
facedperhapsbyarevolt,certainlybyaseriesofdemandsfromhis‘baronsofCheshire’,baronheremeaninghismajortenantsinthecounty.Ranulfrefusedsomeofwhatwasasked,butconcededmuchinwhatbecameknownastheCheshireMagnaCarta.TheissuesbetweenRanulfandhisbaronsreplicatedinpartthose
betweenthebaronsofEnglandandtheking.SotheeighteenchaptersoftheCheshireCharterincludedprovisionsaboutamercements,widows,marriages(tobewithoutdisparagement),militaryserviceandtheinheritancetaxcalled‘relief’.75
SOCIALDIVISIONINTHECHARTER
DidanyofthesetensionsbetweenlordsandtenantssurfaceinMagnaCarta?TheywerecertainlynottheCharter’smajortheme.Itisusuallyviewed,prettywellexclusively,asadocumentaimedattheking.Indeed,whenitcametothetreatmentoftenants,thebaronseemed
tosetthestandardforthekingtofollow.Thuschapter43oftheCharterdirectedthatifanhonourcameintotheking’shands,thekingshouldholditasthebaronhadheldit.Heshoulddemandnootherservicesfromthetenantsthanthosegiventothebaronifthebarony‘wasinthehandofabaron’.Goodbaron,badking.
Thisisnot,however,thewholestory.InotherpartsoftheCharter,bothinwhatisputinandinwhatisleftout,thereareclearsignsofconflict.Earlsandbaronsweretakingshotsatknightsandunder-tenants,knightsandunder-tenantswereshootingbackatearlsandbarons.Earlsandbarons,therefore,madequitesure
thatchapters2–5onreliefandwardshipwereexclusivelyforthemselvesandothertenants-in-chief.Whilechapter8,forbiddingtheenforcedremarriageofwidows,didapplytounder-tenants,herelordsinsertedasafeguard,onthesamelinesasthesafeguardinsertedbytheking:widowsneededtheconsentoftheirlordifthey
wantedtoremarry,justaswidowsoftenants-in-chiefneededtheconsentoftheking.Thetensionsthus
suggestedreachedaheadinchapter15.Therethekingpromisedthathewouldnotgrant‘anyone’permissiontolevyanaidfromhisfreemensavefortheransomofhisbody,theknightingofhis
eldestsonandthemarryingononeoccasionofhiseldestdaughter.Theaidwasalsotobe‘reasonable’.Thechapterreferredto‘anyone’probablyoutofrecognitionthatsomemajorknightsmightseekaidsfromtheirtenants,butthemaintargetwasundoubtedlythebaron.Indeed,intheArticlesoftheBarons,theequivalentchapter(6)simply
statedthat‘thekingwillnotallowanybarontotakeanaidfromhisfreemen’saveonthethreespecifiedoccasions.ThechapterinMagnaCartapromisedmajorgainsforunder-tenants.76JohnhadfrequentlyorderedthemtogiveaidstotheirlordsonotherthantheCharter’sspecifiedoccasions,notablytohelppaytheirlord’sdebts
tothecrown.77Thereissomeevidenceoftheillfeelingthuscreated.WhenWilliamdeMowbraysoughttolevyanaidtopayhisdebts,thereligioushousesholdingfromhimprotested.78In1206or1207thetenantsofRobertdeMortimerrefusedtopayanaidtosustainhim‘intheking’sserviceinPoitou’.Aids,theysaid,hadonlybeen
customaryforthemselvesandtheirancestorsonthreeoccasions.79SincetheseweretheveryoccasionslaterpermittedintheCharter,under-tenantswereevidentlywellawareoftheirrights.Chapter15intheCharter
didnotmerelyrestricttheinstancesonwhichaidscouldbelevied.Italsoimpliedthat,withoutpermissionfromthe
king,lordscouldnotimposeaidsevenonthethreecustomaryoccasions.ThiswasverydifferentfromthesituationinGlanvill,wherelordswereallowedtolevyaidswithoutroyalsanction,evenformakingwar,providedtheyhadtheconsentoftheircourts.Lords,underJohn,oftensecuredwritsfromthekinginorderto
facilitatethelevyingofanaid.Now,withoutsuchwrits,theywerenottolevyaidsatall.80Atthebehestofunder-tenants,theCharterseemedtobeweakeningthelord’sauthorityoverhisfee.Chapter16wasalso
designedtobenefitunder-tenants.Itlaiddownthat‘noone’wastobedistrainedtodomorethantheservicedue
either‘forthefeeofaknight,orforanotherfreetenement’.Thepositionofthischapter,rightafterchapter15,anditsphraseology–‘feeofaknight’,‘freetenement’–suggestthatitsmainbeneficiarieswereintendedtobeknightsandfreetenantswhowerebeingforcedtoperformotherthancustomaryservicesbytheirlordsorthe
king.81Thescopeofthechapter,moreover,waswidenedduringthenegotiationsatRunnymede,since‘anotherfreetenement’doesnotappearintheArticlesoftheBarons.Itsinclusionmeantthatthelargenumbersoffreetenantswhoheldbyrentratherthanbyknightservicewerenowincludedamongthe
beneficiaries.TheCharterdoesnotspecifythekindsofextraservicesthatlordsmightdemand,buttheyprobablyincludedmilitaryserviceandscutage,aboutwhichthereisconsiderableevidenceofdisputeoverwhatwasdue.82
AnissuethatbecameimportantinthereignofHenryIIIwasthatofattendanceatprivatecourts.It
wasthesubjectofmajorlegislationin1259andmayalreadyhavebeenagrievancein1215.83Thatchapter38ofMagnaCartapreventedbailiffsingeneral(theywerenorspecifiedasthoseoftheking)fromputtingpeopleontrialontheirownunsupportedallegationssuggeststensionsovertherunningofprivatecourts.A
relatedgrievancewasthatoftheamercementsleviedinprivatecourts,oftenfornon-attendance.Herechapter20oftheCharterwasrelevant,foritdealtwithamercementsingeneralandthusprotectedfreemen(althoughnotvilleins)fromunjustamercementsleviedinthecourtsoflordsaswellasthoseoftheking.Whena
writwasintroducedinthe1260senablinglegalactionstobebroughtunderthetermsofthechapter,privatecourtswerethetarget.84
Betweenchapter16ontheserviceduefromfeesandotherfreetenements,andchapter20onamercements,camechapters17to19onthecommonpleas.Morethananyotherchaptersofthe
Charter,theyrevealasocietyfarfromdominatedbygreatlords.WeremodernhistorianstohaveagoatdraftingtheCharterwithoutknowledgeofitscontents,theymightwellconceiveaclausepreventingthecommon-lawactionsencroachingonthecourtsoflords.Thechapterwouldthushaveparalleledchapter34,
whichrestrictedtheissueofthewrit‘precipe’ifithadthateffect.ThatbaronswouldhavelikedsuchachapterissuggestedbyastrikingpassageintheAnonymousofBéthune.ThishasJohnagreeingin1215thatthebaronscouldhave‘allhighjurisdiction[hautesjustices]intheirlands’.Theking,infact,hadagreednosuch
thing.ThepointisthattheAnonymous,soclosetobaronialfeeling,thoughtthathehadorshould.Itisunlikelythatthebaronsin1215werehopingfor‘highjurisdiction’inthesenseofestablishingcontroloverallcriminaljustice.Thatwasneverontheagenda.Whattheyhopedtodowastoprotecttheircourtsand
jurisdictionsfromthechallengesofthecommonlaw.85
Thedetailofthecommon-lawprocedureswhichgeneratedthisambitionwillbeexplainedinthenextchapter.Hereitisenoughtosaythattheywerehugelypopularwithknightsandfreetenants,whoweretheirchiefusersandbeneficiaries,and
who,sittingonthejuries,actuallydecidedthecases.Muchofthelitigationwasbetweensocialequals,oftenoversmallproperties,buttheprocedureshadthepotentialtotakecasesfromthecourtofthelordintothecourtoftheking,aswellasweakeningthelord’spoweroverhistenantsmoregenerally.YettheCharter,
insteadoftryingtorestricttheiruse,madetheproceduresmoreavailable.Chapter17thusdidnotallowsuchpleasto‘follow’theking’scourt,andinsistedtheybeheardinafixedplace.Chapter18laiddownthattheking’sjudgesweretocometoeachcountyfourtimesayeartohearthemostpopularoftheassizes.Theprocedures
werealso,aswehaveseen,madesubjecttolocalcontrol,bystipulatingthatthejudgesweretositwithfourknightselectedinthecountycourt.AttheendoftheCharter,
itsbenefitsseemedfinallyspreadoverallsociety.Chapter60,aswehaveseen,statedthatallmenweretopassdowntotheirownmentheconcessionswhichthey
hadreceivedfromtheking.The‘allmen’,ofcourse,asthekingmadeclearin1234,wereessentiallythelayandecclesiasticalmagnatesofthekingdom.UnderthetermsoftheCharter,theyhadthustoobey,withintheirfees,thechaptersonrelief,wardships,themarriagesofheirsandtherightsofwidows.Itwaswithasurepoliticaleyethatthe
governmentofHenryIIIconstantlyremindedhismagnatesofthischapter.ItwastheonethatgavetheChartervaluetounder-tenants.86
Knightsandunder-tenants,therefore,wereabletomakegainsfromtheCharter,sometimestothedisadvantageoftheirlords.YettheCharterwasalsovery
muchshapedbylords,anxioustoaffirmtheirauthorityovertheirtenants.Chapter60itselfimpliedthatunder-tenantswerelesssubjecttoroyalauthoritythanthemenoftheking,andweredependentontheirlordsforthefullenjoymentoftheCharter.Chapter26alsotestifiedtothecontrolthatlordsexpectedtohaveover
theirfees.Here,ifatenant-in-chiefdied,leavingawidowandchildren,thesheriffwaspreventedfromseizinghischattelsonthepretextofdebtsowedthecrown.Nosimilarprotectionwasofferedonthedeathofanunder-tenant.Thiswasbecause,whenanunder-tenantdied,itwasthelord,notthesheriff,whohadentryintotheestate.
ChapterafterchapterintheCharterwasdesignedtoprotecttheinterestofwhatitcalled‘thelordofthefee’.Thuschapter8stipulatedthatawidowcouldnotmarrywithout‘theassentofherlordfromwhomsheholds’,ifsheheldfromotherthantheking.Chapter11laiddownthatduringminorities,debtsweretobepaidtoJews‘savingthe
serviceofthelords’.Chapter32ensuredthe‘lordsofthefees’shouldrecoverthelandsoftheirtenantsconvictedoffelonyafterthekinghadheldthem‘foroneyearandoneday’.Chapter34preventedtheking,attherequestoflitigants,fromremovingcasesfromthecourtsof‘magnates’(asalaterdescriptionoftheclauseput
it)throughtheissueofthewritof‘precipe’.Inchapter53Johnalsopromisedtogivejustice,whenhereturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade,where‘thelordofthefee’wasclaimingrightsoveranabbeyfoundedonhisfee.Thiswaslinkedtochapter46,whichensuredthatallbaronsshouldhavecustodyoftheabbeysof
theirfoundationwhentheywerevacant.87Chapters37and53triedtodealwiththeissueofencroachmentsbythekingontherightsofwardship,whilechapter10helpedlordsexploitmorefreelyestatessoheld.Underthischapter,debtsowedtheJewswerenolongertogatherinterestduringminorities,whethertheheirheldfrom
thekingoranyoneelse.Lordswantedtheprovisionbecause,iftheyhadanheirinwardship,theywereboundpayhisdebts.Thus,in1213,RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,oneofthetwenty-fivebarons,hadtopay£20towardstheJewishdebtsoftheheirsofWilliamdePirnhow.88Thechapteronlybenefitedtheheirhimselfifthelorddid
failtopay.Then,underitsterms,theheirwouldnolongerbehit,oncomingofage,byalltheinterest.Thechapterthusagainsuggeststensionbetweenlordandtenant.JustastheCharterwasaninstrumentoflordshiptodisciplinetheunfreepeasantry,soequallyitwasaninstrumentoflordshiptocontrolthefee.That
continuedtobethecaseinlaterversionsoftheCharter,aswewillsee.89
LordsthusprotectedthemselvesandtheirfeesbywhattheyputintotheCharter.Theyalsodidsobywhattheyleftout.Itisoftensaid,andrightly,thatMagnaCartaowedagreatdealtothe1100CoronationCharterofHenryI.Yetthecontrast
betweenthewaythetwochartersdealwiththeinterestsofunder-tenantsisstriking.Inhisregulationsonrelief,wardshipsandthemarriageofheirsandwidows,HenryIinsistedtwiceoverthathisbaronsshouldmakeequivalentconcessionstotheirmen.90
TherewasnothingofthatkindinMagnaCarta,the
tenantsofbaronshavingtorelyontheblanketprovisiononpassingdowntheconcessionsinchapter60.The£5reliefforaknight’sfeeinchapter2wassimplyfortenants-in-chief.Althoughthereissomeindicationthata£5reliefforaknight’sfeewastheacceptedfigureforunder-tenantsbefore1215,enshriningitinMagnaCarta
wouldhavemadethecustomallthestronger.Thefactthatthe£5reliefappearsintheCheshireMagnaCartashowsthatunder-tenantsfelttheneedforsuchprotection.91
TheywouldalsohavevaluedtheChartermakingclearthatitsprovisionsonwardshipsappliedtolordsaswellastheking.Itwaslefttothe1275
StatuteofWestminstertodothat.92
ThereisanequallyextraordinarycontrastbetweenMagnaCartaandHenryII’s1176AssizeofNorthampton.Thisgaveprotectiontothefreetenantbylayingdownthatonhisdeath,hisheirsshouldremaininpossessionofhisfee,andhavehischattelstocarryout
hiswill.Iftheheirwasunderage,hewastodohomagetothelord,thussafeguardinghiseventualentryintotheinheritance.93
NoneoftheseprovisionssurfacedinMagnaCarta.Indeed,chapter26,whichdidsomethingtopreservethechattelsofadeceasedlordfortheexecutionofhiswill,wasquitespecificallylimitedto
tenants-in-chief.WecanbeprettysurethatthereweredemandsfortheChartertogivemoretounder-tenantsintheseareas,fortheversionof1216didjustthat.94TherewereotheromissionsinMagnaCarta.Inchapter29,knightswereonlyprotectedwhentheking,notwhentheirlords,soughttoimposeadoubledoseofcastleguard
andarmyservice.Inchapter31,itwasonlythekingwhowaspreventedfromseizingwoodforacastleorforotherbusiness.Likewise,inchapter37itwasonlythosewhoheldbysocageandotherrentsfromthekingwhowereprotectedfromclaimstowardship,notthosewhoheldinthesamewayfromtenants-in-chief.In1221Henry,earl
ofWarwick,foundhimselfsuedfortryingtoassertrightsofwardshipoveranheirwhoheldfromhiminsocage.Helostthecase,butnothankstoMagnaCarta.95Therewasalsoatellingchangemadetotheendofchapter37asbetweentheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.Intheformertheequivalentchapter(27)hadprotected
freemenfromlosingtheprivilegesofknighthoodbecausetheyheldanylandfromthecrownbynon-knightlyservice.InMagnaCartathisclausewasscrappedinfavourofprotectingnotthetenantsbutthelords.Theywerenottolosetheirrightsofwardshipoversuchmen.
Theomissionsareequallystrikingwhenitcomestotheinquiryintolocalgovernmentbythetwelveknightsineachcounty,commissionedinchapter48.Therewereprecedentsforsuchinquiries.In1170HenryIIhadmountedone,calledbyhistoriansthe‘InquestofSheriffs’.Despiteitsname,itinquirednotmerelyintoillicit
exactionsofthesheriffsbutalsointothoseoftheearls,baronsandknights.DidMagnaCartafollowthisprecedent?No,itdidnot.Itsinquiryinchapter48wassimplyintothe‘evilcustoms’oftheministersoftheking.Thesecurityclausewassimilarlylimited.ItdealtwithbreachesoftheCharterbytheking.Noprocedurewaslaid
downfordealingwithbreachesbythebaronsthemselves,althoughtheytoo,ofcourse,underchapter60,weresupposedtoobeytheCharter.Inmuchthesameway,whenwegettotheCharterof1217,chapter42soughttopreventshrievalextortionatthehundredcourt.Nothingwassaidabouttheextortionsofthebailiffs
whensuchcourtswerecontrolledbylords,aswasoftenthecase.96
Againthisbackground,ithardlycomesasasurprisethat,underchapters12and14oftheCharter,theassemblycalledontogivethekingdom’sconsenttotaxation,intheformofscutagesandaids,wasonecomposedentirelyoftenants-
in-chief.Theearls,greaterbarons,bishopsandabbots,aswehaveseen,weretoreceiveindividualsummonses.Therestofthetenants-in-chiefweretobesummonedgenerallythroughthesheriffs.Itistruethatthecontroloverscutagemetaparticulargrievanceofunder-tenants,sinceitwasfromthemthatgreatlords
recouped,ortriedtorecoup,whattheyowedtheking.Knightsalsohadapotentialvoiceinthetaxgrantingassembliesthemselvessincetheywouldhavefeaturedamongthefewhundredlessertenants-in-chiefsummonedthroughthesheriffs.Althoughtherewasalongprecedentforthesummoningofsuchtenants,the
confirmationoftheirpresenceintheCharterconstitutedaknightlyvictory.97Itwasaprecursortotheformalsummonstoparliamentofknightsrepresentingthecounties.Yetprecursorwasallitwas.ThosesummonedunderMagnaCartaweresolelythelessertenants-in-chiefofthecrown.Theycameforthemselves.They
hadnorepresentativefunction.Thethousandsofotherknightsandfreetenantsinthecounties,justliketheburgessesinthetownsandthemagnateswhodidnotholdfromthecrown,werecompletelyunrepresentedintheassemblyenvisagedin1215.Itcouldhavebeendifferent.Indeed,knightsmaywellhavedemandedthatit
shouldbedifferent.Afterall,anearlythirteenth-centuryaccountofKingArthur,writtenbythepoetLawmaninEnglishforaknightlyaudience,hashimsummoningtohisassemblyatCaerleoninsouthWales‘theknightsandallthefreemenwhowereinthelandatall’aswell,ofcourse,asthebishops,earlsandbarons.98In
1213JohnhimselfsummonedfourknightsfromeverycountytocomebeforehimatOxford‘todiscusswithustheaffairsofourkingdom’.99HehadalreadysummonedtotheOxfordcouncilbothhisbaronsandgroupsofknightsfromeachcounty.Almostcertainlythelatterwerehisknightlytenants-in-chief.Hewasnowreachingouttoa
widerconstituencyandcreatingamorerepresentativeassembly.Itwasanexamplethebaronsin1215conspicuouslyfailedtofollow.IntheCharteritself,thecountiesweretoelectknightstositwiththeking’sjudgesandholdtheinquiryintolocalgovernment.Whynotalsohavethecountieselectknightsas
representativesatnationalassemblies?Butifthesewereblocksfromwhichknightlyattendanceatsuchmeetingsmighthavebeenconstructed,theywereleftinthebuilder’syard.ItwastobedifferentinthenextgreatcrisisthatshookEngland.In1258theknightsinquiredintothemalpracticesofbothkingandlords.In1259thelegislation
dealtfirstofallwiththewaylordshadforcedmentoattendtheircourts.In1265SimondeMontfortsummonedbothknightsfromthecountiesandburgessesfromthetownstohisparliament.
6
MagnaCartaandtheStructureof
RoyalGovernment
Onhisaccessionin1199,Johndeclaredthathehadcometo‘theruleofthekingdomofEngland’‘byhereditaryright,divinemercy,andtheunanimousconsentandfavouroftheclergyandpeople’.1AllthreesourcesofauthoritywerereflectedintheCharter.Chapters52,53and57mentionedbothofJohn’s
immediatepredecessors,hisfather,KingHenryII,andhisbrotherKingRichard,fromwhomhehadinheritedthethrone.TheCharteralsolookedtothefuture,foritwasgrantedbyJohnforhimselfandhisheirsinperpetuity.Heirs,moreover,directheirs,Johnhad–hencethewaythesecurityclauseexemptedhisqueenand
childrenfromanykindofpersonalattack.JohnhadnamedhissonsHenryandRichard,thuslinkingtogetherthedynasticpastwithitshoped-forfuture.Inhislastillness,in1216,Johnbeggedthepope’shelpinsecuringwhathecalled‘theperpetualhereditarysuccession’ofhisdynasty.2
Johnwasnotfantasizingwhenheclaimed‘theunanimousconsentandfavouroftheclergyandpeople’athisaccession.Hewasreferringtothemomentinthecoronationceremonywhen,askedwhethertheywantedhimtorule,theassembledthronghadshoutedtheirassent.ItwastheseacclamationsatWilliamthe
Conqueror’scoronationin1066thathadledhisNormansoldiers,outsideWestminsterabbey,tothinkacoupwastakingplace.3Johnwashappytoproclaimthispopularassentin1199.InMagnaCartaitwasturnedagainsthim,notontheissueofsuccessiontothethrone,althoughthatwastocome,butovertaxationthatwas
onlytobeleviedby‘thecommoncounselofthekingdom’.The‘divinemercy’that
madeJohnkingwasproclaimedintheCharter,bothinhistitlesatthestartandonhisseal:hewasking‘bythegraceofGod’.Itwasthatstatuswhichhadatleastsomethingtodowiththeimmunityfrompersonal
attackallowedhiminthesecurityclause.JohnhadbecomekingbyGod’sgraceatthecoronationwhen,shornofhisroyalrobesanddressedonlyinasilktunicandopenshirt,hewasconsecratedwithholyoilbythearchbishopofCanterbury,HubertWalter.4
This,morethantheactualcrowning,wasthespiritualclimaxoftheceremony,
hencetheservicewascalledtheking’sconsecrationasmuchashiscoronation.Theanointingwasbiblicalinorigin,astheserviceshowedinitsreferencestoSamuel’sanointingofKingDavid.Itdidnotgivethekinganypriestlyqualities.Thatwasmadeveryclearinalongdiscussiononthesubjectwrittenlaterinthecenturyby
RobertGrosseteste,acontemporaryofJohn,andthegreatestscholarofhisage.Butwhattheanointingdiddo,asGrossetestewentontosay,wastopourintothekingalltheblessingsoftheHolySpirit.5Truly,theanointingmadeJohnkingbythegraceofGod.Thetraditionalcoronation
oathindicatedwhatwas
expectedoftheking.Beforetheanointingandcrowning,inwhatwasverymuchapactwithhispeople,Johnhadsworn‘thatallthedaysofhislifehewouldgivepeaceandhonourandreverencetoGodandholychurchanditsordinances;thathewouldexerciseright,justiceandequitytothepeoplecommittedtohim;andthathe
wouldabolishevillawsandperversecustoms;andhewouldmakegoodlawsandkeepthemwithoutfraudandevilintent’.6Johnwouldnothavequibbledwiththisviewofhistask,althoughhemighthavequestionedwhatweregoodandbadlawsandcustoms.The‘exaltationofholychurch’(astheCharterputit),themaintenanceof
peace,thedispensationofjustice,theprotectionofeveryone’srights–thesehadalwaysbeenintegraltokingship.Johnwouldalsohaveaddedanothercentralthrusttohisduties,indeedhemayhavetakenanoathtothateffectathiscoronation.Thiswastopreserveandrecovertherightsofthecrown.7Thatimperative,
giventhathewouldlosesomuchofhisrightwiththefallofNormandyandAnjou,overshadowedthereign.John,then,wasking‘by
thegraceofGod’.Ingeneralterms,hisdutieswereclear.Yettherewasnowayhecouldcarrythemoutwithoutaneffectiveadministrativestructure.Suchastructurehecertainlypossessed.Indeed,it
wasarguablythemostimpressiveatthattimeinEurope.
THECOURT
Attheheartofgovernmentwasthekinghimselfandhissurroundingcourt.WhenJohn,inchapter17oftheCharter,concededthat‘commonpleas’werenotto‘follow’his‘court’butwere
tobeheardinafixedplace,hemeant‘court’asformedbythewholebodyofcounsellors,ministers,knights,clerksanddomesticservantswhowerewithhim.Thecourtwas,asthechapterimplied,itinerant.Indeed,John’sbreakneckitinerary(examinedinthenextchapter)wasavitalfeatureofhisrule.Thecourtwasalso
large,probablyneverlessthanseveralhundredstrong.WalterMap,oneofHenryII’sclerks,spokeindeedofmanythousandsbeingthere.Mapnotedthatthepersonnelofthecourtwasconstantlychanging,sothatifhereturnedafteraperiodofabsencehecouldfeelastranger.Yetinstructureitremainedthesame.‘Itisa
hundred-handedgiant,whoifhebeallmaimed,isyetallthesame,andstillhundred-handed;ahydraofmanyheads.’8Thecourtembracedanotherbody,knownastheking’s‘household’(inLatin‘domus’or‘familia’),towhichknights,clerksanddomesticservantsbelonged.Italsohadwithinitaseriesofdefinedoffices,eachintegral
toJohn’srule.Thesewerethechancery,thechamberwiththewardrobe,andthedepartmentsthatsuppliedthehousehold’sfoodanddrink.9
THECHANCERY
Englishroyalgovernmentwasdrivenbydocuments.ItwasthroughthemthatJohnconferredpatronage,madeproclamations,spentmoney,
dispensedjustice,andgenerallyissuedtheordersonwhichhisruledepended.Fromthecourt,therewerealwaysmessengerssettingoutfornearandfar,withdocumentsofdifferenttypesandpurposesdirectedtobishops,abbots,earls,barons,knights,sheriffs,justices,exchequerofficialsandsoon.Thecourtwaslikeabeacon
shootingoutitsraysinalldirections,sparkingthetargetsintolife.Themenatcourtwhowrotetheking’sdocumentswereclerks.Theirheadwasthechancellor,apositionthatdatedbacktobeforetheNormanConquest.Thegreatseal,authenticatingthedocumentsthechanceryissued,andworkedbyitsownkeeper,waslikewise
underthechancellor’sauthority.Notallchancellorsperformedtheirdutiesinperson.In1215,however,thechancellor,RichardMarsh,wasverymuchhandson.Hewassoontocombinethepost(ausualcareermove)withabishopric,inhiscaseDurham.Mostofthechartersduringhisperiodofofficeendedwiththestatementthat
theyhadbeen‘givenbythehandofRichardMarshourchancellor’.MagnaCarta,however,wasgiveninsteadbythehandofKingJohn,testimonytoitsimportanceandthebarons’desiretopinhimtoit.10Thebodytowhichthe
writingclerksbelongedwascalled‘thechancery’,althoughthetermonlycame
intousegraduallyinthetwelfthcentury.11Howmanyclerkstherewerebothoverthereignasawholeandatanyonetimeisimpossibletosay.TheMagnaCartaProject,inbringingtogetheranddistinguishingthehandsoftheoriginalchartersandlettersofKingJohn,willestablishsomeminimumfigures,butonlyminimums,
forveryfewofthenumerouslessformallettershavesurvived.Threedifferenthands,typicalofthechancery,wereresponsibleforthreeofthefouroriginalsoftheCharter,andthereseematleastanotherfourhandsatworkin1215,sothatprovidesaminimumestablishmentofaroundhalfadozen.Butalmostcertainly
thenumberofclerkswasmuchlargerthanthat.12TherewereoccasionswhenJohn’sspeedofmovementmeanthewasseparatedfromthechancerystaff,oratleastfromthestaffwiththeseal,andusedhis‘smallseal’or‘privyseal’–‘parvumsigillum’,‘privatumsigillum’–toauthenticatedocumentsinstead.Thiswasthecase
duringhisdramaticdashtoBuryStEdmundsin1214,andinthedaysbeforehisarrivalatRunnymedeinthefollowingyear.13Thechancery,however,seemsingeneraltohavefollowedtheking’sitinerary.IthadnotgoneoutofcourtandbecomeestablishedatWestminster,aswastohappeninthefollowingcentury.
ByJohn’sreignthetypesofdocumentsissuedbythechanceryhadachievedasetform.Allhadonecardinalfeatureincommon,namelyafinalclausethatindicatedwhenandwherethekingoraministerhadauthorizedtheirissue.Intermsofhierarchy,atthetopofthescalewerethechartersinwhichJohnmadesolemnandsignificant
grantsoflandorrights,usuallyinperpetuity.MagnaCartaisthegrandestofthese,althoughitdiffersfrommostchartersbothinbeinggivenbythehandofthekingratherthanthechancellororachanceryofficial,andbylistingthemenonwhosecounselthekinghadactedatthestart,ratherthanhavingthemaswitnessesattheend.
Nextdowninimportancewereletterspatent.These,likecharters,hadthesealhangingdownfromthebottomofthedocument,attachedbyatagor(morerarelythanincharters)asilkenthread,andwerethusopenor‘patent’ratherthanbeingclosedupbythesealing.Theymightbeaddressed,likecharters,to
everyoneintherealm,althoughasbefittedalesssolemndocument,thelitanyofarchbishops,bishops,earlsandbaronsmightbeomitted.Theycouldalsobeaddressedtoindividuals,ortogroupssuchasthemenofacounty.Letterspatentdifferedfromchartersinotherways.Theylackedboththe‘givenbythehand’clauseandalistof
witnesses,beingnormallywitnessedsimplybythekingoranindividualminister.Letterspatentwereusedtoissueproclamations,makeappointments,andalsogiveimportantordersofapublicnature.Itmayhavebeenbyletterspatentthatthegreaterbaronsweretobesummonedtotheassemblymentionedinchapter14oftheCharter,
althoughitcouldequallyhavebeenbylettersclose.Lettersclosewerethefinal
typeofdocumentissuedbythechancery.Likeletterspatenttheyendedbysimplybeingwitnessedbythekingoraminister,buttheydifferedinbeing‘closed’.Thismeantthattheywerefoldedandtiedupwithastripofparchmentcutfromthe
bottom,andtheseal,orwhatwasusuallyjustadabfromit,wasplacedacrossthetie.Theselettersweretheadministrativemaidsofallworkandwereaddressedingreatnumberstotheking’sagents,tellingthemtodothisandthat.Alsointheformoflettersclosewerethe‘writs’(inLatin‘breves’),whichinitiatedlegalactions.These
hadtobeobtainedbylitigantsfromthechancery.TwoofthemfeaturedintheCharter,thewritof‘precipe’inchapter34,andthewritforaninquiryintomatters‘concerninglifeorlimbs’inchapter36.Itwaslikewisewritsinthesameform,issuedingreatnumbers,thatinitiatedthecommon-law
assizesmentionedinchapter18oftheCharter.Theproductionofthese
documentsdidnotendthelaboursofthechanceryclerks.SurvivingfromJohn’sreignareaseriesofrollsonwhichtheyrecordedthecharters,letterspatentandlettersclosethattheywereissuing,withnewsetsofrollsbeingbegunatthestartof
eachnewregnalyear.14
John’sreignbeganwithhiscoronationonAscensionDay1199,andsinceAscensionDayvariesindateaccordingtothedateofEaster,hewasactuallytheonlykinginEnglishhistorywhohadregnalyearsofunequallengths.Someoftherollshavewonderfulheadingsinlargecapitalletters
proclaimingtheiridentity.Giventhesmallproportionoforiginalchartersandlettersthatsurvive,itisfromthecopiesontherollsthatwecanappreciatethescaleofchanceryoutput,andthroughthedatingclausestraceJohn’sitineraryoftenonadailybasis.InthecloserollsalonefortheperiodMay1204toMay1205(which
JohnspententirelyinEngland),around940writsandotheritemsofbusinessarerecorded.This,moreover,wasonlyafractionofthelettersclosethatwereissued,forthestandardizedwritsinitiatingthecommon-lawassizeswereneverenrolled.InJune1215itself,MagnaCartawasnotenrolled.Johnhadnodesiretorecorda
documentextractedfromhimbyforce.Butthechanceryrollsdorecordfiveothercharters,135letterscloseandover150letterspatent.Inthepreviousmonthaspecialkeeperoftherollshadbeenappointed,oneWilliamCucuel,anicknamethatmayrefertohiscuckoo-likespeechorbehaviour.WasitonJohn’sinstructionsthata
fewweekslatertheclerkwritingthepatentrollincludedthelittlegreeting‘IsaluteyouWilliamKukkeWel’?15
THECHAMBERANDWARDROBE
Alongsidethechancery,themostimportantofficewiththekingwashischamber.Thechancerysentoutthe
king’sletters,thechamberreceivedandsentouthismoney.Bothwerevitalfortheoperationofroyalgovernment.Thechanceryletterscommunicatedtheking’sorders.Thechambermoneysuppliedtheforcebehindthem.Inoriginthechamberwas
simplytheroomwherethekingslept.Oneofitsmen
was‘theporteroftheking’sbed’.16Itshead,thechamberlain,couldbealayman.HubertdeBurgh,namedatthestartofMagnaCartaas‘seneschalofPoitou’,hadheldthepostearlierinthereign.Later,themostseniorchamberclerk,beforehewentontobechancellor,wasRichardMarsh.Whatheandhis
fellowsdidwastoreceive,storeandspendthemoneythatthekingcarriedwithhim.Thismoneycouldcomefromtheexchequer(ofwhichmoresoon),fromlocalofficials,fromindividualdebtorsandfromthegreatstoresofcashthatJohnassembledincastletreasuries.AtEaster1213,8,000markswerereceivedfromthe
treasuryatSalisbury.17Itseemsprobablethatthechamberofficialsoftenstoredtheirmoneynotinthechamberitselfbutintheking’s‘wardrobe’,whichalsocontainedhisjewels,clothes,andgeneralbagandbaggage.Atmajorroyalcastlesandhouses,chamberandwardrobemayhavehadsetrooms;elsewheretheyused
whateverspacewasoffered.Withoverlappingpersonnel,therewasoftennotmuchdistinctionbetweenthem.18
Nowrittenauthorizationseemstohavebeenneededforexpenditureoutofthechamber-wardrobe.Itmusthavebeenagreedtoorallybytheking,whichshowshisclosenesstotheofficialsconcerned.However,the
clerksdidkeepadetailedrecordofthedailyexpenditure,andthisgivesaremarkableinsightintotherangeandextentoftheiractivities.19IntheregnalyearMay1209toMay1210,themoneygoingout(sometimesjusttransfersintocastletreasuries)wasallcarefullyaddedupandamountedtoaround£8,000,whichwould
havebeenathirdoftheking’stotalincomeatthestartofthereign.20This,moreover,doesnotincludetheamountsspentonfoodanddrink,whichwasprobablythesameagain.Laterin1210,thechamber-wardrobefinancedJohn’sarmyinIreland,andtotalleditsexpenditureatover£11,400.21IntheyearMay
1212toMay1213,itsupplied10,000markstoJohn’sally,Otto,theRomanemperor,andgavemoneytoFlemishknights,sailorsofthefleetatPortsmouth,andserjeantsandfootsoldiersgoingtothewarinWales.Moneyalsowentforworkoncastles,notablyatCorfe,DoverandNottingham,andonaplethoraofgiftsand
paymentstoenvoysandmessengers,oneofthelatterbringingsixamputatedheadsofWelshmentothekingatRochester.Therewasalsoagreatdealofexpenditureonthingspersonaltotheking:onhisgloves,furs,boots,robes(includingadressinggownandanightgown),jewels,swords,bleeding,
baths,urinalsandgamblingdebts.
THEFOODANDDRINKDEPARTMENTS
Johnwasfamousforhislavishhospitality,andtheofficesthatobtainedandpreparedthefoodanddrinkmustoftenhavebeenhardatwork.Ofthese,themostimportantwerethekitchen,
whichcookedthemeat;thedispensary,whichbakedthebread;andthebuttery,whichsuppliedthedrink,aleforthegeneralrunofservants,wineforthekingandhiscourtiersandguests.Later,whenrecordssurviveunderJohn’sson,HenryIII,theyshowthatthecosttothedepartmentsofacquiring,byeithercashorcredit,thefoodanddrink
servedcouldaverageoutatbetween£15and£20aday,theminimumannualincomerequiredtobeaknight.Onagreatfeastday,thecostcouldbeover£200,theannualincomeofawealthybaron.Attheveryleast,Johnmusthaveequalledthesesums.22Theyunderstate,moreover,thetotalvalueofthedailyservings,sincemuchofthe
winewasacquiredbyspecialbuyersatSouthamptonandBristol,whilesuppliesalsocamefromtheking’sownmanorsandhuntsmen,andfromthepurchasesmadebylocalofficials.ForJohn’sChristmasatWindsorin1213,thesheriffofKent,ReginaldofCornhill,wastoprovidetwentytunsofgoodandnewordinarywine,both
FrenchandGascon(atunheld252gallons),fourtunsofbestwine,redandwhite,fortheking’sowntable;200pigs’heads,withallthepickledpork,1,000hens,50poundsofpepper,2poundsofsaffron,100poundsofgoodfreshalmondsand15,000herrings;aswellasspicesformakingsauces,twodozentowelsand1,000ells
oflinenfortablecloths.Otherofficialsweretoprovide200morepigs’heads,15,000morehens,10,000saltedeels,andallthepitchers,cupsanddishesneededforthefeasts.23Allofthiswasoverandabovewhatwaspaidforbythefoodanddrinkdepartmentsthemselves.Themoneytopayforthe
departmentalpurchasescame
fromthechamber-wardrobe,butitdidnotnecessarilycomeatonce.Instead,thedepartmentscouldexploittheking’srightof‘prise’,or‘purveyance’,namelyhisrightofcompulsorypurchaseonapromiseofpayinglater.Inthecaseofwine,indeed,thekingwasallowedtotakeacertainamountfromeachshipatspeciallowrates.
UnderHenryIII,thedepartments,andthepurchasersofwine,ranupgreatdebts.24Johnmayherehavehadacleanerrecord.TheissueofpurveyancedoesoccurinMagnaCarta.Underchapter28theking’sconstablesandbailiffswerenottotakeanyone’scornorotherchattelsunlesstheypaidforthemimmediatelyorwere
abletogetadelaywiththeconsentofthevendor.Thischapter,however,seemstorelatetotheactivitiesofconstablesofcastlesandlocalofficials,ratherthantotheofficialsofthehousehold.GiventhatJohnwascashrich,hemayhavemoreorlesspaidhisway.Thatwasjustaswell.Hisnearpermanentpresencein
Englandafter1204,comparedwithhisbrotherRichard’salmosttotalabsence,hadthepotentialtomakepurveyancefortheroyalhouseholdaverymajorissue.AtleastthiswasonebadboxJohndidnottick.
CHAPELANDALMONRY
Theclerksoftheking’schapelperformedtheking’s
dailyMass,althoughthereisnoevidenceJohntookmuchdelight,unlikeRichard,intheirsinging.Ongreatecclesiasticalfestivals,theclerksalsosang,astheyhadunderJohn’spredecessors,theceremonialhymns,beginning‘Christusvincit’,whichcriedoutforChristandthesaintstobringthekingvictoryandsalvation.They
hadtoworklesshardthanunderJohn’sson,HenryIII,whomultipliedtheoccasionsonwhichthehymnsweresungmanytimesover.25Thereisequallylittlesignintherecordsofthelavishexpenditureonvestments,chalicesandotherliturgicalartefactssocharacteristicofHenry.Johndid,however,haveareliccollection,
housedincoffers,aroundwhichhewouldsometimesorderthatcandlesburnthroughthenight.26John’salmoner(in1209–10theabbotofBindoninDorset)wasabusyman,forhedistributedJohn’sdailyalmsof36pence(enoughtofeedthatnumberofpaupers),andalsofedthehundredsofpaupersasatonementwhen
John,amongotherthings,ateheartilyonfastdays.27
TRANSPORT
Carts,carts,carts.Thecostofhiringthem,repairingthemandfeedingthehorsestopullthemrunsthroughtherecordsofthechamber-wardrobe.Cartswere,ofcourse,essentialfortransportingthewholebagandbaggageofa
householdwhichhardlyremainedanywhereformorethanafewdays.28In1212ittooktenormorecartersandtwenty-fivehorsestopullthelongcartsholdingJohn’sbedandallthemoney,clothesandjewelsofhiswardrobe.Anothertencarterswitheighteencarthorseswereneededforthekitchen,pantryandbuttery.Thestable
establishmentthatlookedafterthecarthorsesandtheelegantpalfreys,onwhichthekingandhisentouragerode,wasthusamajorelementofthehousehold.Thenumberof‘stableboys’,astheyarecalled,couldrisetooverseventy,andthenumberofhorsesbeingfedtonearlyahundred.29Thesenumbers,moreover,excludethehorses
andcartsofthechancerystaff,whichseemtohavebeenfundedfromthechancellor’sownrevenues.IfJohn’shouseholdlargelypaiditswaywhenitcametohiringcarts,thatwashardlytrueofhislocalofficials.Chapter30ofMagnaCartaforbadsheriffsandbailiffsfromtakingthehorsesandcartsofanyfreemanwithout
hisconsent.ThenewversionoftheCharterof1216wentfurtherandsaidthatpaymentshouldbeaccordingtothe‘ancient’rates:10penceadayforacartwithtwohorsesand14penceforacartwiththree.
THESTEWARDOFTHEHOUSEHOLDANDTHEHOUSEHOLDKNIGHTS
Theheadoftheking’shouseholdwasthesteward,andtherewasusuallymorethanoneinofficeatanyonetime.Theyweremenofknightlystatuswho,likeJohn’sstewardWilliamdeCantilupe,builtupestatesofbaronialproportions.Theyplayedamajor,althoughvarying,roleinsecuringtheking’sfoodanddrink.30They
werealsoattheheadoftheking’shouseholdknights.Theknights‘defamilia
regis’,astheywerecalled,seemtohavenumberedatanyonetimearoundahundred,althoughtheywerefarfrombeingallatcourtatanyonetime.31Theygavekingshipitspunch,formingtheposseswhenJohnwished,inthewordsoftheCharter,to
‘goagainst’someoneandventhis‘illwill,indignationandrancour’.WhenJohnheardthatthegreatbaronRobertfitzWalterwaslayingsiegetoBinhamprioryinNorfolk,hedespatchedatonceagroupofhouseholdknightsandarmedserjeantstoarresthim.Theywereverydisappointedtodiscoverthathehadfled.32Someknights
remainedmeremilitaryheavies,butothers,suchasJohnofBassingbourn,withmoreambitionandability,becamecounsellors,diplomats,sheriffsandcastellans.Havingtakenaspecialoathofloyaltytotheking,whichincludedtheobligationtoreportanythingsaidagainsthim,theyactedashiseyesandears.Atcourt,
theywerethemenJohnlikedmosttobewithandwhomhecouldrelyonforsupport.33
SeveralofthecounsellorsnamedatthestartofMagnaCartawereorhadbeenhouseholdknights–theBassetbrothers,forexample,andRobertofRopsley.ThomasBassetcombinedhispositionatcourtwithalongspellassheriffof
Oxfordshire.WithhisbrotherAlan,hewastoleadadecisivechargeatthebattleofLincolnin1217.
THECHIEFJUSTICIAR
Onlyoneministerwassuperiortothechancellor.Thiswasthechiefjusticiar.34
ThepostappearsinfourchaptersoftheCharterandismentionedonnofewerthan
sevenoccasions.Inchapter18itistheking,orifheisoutofthekingdom,‘ourchiefjusticiar’whoistosendjudgesroundthecountrytoheartheassizes.Inchapter41kingorchiefjusticiararetolearnhowEnglishmerchantsaretreatedabroad.Inchapter48the‘justiciar’(the‘chief’wasoftenomitted)intheking’sabsenceistobe
informedbeforetheknightsabolishtheevilcustomsinthecounties.Andthen,inthesecurityclause,itisthejusticiar,ifthekingisabroad,whoistoredressbreachesoftheCharter.Thesechaptersgiveaclearideaofthejusticiar’srole.Itwastoactasgovernorofthekingdomduringtheking’sabsences.Onsuchoccasions,itwas
normalforthekingtoaddresshisorderstothejusticiaraloneratherthandirecttoofficialsinEngland.Thejusticiarthenissuedhisownletters,sealedwithhisownseal,passingtheorderson.Hecouldalsoissueletters,dealingwithawidevarietyofissues,onhisowninitiative.Thejusticiarwentonhisownjourneysaroundthecountry
andalsopresidedattheexchequer,ofwhichhewasthehead.Whenthekingwasinthecountry,asJohnwasforthemostpartafter1204,thejusticiar’srolewasmorecircumscribed,buthecontinuedtoactastheking’schiefminister,sometimesatcourt,sometimesattheexchequer.
COUNSELANDCOMMONCOUNSEL
ThereisnoevidencethatJohneverhadaformalcouncilofministers,withadefinedmembership,boundtogetherwithaspecialoath.Thatwouldhavebeencontrarytohiswholestyleofgovernment,inwhichhetookadvice,asitsuitedhim,fromshiftingandshiftedgroupsof
ministersandmagnates.Thepersonnelofthoseatcourt,asWalterMaprecognized,wasconstantlychanging.Ministersretiredorfellfromfavour,leftcourtonembassiesor,intimesoftension,tookpersonalcommandofcastlesandsheriffdoms.Atthesametime,peoplewerecomingtocourtinsearchofconcessions
andfavours.Thosesimplywantingthewritsthatinitiatedandfurtheredcommon-lawlitigationcouldgetthesefromthechancerywithoutinvolvingthekingatall.Thosewantingsomethingmore,tobuyawardship,forexample,orrecovertheking’sbenevolence,wouldneedtogetthroughtothekinginperson.Thiswas
wherethecourtiersprovedtheirworthandmadetheirprofit.VeryfewcomingtocourtindisfavourhadthecourageandconfidenceofBishopHughofLincoln,whobrushedasideWilliamMarshal’swarningsandoffersofmediation,andinsistedongoingstraightintoKingRichard’spresence,whereheseizedhiscloakand
shookhimintoagoodhumour.In1215theprospectiveabbotofBuryStEdmundshadthejusticiar,PeterdesRoches,makehiscase.DesRochesfailed(perhapsnottryingveryhard),butstillpocketedhisbribe.35
Atitsfullest,thekingcouldbringtogetheratcourtthegreatandgoodoftheland
inaformalassembly.Herethecourtexpandedlikeagreatbellowsbeforecontractingwhenthecouncilwasover.MagnaCartareferredtoanationalassemblyinchapters12and14,whenitsaidthattaxeswerenottobeleviedsavebythe‘communeconsilium’ofthekingdom.TheCharterherewasslightlyambiguous
astowhetheritwasreferringtoanassemblyitself,‘thecommoncouncilofthekingdom’,ortowhatsuchanassemblycoulddo,namelygivethekingdom’s‘commoncounsel’,theLatin‘consilium’beingcapableofeithermeaning.Probablyitmeantthelatter,hencemytranslation,likemostothers,hashere‘counsel’ratherthan
‘council’.Butitwasreallyadistinctionwithoutadifference.Thosesummonedtogivethe‘commoncounsel’ofthekingdominchapter14becameonceassembledthekingdom’s‘commoncouncil’.Greatassembliesofthekingdomhadlongbeendescribedas‘councils’,‘generalcouncils’and‘greatcouncils’.Inthesecondhalf
ofthetwelfthcenturytheywereoccasionallycalled‘parliaments’,thenamethatwastobecomeestablishedinthereignofHenryIII.TheAnonymousofBéthune,writinginFrench(fromwhichthewordcame)hadtheopponentsofKingJohnin1214–15comingtogetherin‘aparlement’andagreeingtoa‘parlement’withJohnat
Staines.In1244achanceryclerk,lookingbackto1215,wroteof‘theparliamentofRunnymede’.Ithadlongbeentraditionaltosummontheking’stenants-in-chieftosuchassemblies,withthegreaterbaronsreceivingapersonalsummons.Chapter14oftheCharterwasthustryingtosolidifywhatwascustomary,althoughthe
custom,aswehaveseen,wasfastmovingoutoflinewithsocialreality.36
THEEXCHEQUERANDTHEKING’SREVENUES
Sofarwehavebeentalkingaboutinstitutionsofgovernmentthatforthemostparttravelledwiththeking.Thegreatestofficeofall,however,wasmostlyresident
atWestminster,meetingprobably(asitdidlater)inchamberseithersideoftheentrancetoWilliamRufus’sgreathall.Thisofficewastheexchequer.TheexchequerisMagnaCarta’selephantintheroom.ItisnotmentionedintheArticlesoftheBarons,the1215Charteroritssuccessors.YetitspresencehangsoveralltheCharter’s
financialclauses.Althoughtheitinerantchamber-wardrobespentagoodproportionoftheking’srevenues,itdidnotraisetherevenueitself.Thatwasthejoboftheexchequer.Sowastheannualauditingandhearingtheaccountsofallthemoneyowedtheking.Theexchequersentalargeproportionofthemoneythat
itraisedtothechamber-wardrobe,butitcouldalsospenditinotherwaysontheking’sorders,aswellasstoreitinitscentraltreasury,orsendittooneofthetreasuriesJohnestablishedincastlesaroundthecountry.Withitspreciseprocedures,voluminousrecordsandutterdeterminationtoraisethemoneyduetheking,the
exchequerwasfarandawaythemightiestinstrumentofgovernmentthatJohnpossessed.Thefirstcertainreference
totheexchequerisin1110.Thenamederivedfromthechequeredclothonwhichtheannualauditofthedebtsowedthekingtookplace.Theresultsoftheannualaudit,countybycounty,were
recordedonagreatdocumentlatercalledthepiperoll,becauserolledupitlookedlikeapipe.Thefirstsurvivingrollbelongstothefinancialyear1129–1130.37
Theheadoftheexchequerwasthechiefjusticiar,whilebeneathhim,ofteninday-to-daycharge,wasthetreasureroftheexchequer.ItwasthetreasurerRichardfitzNigel
whowrotetheDialogusdeScaccariointhereignofHenryII.38
WhileMagnaCartasaysnothingabouttheexchequer,itgivesaveryfullimpressionoftherevenuesthatithadtocollect.Themosttraditionalandstapleofthesecamefromthecounty‘farms’,whichtheChartersoughttoregulateinchapter25.Thecountyfarm
wasafixedsumofmoney(usuallyseveralhundredpounds)forwhichthesheriffofthecountyansweredattheexchequereveryyear.Tomakeupthefarmhecoulddrawontherevenuesfromtheking’sownlandsinthecounty,the‘demesnemanors’,thatis,whicharealsoreferredtointhechapter.Thefarm,too,camefroma
rangeoftraditionalpayments,suchas‘sheriff’said’,andfromtheproceedsofpleasandexactionsinthecountyandhundredcourts.Theexactionsinthehundredcourtswereregulatedinchapter42ofthe1217Charter.Thecountyfarmcouldalsobederived,fromtheindividualfarmsofitscomponentlocalgovernment
divisions,namely‘thehundreds,ridingsandwapentakes’mentionedinchapter25if,thatis,theywereleasedout.Theaimofchapter25was
topreventthekingincreasingthecountyfarmsandthesubsidiaryfarmsofhundred,ridingandwapentake.Itexcepted,however,fromtherestrictiontheking’sdemesne
manors.Someofthesecontributeddirectlytothecountyfarm,andsothatelementofitcouldstillbeincreased.By1199,manyotherdemesnemanors,afterappropriatedeductions,hadbeenremovedfromthefarmandwereaccountedforseparatelybythesherifforanotherkeeper.Alsoaccountedforseparately,
oftenbytheirmen,andforminganotherstaplepartoftheking’sincome,werethefarmsduefromtheking’scitiesandboroughs.Thatneitherthesenorthefarmsduefromtheking’sdemesnemanorswererestrictedinMagnaCartawaspartlyatleastduetoanacceptancethattheking’sownpersonalpropertieswereamatterfor
him,inawayotherrevenueswerenot.TheCharterlikewisesaidnothingabouttallage,whichwasataxleviedattheking’spleasureonhiscities,boroughsanddemesnemanors.TheArticlesoftheBaronsinchapter32hadmentionedtallages,buttheirattempttohavethoseleviedonLondonandotherprivilegedcities
madedependentonthecommonconsentofthekingdomnevermadeitintotheCharteritself.39
Anotherpartoftheking’sprivatedemesnewastheroyalforest.Inthelargeareasofthecountrywithintheroyalforest,andthussubjecttoforestlaw,thismeantthatamercementscouldbeimposedforpoachingor
huntingdeerandboar.Theycouldalsobeimposedfordamagingtheactualgrowthoftheforestthroughthe‘purpresture,wasteandassart’mentionedinchapter4oftheForestCharterof1217.Purpresturewasputtingupbuildingsandenclosures;wastewascuttingdowntrees;andassartwasclearanceforthecreationofnewarable
land.Thekingassertedthattheseamercements,becauseofthespecialstatusoftheforest,wereentirelyamatterforhim,andwerenotsubjecttotheusualcustomaryconstraints.HencetheDialogusdeScaccariostressedthatthelawoftheforest,incontrast‘tothecommonlaw[communiiure]ofthekingdom’,dependedon
thearbitrarywillofthekingalone:‘soliusregisarbitrio’.40
TheCharterdidnotdealexplicitlywithforestamercements,buttheywerepresumablycoveredbytheamercementsregulatedinchapters20–22.Equallypartoftheking’s
‘own’weretheJews,whomhecouldtallageashewished.Therewasnotevena
suggestionin1215thatthesetallages,unliketheonesimposedonLondonandothertowns,shouldbemadesubjecttothecommonconsentofthekingdom,althoughinfactsuchtallagespresseddownindirectlyonallwhoowedtheJewsmoney.Afterall,theonlywaytheJewscouldpaythetaxeswastogetmoneyinfromtheir
debtors.ThekingcouldalsofindmanyreasonsfortakingtheassetsofJews,whichwereessentiallythedebtsthatwereowedthem,intohisownhands.Asaresult,thedebtorsendedupowingtheirmoneytothecrown.Chapter10oftheChartersought,inthatcase,toreducetheking’spotentialprofit.Hewasonlyallowedtoexacttheoriginal
debt,ratherthanthedebtplusinterest.TheChartergivesafull
pictureoftherevenuesderivedfromthetenurialrelationshipbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chief,the‘feudal’revenues,ifonelikes,derivedfromrelief,wardships,thesaleofmarriagesandimpositionsonwidows,allofwhichwerethe
concernofchapters2to8.Thissamerelationshipbroughtthekingprofitfromthechurch,since,afterthedeathofbishopsandabbots,hehadcustodyofthelandsthattheyheldfromthecrownuntilanewappointmentwasmade.MagnaCartasaidnothingaboutthisdirectly.However,thedurationofsuchvacancieswouldhave
beenlimitedbyJohn’searliercharterpromisingfreeandspeedyelectionsofbishopsandabbots,whichMagnaCartaconfirmedinchapter1.The1216Charter,however,extendedtoecclesiasticalvacanciesthesameprotectionsfromexploitationthatMagnaCartagavetosecularwardships.
Chapters12and14oftheCharterrevealedtheking’sincomefromscutagesandaids,althoughthesecouldbeverydifferentthings.Scutage,aswehaveseen,waspaidbytenants-in-chiefinplaceofprovidingthekingwithmilitaryservice.Anaidcouldlikewisebeapaymentowedbythetenant-in-chieftothekingaspartofhistenurial
obligations.TheChartertriedtolimittheoccasionsitwasduetotheransomingoftheking’sperson,theknightingofhiseldestsonandthemarryingonceofhiseldestdaughter.Aids,however,couldalsobegeneraltaxespaidbyeveryoneintherealm,andthese,leviedasapercentageofeveryone’srentsandmovableproperty
(chieflycornandfarmanimals),couldbringinsumsincomparablygreaterthananythingintheformofscutage.Before1215,therewasalreadyafeelingthatsuchaidsrequiredtheconsentofthekingdom.Indeed,whenlevyinghisgreataidof1207,Johnclaimed,howeverspuriously,thatconsenthadbeengiven.41
TheprofitsofjusticehadlongmadeamajorcontributiontoroyalrevenueandonthesetheCharterwaseloquent.Chapters20to22dealtwithamercements,thefinancialpenaltiesforfallingintotheking’s‘mercy’,astheresultofbeingconvictedofsomeoffence,eitherbeforetheking’sjudgesorthekinghimself.Chapter32showed
thatthekingwasentitledtoholdforayearandadaythelandsofthoseconvictedoffelonies(seriouscrimes).AlthoughthiswasnotmentionedintheCharter,hewasalsoentitledtothechattelsofoutlawedandexecutedcriminals.Chapter36showedthepaymentsthatmighthavetobemadeforwrits.Chapter40issuedits
famousblanketbanonthesaleofjustice.Oneofthemostlucrative
sourcesofroyalrevenuewere‘fines’,whichtheCharterdealtwithinchapter55.Thesewereoffersofmoneyacceptedbythekingforconcessionsandfavours,andcouldbemadeinmanyoftheareasmentionedabove.Ontheonehand,theycouldbe
entirelyvoluntary,soforawardship,orforawrittostartalegalaction.Ontheotherhand,theycouldbeprettymuchcompulsory,aswhentheyweremadetoobtaintheking’sforgivenessandbenevolence.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadsoughttoredressunjustfinesmadefordowers,inheritancesandmarriages.TheCharterwent
furtheranddemandedredressofallunjustfineswithoutanyqualification.Theserevenueswerenot,
ofcourse,ofequalincidenceorvalue.Thecounty‘farms’cameineveryyear,andwereanabsolutestaple.Otherrevenuesweremoreoccasional;thosefromecclesiasticalvacanciesandwardshipsdependedondeath;
thosefromjudicialandforestamercementsdependedverylargelyontheperiodicvisitationsoftheking’sjudges.Greattaxes,onthekingdomitself,orontheJews,couldtransformtheking’sfinancesbuttheycouldnotbeleviedveryoften.InthefinancialyearcoveringJohn’saccession(sothatfromMichaelmas1198to
Michaelmas1199),theking’scashrevenue,ascalculatedbyNickBarrattfromthepiperoll,wassome£22,183.Thisbreaksdownasfollows:countyfarms14.6percent;royaldemesnemanorsoutsidethefarm,andfarmsofcitiesandboroughs,11.6percent;judicialrevenues29.5percent;feudalrevenues(paymentsforreliefs,
marriagesandwardships)10.9percent;scutage10.7percent;tallage10.9percent;forest5.4percent;Jews2.3percent.Thesearenotuntypicalfiguresforearlyinthereign,althoughtherewasnorevenuefromecclesiasticalvacancies.In1200–1201thatwasworth£1,165andinthenextyear£1,582.Laterinthereign,
largesumswereraisedfromgeneraltaxationandtaxationontheJews,whiletherewerealsoincreasingrevenuesfromtheroyalforest.42
Theexchequer’sworkofraisingtheking’smoneybeganeveryyearwiththepreparationofwhatwerecalledthe‘summonses’.Thesewerelistsofthedebtsthatthesheriffofeachcounty
hadtocollect.Thelistswouldbeginwiththecountyandotherfarms,andthengoontoallthedebtsowedbyindividuals.WhenMagnaCartainchapter26spokeofthesheriffshowing‘ourletterspatentofsummons’foradebtowedthekingbyadeceasedtenant-in-chief,itwasreferringtothisannuallist.43Theseletterspatentfor
oursummons,likeawholerangeofletterscloseaboutgettingintherevenue,wereissued,intheking’sname,bytheexchequeritselfandsealedwithitsownseal.Thesealwaskeptbythechancelloroftheexchequer,hencethenameofthatoffice.Theexchequer,therefore,hadthepowertotakeindependentaction.Itusedthatpowerto
devastatingeffectwhenorderingdebtstobegatheredinbydistraint.Theexchequerknewwhat
debtstoputonthelistofsummonsesinvariousways.44
Itincludedrecurringfarmsandolddebtsfromtherecordofthelastauditonthepiperollsorfromotherrelatedmaterial.Asfornewdebtsarisingfromamercements,
theexchequerwassentregularlistsofthoseimposedbeforetheking,beforethecourtatWestminsterandbeforetheking’sjudgesinthecounties.Italsoreceivedonaroll(calledtheoriginaliaroll)thelistoffinesacceptedbythekingashetravelledthecountry.Thesehadbeenrecordedbythechanceryonfinerollsofwhichthe
originaliarollswereacopy.Although,therefore,thekingwaspersonallyinvolvedinacceptingfines,hehandedthemovertotheexchequerforcollectionandaudit,whichjustshowsthecentralpartitplayedintheworkingsofroyalfinance.Ofcourse,thekingcouldalwaysfastenonaparticulardebtandorderthatitbepaidintothe
chamber-wardroberatherthantheexchequer.However,whenhedidso,heinformedtheexchequer,sothatitcouldmakedueallowanceforthepaymentwhenthedebtwasaudited.Theonlyoccasionswhentheexchequerwasbypassedaltogetherwaswhenthekingtookoverthetotalmanagementofadebt,orwhenafinewaspaidcash
down,immediatelyandinfullintothechamber-wardrobe.Asfarascanbeseen,thisdidnothappenveryoften.Thesheriff,whenhe
receivedthesummonses,hadthentosetaboutcollectingthemoney.Ifadebtordidnotpay,thenthesheriffcouldenforcepaymentbythedistraintmentionedinchapters8,9,16,23and29
oftheCharter.Thisinvolvedseizingandsellingthedebtor’schattels,whichwouldchieflybehiscornandanimals.Ifthesedidnotsuffice,theCharteracknowledgedthatlandandrentsmightbepossessed;andafterthatthesheriffcouldturntotheresourcesofthedebtor’ssureties.Chapter26oftheCharterimpliedthat
sheriffs,onthedeathoftenants-in-chief,hadsimplygoneinandseizedwhatevertheylikedontheexcuseofsomedebt,withoutbotheringoveritssize.Thesheriffcollectedmost
ofthemoneypersonally,butitwaspermissibleforabarontomakehisownpayments,withthesheriffjustnotifyinghimoftheamountowed.45
Thepaymentsweredueintwoinstalmentseachyear,atEasterandMichaelmas,andweremadeintoabranchoftheexchequercalledtheexchequerofreceiptorlowerexchequer.Thiswaspresidedoverbytwochamberlainsoftheexchequer,anhereditaryposition.Oneofthechamberlains,WarinfitzGerold,althoughhedoes
nothavehistitlethere,appearsamongJohn’scounsellorsinthepreambletotheCharter.Asareceiptforeachindividualpayment,thesheriffandotherpayeesreceivedatally.Thiswasawoodenstickonwhichtheamountofthepaymentwasrecordedinnotches.Thestickwasthensplitdownthemiddle,withhalfbeingkept
bytheexchequerandhalfbythepayee.Foridentificationpurposes,thenatureofthedebtandtheamountofthepaymentwasalsowrittenonboththehalves.Theexchequerofreceipt
keptitsmoneyinits‘treasury’,andonlydispenseditasorderedbyspeciallettersclosesentbythekingtothetreasurerandchamberlains.
Theseletters(called‘writsofliberate’)mightordertheexchequertosendmoneytotheking,whereitwouldbepaidintothechamber-wardrobe,orspenditinawholevarietyofotherways.Itwasreallyjustamatterofconveniencewhetherthekingpaidforsomethingwithmoneyfromthechamber-wardrobe,theexchequer
treasury,thecastletreasuriesorthefundsinthehandsofthesheriffsandotherlocalofficials.Theactualworkofhearing
theaccounts,asofpreparingthesummonses,wasdonebytheupperexchequerorexchequerofaudit.AfterMichaelmaseachyear,inalongprocessionthatlastedsometimesuntilthefollowing
Easterorbeyond,eachsheriffcamebeforetheupperexchequertoaccountforthedebtswhichhehadbeensummonedtopayinthepreviousyear,soatthepreviousEasterandMichaelmas.Theexchequerwentthroughthelistofsummonsesandthesheriffshandedovertheirtalliesasproofofpayment,the
exchequermatchinguptheprofferedhalfwiththehalfithadkept.Atthesametimethesheriffsprofferedanywritsthathadorderedthemtospendrevenuelocally,sothatdueallowancecouldbemadeforthattoo.Ifbaronialstewardshadpaidinmoneyfortheirmasters,thentheywouldalsoattendtheauditandgothroughthesame
procedure.Theaudititselfwasdoneontheexchequerclothwherecountersintheformofsilverpenniesweresetoutrepresentingeachindividualdebt.Beneaththemwereplacedcountersrepresentingtheamountpaidorallowedagainstit.Thelatterwerethensubtractedfromtheformer,revealingwhatwasstillowed.Thestate
ofplayonthedebtswasthenrecordedonthepiperolls,withthedebtorsbeingquitorleftstillowing.Ifthesheriffhadfailedtoraisemoneyandcouldshowitwasnothisfault,hemightbeorderedtodistrainmorevigorouslyforthesumsoutstanding.Ifitwashisfault,hecouldbesubjecttoimprisonment,as
mightthestewardsofbaronsiftheytoohaddefaulted.InJohn’sreignweseethe
piperollsintheirfullpomp.AsprintedbythePipeRollSociety,allofthemdownto1211havemorethan200pages,manyover250.Onaroughcount,atypicalrollcontainsmorethan4,500namesofpeople,placesandinstitutions,mostofthem
owingmoneytotheking.TherollsrevealJohn’ssuccessinincreasinghisrevenues,asalsothepressurehewasplacingonindividuals.Theyshowjusthowthegripoftheexchequerrangedfromtoptobottomofsociety:fromlayandecclesiasticalbaronsowinggiganticsums,throughknightsandtownsmen,downtopeasantsandpeasant
communitiesamercedinnumerouswaysbytheking’sjudges.Notalltheking’srevenues
arerevealedinthepiperolls.TheyshownothingabouttheflowoftreasurefromIreland,whichmaywellhaveaveragedoutatover£1,000eachyear.IntermsofEnglishrevenues,theyhavenothingaboutthegreattaxof1207,
althoughweknowitsyieldfromanotherrecordsource.NordothepiperollscontainrecordsofthetaxationimposedontheJews.Thisisbecausesuchtaxationwastheresponsibilityofasub-branchoftheexchequer,withitsownrecords,calledtheexchequeroftheJews.Thelatterwasalsoresponsibleforcollectingthedebtsowedthe
Jewsthathadcomeintotheking’shands.Whenthesewerelargeandowedbygreatmen,theyweresometimesplacedunderthemainexchequerandappearonthepiperolls,butthegreatmajorityofsuchdebtsstayedundertheexchequeroftheJews.Sinceitsrecordshardlysurviveforthisperiod,thepreciseyieldsofJewish
taxation,andofJewishdebtsinroyalhands,willneverbeknown,abiggapinourknowledge.TheemergenceoftheexchequeroftheJewswaslinkedtoareformof1194thatsoughttoregulatethewholeprocessofJewishmoneylending.Henceforth,thecontractingofloanswastobelimitedtomajortownsundertheoversightoftwo
Christians,twoJewsandtwoclerksoftheJewishexchequer.Eachtownhadachest(an‘archa’)inwhichacopyofthecharterrecordingeachloanwasdeposited,theothercopybeingkeptbytheJew.Thisisthe‘charter’referredtoinMagnaCarta,chapter10,whereitsaysthatifadebtowedtoaJewcameintotheking’shands,he
wouldonlyextractthecapitalsum,‘catallum’,foundinthecharter,inotherwordshewouldnotextractinterest.AllthisbureaucracymadeiteasierforthekingtoprotecttheJewsandalsotoextracttheirmoneyboththroughtaxation(forthekingcouldfindoutexactlywhatresourcesthereweretotax)
andthroughdebtstakenintohisownhands.
LOCALGOVERNMENT
‘Allcountiesandhundreds,ridingsandwapentakes,aretobeattheancientfarmswithoutanyincrement’,ranchapter25oftheCharter,therebylayingbarethebasicstructureofroyalgovernmentinthelocalities.For
administrativepurposes,Englandwasdividedupintocounties.Therewerethirty-eightoftheseofverydifferentsizes,rangingfromthetinyRutlandtothegiganticYorkshire.Countiesweresubdividedintosmalleradministrativedivisionscalledhundredsorwapentakes.Ofthesetherewerearound630.Yorkshire
andLincolnshire,giventheirsize,werealsodividedintogroupsofwapentakes,theridingsofchapter25.Itwasatributetothe
powerofroyalgovernmentinthetwelfthcenturythatnearlyallthecountieswereunderthecontrolofsheriffsappointedanddismissedbytheking.Inotherwordstheyhadnotfallenunderthe
controlofearlsorhereditarysheriffs.46ThesheriffsmakenineappearancesintheCharter,beingsaddledwithaseriesofdosanddon’ts.Itwasthemalpracticesofthesheriffsandforestofficialsthatweretobeinvestigatedinchapter48.ThreeofJohn’ssheriffswerenamedamongthosewhoweretoberemovedfromtheirofficesin
chapter50.Apartfromtheirroleasdebtcollectors,thesheriffsalsohadmajorresponsibilitiesinthefieldofjusticeandlawandorder.TheCrowlandchroniclerdescribedthemasprovidingpeaceforlocalpeopleaswellascarryingoutthebusinessofthe‘fisc’.47Thesheriffsthuspresidedoverthecountyandhundredcourts,arrested
andhangedcriminals,empanelledcommon-lawjuriesandimplementedjudgements.Astheking’schiefofficers
intheshires,thesheriffsreceivedastreamofordersonamultiplicityofsubjects.Underchapter14oftheCharter,forexample,theyweretosummonthelessertenants-in-chieftoanational
assembly.Theywerecontinuallybeingtoldtospendthemoneytheywerecollectingonarangeofpurchasesandpayments,insteadofpayingitintotheexchequer.Theresultingallowancesonthepiperollsarearemarkabletestimonytotherangeoftheiractivities.Somesheriffsweregreatregionalcommissars,
controllingwardships(aschapter4oftheCharterindicated),escheats,royalmanorsandcastles,aswellasseveralcounties.Mostsheriffshadastheirmainbasetheroyalcastleinthecountytown.Theking’scastles,‘the
bonesofthekingdom’astheywerecalled,wereavitalsourceofroyalpower.48In
1214therewereninety-threeofthem,whichwasroughlyhalfthenumberofbaronialcastles.49Acastle’sstrategicpurpose,asJohnindicatedwhenheorderedonetobebuiltinDublinin1204,wastoprojectpoweroutwards,therebycontrollingatownorstrategicarea.50Johnalsousedhiscastlestoholdhisprisonersandhouselarge
amountsoftreasure.Somecastleswereundersheriffs,othersunderseparateconstables.TheChartertoldofthemeasurestomaintainthecastles.Chapter28forbadconstablesandbailiffsfromtakinganyone’scornorotherchattelswithoutimmediatepayment,unlessthevendorconsentedtothedelay.TheCharterof1216,however,
allowedadelayinpaymentwherethecornandchattelshadbeentakenfromthevillwherethecastlewassituated.51Chapter31ofthe1215Charterstipulatedthatbailiffswerenottotakewoodforcastles,savewiththepermissionoftheowner.Chapter29dealtwiththegarrisoningofcastlesandallowedknights,ifthey
wished,toservepersonallyorprovidean‘uprightman’asadeputy,asopposedtobeingforcedtogivemoneyinplaceofservice.
THEADMINISTRATIONOFTHEROYALFOREST
WhenMagnaCartacommissioneditsinquiriesintothemalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials,in
chapter48,thelistofthoseofficialswasheadednotbythesheriffsbutbytheking’sforesters.52Withoutanextensiveadministrativeapparatus,therewasnowaythatthekingcouldmakemoneyforoffencesagainsttheforestlaw.TheForestCharterof1217wasnotbotheredatallwithwhatitcalledtheking’s‘demesne
woods’,theforestthatisonhisownmanorsandproperties.Thetroublewasthattheroyalforestandforestlawextendedmuchfurtherthanthatandenvelopedwoodsandlandsheldbybishops,abbots,earls,barons,knightsandfreetenants.ThiswaswhytheUnknownCharter,initschapter10,demandedprivilegesfor
knightswhohadtheirwoodsintheking’sforests.InJohn’sreigntherewasroyalforestintwentycounties.ItembracedlargepartsofCumberland,Yorkshire,Lancashire,Nottinghamshire,Derbyshire,Berkshire,HampshireandWiltshire,andallofEssex.Intotalitcoveredaboutathirdofthekingdom.53Itsmainpurpose
wasnottoprovidekingswithareasforhunting,althoughtheycertainlyweregreathuntsmen.Itwastoprovidethemwithmoney.Theindividualforestswere
administeredbychiefforesters,someofthemhereditary,whowereliabletodismissalandferociouspunishment,usuallyfinancial,foranyfailuresintheirduty.
Theyinturnemployednumeroussubordinateofficialswhopreyedonthelocalpopulation.Oneaiminchapter7ofthe1217ForestCharterwastolimitthenumberofsuchpests.Therewerealsogroupsofofficials(oftenlocalknights)called‘regarderers’,whomonitoredtheboundsoftheforest,and‘verderers’,whomade
recordsoftheoffencescommitted.Theactivitiesoftheseofficialswerecoordinatedatforestcourts,andtheywereallsubjecttothechiefjusticeoftheforest.FormuchofJohn’sreignthiswasHughdeNeville,namedinthepreambleofthe1215Charter,althoughwithouthistitle,perhapsbydesign,foritwashardlyonethatbrought
himhonour.TheCharter,inchapter44,didrefertotheforest‘justices’,orjudges,anditwasfromtheirperiodicvisitationsoftheforestcounties,oftenledbythechiefforester,thatthegreatbulkoftherevenuecame.Thejudgestriedthoseaccusedofoffencesandimposedtheamercements.Wheretheoffenderswere
important,theymightbeamerceddirectlybytheking.Thejudgesalsomademoneybysummoningmentoattendtheirsessionseventhoughtheylivedoutsidetheboundsoftheforest.Ifsuchmendidnotturnup,theywereamerced.Inreaction,chapter44oftheCharterlaiddownthatnoonelivingoutsidetheforesthadtoattendunless
theywereinvolveddirectlyorindirectlyinaplea.Thepenaltieswerenotonlyfinancial,however.Thoseforoffencesagainsttheprotectedbeastsoftheforest,thedeerandboar,couldbecorporal,probablybecausemanypoacherswerepeasantswithfewresourcesworthamercing.TheUnknownCharterhadJohnconceding
thatnomanwastoloselifeorlimbforanoffenceagainstthebeastsoftheforest.TheAnonymousofBéthunelikedtothinkthatthiswasintheCharteritself,butinfactithadtowaituntiltheCharterof1217.
THEKING’SJUDICIALCOURTS
Theroyalforestwasanunmitigateddisasterfortheking’ssubjects.Ithadnobenefitsforthem.Theking’sdispensationofjustice,inpartatleast,couldbelookedatinadifferentlight.Atthelocallevel,thereweretwopubliccourtspresidedoverbyroyalofficials,thoseofthecountyandthehundredorwapentake.TheCharterof
1217,inchapter42,regulatedboth.Theformerweretomeetonceamonth,unlessalongerintervalhadbeencustomary.Asforthelatter,thesheriffwasonlytoholdtheespeciallywell-attendedsessions,calledthe‘tourn’,twiceayear,atEasterandMichaelmas.Howoftenthehundredcourtsshouldmeetbeyondthetournbecamea
matterfordispute.Thegovernmentin1234,tryingtosettletheissue,saidthesessionshadbeenfortnightlyunderHenryII,butnowmightbeonceeverythreeweeks.54Theoverlappingjurisdictionofboththehundredandthecountycourtsembracedminordisputesoverland,debtsanddistraint,aswellascriminal
casesofatypethatdidnotinvolvebreachesoftheking’speace.Abovethelocalcourtsof
countyandhundred,therewereothersuperiortypesofroyalcourt.Onewasheld,nominallyatleast,intheking’spresence,‘coramrege’,whereverhewasonhisjourneys.Anotherwaspresidedoverbytheking’s
judgesatWestminster.Therewerealsocourtsofvaryingjurisdictionsheldbytheking’sjudgeswhentheyvisitedthelocalities.Inchapter59oftheCharter,Johnagreedthattheclaimsof‘Alexander,kingofScots’shouldbesettled‘byjudgementofhispeersinourcourt’.Giventhattheseclaimswereofgreatmoment,
thiswasclearlyacourtthatwouldbepresidedoverbythekinghimselfandwheregreatbarons(Alexander’speers,forheheldanEnglishbarony)wouldbepresenttogivejudgement.TheArticlesoftheBaronswerethinkingofthesamecourtwhentheylaiddowninchapter25thatthosedisseisedunjustlybyHenryIIandRichardshould
have‘rightwithoutdelaybyjudgementoftheirpeersinthecourtoftheking’.Thiswasalsothecourtinwhichdisputesbetweenthebaronsthemselveswouldbeheard.Chapter17oftheCharterindicatedsomethingelse,whenitdirectedthat‘commonpleas’shouldnotfollowtheking’scourtbutbeheardinafixedplace.55In
otherwords,John’scourtatcourt,ifonemaycallitthat,hadheardnotmerelycasesinvolvinggreatmen,butalsoquiteroutinecivillitigationofthecommon-pleasvariety.Inthosecases,itwouldhavebeenpresidedoverbytheking’sprofessionaljudgesratherthanbythekingpersonally,unlesshewas
especiallyinterestedinacase,assometimeshewas.TheCharterof1215did
notspecifywherethefixedplaceforcommonpleastobeheardmightbe.Its1217successorwasmoreinformativesinceitreferred,inchapters14and15,tocasesbeingheardby‘thejusticesofthebench’.Thebench,untilsuspendedby
KingJohn,usuallysatatWestminster,and,presidedoverbyprofessionaljudges,heardawholeraftofdisputesaboutproperty.Theking’sjudgesalsowentonvisitations(or‘eyres’)ofvarioustypesaroundthecounties.Onetypeisshowninthejudgeswhoweretovisitthecountiestohearthecommon-lawassizesunder
chapter18oftheCharter.Thesewereeyresentirelyforcivilpleas.Theking’sjudgesalsocametohearcriminalpleas,whentheytriedthecasesofthoseimprisonedincountygaols.Mostimpressiveofall,asamanifestationofroyaljusticeandpowerinthelocalities,werethegreat‘allpleas’eyres.Herethejudgesheard
bothcriminalandcivilpleasandalsocarriedoutinvestigationsintotheking’srights.Thesevisitationsareoftencalledbyhistorians‘generaleyres’,bothbecauseofthescopeoftheirjurisdictionandbecausetheywereusuallyarrangedaspartofcircuitsthatcoveredthewholecountry.Inalargecounty,sucheyrescould
meanthousandsofpeoplebeingconcentratedtogetherbeforetheking’sjudges.56
PEACEANDCRIMINALJUSTICE
TheChartertwicereferredtothepeacethatwouldendthecivilwar.Italso,inchapter49,referredtothe‘peaceorfaithfulservice’thatJohnhadsoughttoobtainbytaking
hostages.Here,then,itwasinterpretingpeaceastheoppositeofrebellionandcivilstrife.Chapter42ofthe1217Charter,ontheotherhand,wasthinkingofpeaceinthelaw-and-ordersensewhenitmadearrangementssothat‘ourpeaceshallbekept’.Themaintenanceofthepeaceinboththesesenseswasafundamentaldutyofkingship.
Atthelocallaw-and-orderlevel,itwasintimatelylinkedtothe‘pleasofourcrown’mentionedinchapter24oftheCharter,sincethesegavethekinganearmonopolyoverthetrialandpunishmentofseriouscrime,overthatis,thehomicide,affray,premeditatedassault,burglary,rape,(serious)theftandarsonthatJohnhadlisted
in1201as‘thosethingswhichbelongtoourcrownandjustice’.57Chapter42ofthe1217
Charterlinkedtogetherthreebasicelementsoflocallawenforcementwhenitsaid,ratherincomprehensiblyformodernreaders,that‘theviewoffrankpledgeshallbeheldsothatthepeaceiskeptandthetithingisfull’.The
tithingwasagroupoftenortwelveadultmales,usuallyunfree,whoweresworntokeepthepeaceandguaranteethegoodbehaviouroftheirfellows.SupposedlyalltheunfreepopulationsouthoftheHumberweregroupedintithingsanditwasthesethatthesheriffscheckedatMichaelmaseachyear,inthehundredorwapentakecourts
attheir‘viewoffrankpledge’–‘frankpledge’herebeingsimplyanotherwordforthetithing.Thesheriffs,insodoing,hadmanyopportunitiesforimposingpenaltiesonthetithinggroups–forexample,whenmenfailedtoarrestcriminals,orwhentheyhadgivenfalseevidenceorevidencenotintheproperform.58Itwas
unjustexactionsonsuchoccasionsthatchapter42soughttorestrain,asitalsosoughttolimitthetourntotwoayear.TheArticlesoftheBarons
in1215haddemandedthatsheriffsshouldnotinterfereinthepleasofthecrownwithoutthecoroners.Itwasthecoroners,introducedin1194,andusuallycounty
knights,whosedutyitwastomakearecordofthepleasofthecrown,andinsodoingtoholdinquestsintoallcasesofdeathotherthanbyobviouslynaturalcauses.TheArticlesimpliedthatthesheriffswereusurpingthefunctionofthecoronersinthisareawhenitsaidthat,withoutthem,theywerenottointerferewiththepleasofthecrown.The
Charteritself,inchapter24,wasconcernedwithawiderusurpation,andlaiddownthatsheriffs,constables,coronersandbailiffswerenottohearthepleasofthecrown.Therehadbeenatimewhensheriffsheardpleasofthecrownroutinelyinthecountyandhundredcourts,butincreasinglyinthetwelfthcenturythishadbecomethe
prerogativeoftheking’sjudgessenttothecounties.Stoppingthesheriffshearingsuchpleaswasprobablyanissueonwhich,innormalcircumstances,thekingcouldseeeyetoeyewithhiscritics.Whenthejudgesarrivedin
acounty,amancouldaccuseor‘appeal’anindividualofanyoftheoffencescomingundertheheadingof‘pleasof
thecrown’.Therightsofwomeninthisareaweremorerestricted,aswehaveseen.59
Thegreatmajorityofcrimes,however,camebeforethejusticesnotthroughprivateappealsbutthroughasystemofpublicaccusation.Twelvejurorsfromeachhundredorwapentake(chosenbyknightlyelectors)werechargedwithrevealingthe
casesofseriouscrimesincethelastvisitation.Theyalsogaveevidenceaboutusurpationsoftherightsofthecrown.Chapter38oftheCharter,whichsaidthatnobailiffwas‘toputanyonetolaw’,meaningessentiallytoputanyoneontrial,byhisown,unsupportedaccusation‘withouttrustworthywitnesses’,wasdesignedin
parttoensuretheuseofsuchjuries.Guiltorinnocencecouldbedeterminedbytheordealofhotironorwater,bytheswearingofoathsbysupportersoftheaccused,andalso,incasesofappeal,bytrialbybattle.However,therewaspressureformorerationalprocedures,andchapter36oftheCharterlaiddownthatthe‘writof
inquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbs’shouldbeconcededfreely.Thismeantthatsomeoneaccusedofaseriousoffence,essentiallyapleaofthecrown,forwhichthepenaltywasdeathormutilation,couldobtainawritthatorderedhiscasetobeheardbyajury.From1218onwards,aftertheFourthLateranCouncilin
1215hadbannedattendanceoftheclergyatordeals,theuseofjuriesbecamegeneralpractice.60
Theusualpunishmentinthethirteenthcenturywasdeathbyhanging,althoughithadearlierbeenmutilation.Thegreatmajorityofcriminals,however,werenotbroughttojustice.Insteadtheyfledandwereoutlawed.
Chapter42oftheCharterexceptedthose‘outlawedaccordingtothelawofthekingdom’fromthoseallowedfreeexitandentryintoEngland.Someofthoseenvisagedhereweredoubtlessmagnatesoutlawedforpoliticalcrimes,butthegreatmajoritywouldhavebeenabscondingcriminals.Nearlyallofthese,judging
fromthevalueoftheirchattels,wereofpeasantstatus.Criminaljusticebrought
greatfinancialprofittothecrown,aswehaveseen–profitfromthechattelsofcriminals,and,astheCharterindicated,fromtherighttoholdtheirlandsforayearandaday.Therewerealsonumerousamercements
imposedontithings,juriesandlocalcommunities,foroffencesrealorconcocted.WhentheCharter,inchapter20,laiddownthatvilleinsweretobeamerced,savingtheirwainage,byupstandingmenoftheneighbourhood,ithadinmindabovealltheamercementsimposedattheeyre.61Forlocalsociety,anybenefitsbroughtbytheeyre’s
maintenanceofthepeaceseemedfaroutweighedbythefinancialburdens.Thegreatincreaseinthenumbersofthosesufferingsuchburdens,asrevealedinthefinancialaccountsoftheeyresonthepiperolls,isastrikingindicationofhowfarroyalpowerhadadvancedafter1154andhowitdugdowndeepintosociety.
CIVILJUSTICE
ThriceintheCharter,inchapters52,53and57,Johnpromisedtogive‘fulljustice’tothosecomplainingofabusescommittedbyhimselforhispredecessors.Thekingequallyhadadutytogivejusticetoeveryone(oreveryonewhowasfree)intheirdisputeswitheachother.Asheputitin1210,‘we
desirejusticeaccordingtothecustomofourkingdomofEnglandtobeshowntoallwhocomplainofwrongdoing’.62Ifthewrongdoinginvolvedbreachesofthepeace,thenthatcameunderthecriminalsideoftheking’sjurisdiction.If,ontheotherhand,itinvolveddisputesoverlands,rightsandotherproperties,
thentherewasawholesetofotherlegalactions,developedunderHenryII,whichcouldbringsuchcasesbeforetheking’sjustices.63Themostfamousofthese,asinchapter18oftheCharter,werecalled‘assizes’.Resorttothenewassizeswasentirelyvoluntary.Althoughtherewasanestablishedrule,setoutinGlanvill,thatanyone
claimingafreetenementheldbyanotherhadtobegintheactionwithawritobtainedfromtheking,thecasecouldthenproceedbyavarietyofproceduresinavarietyofcourts.64Thatsomanypeopledidresorttotheassizesis,therefore,asureindicationoftheirvalue.Themostimportantofthe
newprocedureswerethose
mentionedinchapter18ofMagnaCarta.Thislaiddownthatthekingwastosendtwojusticestoeachcountyfourtimesayeartohear‘recognitionsofnoveldisseisin,ofmortd’ancestorandofdarreinpresentment’.Arecognition,usedinterchangeablyinthechapterwith‘assize’,meantalegalactionculminatinginthe
verdictofajury.Therecognitionsinquestionwereopentothefreebutnottotheunfree.Theycouldbeusedbywomen,althoughmarriedonesneededtolitigatewiththeirhusbands.Noveldisseisindealtwithcaseswhereaplaintiffclaimedthathehadbeendisseised,thatisdispossessed,unlawfullyofafreetenement,freetenement
heremeaninglandandorotherpropertyheldforfreeasopposedtovilleinservices.Theassizecouldalsobebroughtifafreetenementhadbeenencroachedonbytheerectionofabankormakingofaroad.Theoffencehadtohavebeenrelativelyrecent,hence‘noveldisseisin’.‘Mortd’ancestor’wasaremedyforthosewhoclaimedthatthey
hadbeendeniedsuccessiontoaninheritanceinland.Darreinpresentment,muchlessfrequentlyused,dealtwithdisputesovertherighttoappointaclerktoachurchliving,usuallyaparishchurch.Allthreeassizeswere
commencedbysecuringawritfromthechanceryor,ifthekingwasoutofthe
country,fromthechiefjusticiar.Thiswritwasone‘ofcourse’–‘decursu’–whichmeantthatitwasstandardform,cheapandissuedautomatically.WhenMagnaCartainchapter36askedthatthewritofinquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbsbegivenwithoutpaymentandnotdenied,itwasaskingforsuchwritsto
belikewiseones‘ofcourse’.Itwasnotliterallytruethatsuchwritswerefree,sincetheyprobablycost6d,sotheequivalentoffourdays’wagesforalabourer.65Therewereothercosts,includingthoseofactuallygoingtocourttogetthewrits,butstilltheywereprobablywithinreachofallbuttheverypoorestoffreetenants.
Thewritorderedthesherifftosummonajuryoftwelvefreeandlawfulmenfromtheneighbourhoodofthelandindisputetocomebeforetheking’sjudgesontheirnextappearanceinthecountytogivetheverdictinthecase.Innoveldisseisin,thejuryhadtodeterminewhethertheplaintiffhadbeendisseisedofthelandunjustlyandwithout
judgement,thecriteriaforunjustdisseisinbeingusuallyadisseisinmadewithoutthejudgementofacourt.Inmortd’ancestor,thejuryhadtoanswertwoquestions.Wastheplaintiffthenearestheirofthedeceasedpersonfromwhomhewasclaimingtoinherit?Didthedeceasedactuallydieinpossessionofthelandbeingsought‘asof
fee’?The‘asoffee’heremeantthatthelandhadbeenheldwithsomevestigeofhereditaryrightandnotsimplyforatermofyears,noratthelord’spleasure.Ifthejuryfoundfortheplaintiff,thenthejusticeswouldgivejudgementinhisfavour,andissueawritintheking’sname(butwitnessedandsealedbythesenior
judge)orderingthesherifftoputhiminpossession.Thedefendantwouldthenbeamerced,aswouldanunsuccessfulplaintiff.Theamercements,however,atleastinroutinecases,werenotsolargeastodeterlitigation.Noveldisseisinandmort
d’ancestorwerefarandawaythemostpopularofthenew
legalactions,butothersweredevelopedoncomparablelinesdealingwitharangeoffurtherissues,oneofthemostusedbeingthatopentowidowstryingtorecovertheirdowers.Therewasalsoamoreelaborateprocedure,muchusedinJohn’stime,calledthegrandassize,inwhichjuriesmadeupoftwelveknightsdeterminedthe
questionofultimaterighttoland,asopposedtojustansweringthenarrowquestionsputtothemintheotherassizes.Alltheseactionswerethesame,or‘common’,throughoutthecountry,fromCornwalltoCumberland.Theywerethusattheheartofthe‘commonpleas’towhichMagnaCartareferredinchapter17,andby
extensionattheheartofwhatcontemporariescalled‘thecommonlaw’.Theseactionscouldbeusedbygreatmenintheirlitigation,butthebulkofthelitigants(asonecanseefromtheplearollsthatsurvivefromthe1190s)werelessermen,knightsandfreetenants.Theymightbelitigatingupwardsagainstlordsordownwardsagainst
tenants,butequallyagooddealofthelitigation,oftenoververysmallamountsofland,wasbetweenneighboursonmuchthesamesociallevel.Theappealoftheactionsto
widesectionsofsocietyisunderstandable.Thewritsettingthemoffwasroutinelyavailableatasmallcost.Thedecisionwasinthehandsofa
localjuryasopposedtobeingdeterminedbyoathswearingortrialbybattle.Indeed,therationalityofthenewprocedureswasoneoftheirmeritscanvassedinGlanvill.66Thecasewasheardinacourtpresidedoverbytheking’sjudgesasopposedtothecourtofalordorthecourtofthehundredorwapentakepresidedoverby
thesheriff.Andthewholeprocedurecouldbespeedy.Indeed,speedwasspecificallyaimedatinnoveldisseisin,wherethejurywastogiveitsverdictevenifthedefendantdidnotturnup,whereasotherlitigationcouldbedraggedoutadinfinitumbyawholeseriesofnon-appearances.
Thenewproceduresappearedverydifferentlyfromtheperspectiveofgreatbarons,fortheyhadthepotentialtoharmtheirjurisdictionalcontrolovertheirtenants.Iftwotenantsbyknightservicewereindisputeoverwhoshouldrightfullyholdlandfromaparticularlord,thenthelordwasboundtothinkthatthe
propervenueforthecasewashisownhonorialcourt.67
Equally,thelordwouldthinkthathiscourtwastheproperforumforanydisputebetweenhimselfandatenantoverfailuretoperformservicesoroverthesuccessiontoafee.Withthenewprocedures,however,itwaseasyforlitigantstoremovecasesfromthecourt
ofthelord.Inanactionoverright,thedefendantcoulddosobyputtinghimselfonthegrandassize.Atleastsuchacasewouldhavestartedinthelord’scourt,butiftheissuewassimplyoneofdisseisin,thenawritofnoveldisseisinwouldtakethecaseatoncebeforetheking’sjudges,bypassingthelord’scourtaltogether.68Ifthedisseisor
hadthelord’sfavour,orindeedwasthelordhimself,theplaintiffhadeveryreasontodojustthat,therebyescapingacourtthatmustalwayshavebeendominatedbythelord’sinterests.69Thefearofcomebackfromanoveldisseisinactionmustalsohavedeterredlordsfromdiscipliningtenantsbysimplyseizingtheirlandwithout
legalprocess.70Asfortheassizeofmortd’ancestor,thistoostartedthecasefromscratchbeforetheking’sjudges.Somuchthebetterfortheplaintiffifitwasthelordhimselfwhowasdenyinghimentryintohisinheritance.Lordsinevitablynowfounditmoredifficulttopreventthesuccessionofanunwelcometenant.Onecommentona
particulardecreeofHenryIIprobablyreflectswellenoughthelordlyviewofdevelopmentsasawhole:‘thekinghadmadeanordinanceinhiskingdom,whichcausedthebaronsofthecountrymuchharm,wherebyeachlosthiscourtbyafalseoath’.71
OTHERCOURTSANDSTRUCTURESOFGOVERNMENT
Courtsheldbygreatlordsfortheirtenantsbyknightservicewerenottheonlyprivatecourts.Alllordsofmanorsheldmanorialcourtsfortheirpeasanttenants,courtsthatdealtwithsuchmattersassuccessiontothetenementsanddisputesoverservices,as
wellasminorcasesofdisorder.Suchmanorialcourts,unmentionedinMagnaCarta,wereentirelyunderthejurisdictionofthelord.Lordscouldalsoenjoysomeshareoftheking’sjurisdiction,eitherthroughaspecificgrantfromthekingorthroughlongusage.These‘liberties’,astheywerecalled,included
‘infangenthief’,whichgavethelordtherighttotry,andexecuteonhisgallows,apettythieftakenredhandedonhisproperty.Thelibertycouldbeattachedtoamanorialcourt.Itcouldalsobeattachedtoahundred.72In1215perhapssome250oftheroughly630hundredsandwapentakeswereinprivateratherthanroyalhands.The
balanceacrossthecountrywasuneven.NearlyallthehundredswereprivateinDevon,OxfordshireandSussex.NearlyallwereroyalinWarwickshireandLincolnshire.Manyhundredshadlongbeeninthehandsofbishopsandabbots.Otherswereheldbygreatsecularlords.IndeedMagnaCartacomesinthemiddleofthe
periodinwhichlordswerebusilysecuringgrantsofhundredsfromtheking.Heretheygainedsomecompensationfortheinroadsofthecommonlaw.Johnmadefifty-fivesuchgrants,mostlytolaylords,HenryIIImade108.WilliamdeFerrers,earlofDerby,startedJohn’sreignwithnoprivatehundreds.Bytheendofithe
hadsix,threethroughaninheritance,threebygrantoftheking.ThomasBasset,likewise,gainedfromJohnthehundredsofBullingdonandNorthGateoutsideOxford.Healsohadthehundred,‘myhundred’,ofColytoninDevon.73Therightsoflordsinprivatehundredsvaried.Insomethesheriffstillenteredand
sharedtheprofits.Inthemostprivileged,hedidnotenteratallandhandedtheking’swrits(sothosesummoningjuries,executingverdictsandcollectingdebts)tothebailiffofthelord.74Inmostprivatehundredsitwouldbethelord’sbailiffwhopresidedoverthehundredcourtandheardtheviewoffrankpledgeeveryMichaelmas,although
onewouldneverhavethoughtsofromchapter42ofthe1217Charter,whichdealtsimplywiththeexactionsofthesheriff.Equallyexemptfromthejurisdictionofthesheriffsweremanyoftheprivilegedcitiesandboroughsmentionedinchapter13oftheCharter.Theyhadtherighttochoosetheirownofficials,whopresidedover
thetowncourtandanswereddirectlytotheexchequerforthefarm.75TheLondonershadtherightbothtochoosetheirownsheriffsand,byJohn’sconcessionin1215,theirmayor.Lordscertainlyderived
power,moneyandstatusfromtheirmanorial,libertyandhonorialcourts.Sometimesthesamemeetings
carriedoutallthreetypesofbusinessandthecourtstendedtomergetogether,whichmadethemallthemoreimpressive.Therelationshipbetweenthelibertiesandroyalgovernmenthasbeenmuchdebatedbyhistorians.Fromonepointofview,theycanbeseenasfittingnaturallyandharmoniouslyintoahierarchy
ofcourts,withtheking’satthetop.76Certainlythekinghadnoobjectiontolibertiesassuchandwasoftenpreparedtograntthemawaytomakemoneyorrewardservice,asdidJohnandHenryIII.Thosewithprivatehundreds,suchastheabbotofBuryStEdmunds,wereveryawarethattheycouldbeconfiscatedbytheking,and
rantheminthatlight.77Theproceduresinprivatecourts,moreover,oftenimitatedthosefoundinthecourtsoftheking.Yet,ontheotherhand,forjudges,sheriffsandofficialsoftheexchequer,thelibertieswereapainintheneck.Againandagainsheriffsexplainedtheirfailuretoraisedebtsandproducelitigantsandjurorsonthe
groundsthattheyhadhandedtheordertoaprivatehundredalbailiffwhohadthendonenothingaboutit.Inthe1270sand1280sEdwardImadeadeterminedefforttocheck‘bywhatwarrant’allthelibertieswereheld.78
THEKING’SMILITARYFORCES
TheunpopularityofJohn’srule,andtheexigenciesofhissituation,placedapremiumononeultimatesourceofpower,apowerthatstoodbehindeverythinghewishedtodo.Thiswashisabilitytouseforce.Initshighestdegree,forcemeantarmies,armieswithwhichthekingmightputdownrevoltsinEngland,dominateBritain
andIreland,andmaintainandrecoverthecontinentalpossessions.Johninonewaywaspermanentlyarmed.Hehadatanyonetimearoundahundredhouseholdknights,whocouldformthecoreofroyalarmies.Healsohadmilitaryforcesinthelocalities,forallthesheriffsandcastellanshadundertheircommandcrossbowmenand
serjeants,whomtheypaidfromlocalrevenues,varyingthenumbersupanddownaccordingtothesituation.Whenhewasforminganarmy,Johnsupplementedhishouseholdknightsintwomainways.Forallhiscampaigns,hesummonedhistenants-in-chieftoprovidehimwithknights,astheywereobligedtodobythe
termsoftheirtenure.Johnalsosummonedtheknightsholdingfrombaroniesthathadcomeintohishands.79Whereasmanytenants-in-chiefwereallowedtopayscutageinplaceofservice,manyothersdidindeedcomepersonallywiththeirduecontingents.Suchcontingents,however,werefarsmallerthanthoseon
whichscutagewasowed.ThegreatnorthernbaronGilbertdeGantowedscutageonoversixtyfees,yetwasexpectedtobringtoroyalarmiesonlysixortenknights.80Howthisdiscrepancybetweennominalobligationandactualperformancehadcomeaboutisobscure,butitcertainlyprecededJohn’sreign.81Itmayinparthavebeenaquid
proquofortheservicelastinglongerthanthecustomaryfortydays.Eveninproducingthesereducedcontingents,however,John’stenants-in-chiefoftendidnotpaytheirway.Instead,fortheirmaintenanceduringacampaign,forexampleinIrelandin1210andPoitouin1214,theyreceivedmoneyintheformofloansfromthe
king.Loansleftopenwhethertheservicewasbeingperformedaspartofatenurialobligation,butsinceJohnrarelyaskedforthemoneyback,hewasinpracticepayingwages.Itwaswithwages,straightout,thatthekingrecruitedthesecondtypeofforcethatstrengthenedhisarmies,namelypaidknightsrecruited
fromabroad,notablyfromFlandersandBrabant,bothgreatsourcesformercenarysoldiers.Essentiallythen,ifJohn
wantedtomusterandmaintainarmiesofanysize,hehadtopayforthem.Formuchofthereign,givenhisbuoyantfinances,hewasabletodoso.Indeed,hemaywellhaveinventedtheloansystem
thatheusedtosupporthisforces.82Incontemporaryterms,hewascertainlyabletoraisearmiesofsomesize.TheonethathetooktoIrelandin1210consistedofaround800namedknightsand1,500serjeantsandcrossbowmen.EveninDecember1215justoneofJohn’sfieldarmiesincludedforty-sevenhousehold
knights,andanother403knightsmostlyrecruitedfromthecontinent.Theknightsweredividedupinto‘constabularies’,eachabouttwenty-fivestrong,whichgivesagoodindicationofhowtheforcewasorganized.OneoftheseconstabularieswascommandedbytheAnonymousofBéthune’spatron,RobertdeBéthune.83
InanidealworldJohnshouldnever,ofcourse,haveneededanarmytoputdowninternalrevolt.Hiskeepingofthepeaceanddispensationofjusticeshouldhavejustifiedhisexactionofrevenueandinsistenceonhisrights.Hissubjectswouldseetheneedforthesecond,theextractionofrevenue,inordertoenjoythefirst,thekeepingofthe
peace.Unfortunately,by1215itwasveryhardtoseeanysuchbalanceintheruleofKingJohn.HencetheneedforMagnaCarta.
7
TheRuleoftheKing:JohnandHisPredecessors
Thestructureofroyalgovernmentplacedformidablepowerintheking’shands,bothtodogoodandtodoill.Howtheill,intheviewoftheking’ssubjects,cametopredominateisthesubjectofthischapter.ItsfocusisprimarilyontheruleofKingJohn,yethispredecessorstoomustshouldersomeofthe
blame.Thatwastheviewatthetime.AccordingtoRalphofCoggeshall,thebaronsdemandedthatJohn‘abolishtheevilcustoms…whichbothhisfatherandbrotheronceintroduced,togetherwiththeabuseswhichhehadadded’.1
HENRYI(R.1100–1135)ANDHIS1100CORONATION
CHARTER
CoggeshallthuspointedthefingeratHenryIIandRichardIaswellasJohn.Yethecouldeasilyhavegonefurtherback.Immediatelyafterhiscoronationin1100,HenryIhadissuedaCharterabolishingtheevilcustomsthathadoppressedthekingdom.2These,astheCharterwentontomake
clear,werethecustomsofHenry’sbrother,WilliamRufus,andevenhisfather,WilliamtheConqueror.Whentheoppositionin1214–15demandedthatJohnconfirmHenry’sCharter,itwasnotformerelysymbolicreasons.ItwasbecausetheCharter,initsdetails,coveredmattersthatstillseemedveryrelevant.Manyofthe
grievancesagainstJohn,therefore,hadmuchearlierroots.The1100Charter,likeMagnaCarta,dealtwithsuchissuesasrelief,wardships,marriagesandtherightsofwidows.Italsodealtwithdebts,wills,amercementsandtheroyalforest,whichagainwereallsubjectsofconcerninMagnaCarta.
HenryIcertainlydidnotkeephispromisesinthe1100Charter.Indeed,hisfinancialexactions,asrevealedinthepiperollof1130,werenot,inrealterms,farshortofJohn’s.3YetHenry’ssuccessor,hisnephewStephen,wasnotmadetorepeatHenry’sCharteronhisaccessionin1135.Thereasonwasthat,givenStephen’s
character,hisbaronialbackgroundandthepoliticalsituation,acharterrestrictinghimseemedhardlynecessary.Withthecollapseofroyalpowerintheensuingcivilwar,asStephenwaschallengedforthethronebyHenry’sdaughter,Matilda,andthenbyherson,thefutureHenryII,individualbaronsconcentratedon
extractingcharters,makingconcessionstothemselves.Achartermakingconcessionstothekingdomasawholewasnotontheagenda.
HENRYII(R.1154–1189)
HenryIIwasabullywithbrainsandbrawn.HisoverridingaiminEnglandwastorebuildroyalpowerafteritsdisintegrationunder
hispredecessor.Thathecertainlyachieved.Uptoapoint,thewayCoggeshalllinkedHenry,whenitcametoevilcustoms,withRichardandJohnwasunfair.Afterall,indevelopingthelegalactionsofthecommonlaw,Henrydidmorethananykinginthemedievalperiodtocreateasolidbaseformonarchy–abasethat
reachedoutbeyondthebaronagetotheknightsandfreetenantswhowerethemainusersandbeneficiariesoftheprocedures.MagnaCartaattackedmanyaspectsofroyalrule.Theonethingitdidnotattackwerethecommon-lawassizesthatHenryhadintroduced.Indeed,betweenchapters17and19,itmadethemmore
available.Thekingwasnot,therefore,tobereducedtoamerefeudaloverlord.Hisjusticewasindemand.Therewasalso,aroundthe
timeofMagnaCarta,afeelingthatthingshadbeenbetterunderHenry.Thusthe1217Charter,inthreeplaces,triedtoputbacktheclocktowhathadbeen‘customary’inhistime,customarythatis
whenitcametotheenclosureofriverbanks(chapter20),thelevyingofscutage(chapter44)andthesheriffs’exactionsinthehundredcourts(chapter42).ClearlyHenry’sgovernmenthadacquiredagoldenglow.Thatwasunderstandable.TheworkofThomasK.Keefehasshownthat,withsomeexceptions,Henryplaced
limitedfinancialpressureonhisearlsandgreaterbarons.Keefe’sconclusionwasthatthecontestbetweenmonarchyandbaronageoveradministrativeabusesandfinancialexactionswhichledtoMagnaCartahadhardlybeguninHenry’sreign.4
Thisisnot,however,thewholestory.In1173–4HenryIIfacedamassiverevolt
againsthisrule.5Insomeways,thiswasverydifferentfromtherevoltthatproducedMagnaCarta.AtitsheartwasaconflictbetweenHenry,ontheoneside,andhissonsandtheirmother,EleanorofAquitaine,ontheother.TheEnglishbaronswhojoinedtherevolt,themselvesinaminority,puttogethernogeneralmanifestoandhoped
theirwrongswouldberightedsimplybythebenevolentruleofHenry’seldestson,alsocalledHenry.Hewasknownas‘theYoungKing’,followinghiscoronationin1170withaviewtohisactingashisfather’sdeputyinEngland.YetthegrievancesoftheearlsofChester,Ferrers,NorfolkandLeicesteroverclaimsto
castles,landsandrights,andoverheavyfinesandamercements,wereverycomparabletothoseoftherebelsof1215.Although,moreover,HenryIIhadearlsasleadingministers,hewasreluctanttocreatenewearldomsandrefusedtoacceptthatoldoneswere‘intheiressencehereditary’.6
Duringthe‘anarchy’of
Stephen’sreign,therehadbeenaproliferationofearldomsandtheexpansionoftheirlocalpower.Henrywasdeterminedtoputastoptoit.Thereweretwenty-threeearlsatthestartofhisreign.Byitsendthereweretwelve,andonlytheearlofChesterhadcontrolofthelocalgovernmentinhisshire.Grievancesoverthiswere
stillthereunderJohn.GilbertdeGant’sclaimtobeearlofLincoln,recognizedbyPrinceLouisin1216,wentbacktoagrantofKingStephenthatHenryIIhadrefusedtorecognize.7Royalpolicywithregardtoearldomswascloselyrelatedtopolicyovercastles.HereHenry’sactions,bothatthestartofthereignandafterthe1173–4revolt,
wereamajorfactorinshiftingtheratiobetweenroyalandbaronialcastlesfrom1to5in1154downto1to2in1214.8Againstthisbackground,itisnotsurprisingthatMagnaCarta,inchapter52,putontheagendathedisseisinsofHenryIIasthingstobedealtwithafterJohnreturnedfromordecidednottogoonhis
prospectivecrusade.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadgonefurtheranddemandedthatthosedisseisedbyHenryshouldhave‘right’withoutdelay,byjudgementoftheirpeers,intheking’scourt.9
Thedemandsof1215revealedanotheraspectofHenry’srule,namelyhisadministrationoftheroyalforest.WhenJohn,in1215,
offeredtoremedythe‘evilcustoms’ofhisfather‘bythecounselofhisfaithfulmen’,theforestwouldhavebeentopoftheagenda.10Everyoneagreedthattheextensiveboundaries,whichmadeitsuchaburdentowidesectionsofsociety,hadbeentheworkofHenry’snotoriouschiefforester,AlandeNeville.Hisforesteyrein
1175,partlydesignedaspunishmentfortherebellion,produceddebtsworthanexorbitant£12,305,farmorethanthetotalofanylatereyre.11DeNevillewoulddoubtlesshaveclaimedthathewasmerelyrestoringtheboundsoftheforesttotheirextentin1135,beforethelossesofStephen’sreign.Whetherornotthatwastrue,
whentheUnknownCharterin1215calledforthedeforestationofHenryII’safforestations,itmadenodistinctionbetweenhisrestorationsandcreationsdenovo.Alltheareashehadbroughtwithintheboundsoftheforestweretoberemovedfromit,andthusnolongertobesubjecttoforestlaw.Intheliberatedareaspeoplecould
nowhuntfreely,cutdowntrees,erectbuildingsandcreatenewarablelandwithoutfearofpunishment.Ifimplemented,thedemandwouldhavereducedtheroyalforesttolittlemorethantheking’sdemesnewoods.Johnevidentlyputupastiffresistancetothisdemand,and,inMagnaCarta,onlyconcededtheimmediate
deforestationofhisownafforestations,whichwereinsignificantcomparedtohisfather’s.12ItwaslefttotheForestCharterof1217toreturntothecharge,andabolishtheafforestationsofHenryIIoncetheyhadbeenestablishedbyknightlyjurors.Therewas,ofcourse,one
finalstigmatoHenry’srule,
themurderofthearchbishopofCanterbury,ThomasBecket,inhisowncathedral.ThisterribleeventappalledChristianEuropeandwithinthreeyearsBeckethadbeencanonizedbythepope.Henryclaimedthathehadnomurderingintent.Hiswords,spokeninanger,hadbeentakenalltooliterallybytheknightswhocarriedoutthe
deed.Butthemurder,nonetheless,seemedtoencapsulatehisdynasty’scapacityforrancourandmalevolence,theverythingsJohnpromisedtoforgoattheendoftheCharter.If,moreover,Becketcastashadowoverthedynasty,hewasashininglightforconscientiouschurchmen,demonstratingallthe
courage,enduranceandultimatesacrificethatmightbenecessarytoprotectthelibertyofthechurch.FornoonewasthismoretruethanJohn’sownarchbishop,StephenLangton.HeenhancedtheimageofBecket’smurderonthesealofthearchbishop,likeBeckethespenthisexileattheBurgundianmonasteryof
Pontigny,andin1220,inagreatinternationalceremony,hetranslatedBecket’sbodyfromitsoldshrinetoitssplendidnewoneinCanterburycathedral.13
RICHARDI(R.1189–1199)
Ifanyonecouldrescuethereputationofthedynasty,itwasHenry’ssuccessor,hissonRichard.(TheYoung
Kinghaddiedin1183.)Henryhadfailedtogooncrusade,hencethemisfortunesofhislastyears,thoughtRogerofHowden.Richard,ontheotherhand,bothwenttotheHolyLandandwoneternalfametherethroughfeatsofarms.ForRalphofCoggeshall,Richardhadanothersavinggrace–hisostentatiouspiety.He
delightedinthedivineoffice,anddidnothurrythroughitsothathecouldattendtobusinessorhaveameal.Headornedhischapelwithpreciousvestmentsandrewardeditschoralclerkswithmanygifts,sometimesconductingtheirsingingandindeedjoininginwithit.InCoggeshall’sview,Richard’sgeneraltreatmentofthe
churchwasalsocommendable.Heappointedsuitablechurchmenasbishopsandabbotsanddidsoquickly,notprolongingvacanciessohecouldtaketherevenues.14Initially,moreover,Richard’srulehadnotbeenfinanciallyoppressive.Hehadcertainlyraisedlargesumsatthestartofhisreign,butthathadbeen
partlyachievedbysellingofflandsandrights.Here,however,the
chroniclerWilliamofNewburghwascritical.Ingrantingawaysomuch,wasRichardnotshowinga‘lackofcare’forhiskingdom?Indeed,hadhenotsaid,‘IwouldsellLondonifIcouldfindasuitablebuyer.’15
NowherewasRichard’sself-
confidentirresponsibilityclearerthaninhistreatmentofJohn.JohnwasalreadylordofIreland,andcountofMortaininNormandy.RichardnowmarriedhimtoIsabella,countessofGloucester,whoseinheritanceincludedthelordshipofGlamorgan.Richardalsogavehimsixroyalcastlesandtotalcontrolofseven
counties,sothattheirrevenuescompletelydisappearedfromthepiperolls.HavingthusempoweredJohn,hethenprovokedhim.ItisherethatArthurfirstentersthepicture.Bornin1187,ArthurwasRichardandJohn’scousin,thesonoftheirdeceasedbrother,Geoffrey,byhismarriagetoConstance,theheiresstoBrittany.Onhis
waytotheHolyLand,RichardsuddenlyrecognizedArthurashisheir.TheaimwastosealanalliancewithTancred,therulerofSicily,underwhichArthurwastomarryTancred’sdaughter.Notsurprisingly,Johnwasfurious.Inaseriesofconfrontations,heoverthrewWilliamLongchamp,whomRichardhadleftbehindas
governorofEngland,andgainedrecognitionasRichard’ssuccessor.Then,whenRichard,inDecember1192,wascapturedonhiswaybackfromhiscrusade,eventuallybecomingaprisoneroftheEmperorHenryVI,Johnannouncedthathisbrotherwasdead,anddidhomagetothekingofFrance,PhilipAugustus,for
thecontinentaldominions.PhilipproceededtooverrunalargepartofNormandy.Richardfinallyarrived
backinEnglandinMarch1194.HequicklyextinguishedtheembersofJohn’srevolt,andthenspenttherestofhisreignonthecontinent.There,inwarfareagainstKingPhilip,herecoveredmuchofNormandy
andreassertedauthoritymorewidelyovertheAngevindominions.Duringthisperiod,Richardcertainly‘cared’forEnglandbuthecaredchieflyforitsmoney,moneyhedesperatelyneededtosupporthiscontinentalwars.Theyearsbetween1194and1199markedasignificantratchetingupin
thefinancialdemandsthatledultimatelytoMagnaCarta.Richard’srevenuefrom
Englandbetween1194and1198,ascalculatedbyNickBarrattfromthepiperolls,averagedsome£25,000ayear,thisagainstalittleover£23,000averagedbyHenryIIinthelasteightyearsofhisreign.16Richard’spiperollrevenue,however,wasontop
ofallthemoneyheraisedfromEnglandtopayhisransomtotheemperor.Justhowmuchofthe£90,000eventuallyhandedovercamefromEngland,asopposedtoNormandyandJohn’sotherdominionsisunknown,butitmusthavebeenasignificantproportionofit.AtaxwasleviedinEnglandin1193–4ataquartervalueof
everyone’srentsandmovableproperty.Therewasaprecedentforthisinthe‘Saladintithe’,leviedin1188tosupportthecrusadeproclaimedbythepopefollowingthefallofJerusalemthepreviousyear,butthentheratehadbeenatenth.Thequarterof1193–4wasthehighestrateoftaxationinmedievalEngland.
Thelevyshouldobviouslyhaveraisedmorethanthe£57,000ofJohn’sgreattaxof1207whentheratewasonlyathirteenth,althoughthecollectionin1207mayhavebeenmoreefficient.OnecanatleastbesurethatiftheyieldfromRichard’staxcouldbeaddedintohistotalrevenuesbetween1194and1198,thenitwouldboost
theirannualaveragetowayoverthe£25,000revealedbythepiperolls.17
Richard’sordinaryrevenues,leavingasidethetax,werealsoachieveddespiteasignificantdeclineineasymoneyfromcrownland.Overthecourseofthetwelfthcentury,thegreatstockoflandintheking’shandsatthetimeof
DomesdayBookhaddwindled,beinggivenawaytorewardserviceandbuysupport.Theresultsaregraphicallylaidoutinthepiperollswherethecountyaccountshavelonglistsofdeductionsfromthefarmbecauseof‘landgivenaway’.ThelosseshadbeenparticularlysevereduringtheturmoilofStephen’sreign.
HenryIIhadtenaciouslyretainedthelandthatwasleftandindeedreversedsomeofthelosses.Richard,ontheotherhand,inthegreatsell-offatthestartofhisreign,undidhisfather’swork‘virtuallyovernight’.18TheresultwasthatJohninheritedaroyaldemesneworthover£2,000ayearlessthanin1189.Hadthislandstillbeen
there,itwouldhavehelpedmitigatesomeofthegrievancesthatledtoMagnaCarta.Revenuefromcrownlandwaspoliticallyuncontentious,comingfromsellingthecropsandtakingtherentsofthepeasants,hencethewaychapter25oftheCharterexemptedtheking’sdemensemanorsfromtherestrictionsplacedon
moneyraisedabovethecountyfarms.Oncethedemesnewaslost,thedifferencehadtobemadeupbyexploitingmoreunpopularsourcesofrevenue.Richard’sgovernmenthad
donethatinwaysverymuchreflectedinthedemandsof1215.Indeed,evenbeforethemeetingatRunnymede,Johnhadvolunteeredtoextirpate
Richard’s‘evilcustoms’asopposedtoofferingmerelytotakecounselaboutthoseofHenryII.19In1194Richard’sgovernmentimposedincrementsabovethefarmofmanycounties.Thismeantthatthesheriffshadtoaccountfirstforthefarmandthenanadditionalfixedsum,‘theincrement’,demandedaboveit.Suchadditional
exactionswerespecificallybannedinchapter25oftheCharter.In1198therewasanoppressiveforesteyre,andadriveagainstwidows:fortywereforcedtoofferatotalof1,689marksforpermissiontostaysingleormarrywhomtheywished.Theforcingofwidowsintoremarriagewouldbebannedunderchapter8ofMagnaCarta.20
RichardalsoextractedinheritancepaymentswayabovetheCharter’s£100‘relief’laiddownforabarony:the‘finetoinherit’oftheGloucestershirebaronRobertofBerkeleywas£1,000;thatofthegreatbaronialleaderin1215,EustacedeVescy,was1,300marks.21
Richard’smagnatesalsofeltthreatenedbyarbitrarydisseisins,unjustfinesanddenialofjustice,allthingsthattheCharterstoodagainst.RobertdeRoswasdisseisedofhislandsforallowingaFrenchprisonertoescapeandhadtooffer1,200markstogetthemback;WalterdeLacyoffered3,100markstorecovertheking’s
benevolenceandseisinofhislands;theLincolnshirelordSimonofKymewaspenalizedtothetuneof1,000marksforallowingforeignshipsandmerchantstodepartfromBostonfairinLincolnshire.22WhenRogerBigodofferedKingRichard1,000markstosucceedtotheearldomofNorfolk,includedinthefinewastheconcession
thatRoger’sbrother,Hugh,shouldnotbeplacedinanyofthelandsoftheirfathersave‘byjudgementoftheking’scourtmadebyhispeers’.Theimplicationwasthatiffortune’swheelswungRogerdownandHughup,thenRichardmightsimplytransferthelandsfromonetotheotherwithoutlegalprocess.Thematterdidnotendthere.
Afewyearslater,Rogeroffered100marksnottobedisseisedoflandsclaimedbyHughsavebyjudgementoftheking’scourt.TheofferwasacceptedbyHubertWalteraschiefjusticiar,inchargeofthehomegovernment,onlyforRichardtointervenefromoverseasandbumpthefineupto700marks.23Richard’sdisseisins
remainedofconcernin1215andtheyweretreatedinthesamewayasthoseofHenryII.Thus,undertheArticlesoftheBarons,thevictims,withcertainqualifications,weretosecureredresswithoutdelaybyjudgementoftheirpeersintheking’scourt,althoughunderchapter52oftheChartertheissuewaspostponeduntilthe
terminationofJohn’sprospectivecrusade.Coggeshallgivesavivid
pictureofRichardinthelastyearsofhisreign.Whenpetitionerscametocourt,theycouldglimpsehimwithhisprivateentourage,affableandrelaxed,enjoyinggamesandjokes.Butwhentheyapproachedhispresence,theyfoundakingwhosemenacing
glares,violentgesturesandferociouswordsmadehimseemeverybitaraginglion.24
Coggeshall’sverdictofthereignwasdespairing:
Noagecanremember,nohistorycanrecordanyprecedingking,eventhosewhoreignedforalongtime,whoexactedandreceivedsomuchmoneyfromhiskingdom,asthatking
exactedandamassedinthefiveyearsafterhereturnedfromcaptivity.25
ItwasinthelightofRichard’smalpractices,aswellasHenry’s,thatJohn’ssupportersinEngland,beforehisaccession,promisedtheassembledearlsandbaronsthathewouldrestore
everyonetotheirrights,iftheyacceptedhimasking.26
JOHNANDTHECHURCH
Johnonhisaccessionin1199wasveryawareofhisbrother’sunpopularity.Indeed,eager,ashesaid,toabolish‘evilcustoms’,heimmediatelyreducedtheexcessivechargesRichardhadimposed‘bywillrather
thanreason’forissuingchartersandletters.27WhenJohnmadepeacewiththekingofFranceandsettledanearlyquarrelwiththeCistercians,agreeingtofoundwhatbecameBeaulieuabbeyinHampshire,Coggeshallthoughtanewagewasdawning.28Itwasnottobe.John’s
tumultuousandtempestuous
quarrelwiththechurchwasacentrepieceofhisreign,andhadamajorinfluenceonthecontentofMagnaCarta.Chapter1oftheChartersetthechurchfree.Indoingso,itfollowedtheCoronationCharterofHenryI,butitalsowentfurther.John,astestimonytohisgoodfaith,referredtoanothercharter.This,ashesaid,wasacharter
conceding‘thelibertyofelections,whichisdeemedtobeofthegreatestimportanceandmostnecessaryfortheEnglishchurch’.JohnwasherereferringtohischarterofNovember1214,whichhehadreissuedinJanuary1215.IthadthenbeenconfirmedbyPopeInnocentIII,asMagnaCartasaidinchapter1.29Thelibertyofelectionsmeantthat
bishopsshouldhenceforthbechosen,withoutroyalinterference,bythecathedralmonksorclergy,whileabbotswouldbeelectedbytheirmonks.Asaresult,conscientiouschurchmenhopedthatprelateswouldnolongerbesecular-mindedroyalservants,butmencommittedtotheirspiritualmission.Theywouldalso,
underthetermsoftheNovember1214charter,beelectedquickly,thusdealingwithasecondgreatevil,namelythewaythatthekingkeptbishopricsandabbeysvacantsothathecouldtaketheirrevenues.AdmittedlyJohn,amasteratqualifyinghisconcessions,wasstillallowed,underthetermsofthecharter,torefuseconsent
toelections,ifhecouldshow‘areasonableandlegitimatecause’.Nonetheless,thecharterwasagreattriumphforthechurch,whichwaswhyitwasconfirmedinMagnaCarta.Johngrantedhisfreedom
ofelectioncharterinNovember1214becauseofimmediatepoliticalpressures,aswewillsee.Butthe
concessionwasalsoinpartialsettlementofhismoregeneralquarrelwiththechurch.ThatquarrelhadbegunwiththedeathofhisarchbishopofCanterbury,HubertWalter,in1205.Walterhadbeenjustthekindofarchbishopthatkingsliked.Anefficientandresourcefuladministrator,hehadgrownupingovernment
service.Hebelievedinreformofthechurch,andwasthefirstarchbishoptoplaceBecket’smartyrdomonhisseal.ButhewasalsohappytocombinethearchbishopricwiththejusticiarshipunderRichardandwiththechancellorshipunderJohn,thetotalreverseofBecket.Johnwantedanotherarchbishoplikehim,and
thoughthehadthemaninJohndeGrey,bishopofNorwich.ButthemonksofCanterbury,theelectoralbody,werenotunanimousintheirchoice,somegoinginsteadfortheirsub-prior.Thedisputewasreferredtothepope,InnocentIII,who,in1206,ordainedafreshelectionandensuredthevoteswenttoStephenLangton.
LangtonwasaprofessorattheUniversityofParis.HislecturesandcommentariesontheBible,andhisdivisionofitintochapters,hadbuilthimatoweringreputation.Johnwasamazedandinfuriatedbythechoice.Universityprofessorsdidnotswimintohisorbitveryoftenandhedidnotknowthisone.ThatLangtonwasEnglish(asthe
popestressed)countedforlittlebesidehislecturingfortwentyyearsinthecapitalofJohn’sgreatestenemy,thekingofFrance.ThecontrastwithHubertWalter,whoselearningwasridiculedbutwhoseloyaltywasabsolute,couldnothavebeenmorestark.Thecustomthatthekingshouldinfluencethe
electionofthearchbishophadbeenflouted.John,therefore,refusedto
acceptLangton.HenryIIandRichardmightwellhavedonethesame.Johncouldnotbeblamedforhispredicament.Hewasjustunlucky,thevictimofgrowingpapalauthorityandPopeInnocent’sdeterminationtoassertit.InMarch1208,withJohn
obdurate,InnocentimposedanInterdictonEngland.InNovember1209hefollowedthisupwiththepersonalexcommunicationoftheking:
Ohwhatahorribleandmiserablespectacleitwastoseeineverycitythesealeddoorsofthechurches,Christiansshutoutfromentryasthoughtheyweredogs,thecessationofdivine
office,thewithholdingofthesacramentofthebodyandbloodofourLord,thepeoplenolongerflockingtothefamouscelebrationofsaints’days,thebodiesofthedeadnotgiventoburialaccordingtoChristianrites,thestinkinfectingtheairandthehorriblesightfillingwithhorrorthemindsoftheliving.30
ThiswasRalphofCoggeshall’sdescriptionoftheInterdictimposedonFrancein1200.HiscommentsonthemuchlongerEnglishInterdictweresoheatedthatafterJohn’sreconciliationwiththechurchheexcisedthem.31Thereconciliation,however,tooksometimeincoming.Johnwouldnotgiveway,although
nearlyalltheEnglishbishopswentintoexile,aremarkabletestimonytopapalauthority.Inretaliation,Johnseizedtherevenuesofthechurch,makingasmuchas£100,000fromthem.TheCistercianssufferedinparticular.Coggeshall’shopesforJohn’sreignhadbeenutterlydashed.32Theywerealsodashedinanotherarea.
THELOSSOFNORMANDY
Atthestartofhisreign,in1199,JohnhadsecuredNormandyandEnglandwithoutdifficulty.MuchmoreproblematicwereAnjouandMaine,MainebeingthefrontiercountybetweenAnjouandNormandy,withitsgreatcityofLeManswhereHenryIIhadbeenborn.Intheseareas,John’s
nephew,Arthur,basedinhismother’sprovinceofBrittany,hadmuchsupport.HewasalsosupportedbyKingPhilipAugustus.YetJohnbeatofftheirchallenge.InMay1200,bytheTreatyofLeGoulet,Philiprecognizedhistitletoallthecontinentalpossessions,andacceptedthatArthurshouldholdBrittanyfromJohnasdukeof
Normandy.RalphofCoggeshalllookedforwardtoanageofpeaceinwhichtheterriblefinancialburdensimposedbyRichard’swarsmightcease.33Laterintheyear,Johnseemedtostrengthenhiscontinentalpositionfurther.ThatAugust,hisunionwithIsabellaofGloucesterhavingbeenannulled(althoughhekept
herlands),hemarriedIsabellaofAngoulême,thusgainingpossessionofherstrategicallyplacedcountyinsouth-westernFrance.Here,however,therewasadifficulty,forIsabellawasalreadybetrothedtothegreatestofallthePoitevinnobles,HughdeLusignan,countofLaMarche.Receivingnocompensation
fromJohn,HughappealedtothecourtofKingPhilipforjustice.WhenJohnfailedtoappeartoanswerthechargesagainsthim,hewassentencedtoforfeitallthecontinentalpossessions.InJuly1202PhilipfollowedthisupbytakingArthur’shomageforallthosepossessions,barringNormandy.Philipwas
determinedtohaveNormandyforhimself.34
Atfirst,thereseemedlittlelikelihoodofPhilipmakingthisareality.ArthurhadsetoffatonceforPoitou,thestrategiccountybetweenGasconyandAnjou,andbesiegedthecastleatMirebeau,whereJohn’smother,EleanorofAquitaine,nowinherseventies,was
valiantlyupholdingherson’scause.Johnactedwithdecision.HecoveredtheeightymilesbetweenLeMansandMirebeauinforty-eighthours,and,arrivingon1August1202,wonacomprehensivevictory,capturingArthurandtheLusignansaswell.35Itwasafalsedawn.In1203KingPhilipconqueredAnjouand
Maine.In1204hecompletedtheconquestofNormandy,takingRouenon24June.HethenwentontosecuremuchofPoitou.JohnretainedtwogreatandgrimcastlesbetweenToursandPoitiers,namelyChinon,defendedbyHubertdeBurgh,andLoches,byGerardd’Athée,bothmenwhowerenamedinMagnaCarta.Butin1205these
castlestoo,deprivedofhelp,werecaptured,despitealonganddetermineddefence.Furthersouth,withJohn’sauthorityweakenedbythedeathofEleanorofAquitaineinApril1204,KingAlfonsoVIIIofCastileinvadedGascony.HehadmarriedEleanor,adaughterofHenryIIandEleanorofAquitaine(soJohn’ssister),and
maintainedthatGasconyshouldcometohimasherdowryonEleanorofAquitaine’sdeath.Itwasnotuntil1206thatJohnwasabletolaunchanexpeditionwiththeaimofreversinghislosses.HemanagedtoexpelAlfonso’sforcesfromGascony,andthengotasfarnorthasAngers,beforeretreatinginthefaceofKing
Philip’sarmy.InOctober1206atrucebetweenJohnandPhilipleftthelatterincontrolofPoitiers,andallhisconquestsnorthoftheLoire,soAnjou,MaineandNormandy.Injustafewyears,the
Angevinempirehadbeendestroyed,thustransformingtheEuropeanbalanceofpower.Mostcrucialofall
wasthelossofNormandyitself.Intermsofresources,itwasbyfarthemostvaluableofthecontinentalpossessions,withrevenuesmuchthesameasEngland’s.ItslosswasnotentirelyJohn’sfault.Attheleveloftheknightlysociety,thetiesbetweenEnglandandNormandyhadlongbeenweak.Inthetwelfthcentury,
oftheseventyleadingfamiliesinWarwickshireandLeicestershire,onlysevenheldlandsinNormandy,andallbutonehadlostthemby1200.36DefendingthecontinentalpossessionswasalsogoingtobefarmoredifficultforJohnthanforHenryII.PhilipAugustus(r.1180–1223)hadaruthlessnessandpolitical
abilitythathiseasy-goingfather,LouisVII(r.1137–80),completelylacked.HissupremeaimwasthedestructionoftheAngevinempire.HenryII’sresourceshaddwarfedthoseoftheFrenchkings.Bytheearly1200sthatwasnolongerthecase,forFrenchrevenueshadbeenincreasingveryfast.Intermsoftheirtotalresources,
thetwokingsJohnandPhilipwerenowjustaboutevenlymatched.While,moreover,Philip’smoneycamefromacompactroyaldemesneadjoiningtheNormanfrontier(Rouenisonlyeighty-fivemilesfromParis),muchofJohn’shadtobetransportedfromEnglandacrosstheChannel.37JohnhadalsoinheritedNormandefences
farweakerthantheyhadbeenin1189.DuringRichard’scaptivity,Philiphadmadeadvancesinthefrontierregion,whichRichard,forallhisvalour,nevertotallyreversed.Inparticular,PhilipheldontothemightycastleofGisors,rebuiltbyHenryIItodefendthefrontieralongtheriverEpte.TheFrenchkingnowcontrolledmuchofthe
NormancountyoftheVexintothewestoftheriver.38Inordertofillthegap,RichardbuilthisstupendouscastleatLesAndelysontheSeine,whichhecalledChâteauGaillard,butthisshowedalltooclearlythattheoldfrontierhadbeenlost.39
Foralltheseproblems,Johnshouldhavemadeamuchbetterfistofdefending
hisempire.Afterall,thereremainedasubstantialbodyofAnglo-NormanlandholderswitheveryinterestinkeepingEnglandandNormandytogether.Ifkingdomandduchycameunderseparateandwarringrulers,theselandholderswerehighlylikelytolosetheirlandsinoneortheother.Ofthe199Normantenants-in-
chiefin1172,some107,ortheirdescendants,heldlandsonbothsidesoftheChannelin1204.40Likewise(andthetwogroupsoverlapped)manyofthegreatestEnglishbarons,includingtheearlsofPembroke,Chester,Warenne,Arundel,ClareandHerefordhadsubstantialinterestsinNormandy.Johnshouldhavebeenabletomobilizethese
mentosupporttheduchy’sdefence.Hisfailureeffectivelytodosowasduetothespeedofevents,whichinturnowedmuchtohisownmistakesandconduct.Therewerereasonsfor
John’smarriagetoIsabellaofAngoulême,butitwasamistake,aproductofarrogantover-confidence,nottoconciliateandcompensate
HughdeLusignanafterwards.ThesamecharacteristicsweredisplayedinJohn’streatmentofWilliamdesRoches.ToWilliam,thedominantmagnateinAnjou,heowedmuchofhisvictoryatMirebeau,buthethenbrokehispromisetotakeWilliam’sadviceoverwhattodowithArthur.41Theresultwas
William’sdefectionandtheunravellingofJohn’sholdonAnjouandMaine.ThisinturnunderminedtheloyaltyofnoblesinsouthernNormandy,whodecidedtothrowintheirlotwiththeirneighboursinMaineandAnjou.42Meanwhile,John’scrueltreatmentoftheprisonerstakenatMirebeautarnishedhisreputation–and
thencamethedisappearanceofArthurandrumoursofhismurder.InSeptember1203Arthur’sstepfather,therulerofBrittany,GuydeThouars,deserted,whichmeantJohnhadtodivertresourcestodefendtheNorman/Bretonfrontier.Johnalsofailedasadiplomat,forhewasunabletomaintaintheallianceswiththecountsofFlandersand
Boulogne,onwhichRichardhadrelied.John’sruleshouldhavebeenmostsecureincentralNormandybetweenBayeuxandRouen,butheretoohemadefatalmistakes.Heappointedaseriesofunpopularseneschals,andstationedhismercenarycaptain,Louvrecaire,notonthefrontiersbutatFalaise,wherehebehavedasthough
hewasinenemyterritory.43
AndthenfinallytherewasJohn’sownpersonalconduct.ItissurelyextraordinarythatwhenPhilipbeganhisfinalconquestofNormandyinthesummerof1203,Johnneveronceconfrontedhiminthefield.Hemadeasingle,half-heartedattempttorelievethesiegeofChateauGaillard,whichcametonothing.Inthe
endheslunkoutofNormandyinDecember1203,likeathiefinthenight.HewasthusnotthereatallwhenChateauGaillardandRouenfellnextyear.Johnpresumablycalculatedthathelackedtheforcestoputupanyresistance,butthiswasinlargepartduetohisownfailureofnerve.Thesituation
wouldhavebeenverydifferentunderRichard.ThelossofNormandywas
awatershedinJohn’sreignandontheroadtoMagnaCarta.Eventoday,lookingatwhereJohn’schartersandletterswereissuedbefore1204–ChateauGaillard,Rouen,Caen,Bayeux,LeMans,Angers,Poitiers,Chinon–onehasasenseof
shockattheplacesandthepowerthathadbeenlost.Johncouldnotpossiblyletthemgo.HisoverridingaimbecametoincreasehisEnglishrevenuesandbuildupthetreasureneededtorecoverhiscontinentalpossessions.ThegrievanceshethuscreatedwerethesinglemostimportantcauseoftheCharter.Agreat
treasure,tobuyalliesandhiresoldiers,wascertainlynecessary,fortherecoveryofNormandy,inparticular,wasalwaysgoingtobeproblematic.KingPhilipwasnowmuchricherthankstoitsrevenues.Hisruletherewasfirmlybased.Hebroughttheduchypeace,introducednewFrenchlords,andalsoprovidedopportunitiesfor
existingfamilies,oftenofsecondrank.44Forhiscampaignsinboth1206and1214,JohnhadtolandfartothesouthatLaRochelleinPoitou.SincehehadlostbothAnjouandMainetothenorth,hewouldhavetoadvancethroughhostileterritorymerelytoenterNormandy.
Thisraisedanotherproblem,onerevealedinthedemandsof1215.AsignificantnumberofbaronshadlostlandsinNormandyin1204.ButfewifanyhadstakesinPoitouorAnjou.IfJohn’scampaignswereconfinedtothoseareas,asinfacttheywere,thenthosedisinheritedinNormandyhadlittletogainfromthem,
hencetheresistancetoJohn’scampaignin1214andthe‘Poitevin’scutageleviedtosupportit.In1215theUnknownCharterdemandedthatoverseasservicebeconfinedtoNormandyandBrittany,soitwasnottobeowedforPoitou,AnjouorGasconyatall.Johnalsomadelessprofit
thanmighthavebeen
expectedfromthetenurialrevolutionconsequentonthelossofNormandy.BothPhilipandJohnquicklydecidedthatitwasimpossibletoservetwomasters.ThoseAnglo-NormanlandholderswhoremainedinNormandy,subjecttoKingPhilip,thushadtheirlandsinEnglandconfiscatedbyKingJohn,andviceversa.45Veryfew
imitatedWilliamMarshal’ssuccessinkeepinghislordshipsinboththekingdomandtheduchy.Inhiscase,bothkingscalculatedthattheyhadmoretolosethantogainfrombreakingwithhim.John,forhispart,knewthattoevicttheMarshalfromhisWelshandIrishlordshipswouldtakeamajorcampaign,whichwasthelastthinghe
wantedin1204.Nonetheless,theMarshal’srefusaltojointhe1206expeditionagainstKingPhilipshowedhowrightJohnwastoforcethechoiceoneveryoneelse.TheresultwasthatJohngainedagreatwindfallfromtheconfiscationsinEngland.Hewascarefulnottousethislandinanymajorwaytocompensatethosewhohad
losttheirNormanestates.That,heknew,woulddiminishenthusiasmfortheeventualcampaignofrecovery.Instead,hegavesignificantamountstosuchleadingservantsasGeoffreyfitzPeter,ThomasandAlanBasset,WilliamdeCantilupeandPeterdeMaulay.ThesegiftswereonlyheldatJohn’spleasure.Hecouldrevoke
thematanytime,ashemightwanttodoifhewastemptingNormansbackintohisallegiance.Nonetheless,thebeneficiaries,threatenedwithsuchlosses,musthavehadmixedfeelingsaboutNormandy’srecovery.John’sbestpolicymighthavebeentoretainthelandsinhisownhandsandrunthemforprofit,thusalleviatingsomemeasure
ofhisfinancialproblems.Thathewasunabletofollowsuchacoursesuggeststheweaknessofhisposition.Heneededtousethelandstoconsolidatehiscoresupport.Inthat,hesetapatternforthefuture.ThelandsoftheNormanswerethegreatbankonwhichkingsofEnglanddrewforpatronageinthethirteenthcentury.
JOHN’SITINERARY
Inamassinghistreasure,Johnhadonegreatadvantageoverhispredecessors.Hecouldbefarmorehandson.HenryIIhadspentroughlyhalfhisreigninhiscontinentalpossessions.Richard,apartfromafewmonthsin1189and1194,hadbeenentirelyabsentfromhiskingdom.John,afterhisreturnto
EnglandinDecember1203,wastherealmostcontinuouslyfortherestofhisreign,apartfromcampaignsinFrancein1206and1214,inIrelandin1210andWalesin1211.46InsofarasJohnhadfavouriteresidencesinEngland,theywereathiscastlesandhousesinthesouthernhalfofthekingdom.Inthatrespecthe
wasrepeatingthepatternofhispredecessors,goingbacktoAnglo-Saxontimes.AtthetopofJohn’slistwasLondon,wherehelargelydividedhistimebetweenWestminster,theTowerand(takingitoverduringtheInterdict)thearchbishop’spalaceatLambeth.ThencameWinchester,Marlborough,Clarendon,on
thehillaboveSalisbury,andWoodstock,justnorthofOxford.YetnoneoftheselocationssawJohnstaythereforlong.Inhissixteen-yearreign,hespent376daysinLondonandonly176atWinchester.Windsorcastlesawhiminresidenceforaboutahundreddays.Thathehadtospendtwoweekstherebetween9and25June1215,
whileMagnaCartawasnegotiatedandpeaceestablished,testifiedtothequiteexceptionalimportanceofthebusiness,asitalsosuggestshowfrustratedandimpatientJohnmusthavebeenwithit.Forthemostpart,John’s
itinerarywascharacterizedbyitsceaselessmovement.Inhissixteen-yearreign,according
tothecalculationsofJulieKanter,hetravelledsome79,612miles,atanaverageof12.5milesaday.Herarelystayedanywherelong,averagingthirteenchangesoflocationamonth.Some43percentofhistimewasspentinstaysofjusttwoorthreedays’duration;only12percentinstaysofaweekormore.Notsurprisingly,as
Johnhawked,huntedandhurriedalonghisway,hecouldbecomeseparatedfromhisslow-movingbaggagewagons.Hencehewasnotwiththemin1216whentheywerelosttryingtotakeashortcutacrossanestuaryoftheWash.47AlthoughJohnspentthebulkofhistimeinthesouthernhalfofhiskingdom,heknewEngland
northoftheTrentfarbetterthananyofhispredecessors.Hevisiteditineveryyearofhisreignsavetheonesinwhichhewaslargelyabroad.ThisiswhyNottinghamequalsWindsorashissixthmostfavouredresidence,andalsowhythenorthernersplayedsuchalargepartintherebellionagainsthim.48
Severalofthesevisitswere
relatedtotheaffairsofthekingofScots,whichalsodrewnorthJohn’sson,HenryIII.ButwhileHenrywentstraightthereandback,thankfultoreturntohissoutherncomforts,Johntooktheopportunitytogoonlongtoursofthenortherncounties.Alifeofsuchrestlessmovementwasunnecessarysimplyforthepurposesof
governingEngland.TheitineraryofHenryIIIwasfarmoresedentary.Butthat,Johnwouldbitinglyhaveobserved,wasonereasonwhyhissonwassoweakandpoor.John’stravellingwas,as
wewillsee,closelylinkedtohisraisingofmoney.InthatsenseitlaybehindmanychaptersintheCharter.Itwas
alsolinkedtosomechaptersmoredirectly.Thisismostobviouswithchapter17,whichdirectedthatcommonpleaswerenottofollowthecourtbutbeheardinafixedplace.Clearlyforlitigantstohavetochaseaftersomobileakingmusthavebeeninfuriating.TheCharteralsodealtwithanotherproblemcreatedbyJohn’sitinerary,
althoughherenotinsomanywords.Thiswastheproblemcausedbythehawkingtowhichtheking,likemanyofhispredecessors,wasaddicted.49Theplaceforhawkingwasriverbanks,wherethecranes,heronsandducksthatthehawkstargetedwerefound.Indeed,theverywordforhawking,inbothFrenchandLatin,derived
fromthewordforriverbank.Theking’shawkinghadnotbeenanissueundertheabsenteeRichard.ItverymuchwasanissueunderJohn.HisnearpermanentpresenceinEnglandandthewideareasoverwhichhetravelledexposedthecountrytoroyalhawkingasneverbefore.Thiswasthebackgroundtochapter47of
theCharter,whichlaiddownthatalltheenclosuresplacedaroundriverbanksduringJohn’stimeweretoberemoved.The1217CharterwentfurtherandsoughttorestoretheenclosurestotheirstateunderHenryII.Themenresponsibleforkeepingtheriverbankswerealsounpopularandwerebroughtwithintheinvestigationinto
localgovernmentabusescommissionedbychapter48oftheCharter.John’shawkingalsolay
behindchapter23oftheCharterlimitingtheobligationtobuildbridgesatriverbanks.Bridgeswereanecessaryadjunctofhawkingbecause,whereashawksthemselvesbroughttheirvictimsbackintheirtalons,
falcons,themoreprizedsportingbirds,knockedtheirpreydown,makingitnecessarytofollowwithdogstoretrievethespoil.Forthat,bridgeswerenecessary.In1214oneofficialwasallowed60sforthecostsofmakingtwentybridgesfortheking’shunting.50WhatseemstohavehappenedunderJohnisthattheancientobligationto
workonbridgeswasextendedtoworkonthenumeroustemporarystructuresbeingconstructedfortheking’shawking.Onecanimaginevillagersbeingpress-gangedtofollowthekingtocarryoutsuchwork,muchtotheannoyanceoftheirlords,hencethechapterintheCharter.Theimportanceoftheissueis
seeninthewaythechapterwasrefinedatRunnymedeitself.TheArticlesoftheBarons,inchapter11,hadlaiddownthat‘novill’wastobeamercedforfailingtobuildbridges,saveinplaceswheresuchworkwaslawfullyduebyancientcustom.Perhapsmembersofthecourtitself,onitstravels,hadbeenamercingvillages
forfailinginsuchwork.InMagnaCarta,chapter23added‘norman’to‘Novill’,thusprotectingindividualsaswellasvillages.Italsodroppedthereferencetoamercementsandinstead,gettingtotheheartoftheissue,forbadenforcedbuildingofbridgesaltogether,savewherethe
peoplewereboundtoit‘fromancienttimesandbylaw’.Theissueoftheriverbanks
andtheirbridgeswasclearlydeeplyfelt.Itpaled,however,beforethegrievancesthatarosefromJohn’sfinancialpolicies.
JOHN’SREVENUES
John’staskinincreasinghisrevenueswasmadetheharder
andmoreopprobriousbysomethingforwhichhewasnottoblame,namelythegreatinflation.Aswehaveseen,pricestripledatthestartofhisreign,beforesettlingbacktoatleasttwicetheirformerlevel.51Johnhadtorunfasterjusttostandstill.Healsohadtorundownabumpiertrackthanhisbarons.Thebulkoftheir
incomederivedfromland.Bysellingtheircornsurplusestheycouldprofitfromtherisingmarketforagriculturalproduce.John,withafarsmallerproportionofincomecomingfromland,thankstothealienationofroyaldemesneduringthecourseofthetwelfthcentury,couldtakeadvantagetoacorrespondinglysmaller
extent.Hehadtoexploithissubjectsinstead.ThiswasnothelpedbyanysensethattheinflationjustifiedJohn’sexactions.Contemporarieswereawarethatpricesfluctuatedwiththeharvest,notthattherewasageneralinflationarytrend.WhentheCharterfixedthebaronialreliefat£100,itwasnotwithanyawarenessthat,inreal
terms,£100wasworthhalfasmuchastwentyyearsbefore,northatitsvaluemightbefurtherwhittledawaybymoreinflationinthefuture.Inthesedifficult
circumstances,asNickBarratthasshown,John’ssuccessinraisinghisincomeandgettingaheadofinflationwasstupendous.52Heinventednonewsourcesof
revenue.Rather,heexploitedoldonestoanunprecedentedextent.Althoughastartwasmadein1204,especiallywiththecountyfarms(aswewillsee),itwasfrom1207onwardsthatJohnreallytightenedthescrew.Thefailureofthe1206Frenchcampaignhadshownthemeasureofthetaskandtheneedforenormousresources
tomeetit.John’sEnglishrevenuesaveraged£24,000ayearbetween1199and1202,sotheywerelessthanRichard’sbetween1194and1198ifweaddinthelargesumsraisedbythetaxtopaytheransom.Coggeshall,ofcourse,hadthoughtRichard’srevenuesutterlyrapacious,butinthesecondhalfofhisreignJohnincashterms(and
itwascashthatcountedinpublicperception)faroutstrippedthem.Ifwesimplytakethoserevenuesforwhichthereisrecordevidence,thenbetween1207and1212theyaveraged£49,000ayear,sotwiceasmuchasatthestartofthereign.Ifwemaketheguessthata£40,000tallageimposedontheJewsin1210
producedatleast£30,000(whichisnotatallunlikely),thentheaveragerisesto£54,000.53Ifweaddin£100,000worthofchurchrevenuesthatJohngainedduringtheInterdict(itselfanofficialfigure),thentheaveragereachesastupendous£71,000.By1214,Johnhadsavedupatreasureof£130,000.Theincomedid
not,ofcourse,accrueinanyaverageway.Therewasagreatspikefromthetaxof1207(producing£57,000),whichmadetheriseinordinaryrevenuesthereafterthemoregrievous.Inallthis,evenbythe£54,000figure,Johnhadgotaheadofinflation,increasinghisincomeinrealtermscomparedtoitslevelatthe
startofthereign.Inrealterms,hewasmakingmoreeventhanHenryIin1130,althoughHenryhadbeenakingoffabledwealth,withamuchhigherproportionofhisincomeflowingineffortlesslyfromroyalland.IfweincludetheInterdictrevenues,thenarguablyJohn’sexactions,inthewordsofNickBarratt,‘representthegreatestlevelof
exploitationseeninEnglandsincetheConquest’.WhetherJohnwasmakingmoreinrealtermsthanRichardbetween1194and1198,dependsontheamountofmoneyraisedfortheransom.WhatiscertainisthatJohn’sexactionsseemedevenlessacceptablethanthoseofhisbrother.UnderRichard,therewasarealsensethat
paymentstowardstheransom,howeverburdensome,weremadeinagoodcause.TherewasnogoodcauseunderJohn.NowonderthecentralthrustofMagnaCartawastorestricthisrevenues.54
TheCharterrespondedexactlytothedetailofJohn’sexactions.55Countiesweretobe‘attheancientfarms
withoutanyincrement’,declaredchapter25.Thatmeantthesheriffswouldnolongerhavetoanswerfortheincrementsabovetheancientfarms,worthsome£713ayear,imposedbyRichardin1194.56Chapter25wasalsodesignedtostopanotherwayinwhichJohntriedtogetmoremoneyfromthecounties.Thebackground
herewastherealizationthattherevenueatthedisposalofthesheriffstopaythefarmandincrementsstillcametoconsiderablymorethanboth.Onereactionwouldhavebeensimplytoimposeadditionalincrements,butin1204Johntriedsomethingmoreambitious.Hemadeaconsiderablenumberofsheriffs‘custodians’,who
weretoaccounteveryyearforalltherevenuebehindthefarm.Asaresult,between1204and1212,thesheriffsowedtheexchequeronaverageanadditional£1,400eachyear.TheincomeforwhichthesheriffofYorkshireaccountedin1212wasnearlydoublethatof1204andtreblethatof1199.57Sincethenew
revenueoverandabovetheexistingfarmsandincrementswasdescribedas‘profit’,andchapter25wasonlyspecificaboutbanningincrements,ithasbeenthoughtthatthe‘profits’wereleftuntouched.58Thatwasnotthecase.Asheriffwhoansweredforprofitswasanswering,inreality,notforanyfarmbutforalltherevenuethathe
received.Ineffect,thefarmhadbeenabolished.59ThuswhentheChartersaidthatcountiesweretobeheld‘attheancientfarms’,John’sprofitsweredirectlytargeted.Andnowonder,fortheyhadbalefulconsequencesforlocalsociety.Sheriffsansweringforalltheirrevenueshadnothingleftfortheirownsupport.Johnmade
noefforttogivethemsalaries,ashappenedlater.Sothesheriffsmademoneyillicitly,exploitingthe‘miserableprovincials’inwaystheChartertriedtostop.Theyseizedchattels,woodandcarts,andthreatenedpeoplewithtrialontheirownunsupportedallegations,withoutindictmentbyajury,
doubtlessreceivingbribesforlettingoffthoseaccused.60
Ifthesheriffswereoppressive,soweretheking’sjudges.Theirvisitationsofthecountiesproducedanaverageof£3,680ayearfortheexchequerbetween1209and1212asopposedtoonly£955onaverageovereachofthepreviousfiveyears.Whenthejudgescameongeneral
eyrestohearallpleas,thebulkofthemoneyderivednotfromthecommon-lawcivillitigation,butfromthecriminalsideoftheirjurisdiction.Herethekingreceivedthechattelsofoutlawsandconvictedcriminals,andprofitedfromtheamercementsimposedonpeasantsandpeasantcommunities;hencethe
protectionoveramercementsofferedtovilleins,atthebehestoftheirlords,inchapter20oftheCharter.Thechapteronamercementswasalsothinkingofthespecialeyrestagedintheautumnof1210withabrieftorootoutandpunishawholerangeof‘transgressions’.Theamercementswerelarge,thoseof30to100marks
beingcommon.61Whethertheywereimposedbytheoathof‘uprightmenoftheneighbourhood’,astheCharterdemanded,onemaydoubt.TheysurelydidnotmeettheCharter’scriteriaofmatchingthescaleoftheoffence.Indeed,thattheCharterusedtheword‘delictum’for‘offence’,ratherthanthenarrower
‘felony’or‘crime’,maybebecauseitbettercoveredtherangeof‘transgressions’punishedonthe1210eyre.62
HereJohnwasoffendinganimportantgroupinsociety,formanyofthevictimswerecountyknightswhoactedasjurorsandlocalofficials,theverymenonwhomlocalgovernmentdepended.WimarofBassingbourn,for
example,whowashitwithanamercementof100marks,wasaleadingfigureinCambridgeshire,whereheandtwenty-sixotherknightslaterjoinedtherebellion.63
TheCharteralsodealtdirectlywiththeburdenoftheroyalforest.Underchapter47,Johnwasimmediatelytodeforesteverythingthathehimself
hadbroughtwithintheforest’sbounds.ThiswasnotnearlyasgoodasgettingridofHenryII’safforestations,butwasstillimportantinsomepartsofthecountry.ADorsetjuryfrom1225wastoallegethatJohnhadafforestedthewholeofthePurbeckareaaroundCorfecastle.64TheCharteralsoaddressedtheissueofthe
foresteyres.Inchapter44onlythosewhoactuallylivedwithintheforesthadtoattend,unlesstheywereconnectedwithaplea,thepointbeingtoreducethenumbersbeingamercedfornon-attendance.65Theforesteyresbetween1207and1212raisedonaverage£1,648ayear,asopposedtoaveraging£487annuallyinthesix
previousyears.Thetotalimposedbetween1207and1210,at£8,738,wasmorethandoublethatdemandedbetween1198and1201.Theeyreof1212aloneimposedpenaltiestotalling£5,504.Heretheamercementswereentirelydecidedbythewilloftheking.Forlowersectionsofsociety,thatwillmightbeexpressedbytheforest
judges,butforthosemoreimportant,withmoretogive,Johncouldintervenedirectly.TheabbotofFurnesswasthusamerced500marks‘bymouthoftheking’.66Theforesteyreseemedparticularlyoppressiveinthenorth,wheretheamountowedfromYorkshirein1212wasasmuchas£1,498.67
Some300marksofthiswas
duefromanamercementimposedontheabbotofStAlbans‘bywillratherthananyreason’,ashelatersaid,thisforfailingtoanswerthesummonsofthejudgestoappearbeforethem.GiventhattheabbothadnolandinYorkshire,thiswaspreciselytheabusethattheChartersoughttoend.68
Evenmoreburdensomethantheroyalforestwerethetaxesor‘aids’thatJohnlevied.Thesewerepaidbyeveryoneinthecountry,oratleastbyeveryonewhohadanythingworthtaxing,freeandunfreealike.OnetaxaboveallmadeamajorcontributiontoJohn’sescalatingrevenuesafter1204,andhelpedprovoke
chapters12and14oftheCharter.Thiswasthegreattaxof1207.ThewritsettingitscollectioninmotionshowsalltoowellthebureaucratictentaclesofJohn’sgovernment.Thetaxwastobepaidby‘everylaymanofallEnglandofwhomsoever’sfeehemaybe’.Nolord’sauthorityoverhisfeewasthustostandinitsway.The
ratewastobeathirteenthofthevalueofbothrentsandmovablechattels(thelatterbeingchieflycornandanimals),andwastobeassessedbyagroupof‘judges’senttoeachcounty.Theseweretowritedownthenamesofeachhundredinthecounty,andeachparishwithinthehundred,sothattheycouldbesureof
answeringforeveryvill.Beforethejudges,andinawaytheythoughtbestsuitedtheking’s‘profit’,thestewardsoftheearlsandbaronswerethentosweartothevalueoftheirlords’rentsandgoods,whileeveryoneoneelsewastosweartothevalueofhisown.Anyoneguiltyofconcealmentorfalsevaluationwastoloseallhis
chattelsandbethrownintoprison.Havingassessedthetax,thejudgesweretosendcopiesoftheirrollsrecordingtheresultstothesheriffs,whoweretocollectthemoney.Theywerethentobringtherollstotheking.Noneofthiswasmereparchmenttalk.Thegreattaxof1207producedthegiganticsumof£57,000.69
ThisisanofficialfiguresenttoJohnhimselfbythosehearingtheaccountsofthetax.HowitcompareswiththesumsraisedbyRichard’staxof1193–4,theSaladintitheof1188andaseventhonmovablechattelsthatJohnhimselfraisedin1203wedonotknow,forthereisnorecordevidence.Thereislittlesignthatlargesums
camefromJohn’staxof1203.70Thegreattaxof1207,therefore,wasnotwithoutprecedent,buttherehadbeennothinglikeitforthirteenyears.NowondertheCharterinsistedinchapters12and14thataidswereonlytobeleviedwiththecommonconsentofthekingdom.Thetaxof1207hitall
sectionsofsociety.The
documentsof1215alsotestifiedtohowJohnhadoppressedparticularinterestgroups.MostimportantherewereLondonandthetowns.MagnaCartainchapter12directedthataidsleviedonLondonneededthecommonconsentofthekingdom.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadgonefurtherandsubjectedtocommonconsenttallagesas
wellasaids,andthoseleviednotjustonLondonbutother‘cities’withliberties.TheCharter,inchapter13,protectedboththelibertiesofLondonandthoseof‘allothercitiesandboroughs,andvillsandports’.ThatthetownsshouldwantprotectionwasnotsurprisinggiventhelargesumsofmoneyJohnhadtakenfromtheminthe
formoftallages,amercementsandfines.Someofthefinesweremadevoluntarilyinordertosecureprivileges.Otherswerenot.ThemenoftheCinquePortshadtooffer1,000markstorecovertheking’sbenevolence.71Theburdensbecameparticularlyheavyafter1204.In1208London’svariousdebtswerebrought
togetherinalumpsumof£1,500,whichwaspaidoffinthreeyears.Thenin1211,Londongave2,000marksasagifttotheking,aswellasanother£1,000toclearoffolddebts.In1214cameatallageof2,000marks.72
London,ofcourse,becamethegreatseatoftherebellionagainstJohn.Inthenorth,LincolnandCarlislewere
equallyrebelbases,theformeroccupiedbythebarons,thelatterbythekingofScots,AlexanderII.BothtownshadsufferedseverelyfromJohn’sexactions.FromLincoln,Johnafter1207demandedsome2,750marksintallages,amercementsandfinesforhisbenevolence.Johnalsoleviedvery
heavytallagesontheJews.In
1207hedemandedatenthofallthedebtsthatwereowedthem.73Thenin1210heimposedtallageof£44,000onthem.74Whenpaymentwasnotimmediate,theJewswerearrestedandtheirassetsseized.RogerofWendovertellsthestoryofIsaactheJewofNorwichhavingatoothknockedouteachdayuntil(withsevendown)heagreed
topay10,000marks.Hecertainlypromisedtopay10,000marks,atamarkaday,tobereleasedfromprison.75ThesepressuresdidnotmerelyimpactontheJewsthemselves.TheyalsoimpactedontheirChristiandebtors.ItwasfromthelatterthattheJewshadtogetthemoneytopaytheking.Iftheyfailed,thentheking,ashedid
in1210,couldtakethedebtsintohisownhands,andcollectthemforhimself.In1207everyJewhadtosendinalistofhisdebtors,soJohnhenceforthhadatotalviewoftheJewishportfolioandhispotentialincomefromit.Justhowmanydebtseventuallycameintohishandswedonotknow,butthenumberswerecertainly
large.HereagainJohnwasdelvingdownintothecountysocietyofknightsandfreetenants.Asurvivingrollof1213,recordingpaymentstothekingfromdebtsowedtheJews,hasreceiptsfrom71individualsinLincolnshireand164inNorfolkandSuffolk.Thevictims,likethoseinothercounties,hadbeenmadetocompoundfor
theirdebtsandwerepayingthemoffininstalments.Althoughthepaymentsseemquitemodest,onaknightlyorlessthanknightlyincometheywerestillsignificant.TheLincolnshireknightandfuturerebelPeterofBeckeringhadtopay£2.76
ThoseowingJewishdebtstothekingalsoincludedsomeofthegreatestmeninthe
land.GilbertdeGant,forexample,aleaderoftherebellioninLincolnshire,owed1,200marks,whichin1211hewastoldtopayoffintwoyears.Onfailingtokeeptheterms,heforfeiteda300-markpardonandthedebtwentbackupto1,500marks.77
WhatmadethisalltheworseisthatJohnapparently
abolishedtheprotectionthattenants-in-chiefhadonceenjoyedagainstinterestonJewishdebtsaccruingduringtheirminorities.ThisprotectionisimpliedinacharterthatRichardIissuedin1190,confirmingoneofhisfather’s.ItdoesnotreoccurinthecharterthatJohngrantedtheJewsin1201.78Therewas,ofcourse,
noquestionofJohnpayinginterestorcapitalonJewishdebtsowedbyminorsinhiscustody.Butwhereasbefore,thathadjustlefttheminor,oncomingofage,toclearanydebtasowedbyhisfather,nowhewouldhavetopayalltheinterestwhichhadaccumulatedaswell.TheJewishassetsfromwhichthekingmighthopetoprofit
werethuscommensuratelyincreased.ThiswaswhytheUnknownCharter,initschapter11,followedbytheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta,soughttorestorethesituationtowhatithadbeenunderKingRichard,whenitstatedthatnointerestshouldaccrueduringaminority.79
TheCharteralsosoughttodealwithanothergrievance.Inthepast,whenadebtowedtheJewswastakenbytheking,heexpectedtobepaidalltheinterestwhichhadaccumulateddowntothatpoint.80When,therefore,oneseesaJewishdebtinthepiperolls,theamountmaywellbebothcapital(‘thecatallum’)andinterest,althoughthisis
veryrarelystated.Inonecase,anexchequermemorandumshowswhatthiscouldinvolve.SoSimonofKyme’sdebtof£1,272was£853incapitaland£419ininterest.81Theaimofchapter10oftheCharterwastolimittheking,whenhetookpossessionofadebt,simplytothe‘catallum’.Tobesure,inoneinterpretation
ofthechapter,theking’sconcessionismerelyseenasapplyingtothenarrowcaseofdebttakenintohishandsduringaminority.82Thisisbecausethestipulationthatthekingshouldonlytakethe‘catallum’followsonimmediatelyfromthesamechapter’sdemandthatinterestonJewishdebtsshouldnotaccumulateduringminorities.
YetitisprettyclearthattheconcessionwasunderstoodasapplyingtoallJewishdebtsinroyalhands.Thusin1212,eagertobeconciliatoryinamomentofcrisis,JohnhadorderedthesheriffstosummonbeforehimallthosewhoowedhimJewishdebts.Hewished,hesaid,togivethemreliefbyhenceforthonlydemandingthe
‘catallum’.Inotherwordshewouldnowforgotheinterest.83Howfarthisconcessionwaseverimplementedwedonotknow,butitseemsalmostcertainthattheaimofMagnaCartawastoenforceit.TheradicalismoftheCharter’schapterontheJewshas,therefore,beenunderestimated.Itwould
havemeant(asonecanseefromthecaseofSimonofKyme)averygreatreductioninthevalueoftheJewishdebtsintheking’shands.Notsurprisingly,theconcessionwasleftoutoflaterversionsoftheCharter.AlsoremovedwithitwasthelesscontentiousdemandthatJewishdebtsshouldnotaccumulateinterestin
minorities.Later,KingHenryIIIrenewedthisconcession.Heneverrenewedtheconcessionlimitinghimselfjusttothe‘catallum’.Theseexactionsmade
John’sgovernmentdeeplyunpopularwithmanysectionsofsociety.Itwas,however,theking’stenants-in-chiefwhoboretheheaviestburdens.Theyputtheir
concernsrightatthestartoftheCharterinthechaptersthatdealtwithJohn’sexploitationofhistenurialrights.Underchapter2,thereliefofearlsandbaronswastobe£100.JohnhadchargedNicholasdeStuteville10,000marks.Underchapter3,noreliefwastobepaidwhenawardcameofageandinheritedhislands.Johnde
Lacy,constableofChester,hadbeeninwardshipyetin1213stillhadtoagreetoafineof7,000markstogainhisinheritanceandsecurevariousotherconcessions.84
ThesearebutthemostspectacularexamplesofexactionsthatingeneralwerewayabovethelimitsenvisagedintheCharter.ThesamefinerollthathasJohn
deLacy’sofferhasfivefinesof500markstoenterinheritances,andone(linkedtootherconcessions)of2,000marks.John’sconductwasequallyatoddswiththeCharter’sstipulationthat£5shouldbethereliefforaknight’sfee.Thusin1207hechargedtheLincolnshireknightandfuturerebelWilliamofWell50marksto
inheritasinglefee,althoughaninquiryhadshownthatitsannualvaluewasonly£710s.85Knightsholdingfromhonoursinthehandsofthecrownwereparticularlyvulnerable,aschapter43oftheChartersuggests.ThomasHuscarl,anotherfuturerebel,hadtooffer100markstoinheritthethreefeesthathis
fatherheldfromthehonourofWallingford.86
Johnalsomadelargeamountsofmoneyfromwardships,eithersellingthemofforrunningthemthroughhisownofficials,hencethewaychapters4and5oftheCharterlaiddowndetailedregulationstopreventthewardshipsbeinglaidwaste.Itwassuchexploitationthat
raisednolessthan£1,319fromJohndeLacy’slandsfromjustoneyearintheking’shandsin1211–12.Cattleweresoldoff,manorsweretallagedandanincrementimposedabovetheirfarms.87SimilartallageswereimposedduringtheminorityofWalterdeBeauchampofWorcester.Later,Johnsoldthiswardship
tothemarcherbaronRogerdeMortimerfor£2,000,onlyin1214tothreatentotakeitawayifhedidnotkeeptotheterms.TheCharterrecognizedthedangerthatthose,suchasMortimer,whohadboughtwardshipswouldlaythemwasteinordertopayoffthekingandmakemoneyforthemselves.ItthusaddedtotheArticlesofthe
Baronsawholenewsection,regulatingtheconductofsuchguardians.WalterdeBeauchampwouldcertainlyhavewelcomedthenewstipulations.Whilestillunderage,hewentwithJohntoPoitouin1214.Fearfulofwhatwashappeningtohisestates,hesecuredanordertellingMortimernottocommitwaste.88
TheregulationsonwardshipsintheCharterwererelatedtothosegoverningJohn’streatmentofthewidowsofhistenants-in-chief.Onecanseewhythesewerenecessary.In1212Hawisia,countessofAumale,hadtooffer5,000marks,paying£1,000atonce,tohaveherinheritance,herdowerandtherighttostay
single,allthingsshewouldhavegotfreeunderMagnaCarta.89ThiswasbutthemostexorbitantexampleofpaymentsthatunderJohnwereroutineandheavierthanbefore.InRichard’sreignthereweresixty-eightfinesfromwidowsoftenants-in-chiefforpermissiontostaysingleormarrywhomtheywished.Theaveragevalue
was£114.InJohn’sreigntherewere149fineswithanaveragevalueof£185.AlthoughJohnsometimespaidlipservicetotheprincipleofconsent,thepressureshebroughttobearonwidowsareclear.In1208,hestipulatedthatifAvelina,widowofOsbertdeLongchamp,didnotwishtomarryWalterofTew(a
knightoftheroyalhousehold),Walterwasanywaytohaveherinheritance.Intheend,Avelinahadtooffer500marks,100marksmorethanWalter,toescapethemarriage.90
AnotherareawhereJohnpresseddownonhistenants-in-chiefwasthatofscutage,thepaymentinplaceof
militaryservice.TheUnknownChartersoughttolimitittoonemarkperknight’sfee.Ifmorewaswantedithadtobetakenbythe‘counsel’ofthebarons.MagnaCartawentbeyondthisandachievedablanketcontroloverscutage.Henceforth,underchapters12and14,bothitsincidenceanditsrateweretobemade
subjecttothecommoncounselofthekingdom.TheCharter’sdemandswerecompletelyunderstandable.HenryIIhadleviedeightscutagesinthirty-fouryears;Richardhadleviedthreeintenyears;Johnleviedeleveninsixteenyearsandathigherratesthanbefore.HenryIIneverleviedascutageatmorethan26s8dafee.Two
ofJohn’sscutages,in1210andin1214,wereat40s.Alongsidehisscutages,Johnalsodemandedfinesfromhistenants-in-chieftoavoidservingpersonallyonthecampaigns.91Andhemademoneyinotherways.RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,oneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause,paidnolessthan£893between1210and
1212fortheprivilegeofpayingscutageforhislifetimeononlythe60feesthatheacknowledgedratherthanon120feesasJohnwasdemanding.92
Whenitcametotheactualpaymentoftheirdebts,barons,astheDialogusdeScaccarioexplains,enjoyedspecialprivileges.Thesheriffinformedthemoftheamount
due,butdidnotcollectit.Instead,abaron,orhissteward,couldanswerdirectlyattheexchequer.Atthestartofhisreign,Johnwasalreadytighteninguptheprocedureshere.Ifstewardsfailedtoanswerforthedebtsoftheirlords,theyweretobeimprisoned,andthemoneyowedwastoberaisedfromthelord’schattels.93Laterin
thereign,thescrewsweretightenedinanotherway.Theexchequerputalotofworkintoamalgamatingintoonelumpsumthedebtsowedbyanindividual,whichhadhithertobeenscatteredthroughvariouscountyaccountsinthepiperolls.Itthusbecameeasiertoseethetotalposition,andactuponit.Moneyfromthesegrouped
debtsbroughtin£7,830in1209–10,tentimesmorethanin1205.94WhenthedebtsoftheearlofClare(oneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause)werebroughttogetherin1208,theytotalled£1,229.Hewasthenpardoned£229andtoldtopayoffthebalanceinthreeyears.Ifhefailedhewouldlosethepardon.95Another
greatrebel,PeterdeBrus,hadtoliquidatehisdebtsat£400ayear.96John’schangingattitudetobaronialdebtisseeninthe2,000marksowedbyWilliamdeMowbray.Since1201ithadmoreorlesssleptonthepiperolls.Then,in1208–9,hewastoldtopayoffthedebtat£100ayearandhadtofindsureties(manyofthemlaterrebels)
guaranteeingthathewoulddoso.Forthenexttwoyearshemorethankepttheterms.97
Thesepressuressqueezedunder-tenantsaswellastenants-in-chief.Indeedscutagecouldhittheformermoreheavilythanthelatter.Althoughnotalwayseasytocollect,abaron,ifhepaidscutage,hadtherighttorecoupitfromhis
undertenants.Ifhecampaignedpersonally,asmanydid,andwasthusexempt,hecouldtakeascutagefromthetenantswhodidnotaccompanyhim.Whenitcametohisdebts,abaronmightbeallowedtolevyanaidonhistenantstohelppaythem.Alargedebt,likeMowbray’s,alsofannedoutitsburdensthroughthe
systemofsureties.98ThelonglistsofsuchguarantorsareastrikingfeatureofJohn’sfinerolls.Nowonderchapter9oftheChartersoughttoprotectthem.Thesamechaptersoughttoregulatetheprocessesofdistraint.Therecordsoftheexchequershowjusthowroutinethiswas,withtheclerksjustputtingtheletter‘D’against
thedebtsthatweretobesubjecttoit.99Onemaybesurethesheriffswerefarfromobservingtheorderlyprocess,setoutintheCharter,bywhichtheyweretodistrainonthechattelsandthenthelandsoftheprincipaldebtor,beforeturningtotheassetsofthesureties.TherewascertainlynothingorderlyaboutthewayJohnpounced
onthechattelsofdeceasedtenants-in-chief,onthepretextthattheyhadowedhimmoney,apracticewhichchapter26oftheChartertriedtoprevent.100OnRogerdeStJohn’sdeath,leavingaminorashisheir,heowednothingatalltothecrown,butthesheriffstillseized£35ofhischattels.101WhenGilbertBasset,lordofBicester,died,
althoughhisexchequerdebtsweretrivial,Johnmade£365byseizinghismoneyandsellinghischattels.102
HowevermuchJohndependedonhisministers,hewasveryactiveinraisinghisownmoney.Onereasonwhyhetravelledsofreneticallyandextensivelywastoseekoutthosewhomightgivemoneyvoluntarilyfor
favours,orinvoluntarilyforforgiveness.Theresultingbonanzaisrecordedinthefinerolls.In1199–1200,atthestartofhisreign,Johnwentonagreattourofthekingdom,takinginthenorth,andintheprocessheextractedfinesworthsome£41,000.Thistotalwasneverapproachedagain,buttheannualsumsoffered
thereafterwerestillsubstantial:in1204–5,£18,000;in1207–8,£22,000.103GiventhatJohn’srevenueatthestartofhisreignaveragedsome£24,000ayear,onecanseejusthowsignificantthesefineswere.Themoneydidnotcomeinatonce,andthefinesof1199–1200providedarevenuestreamforyearstocome.
Johnwasveryinvolvedintheprocessofcollection.Theexchequer’srecordsshowhimbeingconsultedagainandagainaboutthetreatmentofindividualdebts.104Hecoulddrawtheminsimplytomakemoney.Hecouldpostponeorpardonthemasaformoffavour.Hecouldforecloseonthemasaformofpunishment.Theywere
monarchy’sgreatestassetasasourcebothofrevenueandofpoliticalcontrol.Theywerealsoitsgreatestdanger.Therebellionof1215was‘arebellionoftheking’sdebtors’.105
THEWRIT‘PRECIPE’ANDTHECOMMONPLEAS
Wesawinthelastchapterhowthedevelopmentofthe
common-lawlegalprocedureswereathreattobaronialcourtsandjurisdictions.Therewasnothingthebaronscoulddoaboutthatwhenitcametothetwomostpopularofthoseactions,noveldisseisinandmortd’ancestor.Onthecontrary,theyweremademoreavailableintheCharter.Butthebaronsdiddo
somethingaboutanotherthreat,namelythatposedbythewrit‘precipe’.Chapter34oftheCharterbannedtheissueofthewritifitmightcauseafreemanto‘losehiscourt’.Thebeneficiarieshere–freemen–theoreticallycoveredalargegroup,buttheessenceofthechapter(asalatercommentonitsaid)wastoprotectthecourtsof
‘magnates’.106IntheformfoundinGlanvillthewrit‘precipe’wasaddressedtothesheriff,andtoldhimto‘command’–‘precipe’–AtoreturnlandtoB,whichBcomplainedAwaswithholdingfromhim.IfAdidnot,thenhewastobesummonedbeforethekingorhisjudgestojustifyhisinaction.Theexpectationwas
thatAwouldnotcomply,sothiswasawayofmovingthecaseintotheking’scourt.Thelord’scourtwasthusbypassedincaseswhereitwouldotherwisehavebeentheforum,sowhereAandBheldfromthesamelord,orwhereAwasthelordhimself.ItisdifficulttobelievethatthechapterinMagnaCartawassimplytheretospare
lordsthebotherofresortingtotheprocedure(whichdidexist)fortherecoveryoftheircourtsinsuchcircumstances.Rather,itsuggestsamuchdeeperresentmentatthewaythewrithadbeenusedunderJohntoencroachonlordlyjurisdiction.WhenBractonsaidthatwhileactionsofrightcouldbebroughtintheking’scourt,‘itoughtnotto
happenagainstthewilloflords,asusedtobedonebyprecipe’,itwasreferringbacktothesituationbefore1215.Aroundfortywritsofprecipewerepurchasedfromthekinginthepiperollof1203–4,someofthemcoveringissuesotherthantherighttoland.Largenumberswerealsopurchasedin1213–4.107
Inthedevelopmentofthecommonlawtherewas,ofcourse,agreatopportunityforkingship.Ifthenewproceduresthreatenedthebarons,theydelightedtheknightsandfreetenants.Byexpandingthecommonlawandmakingitmoreavailable,Johncouldwinsuchgroupstohiscauseandunderminehisbaronialopponents.Yet,
inacrucialperiodofhisreign,insteadofplayingthisstrongestcard,Johnthrewitaway.Between1209and1214hevirtuallyshutdownboththejudicialbenchatWestminsterandtheeyresinthecounties,apartthatisfromthepunitiveeyreintheautumnof1210.108ProbablyJohnwasworriedaboutrivalcentresofauthorityduring
theInterdictandwantedeverythingunderhiscontrol.Hethusdecidedthatcommonpleaswerenowtofollowhispersonandbeheardbythecourtcoramrege.HowevermuchJohntriedtoeasethepathoflitigants,thecondemnationinchapter17ofMagnaCartaissonorousanddecisive.Ittellsusallweneedtoknowaboutthe
unpopularityofthepolicy.Commonpleashenceforthwerenottofollowtheking’scourtbutweretobeheardinafixedplace.Thismeanttheyweretobeheardeitherbeforethebenchorbeforetheking’sjusticesinthelocalities.Thelatter,underchapter18,weretovisiteachcountyfourtimesayeartoheartheassizes,withfourknightsof
eachcountyelectedinthecountycourt.Johnrecognizedtheimportanceofknightsandfreemen.In1213hesummonedfourknightsfromeachcountytocomebeforehimatOxford.109Buthehadfailedtoconciliatesuchgroupsbyofferingthemhisjustice.Hadhedonesoconsistentlyoverhisreign,hemightwellhavefendedoff
therebellionof1215.
MANIPULATION,SALEANDDENIALOFJUSTICE
InthemindsofJohn’ssubjects,hisfinancialexactionswereintimatelylinkedtoanotherfailureasking,namelyhismanipulation,saleanddenialofjustice.110‘Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwe
denyordelay,rightorjustice’,Johnpromisedinchapter40,theshortestandmostemphaticintheCharter.John’sfineandpiperollshavenumerousoffersofmoneytosecure‘justice’,‘judgement’andotherfavoursinlawcases.Someofthese,smallishinsize,werefornomorethanhurryingthingsalong,andwerepretty
innocuous.Theywerelittledifferentfromtheroutineoffersofamarkortwoforthewrit‘pone’,whichgavea‘place’forthehearingofacasebeforetheking,thejusticesofthebenchatWestminsterorthejusticesinthelocalities.Therewerethirty-threesuchoffersonthefinerollof1207–8.Butotherfineswereformuchlarger
sumsandeffectivelywerebribes.111Justiceseemedtodependnotonwhatwasjustbutonwhatonecouldpay.RobertofBerkeleyoffered100marks,inanunspecifiedcase,‘tohavehisreasonablejudgementbyhispeers’,andMauricedeGant100marksforthekingto‘helphimtohavehisrightinthosethingswhichheclaims’.112Gilbert
deGantfollowedupthepurchaseofawrittobeginhisactionagainstAgnesdeRupe,withanofferof100marksfor‘judgement’inthecase.Johnwasveryreadytoacceptcompetingoffers.ThegreatdebtofWilliamdeMowbrayhaditselfarisenfromafineof2,000marks‘tobetreatedjustlyaccordingtothecustomofEngland’ina
lawsuitbeingbroughtagainsthimbyWilliamdeStuteville.MowbrayneededtobidhighbecauseStutevillehadhimselfoffered£2,000for,amongotherthings,‘right’inthecase.113TheAnonymousofBéthunedescribedMowbrayas‘mostvaliant’but‘assmallasadwarf’.Hissmallframemusthaveseethedwithindignationat
histreatmentbyKingJohn.Intheevent,Mowbraywasforcedintoanunfavourablesettlementandstillhad,aswehaveseen,topaythemoney.114Itwasequallypossibletogivemoneysimplytostopacaseandthusineffectdenyjusticetoone’sopponent.GerarddeFurnivallpromisedacool£1,000toendthelawsuitthat
NigeldeLuvetotwasbringingagainsthim.115Onecouldalsopromiseawinbonus.In1199WilliamdeBriouze,seekingtomakegoodclaimstoTotnesinDevon,offered‘£100ifhelost,700marksifhewon’.116Thegrievancesofbarons
overtheadministrationofjusticewererelatedtoafundamentaldifference
betweenthetreatmentoftheircasesandthetreatmentofthecasesofthegeneralrunofthefreepopulation.Thelitigationofthelatter,accordingtotheformsofthecommonlaw,wentthrough,forthemostpart,quicklyandcheaply.Thekinghadscantinterestinthegeneralrunofcases,fortheyhadnopoliticalbearing.Here,ifheinterfered,which
wasrarely,hemightwellbeinfluencedbyabstractconsiderationsofjusticeandevenof‘pity’.117Nor,onthewhole,didheexploitsuchcasesforprofit.Theroutinewritsinitiatingtheprocedurescost6d.Theamercements(unlikethoseonthepunitiveeyreof1210)wereusuallyofreasonablesize.Itwasquitedifferentforbarons.Theearl
ofClarehadtogivetheking£100forawritofmortd’ancestor.118Evenworse,whenbaronswerelitigatingagainsteachotheroverlandheldinchieffromtheking,thevenuehadtobethecourtthatfollowedtheking,thecourtcoramrege.Thiswaspresidedoverbyprofessionaljudges.Whencommon-lawbusinesscamebeforethem,
theycouldgivejudgementsinthenormalway,followingtheverdictoflocaljuries,althoughgettingsuchjuriesbeforetheitinerantcourtwasalwaysastruggle.Inimportantcasesbetweentenants-in-chief,bycontrast,itseemsprobable(althoughevidencehereissparse)thatthekinghimselfandanyothershesummonedwould
bepresent,atleastatkeysessions.Theking’saim,insuchcases,mightsimplybetodragthemout.Hencetheneedtomakeofferstosecurejusticeandjudgement,andthewayinwhichchapter40forbadthedeferralofjustice.Iftherewasaconclusion,itmighttaketheformofasettlement,andnotnecessarilyafairone.Ifthere
wasajudgement,thecourtmightgiveit,perhapsaftertheverdictofajuryfromtheneighbourhoodofthelandindispute,orperhapshavingitselfweighedthecasesothatverdictandjudgementwereeffectivelyrolledintoone.Casesbetweenbarons,
therefore,weredirectlysubjecttothewilloftheking.Althoughawritbecame
availableduringJohn’sreign(‘precipeincapite’),whichenabledsuchlitigationtobecommenced,itcertainlydidnotthenrunthroughaccordingtothesetformsofthecommonlaw.119Justicebeforethekingwasinseparablefrompolitics,patronageandprofit.Itwassubjecttoallkindsofdelaysandmanipulations.Even
when,ascouldhappen,litigationcoramregeseemstohavebeendecidedaccordingtolaw,therewasusuallyapoliticalsubtext.ItwassurelytodisciplineabaronwithwhomhewasincreasinglyatoddsthatRobertfitzWalter,inacaseinvolvingrightsoverBinhampriory,wascondemnedtopaydamagestoStAlbansabbey.
Sometimes,inthelitigationcoramrege,John’shandisveryclear.InadisputeoverpossessionofCaldbeckinCumberland,heacceptedoffersof£136fromAlexanderofCaldbeckand£306fromRobertdeCourtenay.Alexanderknewhewasbeaten,andtoldthejudgesthathewasnolongerseekingajurytodecidethe
case,‘becauseitdidnotpleasethekingthatheshouldhaveit’.Thatwastheendofthematter.IfJohncouldstopcases,hecouldalsostartthem.In1212,inordertobringpressuretobearonGeoffreyfitzPeterandhissonGeoffreydeMandeville,heencouragedGeoffreydeSaytobegananactionfortheirMandevilleinheritance.Just
howdirectlyJohnwasinvolvedhereisshownbyhispersonallyprovidingthecourtwiththenamesofSay’sattorneys.Whenchapter40ofthe
Chartersaidthatthekingwasnottosell,denyordelayjustice,itwasthinkingaboveallofhowhehadtreatedhistenants-in-chief.Whenchapter39saidthatnoone
wastobedeprivedofpropertyorotherwisepunished‘savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland’,theimplicationwasthatjudgementbypeersshouldbetheproperprocedureinthecourtcoramrege.RobertofBerkeleywasmakingthesamepointinhisfinetohave‘hisreasonablejudgementby
hispeers’.Hisaimwasbothtoensuretherewasjudgementandtopreventitsbeinggivenbyacourtpackedwithhouseholdknightsandministers,asnearlyhappenedtoWilliamMarshalononeoccasion.120Thedesiredlinkbetweenthecourtcoramregeandjudgementbypeerswasalsoshowninchapter25oftheArticlesoftheBarons,
whichstipulatedthatthosedisseisedunjustlybyHenryandRichardshouldreceive‘right’,‘byjudgementoftheirpeersinthecourtoftheking’.LikewiseunderMagnaCarta,chapter59,KingAlexander(asabaronofEngland)wastoreceivejudgementbyhispeersintheking’scourtwhenitcametodecidingthemeritsofJohn’sclaimsagainsthim.
Acomplicatingfactorincaseswherebaronswereseekingjusticewasthattheyoftenstemmedfrom,orwererelatedto,actsofinjustice,orperceivedinjustice,bythekinghimself.ThusMauricedeGant’sfinewasalsotohavejusticeconcerning‘hisrights’,whichwereintheking’shands.121OnetypeofrightthatJohndenied
concernedearldoms.Herefusedtoacceptthattheywerenecessarilyhereditary.Evenmenheacknowledgedasearlsweresometimesdeniedthetraditionalannualpaymentassociatedwiththeiroffice(knownas‘thethirdpenny’)fromtherevenuesofthecountiesfromwhichtheytooktheirtitle.Thatpaymentwasnotworthmuch,butit
nonethelesscarriedprestige.JohngaveittoSaerdeQuincyforHampshire,whenmakinghimearlofWinchester,butnottoEarlDavidforCambridgeshireandHuntingdonshire.Aninquiryof1205intowhetherDavidoughttohavethethirdpennyledtonothing.Itwasonlyin1215itself,inabidtoretainhissupport,thatJohn
gavewaytoDavidontheissue.122EvenworseoffwerethedeVereearlsofOxford,orearlsastheythoughttheyshouldbe.AubreydeVerehadenteredhisinheritancein1194.ItwasanothertenyearsbeforehewasrecognizedasearlofOxford,thisafterofferingJohn200marksforthefavour.Theofferwasalsoinordertohavethethird
pennyofthecounty,butthethirdpennyneverproperlymaterialized.OnAubrey’sdeathin1214,hisbrotherRoberthadtooffertheking1,000markstoentertheinheritance,butthisdidnotincludetheearldom.ItwasonlyatRunnymedethattheearldomandthethirdpennywereconceded.EquallyaggrievedwasGeoffreyde
Mandeville,sonofGeoffreyfitzPeter,John’schiefjusticiarandearlofEssex.Afterhisfather’sdeathin1213,GeoffreycomplainedthatJohnhadneitherinvestedhimwiththeearldomnorgivenhimthethirdpennyofthecounty.123
InallthisoneneedstobefairtoJohn.HenryIIandRichardhadbeenstickyover
earldomsandhadequallyacceptedoffersofmoneyforjustice.UnderJohn,however,thankstohispresenceinthekingdom,legalactionsbeforethecourtcoramregeplayedapartinbaroniallifethattheyhadneverdoneunderRichard,whentherehadbeennosuchcourtinEngland.Ifthismadetheking’sjusticemoreaccessible,italso
subjectedlitigationallthemoretotheroyalwill.Tobefairagain,casesbetweengreatmen,quiteapartfromtheirpoliticalramifications,couldbehighlycomplex.Intangledwebsoffamilyhistoryandroyalintervention,stretchingbackovergenerations,itwasoftendifficulttoseewhererightdidactuallylie.Therewas
alsoanelementofhypocrisyabouttheoffersofmoney.Thosemakingthemwantednotjusticebutvictory,yetwhenvictorywasnotobtained,theycomplainedofinjustice.John’sproblemwasthathesacrificedhisreputationasarighteousjudgewithoutanycommensuratepoliticalbenefit.Hismanipulationof
justicehadcreatedfarmoreenemiesthanfriends.HisdivisionofthePercyinheritance,fairorunfair,anditsaccompanyinglitigation,wonhimtheloyaltyofWilliamdePercy,butthiswasfaroutweighedbythealienationofWilliam’suncle,thegreatYorkshirebaronRicharddePercy,whowastoplayaleadingpartinthe
rebellionandbecomeamemberofMagnaCarta’stwenty-five.124Worsestill,John’sinterventioninlawsuitsoftenfailedtosecuretheloyaltyofeitherparty.WilliamdeMowbrayandNicholasdeStuteville(WilliamdeStuteville’sheir),GerarddeFurnivallandNigeldeLuvetot,GeoffreydeSayandGeoffreydeMandeville
alljoinedtherebels.RobertfizWalter’streatmentinhisactionagainstStAlbanswasonefactorinhisrebellion,yetatStAlbansthekingwasregardedmuchlikeratpoison.
ARBITRARYRULE
Offersofmoneyforrightandjusticeatleastimpliedtherewerestandardsofconduct
thatthekingacknowledged.Buttherewereotherareas,astheCharterindicated,whereJohn’sruleseemedtomoveentirelytothemotionsofhiswill.Oneofthese,deeplyresented,wasthetakingofhostages.Underchapter49,Johnwastorestoreallhostagestakenas‘securityforpeaceorfaithfulservice’.Thetakingofhostageswasan
oldpractice,butunderJohnitbecamealmostasystemofgovernment–governmentbyhostage.In1208,fearfulthatthepopewouldabsolvehissubjectsfromtheirallegiance,John,accordingtoRogerofWendover,demandedhostagesfromallthosehesuspectedofdisloyalty.125Hetookafreshroundofhostagesaftertheplotagainsthimof
1212.Oneofthosetargeted,EarlDavid,wassummonedtoacouncilin1214‘asyouloveyourhostagesandwhateveryouholdoftheking’.126ThesensitivityandseriousnessoftheissueisseeninthespacedevotedtoitintheHistoryofWilliamMarshal.ItdescribedindetailhowJohnsuccessivelydemandedashostagestheMarshal’seldest
son,hissecondsonandthenfiveknights,includingJohnofEarley,severalofwhomwereharshlytreatedincaptivity.127AnotherfeatureofJohn’s
arbitraryrulewastheexactionoffinestoassuagehisangerandrecoverhisgoodwill.Inthe1207–8fineroll,thetotalofferedunderthisheadingwas£5,580.This
camefromtwelveindividualfines,whichhadhitbarons,churchmen,townsandlocalsociety.ThemenofCornwalloffered200marks;thedisgracedsheriffofHampshire,RogerfitzAdam,offered1,000marks,withover700localmenactingashispledges.128Theamountsactuallypaidintotheexchequerfromsuchfines
‘rosedramatically’inthesecondhalfofthereign,totallingin1209,£2,252,in1210,£3,414andin1211,£2,731.129Tobefair,suchfineswerenotunprovoked.Usuallytheoffenceswereunspecified,butthevictimshadobviouslydonethingstoincurtheking’swrath,andkingshadtobegoodpunishers.The1,200-mark
fineofRogerdeCressy,lateraleadingrebelinEastAnglia,wasformarryinganheiresswithouttheking’spermission.130Whether,however,theamountsinvolvedwerereasonableorreasonablyimposedwasanothermatter.TheCharterhadsuchpenaltiesinmindwhenitlaiddownthatJohnwastoforgiveallfinesmade
withhim‘unjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland’.Therewasacloselink
betweenthesefinesandchapter21onamercements.Whenitcametoamercements,earlsandbaronswereparticularlysubjecttotheking’swill.Theirlitigationagainsteachotherhadtotakeplaceinthecourtcoramrege,whereof
coursethekingcouldinpracticeimposewhateveramercementsheliked.If,ontheotherhand,abaronwasconvictedofanoffencebeforetheking’sjudgesinthecounties,thenthecustombefore1215wasfortheamercementtobeimposedbythechiefofficialsoftheexchequer.131Giventhattheseincludedsuchroyal
henchmenasPeterdesRochesandWilliamBrewer,suchamercementswereessentiallydeterminedbythewilloftheking.Somebaronialamercementswerehefty.ThegreatnorthernrebelsEustacedeVescyandRobertdeRossufferedonesof300marks;theearlofClare’samercementforadisseisinwas500marks.132It
isperfectlytruethatsuchamercementswereoftenpardonedinwholeorinpartbytheking.Somefromthestartwerereasonableinsize.Butthethreatofarbitrarypunishmentwasalwaysthere;hencetheneedtoofferfinesfortheking’sbenevolencetoescapesuchpunishment.OnecanseethishappeninginthecaseofRualdfitzAlan,the
constableofRichmondinYorkshire.Hegave200markstoescapetheamercementcominghiswayforrefusingtocooperatewiththe1207tax.133ItwasthisthreatwhichtheChartersoughttoremovewhenitsaidthatearlsandbaronsshouldbeamercedbytheirpeers,whichmeantamercedbythemselves.Thatthiswasthe
sameasbeingamercedby‘thebarons’oftheexchequer,asthechiefofficialstherewerecalled,wouldhavebeenfiercelydenied.Finesfortheking’sgrace
werealsopromptedbyactsofarbitrarydisseisin,ordispossession.ThustheGloucestershirebaronRobertofBerkeleyhadtooffer2,000marks‘tohavehis
landsandhiscastleofwhichhewasdisseisedbecauseofthebenevolenceoftheking’,‘benevolence’here,ofcourse,meaninglackofbenevolence.134Likethechapteronamercements,chapter39oftheCharter,forbiddingdisseisinsavebyjudgementofpeers,orotherwisebythelawoftheland,wasthusintendedto
removethethreatbehindsuchfinesfortheking’sgrace.ItwasalsodealingwithoneofthemostfundamentalcharacteristicsofJohn’srule.AsHenrySummersonwrites,‘disseisinhadbecomeawell-nighautomaticreactiononthepartofthekingandhisagentstoanymisdeedorsuspiciousactwhichcametotheirattention’.135In1204
JohnissuedordersfortheseizureofthelandsofRanulf,earlofChester,suspectinghimofdealingswiththeWelshrulerGwenwynwynofPowys.AtthesametimethekingdisseisedthenorthernerRogerdeMontbegon(oneofMagnaCarta’stwenty-fivebaronsinthesecurityclause)forfailingtocometocourt.Nextyearitwastheturnof
anothernortherner,alsoamemberofthetwenty-five,RobertdeRos.136In1207John’sfirstmoveagainstRualdfitzAlanwastoseizeRichmondcastle.Inthefinerollof1207–8therearethirteenfinesmadetorecoverlandseizedintotheking’shands,probablybysimilaractsofwill.Occasionally,Johnevenadmittedhis
lawlessconduct.In1213heorderedGeoffreydeLucytoberestoredNewingtoninKentifdisseisedofit‘simplybyourwill’ratherthanby‘thejudgementofourcourt’.TenyearslaterajurystatedthatGeoffreyhadindeedbeendisseisedofallhislands‘becausethekingwasangrywithhim’.137
Sometimesdisseisinwastheconsequenceofindebtedness.WhenNicholasdeStutevillehadtooffer10,000markssohecouldsucceedtothelandsofhisbrother,JohnretainedthecastlesofKnaresboroughandBoroughbridgeassecurityforpayment.Giventheimpossibilityofpayingsuchasum,possessionofthecastles
hadbeenJohn’sobjectinthefirstplace.TheStutevillesregardedthisasanactofarbitrarydisseisin.138JohndeLacy,havingagreedtopay7,000marksforhisinheritance,musthaveregardedJohn’sretentionofPontefractandDoningtoncastlesinthesamelight.EquallyblatantwasthewayJohnconfiscatedthehonour
ofTrowbridgefromHenrydeBohun,earlofHereford,onacleverlyarrangedlegaltechnicality,andignoredhiseffortstorecoverit.JohnthenallowedWilliamLongespee,earlofSalisbury,whohadhithertomadelittleprogressinhislawsuitforthehonour,tosimplytakeitover.Henry’ssonlaterdescribedthisasdisseisin‘bywilland
withoutjudgement’.139Itwaspreciselysuchdisseisinsoflands,castles,libertiesandrights,made‘withoutlawfuljudgementofpeers’,thatJohnpromisedtocorrectunderchapter52oftheCharter.Underitstermsnearlyhalfthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclauserecoveredlandsandrights,including
Bohun,whoregainedTrowbridge.140
Greatbaronswerenottheonlyvictimsofarbitrarydisseisin.Knightswhoheldfromhonoursintheking’shandswereequallyvulnerable,astheywerealsowhenitcametorelief,scutageandmilitaryservice.141WilliamfitzEllis,atenantofthehonourof
Wallingford,hadbeenamerced20marksforswearingafalseoathonajury.142Thiswasnothisonlygrievance.AtRunnymedeitselfhewasrestoredtothemanorofOakley,havingcomplainedthatJohnhaddisseisedhim‘bywillwithoutjudgement’.143Thefallofalordoftenmeanttroubleforhisdependants
andfollowers.WhenJohndeprivedEarlDavidofGodmanchesterin1212,hedisseisedDavid’stenantsinthemanor.144Likewise,whenJohnturnedonRogerdeCressy,heseizedthelandsofhisassociate,theknightWilliamfitzRoscelin.Williamprotestedhisinnocence,butstillhadtooffer60marksandagood
hawktogethislandsback.145
Howtheking’swillpenetratedintothecountycourtsisshowninaSomersetcasefrom1204.Therethesheriffwasinformedsecretlyoftheking’sordertoarrestandimprisonaclerkpresentinthecourt.Whenthesherifftriedtodoso,hewasresistedbythecountyknightsonthegroundsthatthereshouldbe
noarrest‘withoutjudgement’.146
ArbitrarydisseisinwashardlyinventedbyKingJohn.TheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCartawerealsoconcernedwiththedisseisinsofHenryIIandKingRichard.TheCharteradjournedtheirconsiderationuntilJohncompletedorabandonedhisprospective
crusade.147ItwasJohn’sowndisseisinsthatcriedoutforimmediateremedy,andremediedtheyweretobeunderchapter52,whilechapter39soughttopreventsuchactionsinthefuture.ThesetwochapterswereamongthemostimportantintheCharter.Theysoughttoendtheking’sarbitraryrule.
THEKING’SMEN
John’sgovernmentwasnotmerelyunpopularforwhatitdid.Itwasalsounpopularbecauseofthemenwhodidit.John’sagents,oratleastsomeofthem,wereloathedbecauseoftheirruthlessconduct.Theywerealsoenviedbecauseoftheirrewards.Yetsuchmenoftenstoodinfearoftheking,and
felttheyhadbeenpoorlytreated,receivinglessthantheirjustdeserts.Thelaycounsellorswhom
JohnlistedatthestartoftheCharterwerenotverydifferentfromthekindsofmenemployedbyhispredecessors,underwhom,indeed,manyhadbeguntheircareers.Ofthelaymenlisted,therewerefourearls,William
Marshal,earlofPembroke,WilliamLongespee,earlofSalisbury(anillegitimatesonofHenryII),WilliamdeWarenne,earlofSurrey(althoughusuallystyled,asintheCharter,earlofWarenne),andWilliamd’Aubigné,earlofArundel.Therethenfollowed,afterAlanofGalloway,constableofScotland,elevenmen,many
ofthemfromknightlybackgrounds.Severalhadbeguntheircareersashouseholdknights.Severalcamefromfamilieswithlongtraditionsofroyalservice:WarinfitzGerold,firstoftheeleven,hadfollowedhisbrotherandfatherinthehereditarypositionofchamberlainoftheexchequer;HughdeNeville,
John’schiefforester,wasthegrandsonofHenryII’schiefforester,theodiousAlan;148
HubertdeBurghandThomasandAlanBasset,likeWilliamMarshal,wereyoungersonswhohadstartedoutwiththeirfortunestomake.Tiesoffamilywereevidentwithinthegroup.ThomasandAlanBassetwerebrothers,sowerePeterandMatthew
fitzHerbert.JohnMarshalwastheillegitimatesonofWilliam’solderbrother.Therewerealsotiesoffaction.WilliamMarshalwasclosenotjusttoJohnMarshal,butalsototheBassets.149Ifonlyweknewmoreaboutthesleepingarrangementsinthehallsandchambersusedbythecourtiers,wewouldprobably
seesuchtiesmappedoutinthesharingofspaceandbeds.NoneofthisworriedJohn.Hetooksuchgroupingsforgrantedandmanipulatedthemtohisadvantage,placatingorpunishingagreatministerthroughthetreatmentofhismen.TheChartershowsJohn’s
counsellorsatcourt,buttheyequallyactedontheking’s
behalfinthelocalitiesascastellansandsheriffs.Indeed,ofthosenamedatthestartoftheCharter,theearlsofPembrokeandSalisbury,HubertdeBurgh,PeterandMatthewfitzHerbert,ThomasBasset,RobertofRopsley,JohnMarshalandJohnfitzHughhadallbeensheriffs,sometimesforlongperiodsandinclustersof
counties.Suchmendidnotruntheircountiespersonally.Theyemployedunder-sheriffstodothat.Buttheywieldedgreatlocalpower,partlybecauseoftheirdirectlinetotheking,partlybecausetheywereusuallyallowedtokeepthemoneythattheycouldraiseabovethefarm.Theythushadplentyofresourcesto
garrisonroyalcastlesandhiretroopstosortsomeoneout.ThelaycounsellorswhomJohnnamesatthestartoftheCharter,however,werenotingeneralamonghismosthatedofficials.OnlyfourofthemappearedinRogerofWendover’slist,thirty-twostrong,oftheking’sevilministers:theearlofSalisbury,HughdeNeville
(notsurprisinglysinceheisnamedaschiefforester)andbringinguptherear,ThomasBassetandPeterfitzHerbert(amarcherbaronthroughhisfather’smarriage).150
Salisbury,BassetandfitzHerbertwouldhavebeenindignantattheirinclusion.AllwerepraisedintheHistoryofWilliamMarshal.FitzHerbertdemonstratedthe
bestchivalricstandardswhen,inatenseepisodeatcourt,herefusedtositnextto‘thetraitorwhohasfailedhislord’,referringheretoaknightwhohadletdownWilliamMarshal.ThomasBasset,fromanoldlocalfamily,tookseveralOxfordshireknightsintohisserviceduringhislongstintassheriffofthecounty.151
TheMarshal’sownabsencefromWendover’slistsuggeststhatotherstookhimathisownvaluation,oratleastknewofhisquarrelswithJohn.152Anotheroftheking’scounsellorsatthestartoftheCharter,Philipd’Aubigné,waslatertowinfameasacrusader.153
Thepictureofrelativerespectabilityisnotvery
differentifweglanceatJohn’sjudges.154ThesamemencanbefoundatdifferenttimessittinginthecourtatWestminster(thebench),thecourtcoramrege,andthecourtsoneyre.Seventeenfeaturewithsufficientfrequencytoberegardedinsomewayasprofessionaljudges.OnlytwoappearinWendover’slist,Geoffrey
fitzPeter,whoaschiefjusticiarfrequentlypresidedatthebenchandcoramrege,andWilliamBrewer.BothfeaturenotsomuchforbeingjudgesasfortheirmoregeneralrolesinJohn’sgovernment.BrewerwasabaronoftheexchequerandahighlyunpopularsheriffofSomersetandDorset.Whenthemenofthetwocounties
offeredmoneytohavealocalmanassheriff,theyadded‘exceptWilliamBrewer’.Later,intheminorityofHenryIII,BrewerwastoarguethatMagnaCartawasinvalidashavingbeenextractedfromthekingbyforce.155Themajorityofthejudgesachievednothinglikethisprominenceorunpopularity.Theywere
mostlylaymen,fromknightlybackgrounds,whohadlearnttheirlawinlocaladministration,oroccasionallyaspleadersandattorneysinthecourts.Severalhadenteredtheking’sservicethroughconnectionswithgreatministerslikefitzPeterorHubertWalter.Thejudgeswerenotparticularlycloseto
Johnandreceivedlimitedrewards.Some,aswewillsee,joinedtherebels.Theywerecertainlyouttomakeasmuchmoneyaspossibleforthekingfromthecriminalpleas,buttheirtreatmentofcivilpleas,whengreatmenwerenotinvolved,maywellhavebeenaccordingtotherulesandstandardsfoundinGlanvill.ItwasJohnhimself
whowasresponsibleforthemanipulationandsaleofjustice.Whatthenwaswrongwith
John’sministers?InthelistofhisepiscopalcounsellorsatthestartoftheCharter,onenamestandsout,likealighthouseflashingdanger:thenameofPeterdesRoches,bishopofWinchester.PetercamefromtheTouraine,and
wasprobablyrelatedtotheAnjevinmagnate,WilliamdesRoches,whomJohncastoffwithsuchdisastrousresultsin1202.156DesRochesbeganhisknowncareerunderKingRichard,andwentstraightonintoJohn’sservice,in1205,beingmadebishopofWinchester.Johnknewhisman:
ThewarriorofWinchesterPresidesattheexchequerIndefatigableataccountingIndolentatthescriptureRevolvingtheking’sroll.
Thusranonelampoon.157
Thiswasunfair.DesRocheswasanenthusiasticfounderofreligioushouses,buthe
wasalsoattheheartofJohn’sfinancialpolicies,andwastheonebishoptoremainattheking’ssideduringtheInterdict.MagnaCartadidnotexplicitlydemandhisremovalfromthejusticiarship,buthisremovalwassoontofollow.DesRocheswasalso
intimatelyconnectedwiththeonegroupofministerswhom
theCharter,initschapter50,diddismiss,layingdownindeedthattheywerehenceforthtoholdnobailiwicksinEngland.158
ThesewerethekinsmenofGerardd’Athée,ofwhomnofewerthaneightwerenamed,themostprominent(bothfeaturingwithGerardonWendover’slist)beingEngelarddeCigognéand
PhilipMarc.159Gerardhimself(whowasdeadby1215)was,likedesRoches,fromtheTouraine.(Athée-sur-CherandCigognéarebothwithinfifteenmilesofTours.)AfterhiscaptureatLoches,JohnransomedGerard(using1,000marksfromthefineoftheCinquePorts)andbroughthimtoEngland.160Therehecanbe
foundatcourt(glimpsedgoingintoJohn’schamberintheHistoryoftheMarshal),buthispre-eminentrole,likethatofhiskinsmen,wasinthelocalities.WhentheChartersaidthatGerard’screwweretobedismissed‘fromtheirbailiwicks’,itwasthinkingabovealloftheirsheriffdoms,castlesandothercustodies.IntheWelsh
marches,GerardplayedakeyroleinbringingdownWilliamdeBriouze.Withhishandsfullthere,in1208hepassedonthecustodyofNottinghamcastleandthesheriffdomofNottinghamshire-DerbyshiretoPhilipMarc.HepassedonBristolcastleandthesheriffdomsofGloucestershireand
HerefordshiretoEngelarddeCigogné.Whentheking’sjudgesvisitedGloucestershirein1221,theydiscoveredthatGerardandEngelardhadheardpleasofthecrown(forbiddenbyMagnaCarta)andhadpocketedaround385marksinawholeseriesofextortions.161TheexactionsoftheclerkMatthewdeCigognéfromvarious
religioushouses‘throughtheviolenceandmultipleoppressionofEngelarddeCigogné,sheriffofGloucestershire,hisbrother’,calledforthaprotestin1213fromArchbishopLangtonhimself.162NoneofthismatteredmuchtoJohn.EngelardandGiodeCigogné(anotherbrother,thisonenamedintheCharter)had
arrestedandseizedthechattelsoftwoGloucestershireknightsbecausethey‘hadspokenillofKingJohn’.163Thatwaswhytheywereinoffice.Thecontemptinwhich
Gerard’sfamilywereheldisseenintheCharter’sdemandforthemtobedismissed‘andalltheirfollowing’,thewordherefor‘following’–
‘sequela’–beingoftenusedforthefamiliesofpeasants.164
SuchcontemptisequallyseeninthewayneithertheArticlesoftheBaronsnortheCharterwerebotheredbytheprecisenamesofthelessermembersofthegroupandseemindeedtohavenamedonemantwiceover.165Thepresenceofsuchofficialsexplainsverywellthedesire
inthecountiestohavelocalmenassheriffs.ItexplainstoothedemandintheCharter’schapter45thatsheriffsshouldknowandmeantoobservethelawofthekingdom,orastheArticlesputitmorepotently,thelawoftheland.NoonecouldsayGerardandhislotknewthat.166
Perhapsbecausetheywereforeign,andcompleteoutsiders,onlyGerard’s‘following’wereactuallydismissedintheCharter,buttherewereothershardlylessunpopular.WendoverlistedtwoofJohn’sgreatagentsinthenorth,PhilipofOldcoates,from1212thesheriffofNorthumberland,andBriandeLisle,whoheld
Knaresborough,BoroughbridgeandthePeak.WendoveralsonamedtheknightsRobertandHenryofBraybrook,afatherandsonteam,whowereinsuccessionsheriffsofNorthamptonshireandBedfordshire-Buckinghamshire.Neitherwasparticularlyclosetotheking,buttheyraisedlargesumsofmoneyfromtheir
countiesasprofitsfortheexchequer.Itwastomenlikethem,ratherthancourtiersheriffs,thatJohnturnedtoexecutehisprofitspolicy.Assheriffs,theymightbelesseffectiveinstandinguptogreatbarons,andgoverningacountyintimesofstorm,thanPhilipMarcorEngelarddeCigogné(whowereallowedtokeeptheprofits),butthey
wereperfectlyabletoraisethesumsfromthegeneralrunofthepopulationonwhichtheprofitsdepended.John’smenwerethus
unpopularforwhattheydid.Theywerealsoenviedforwhattheyreceived.Thekinghadagreatdealtogive,astheChartershowed.Therewerethewardships,andmarriagesofheirs,heiresses
andwidows,dealtwithbetweenchapters4and8.AmongthosenamedatthestartoftheCharter,bothWilliamMarshalandWilliamLongespeeowedtheirearldomsandestatestomarriagestogreatheiresses.Atalesserlevel,HughdeNevillegainedanheiressfromKingRichard,asdidRobertofRopsleyfrom
John.167‘Nowidowistobedistrainedtomarrywhileshewishestolivewithoutahusband,’saidchapter8oftheCharter.Wellyes,butWarinfitzGeroldandHubertdeBurghhadbothprofitedfrommarryingwidows,whowerealsoheiresses.Asidefromwardshipsand
marriages,thekingcouldgivepatronagefromlandthat
hadcomeintohishands,suchasthehonoursinchapter43oftheCharter.AlanBassetthusobtainedMapledurwellinHampshireandwhatbecameBerwickBassettinWiltshire,manorsforfeitedbyAdamdePortfortreasonbackin1171.168ServantscouldalsobefedbothfromthelandsoftheNormans,aswehaveseen,andfromthe
royaldemesnemanorsmentionedinchapter25.Despiteitsdepletionoverthepreviouscentury,Johnwasstillpreparedtomakegrantsfromtheroyaldemesneinhereditaryright,althoughusuallyinreturnforamoneyrent.ItwasonsuchtermsthatJohngaveHighWycombetoAlanBassetandHeadingtontoThomasBasset,placing
thesetrustiesastridethestrategicroadbetweenLondonandOxford.Whilenotacceptingthat
theywerenecessarilyhereditary,Johncouldbegenerouswhenitcametoearldoms.AtthestartofhisreignherecognizedtheclaimsofWilliamMarshal,WilliamdeFerrersandHenrydeBohuntorespectivelythe
earldomsofPembroke,DerbyandHereford.Inanewcreation,in1207hemadeSaerdeQuincyearlofWinchester.Therewasalsomoretoroyalfavourthanjustoutrightgifts.Itcouldeaseaman’spassageinlawsuits,andinmanyotherareas.‘Itisjustthatwedobetterforthosewhoarewithusthanthosewhoareagainstus,’
Johnremarkedinoneletter.169Withhiscynicalpoliticalintelligence,heunderstoodverywelltheneedforthecarrotaswellasthestick.Therewasnever,however,toomuchcarrot.Johnactedinthespiritofhisgrandmother,theEmpressMatilda,whosecounselfortrainingmenwasthesameasfortraininghawks:keepthem
hungry.170Patronagehadtobeearned.Johngavehishouseholdknightsrobesandtheirmaintenanceatcourt,butnotregularsalaries.171
Thosestartingoff,likeGodfreyofCrowcombe,hadtoserveinhopeofreward,andworktheirpassagetowardsgrantsoflands,usuallyatfirstheldnotin
hereditaryrightbutattheking’spleasure.172
Withhisgreatbaronstoo,Johnkeptthingsback,evenfromthoseforawhileinhisfavour.HedidnotacknowledgeSaerdeQuincy’sclaimtothecastleofMountsorrelnorWilliamLongespee’stothecastleofSalisbury.WhenbecomingearlofDerby,Williamde
FerrershadtoresignclaimstocherishedpartsofthePeverelinheritance.HenrydeBohun,onbecomingearlofHereford,hadtoresignclaimstotheinheritanceofMilesofGloucester.173InsomecasesJohnhaddoneenough.ThepatronagereceivedbytheearlsofPembroke,ChesterandDerbywasatleastafactorintheir
remainingloyal,althoughwithDerbyitwasaclose-runthing.174Ontheotherhand,John’streatmentoftheearlsofSalisbury,WinchesterandHereford(inHereford’scaseculminatingintheconfiscationofTrowbridge)wereamongthereasonsfortheirrebellion.Therewereotherbarons,ofcourse,suchasWilliamdeMowbray,who
hadseennoneofJohn’sfavour.Theyweresimplyharriedtopaydebts,anddenied,astheythought,rightandjustice.Itwaseasy,moreover,tofeelappalledatsomeofthosewhodidreceiveJohn’spatronage.TakethecaseofPeterdeMaulay.HecamefromthebordercountrybetweenPoitouandtheTouraine,and
wasanotherofPeterdesRoches’sprotégésfeaturingonWendover’slist.175ThetermsinwhichheisdescribedbytheAnonymousofBéthuneshowbaronialastonishmentathistrajectory:
ThisPeterdeMaulayhadbeenanusheroftheking;butthenhiscareergrewsomuchthathebecameaknightandconstableofCorfe,and
sopowerfulthathefoughtagainsttheearlofSalisbury.176
Infact,Maulaybecamefarmorethanamereknight.HismarriagetoagreatbaronialheiressestablishedhimaslordofDoncasterinYorkshire.Hissuretiesin1214forthemassive7,000marksthatheofferedinreturnincludednotoneofthe
northernbaronswhowerelatertojointherebellion.177
ThiswasjustthekindofmarriagethattheCharterforbadwhenitsaid,inchapter6,thatheirsshouldbe‘marriedwithoutdisparagement’.ItwasnotmerelyoutsiderswhowereoffendedbyMaulay’srise.Johnalsogavehim,fromthelandsconfiscatedinEngland
fromNormanswhohadtakentheFrenchallegiance,thestrategicmanorofUpavoninWiltshireintheheartofBassetandMarshalterritory,thuscharacteristicallycreatingdivisionsbetweenhisownmen.Johndidnotmerelysethis
ownmenagainsteachother.Healsomadequitesuretheystoodinfearofhimself.If
theysteppedoutofline,orfailedinsomeway,theycouldexpectheavypunishment.AgaintherewereprecedentsforthisunderRichardandearlierkings,butthatdidnotmakesuchpenaltiesanythelessresented.TheyhelpexplainwhyevensomeofJohn’sclosestservantsturnedagainsthim.Acaseinpoint
wasHughdeNeville,whoultimatelyrebelledin1216.John’sprobableseductionofhiswifewasnotHugh’sonlygrievance.In1212hehadtooffer6,000markstorecovertheking’sbenevolence,havingallowedtwoprisonerstoescape,andhavingfailedtoaccountproperlyforhisadministrationoftheroyalforest.178John’sheavyhand
couldalsofallonhishouseholdofficials.SoPhilipdeLucyoffered1,000markstorecovertheking’sbenevolence,afterfailinginhisdutiesasclerkofthechamber.179Thethreatenedpunishmentswerenotonlyfinancial.In1212,whenPeterdeMaulaywassomadastodisobeyaroyalorder(especiallygrievousfrom
someoneJohnthoughtwashiscreature),hissuretiesundertookthat,ifhemisbehavedagain,theywouldhandoverhisbodyforanypunishmentwhichJohnwishedtoinflict.Eightofthesureties(sevenleadingministers,includingHughdeNeville,andthesonofanearl)alsoagreedthattheywouldsubjectthemselvestoa
whipping.Allhadtoissuecharterstothateffect.Johnwanteditonrecord.180IftherewasanytruthinthelaterrumourthatMaulaywasinvolvedwiththemurderofJohn’snephewArthur,heknewwhatpunishmenttoexpect.181
Ultimately,John’sregimecollapsedbecauseithadtoonarrowabase.Itsenemies
amongbaronsandknightshadcometofaroutnumberitsfriends.Ithadceasedtocommandanykindofgeneralconsent.Thedemandinchapters12and14oftheCharterthatJohnlevyscutagesandaidswiththecommonconsentofthekingdomcouldhaveappliedtohisruleasawhole.Asitwas,thewayJohnleviedthe
greattaxof1207foreshadowedthelackofconsentthatwouldbringhimdown.AwarethatthetaxcouldnotbejustifiedonthegroundslaterallowedinMagnaCarta(toransomhisbody,toknighthiseldestsonormarryoffhiseldestdaughterononeoccasion),Johnclaimedithadbeenagreedby‘thecommon
counselandassentofourcouncilatOxford’.Butwhatdidthatmean?Itmightbenomore(aswastobesaidofEdwardIin1297)thanpeoplestandingaroundnoddingassentintheking’schamber.182Later,perhapssensingtheinadequacyoftheformula,Johnclaimedthetaxhadbeenagreedby‘thearchbishop[ofYork],the
bishops,abbots,priorsandmagnatesofourkingdom’.TheclaimwasspecioussincethearchbishopofYorkactuallyresistedthetax.Atmost,aroundthirtydays’noticewasgivenforthecouncilatOxfordwherethetaxwasimposed,notthefortydaysdemandedbyMagnaCarta.Thecouncilitselflastedonlyadayanda
half.Noneofthissuggestsitwaswellattendedorwastheforumformuchdebateoragreement.Probablytheconsentinggroupwascomposedoflittlemorethantheking’sministers.183Itiseasy,then,tounderstandwhytheChartergaveexactinstructionsabouthowthetax-grantingassembliesshouldbeconvened.Eventhe
stipulationthatthe‘cause’oftheassemblyshouldbeexpressedinthewritofsummonswasrelevantto1207,whenJohnhadsprungontheoutsiderspresenttheclaimthatthetaxwasneededtodefendthekingdomandrecoverhisrights,althoughtherewasnoimminentthreatofinvasionandtheeventualcampaignofrecoverywas
yearsaway.Latertaxesofthiskindwereusuallyaccompaniedbymajorconcessionsfromthegovernment.Indeed,thenextgreattax,thatof1225,wasconcededinreturnforthedefinitiveissueofMagnaCarta.In1207Johnofferednothinginreturn.Thewholeprocedurein1207showedwhatwaswrongwithJohn’s
rule.Ittookfartoomuchanditgavefartoolittle.
KINGJOHNANDTHEBRITISHISLES
MagnaCartawasnotexclusivelyanEnglishdocument.IthadimportantchaptersdealingwiththegrievancesoftheWelshrulersandthekingofScots,AlexanderII.WhileIreland
onlyfeaturedinJohn’stitlesatthestart,itwascentraltohisquarrelswithsomeofthegreatestbaronialfamilies.AllthiswasrelatedtoJohn’sdominationoftheBritishIsles.TheCrowlandchronicler,writingofthesituationin1211,declaredthattherewasnooneinIreland,ScotlandorWaleswhodidnotobeythekingof
England,somethingachievedbynoneofhispredecessors.184InrespectofScotland,astrikingnewdiscoveryhasindeedrevealedjusthowfarobediencewasexpectedtogo.NoneofthiswasatoddswithJohn’sprimaryaimafter1204ofrecoveringhiscontinentalpossessions.Itwasvitaltopreventdisloyaltyand
disturbanceinBritainandIrelanddisruptingthosecontinentalplans.Therewasalsomoretoit
thanthat.JohnknewtheBritishIslesbetterthananyofhispredecessors.HehadbeenlordofIrelandsince1177,andunderstoodhowhisauthorityandrevenuestheremightbeincreased.AsforWales,John’sfirstmarriage
in1189hadmadehimlordofGlamorganandheretainedthelordshipuntil1214,despitethemarriage’sannulmentin1199.AfterthelossofNormandyin1204,hevisitedWalesortheWelshmarchesineveryyeardownto1211.HewishedtosharpenhisauthorityovertheWelshrulersandexpandtheareasunderhisdirectcontrol,
bothattheirexpenseand,iftheystoodoutofline,thatofthegreatmarcherbarons,attimesplayingoffoneagainsttheother.InScotland,Johnrememberedtheoverlordshipofthekingdomthathisfather,HenryII,hadestablishedbytheTreatyofFalaisein1174,followingWilliamtheLion’scaptureduringthegreatrebellion.In
1189KingRichard,intentonraisingmoneyforhiscrusade,hadallowedKingWilliamtobuybackScotland’sindependence,butJohnwasfarfromregardingthatasthelastword.Secondaryambitionitmayhavebeen,butheverymuchaspiredtoberulerofBritainandIreland.
DOMINATIONOVERWALES
WhenitcametotheWelshchaptersinMagnaCarta,Johnwasnottheonlykingbeingattacked.TheArticlesoftheBaronssoughtredressforWelshmendisseised,withoutjudgementoftheirpeers,bybothHenryIIandRichardoflandinEngland,WalesortheMarch.IntheCharteritself,however,
treatmentofthesedisseisinswaspostponeduntilJohnreturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade.Itwasonlyhisowndisseisinsthatweretobedealtwith.185
Johnwasalso,undertheCharter,toreturnallthehostages‘fromWales’andthecharters(containingthedetailsofunpalatablesubmissions)thathadbeen
givenhimas‘securityofpeace’.ThekindofthingtheWelshrulerscomplainedofisexemplifiedbyJohn’streatmentofGwenwynwynabOwain,therulerofsouthernPowys.In1208GwenwynwynhadattackedPeterfitzHerbert’slordshipinBrecon.Inrevenge,Johnseizedhislandsandplacedhimunderarrestuntilhe
handedovertwentyhostages.Unlesshecameupwiththefirsttwelvewithineightdays,thekingwastobe‘abletodowithhisbodyashewills’.186
Thiswasnoidlethreat.WhenJohnarrivedatNottinghamin1212,hehadtwenty-eightboys,Welshhostages,hangedbeforehetastedfood.187ThechivalricrulesthatactedassomerestraintonJohnin
England(wherehemistreatedhostagesbutdidnotkillthem)hadfarlesspurchaseinWales.188
TheonlyWelshruleractuallynamedinMagnaCartawasthegreatestofthemall,LlywelynabIorwerth.Underchapter58thekingwasimmediatelytoreleasehisson,anddeliverhishostagesandcharters,
alongwithallotherhostagesandcharterstakenfromtheWelsh.EarlyinJohn’sreign,seeingoffrivalsfromwithinhisfamily,LlywelynhadestablishedhismasteryoverthewholeofGwyneddfromtheDeetotheDyfi.Hetitledhimself‘princeofNorthWales’,atitleJohnaccepted.In1205LlywelynwasallowedtomarryJohn’s
illegitimatedaughter,Joan.Goodrelationsdidnotlast.JohnwasfuriouswhenLlywelynscavengedawaysomeoftheterritoriesofGwenwynwyn.In1211JohninvadedGwynedd,penetratingasfarwestasBangor.There,withJoanintercedingwithherfather,Llywelyncametoterms.TohaveJohn’sgraceand
benevolence,hesurrenderedforevertheeasternhalfofGwyneddbetweentheDeeandtheConwy.IfhedidnothaveanheirbyJoan(asseemedlikely,fortheywerechildless),then,onLlywelyn’sdeath,thekingwastohaveallhisremaininglands.Meanwhile,Llywelynwastosurrenderhisillegitimateson,Gruffudd,
anddeliverasmanyhostagesasJohnwished.ThesetermswereallembodiedinacharterthatLlywelynwasforcedtoissue.189Onecanseeverywellwhyitsreturnwasdemandedunderchapter58oftheCharter.AtbestthetreatytruncatedGwynedd,atworst,ifLlywelynandJoanwerechildless,itwouldbringGwyneddtoanend.Whenit
cametoScotland,Johnwasequallyambitious,althoughherehisaimbecamenottoendthekingdombuttosubjectittohisoverlordship.
THESUBJUGATIONOFSCOTLAND
Inthefirstphaseofhisreign,JohnhadleftKingWilliamtheLionlargelyalone,contemptuouslybrushing
asidehislong-standingclaimstoNorthumberland,CumberlandandWestmorland.In1209thesituationchanged.Theinitialdisputeseemstohavebeenoverthesecurityoftheborder,whereWilliam,toJohn’sanger,pulleddownacastlerecentlybuiltatTweedmouth.ThisbroughtJohnnorthinAprilofthat
year.Hewasalready,accordingtooneScottishchronicle,making‘unheardofdemands…inconsistentwiththelibertiesoftheScottishkingdom’.190ProbablyhewasalreadyseekingScotland’ssubjection.Whenhisdemandswererejected,Johnreturnedsouth,whilenegotiationscontinued.There
wasthenamajorescalationofthecrisis.JohnheardthatWilliamwastryingtousethemarriageofoneofhisdaughterstosealanalliancewithPhilipAugustus.191InJulyhesetoffagainforthenorthernborder.AccordingtoacontemporaryScottishnarrative,Johnhadwithhimaround13,000Welshfootsoldiers,1,500knightsfrom
England,and7,000crossbowmenandBrabantinemercenaries.ThenumbersareimpressionisticbutshowJohnhadmusteredanoverwhelmingforce.KingWilliam,old,sickandunprepared,wasinnoconditiontoresist.InAugust1209heagreedtotheTreatyofNorham.
JustwhattheTreatyofNorhamcontainedhaslongbeendebatedbyhistorians.Theproblemisthattwoofthemainaccounts,althoughderivedfromcontemporarysources,arefilteredthroughmuchlaterScottishchronicles.Fortunatelymuchofthemysterycannowbesolved.IhavediscoveredaletterofJohnhimselfsetting
outthemainfeaturesofthetreaty.ThissurvivesasacopyinoneofthemanycartulariesoftheBenedictineabbeyofStAugustineatCanterbury.Thisparticularcartularyprobablydatesfromthemid1320s.ThehandhascopiedtheletterwithmuchothermaterialfromJohn’sreign,someofitconcerningtheaffairsoftheabbey,some
ofgeneralpoliticalinterest.Sincetheletterisaddressedto‘allfaithfulmeninGod’,andthuswasintendedasageneralproclamation,thereisnoproblemaboutitsreachingStAugustine’s.Thatitisgenuinetherecan,Ithink,benodoubt.TheLatintextandatranslationaregiveninAppendixI.192
Intheletter,JohnindicatesthatKingWilliamhimselfistoremaininhisexistingstateofhomage.ThiswasthehomagethathehaddonetoJohnin1200,andwasalmostcertainlyjustforhislandsandrightsinEngland,soforthelordshipofTyndale,andtheearldomofHuntingdonwhichwasheldfromhimbyhisyoungerbrotherDavid.193
WithWilliam’sson,however,theeleven-year-oldAlexander,itwasquitedifferent.Alexander,thelettersaid,‘hasdoneushomageasWilliam,kingofScotland,didhomagetothelordHenry,kingofEngland,ourfather’.Everyoneknewwhatthatmeant.ItreferredtothegreatceremonyatYorkin1175,followingthe1174
TreatyofFalaise,whenKingWilliamhaddonehomagetoHenryII‘forallhistenementsandnamelyforScotland’.HishomagewasfollowedbythatofthechiefmenofScotland.AllthiswasinfulfilmentoftheTreatyofFalaise,whichhadbeenforcedonKingWilliam,followinghiscaptureduringthegreatrebellionagainst
Henrytheyearbefore.194
Technically,ofcourse,Alexandercouldnotin1209havedonehomageforthekingdom,sinceitwasstillheldbyhisfather.Presumablysomeformofwordswasfoundtogetroundthis.PerhapsAlexanderdidhomageforScotlandashisfather’sheir.Whatevertheprecisearrangement,the
implicationwascompletelyclear.OnceAlexandersucceeded,hewouldthendohomageforthekingdominagreatceremonyreplicatingthatatYorkin1175.Theshatteringnatureof
thisconcessionisreflectedinthewayAlexander’shomagewastreatedinScottishsources.Theonlycompletelycontemporarysource,the
Melrosechronicle,writtenbetween1211and1214,ignoresthehomagealtogether,butsaysthatthesettlementwas‘againstthewishesoftheScots’.195IftheScottishnarrativespecifyingthesizeofJohn’sarmiesgavethefullfactsaboutthehomage,theyweretoomuchforthepatrioticWalterBower,writinginthe
fifteenthcentury,throughwhosechroniclethenarrativehasbeenfilteredtous.Bowerhereabandonsthenarrative,andpreferstheaccountinanotherchronicle,theGestaAnnalia.Thisisbasedoncontemporarysources,butwasprobablydoctoredaround1285.196ItactuallymakesoutthatthehomagewasadvantageoustoScottish
independence.WilliamthusresignedhisEnglishlandsandrightstoAlexander,whodidhomageforthemtoJohn,thisaspartofanagreementthathenceforthitwastheheirtotheScottishthronewhowoulddohomagetothekingofEngland.Inotherwords,thekingofScotlandhimselfwouldnolongerowehomagetothekingofEnglandatall.
ThatJohnagreedtoanythinglikethatin1209isinconceivable.Thehomagewasnotthe
onlyhumiliatingfeatureofthe1209agreement.Theletter,herebroadlyinagreementwiththechroniclesources,explainsthatWilliamhadhandedovertoJohnhistwodaughters,Margaret,hisfirst-born,and
Isabella.MargaretwastobemarriedtoJohn’seldestson,Henry,oncehereachedtheageofnineorten,orbefore.(Hewascurrentlynotyettwo.)Isabellawasthentobemarriedayearortwolater,insuchawayastogivehonourtobothJohnandthekingofScotland.John,therefore,hadscotchedanyplanstousethemarriagesofthetwo
daughterstomakeallianceswiththekingofFranceoranyoneelse.TherethenfollowedtheonlythingsintheletteradvantageoustotheScottishroyalhouse.Therewasapledgeofmutualassistance,andapromisefromJohntohelpAlexandersecurethethroneonhisfather’sdeath.Hewouldhelphim‘ashisman’,meaningas
someonewhoowedhomageforthekingdom.Withinthiscontext,WilliamandAlexanderweretoretainalltheirlibertiesanddignitiesandtheirclaimstothethreenortherncounties.Atleasttheyhadnotbeenmadetoresignthelatter,althoughequallytheyhadmadenoprogresstowardstheirrealization.
Somefurtherprovisionsinthetreaty,forwhichthereisdocumentaryevidence,wereleftunmentionedinJohn’sletter.JohnagreednottobuildacastleatTweedmouth,sothatatleastwasaScottishgain.197Ontheotherhand,Williamhadtohandoveraroundthirteenhostages,andpromisetopay15,000marksforJohn’sbenevolence.In
1189only10,000markshadbeenneededtorecoverScotland’sindependence.Thistimethemoneywasessentiallytobuyoffinvasionandconquest.198
In1212JohnstrengthenedhisholdoverScotlandyetfurther,helpedbythefactthatWilliamandAlexanderwerenowfacinginternalrevolt.199InFebruaryhemet
WilliamagainatNorham,andtheagreementsof1209wereprobablyreaffirmed.Inaddition,WilliamconcededthatwithinsixyearsJohncouldmarryAlexander,‘ashisliegeman’,towhomeverJohnwished,providedthatAlexanderwasnotdisparaged.200TheconcessionwascompletelyatoddswithanyideaofScottish
independence.John’soverlordshipofthekingdomcouldnothavebeenmoreclearlydemonstrated.Nextmonth,Alexander,nowfourteen,camesouthandwasknightedbyJohninLondon.HereturnedwithBrabantinemercenariestohelpputdowntherevoltofGuthred,sonofDonaldmacWilliam.201
Williamhimselfwasnow
sixty-nineandailing.John’sgreatdaywhenAlexanderwouldsucceedanddohomageforthekingdomwasapproaching.Tomakesureofit,JohnstartedtobuildupapartyinScotland.HegaveapensiontoRobertdeLondres,anillegitimatesonofKingWilliam,whohadahighpositionattheScottishcourt.202HealsograntedAlan
ofGalloway,constableofScotland,agreatfiefinUlster.203HismainconsiderationsherewereIrish,butAlan’spowerwouldalsohelpinScotlandinthecrucialperiodafterWilliam’sdeath.Thisnewaccountof
ScottishpoliticshasdirectrelevancetotheScottishchapterinMagnaCarta.The
precisemeaningofchapter59willbediscussedlater,butitcoveredthereturnofAlexander’ssistersandthehostages,andthusreacteddirectlytothewaytheyhadbeenhandedoverintheTreatyofNorhamin1209.204
Here,andwhenitcametothequestionofAlexander’srightsandliberties,itlaiddownthathewastobe
treatedinthesamewayas‘ourotherbaronsofEngland’.ForAlexanderthismadeacrucialpoint.TheonlyrelationshipbetweenhimselfandKingJohnwasas‘abaronofEngland’.Hewasnotinanywayasubjectking.Asfarashewasconcerned,the1209treatywasdead.205
IRELANDANDTHEBREAKINGOFTHEBRIOUZES
John’spoliciesinIrelandalsohelpedshapetheeventsthatledtoMagnaCarta.Nowheredidhedemonstratemoreclearlythefrighteningpowerofhismonarchyandhisabilitytobreakeventhegreatestbaronialfamilies.Ireland,likeWales,was
ideallysuitedtoamasterof
manipulationsuchasJohn.Hecouldplayoffthenativerulersinthewest(nominallyinhisallegiance)againstthebaroniallordsinMunster,Leinster,MeathandUlster.HecoulddealwithmenfromeachgroupbothdirectlyandthroughhisjusticiarbasedinDublin,whocontrolledtheareassubjectimmediatelytoroyalrule.Inthefirstpartof
thereign,thejusticiarwasMeilerfitzHenry,thegreatenemyofWilliamMarshal.John’spoliciestowardsboththenativerulersandthebaroniallordsoftendependedonhisfortuneselsewhereinhisempire.Hecossetedorcanedthemasitsuitedhiswiderpurpose,whilealwaysseekingtoincreasehisincome.In1203Johnthus
orderedthejusticiartotakeoverthebestportsandvillagesinConnacht,andinvesttherevenuesinbuildingcastles,foundingnewvillagesanddoingeverythingpossibleforroyal‘profit’.206ItwaslikewisewiththeaimofmakingmoneythatJohnin1207institutedthefirstIrishcoinage.Healsobuiltnew
castlesatDublinandAthlone,establishedtheproceduresoftheEnglishcommonlawandachievedalargeandlastingexpansionintheareasunderdirectroyalcontrol.AttheheartofJohn’s
dealingswiththebaroniallordsinIrelandwerehisrelationswithWilliamdeBriouze.207WilliamwaslordofBriouzeinNormandy,
BramberinSussex,andRadnorandotherlandsinthemarchesofWales.VeryclosetoJohnatthestartofhisreign,Briouzewasrewardedin1202withagrantof‘thehonourofLimerick’innorthernMunster.Hispresencethere,Johnhoped,wouldhelpcontrolanareacontestedwiththenativerulers.Characteristically,
however,Johnkeptsomethingback,namelythecityofLimerickitself,allowingBriouzeatmosttoactthereasroyalcustodian.Controlofthecity,therefore,becameagreatboneofcontentionbetweenBriouzeandthejusticiar,MeilerfitzHenry.Anotherwascreatedin1206whenMeilerbegantoassertroyalcontrol
overpartsofMunster,intheprocessencroachingonBriouze’slordship.Withrelationsdeteriorating,Johnopenedupanewlineofattack,onethatalsotaughtagenerallessontohisbaronsabouttheneedtopaytheirdebts.208Briouzehadpromised5,000marksforthegrantofLimerick,whichhewassupposedtopayoffat
1,000marksayear.By1207,disappointedoverLimerickcity,andthinkingperhapsthatJohnwasnotserious,hehadclearednomorethan700marks.209John,however,wasnowveryseriousindeed.In1208hestartedtocompelpaymentbydistrainingonBriouze’schattels.WhenBriouzeresisted,allhislandsandcastlesinEnglandand
Wales(whereGerardd’Athéewastheagent)wereseizedintotheking’shands.BriouzefledtoIreland,withhiswife,Matilda,andWilliam,hiseldestson.InIreland,Briouzewas
harbouredbyWilliamMarshal,lordofLeinster,andthebrothersWalterandHughdeLacy,respectivelylordsofMeathandUlster.Walterwas
Briouze’sson-in-law,andtheywereclosecollaborators.SinceJohnhadorderedMarshalandtheLacystohandBriouzeover,hecouldnotpossiblyletthisdefiancepass.In1208anexpeditiontoIrelandhadalreadybeenontheagenda,afterMarshalandtheLacyshadworstedMeilerfitzHenry.In1210Johnfinallywentthere,takinga
greatarmy.Bythetimehesailed,BriouzehadleftIreland,andwaslittlemorethanafugitive.TheexpeditionwasnowaboutdisciplininghisIrishsupporters.WilliamMarshalwiselysubmitted,andretainedhislands,butWalterandHughdeLacywereexpelledfromMeathandUlster.Johnwasmuchless
successfulinhisdealingswiththenativekings,buthehaddemonstratedhispoweroverthebaroniallordsinstunningfashion.210ThecorollarywasalsoamassiveincreaseinJohn’spowerinWales,whereWalterdeLacy’sLudlowandalltheBriouzelordshipscameintohishands.
WilliamdeBriouzehadleftMatildaandtheirsonWilliaminIreland.TheyhadthengonetoScotland,onlytobecapturedthereandbroughttotheking.MatildadeStValery,asshestyledherself,usingherfamilyname,waseasilythemostfamouswomanofherage.John’sownaccountofhisquarrelwithherhusbandshowsthat
WilliamandMatildawereverymuchateam,andgivesavividpictureofhercourageandresourcefulness.GeraldofWalespraisedMatilda’shouseholdmanagementandheracquisitionofproperty.TheAnonymousofBéthunerecordedherboastthatshehad12,000milkingcowsandsomuchcheesethatitwouldsupportabesiegedgarrisonof
100menforamonth,andstillleavesometothrowfromthebattlements.Matildawouldknowbecauseinthe1190sshehaddefendedtheBriouzecastleofPainscastlefromanattackbytheWelsh,whereafteritwasalwayscalled‘ThecastleofMatilda’.JohnhimselfcalledherMatildadeHay,probablybecauseshealsocommanded
attheBriouzecastleatHay-on-Wye.AccordingtoRogerofWendover,MatildarefusedtohandoverhersonstoJohnashostages,remarkingthatsheknewwhatJohndidtoboysinhiscustody,areference,ofcourse,tohismurderofArthur.Thestorymaybeapocryphalbutitcatchesherspirit.211
AccordingtotheAnonymous
ofBéthune,Matildawas‘abeautifullady,mostwise,mostworthyandmostenergetic.Shewasneverabsentfromanyofherhusband’scouncils.ShecarriedonwarfareagainsttheWelshinwhichsheconqueredagooddeal.’212
John’sdestructionofthiscelebratedwomanandhersonthroughstarvationwasa
hideouscrime.ItsimpactonbaronialopinioncanbegaugedfromthehorrificandpiteousaccountintheAnonymousofBéthune.213ItwasnotasthoughWilliamjuniorwashimselfunknown.Hewasalreadyoffullage,activeinrunningthefamilyestatesandmarriedtoadaughteroftheearlofClare.214Hewas‘oneofus’.
ThemurdersseemedmoreterriblethanthatofArthur,whowasafigureremotefromtheEnglishbaronage.TheybroughtJohn’sviolenceandcrueltyclosetohome.Afterhisreturnfrom
Ireland,butbeforeMatilda’smurder,JohnissuedalongaccountofhisquarrelwiththeBriouzes.Itisanextraordinarydocument,and
cannotbeentirelyspecious,foritwaswitnessedandthusinasensevouchedforbymanyearlsandbaronswhowerelatertorebel,includingWilliamdeBriouzejunior’sfather-in-law,theearlofClare.215Plainly,Johnfelthehadsomeexplainingtodo,ameasureoftheanxietyandcriticismprovokedbyhisconduct.Yetthedocumentis
asmuchawarningasanexcuse.Onepurposeistodemonstratetheutterruinawaitingthosewhocrosstheking.WilliamdeBriouzehimselfendsupasanoutlaw,andthusliabletobekilledonsight.(IntheeventhediedinexileinFrancein1211.)Matilda,atthelast,isforcedtopromise50,000markssimplyforthelifeandlimbs
ofherselfandherfamily.Whentheking’sministerscometoherinprisontodemandthefirstinstalment,allthatshehasisapathetic£16andafewpiecesofgold.Theimplicationisthatherlifeisnowforfeit.Andhowhadallthiscomeabout?BecauseBriouzefailedtopayhisdebts.Theneedforbaronialdebtors(ofwhom
Clarewasone)topayupwasmadechillinglyclear.216
Whileissuingthiswarning,Johnisatpainstoshowthathehasactedperfectlylawfully.WilliamdeBriouzehasbeenoutlawedaccordingto‘thecustomofEngland’.217
Matilda’sagreementwithJohnhasbeenconfirmedbyearlsandbaronsinattendance.Briouzehasbeen
distrainedtopayhisdebtsaccording‘tothecustomofthekingdomandthelawoftheexchequer’.John’sopponentswerethussetachallenge.Whatwerethestandardsbywhichthekingcouldbejudgedandbroughttoaccount?
8
StandardsofJudgement
Ingeneralterms,John’sgovernmentwasconsideredextortionateandunjust.Butwhatwerethecontemporarystandardsthatinformedandvalidatedthisjudgement?WhenIfirstlecturedonMagnaCarta,Iusedtosaythatitwasbereftofpoliticalideas.Iwasrightinthatithasnolongprologuejustifyingtherestrictionsitwasplacing
ontheking.Yet,inotherrespects,Iwasquitewrong,sinceideasoflaw,justice,judgement,custom,counsel,consentandreasonableconductrunthroughtheCharterliketheshellsinashaftofPurbeckmarble.
THEIDEASINTHECHARTER
Atfirstsight,itwasindividuals,aloneand
defenceless,whobenefitedfromtheCharter.Itsconcessions,afterall,weregrantedtoindividuals,‘toall…freemen’.Yetthesemenwerepartofandprotectedbyawiderentity:thekingdom.1Theword‘kingdom’–‘regnum’–appearstwenty-onetimesintheCharterandisfundamentaltoit.Thekingdomwasaphysical,
geographicalentitythatonecouldenter,exitandtravelwithin.Ifthekingleftit,thechiefjusticiartookoveritsgovernment.Withinittherewastobeonemeasureforcloth,foodanddrink.2Thekingdomwasalsoalivingentitythatpossesseditsownlaw–the‘lexregni’–andcouldgiveitscommonconsenttotaxation.3Things
couldbedoneforitsharmandalsoforits‘reform’and‘utility’.4Thekingdompossesseditsownpeople.ThefreementowhomtheCharterwasgrantedwerenotsoisolatedafterall;theywerethefreemenof‘ourkingdom’,justasthebaronswerethebaronsofthekingdom.5
AttheendoftheCharter,inchapter60,Johndeclaredthathisconcessionsweretobeheld‘inourkingdom’.Thisavoidedsayingthattheyweretobeheld‘by’thekingdombutcameclosetoit.Infact,thatwasveryquicklyhowtheCharterwasregarded.TheDunstableannalistcalleditaCharter‘concerningthelibertiesof
thekingdomofEngland’.6OnthebackoftheLincolnoriginal,itisdescribedinacontemporaryhandasa‘ConcordbetweenKingJohnandtheBarons’achievedby‘theconcessionofthelibertiesofthechurchandthekingdomofEngland’.HenryIIIhimselfin1255wroteof‘MagnaCarta’asbeing‘aboutthelibertiesconceded
tothegenerality[universitas]ofEngland’.7
JohnclaimedthroughouttheCharterthatthekingdomwas‘his’kingdom.Indeedthatseemedinherentintheveryword‘kingdom’.YettheChartertestifiedpowerfullytotheviewthatthekingdomhadbeenharmedbythekingandwasnowextractingthemuchneeded‘reform’–
‘emendatio’–fromhim.SometranslationsoftheCharterseemtocapturethissenseofthekingdomapartfromthekingbyrendering‘regnum’notas‘kingdom’butas‘realm’.8Thisforeshadowstheuniversaltranslationofthe‘communitasregni’,whichrangeditselfagainstJohn’sson,HenryIII,as
‘communityoftherealm’ratherthan‘communityofthekingdom’.‘Realm’hassomecontemporarywarrant.WhentheCoronationCharterofHenryIwastranslatedintoFrenchinJohn’sreign,‘regnum’appearsas‘reaume’,thewordfromwhichtheEnglish‘realm’derives.9‘Reaume’isalsofoundinFrenchtranslations
ofthe1225Charter.10Thereare,however,problems.ThereisnoindicationinJohn’sreignthat‘reaume’–‘realm’–carriedthenuanceswithwhichitisinvestedin‘thecommunityoftherealm’.RatheritseemssynonymouswithanotherFrenchword,‘regne’,theEnglishequivalentofkingdom.Itis‘regne’not‘reaume’that
appearsthroughouttheFrenchtranslationofMagnaCartaprobablymadein1215itself.Apartfromoneappearanceof‘reaume’,‘regne’isalsofoundthroughoutalaterFrenchtranslation.11‘Kingdom’has,therefore,beenpreferredinthetranslationgiveninthisbook.
TheCharter,however,certainlyhadawordthatindicatedapoliticalentity,similartothekingdombutseparatefromtheking.Thewordwas‘land’.‘Land’appearstentimesintheCharter.Inchapter41itisinnocuous.Itspeaksofthetreatmentofmerchants‘inourland’,ratherthankingdom,soastobalance
merchantsfromlandsthatmightbeatwarwiththeking,thepointbeingthatnotallsuchmerchantsnecessarilybelongedtokingdoms.Elsewhere,however,theuseof‘land’intheChartercarriesahighpoliticalcharge.ItcomesinthemostaggressiveclausesintheCharterwherethekingisbeingcoercedandhis
arbitraryconductchallenged.Itisthusthe‘communeofalltheland’,formedbyauniversaloath,thatistoaidthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclauseinkeepingJohntohispromises,notthe‘communeofthekingdom’.Johnistoproceedagainstfreemenonlybylawfuljudgementoftheirpeersor‘thelawoftheland’.Heisto
forgiveallfinesmadeunjustly‘andagainstthelawoftheland’.12Moreoverhisofficials,underchapter42oftheArticlesoftheBarons,aretoknow‘thelawoftheland’andmeantoobserveit.Johnmanagedtoget‘land’herechangedinMagnaCarta(chapter45)to‘kingdom’,butinthecontemporaryFrenchtranslationthisisthe
oneplacewhere‘regnum’doesnotbecome‘regne’.Insteaditappearsas‘land’–‘laterre’.EitherthetranslatorsensedtheintentionoftheArticlesorhewasworkingfromanengrossmentwherethechangehadnotbeenmade.13Thepointinallthesecaseswastoassertthattherewasanentitycoterminouswiththekingdombut
separateandinawayolderthanit.Thereisnoindicationthatthelandistheking’s.Theimplicationisratherthattheland,theelementalland,withitsownlawandpeople,hadbeentherebeforekingsandkingdoms.ItwastothisthateveryonebelongedwhentheyformedthecommunityofthelandtoenforcetheCharteragainsttheking.
TheCharteralsoassertedsomethingelse,somethingsoobviousthatitiseasytoforgetitssignificance.Thekingdom,theland,wasEngland.ThisEnglishnessoftheCharterisanotherofitschiefcharacteristics.TheCharterhasfourteenreferencestoEnglandandthreetothe‘Englishchurch’–‘Anglicanaecclesia’.
Merchantsaretobeallowedtogo‘fromEngland’,‘intoEngland’,‘throughEngland’.Fishweirsaretoberemovedfromtherivers‘throughallEngland’.ThekinsmenofGerardd’Athéearenolongertoholdoffice‘inEngland’.14
Englandalsopossessesitsownlaw,anditsownbarons,‘our…baronsofEngland’asJohnputsit.15Itwasbuta
smallsteptoseetheCharterasbeinggranted,asHenryIIIlaterputit,tothe‘universitasofEngland’.IntheCharter,thechoice
of‘England’,asopposedto‘kingdom’or‘land’,isnotpointedinthesamewayasisthechoicebetween‘kingdom’and‘land’.Wehearof‘thelawofEngland’inchapter56soasto
distinguishitfrom‘thelawofWales’.YettheEnglishnessofthecharterstillreflectedsomethingofgreatimportanceagainstwhichJohnandhisgovernmentweretested.BytheearlythirteenthcenturythereremainedanelitegroupofbaronswhohadlandinbothEnglandandNormandy.16
Theyarefoundbothamong
John’scounsellorsatthestartoftheCharterandamongthetwenty-fivebaronswhoweretoenforceit.TheearlsofPembroke,Warenne,Arundel,ClareandHereford,andWilliamdeMowbrayandRobertdeRos,allfallintothiscategory.Suchmen,before1204,hadtravelledconstantlybackandforthacrosstheChannel,muchlike
theking.TheywerejustaslikelytohavebeenborninNormandyasinEngland.Intermsoftheirnationality,ifandwhentheythoughtaboutit,thiseliteprobablyregardedthemselvesasAnglo-Norman.JohnhimselfhadbeenborninEngland,butwhetherhefeltEnglishisdoubtful.HisbrotherRichard,like-wiseborninEngland,
certainlydidnot.‘YouEnglisharetooscrupulous,’heonceexclaimed,beforethreateningtosendhismercenarycaptain,Mercadier,tosortsomeoneout.17
Bytheearlythirteenthcentury,thisAnglo-Normanbaronialelitewereinatinyminority.Thegreatbulkofthepoliticalcommunityof
baronsandknightswerebornandheldtheirlandsexclusivelyinEngland.Englandwastheir‘land’.ThestrengthoftheEnglishtidecanbeseeninthewaytheHistoryofWilliamMarshaltriedtostresstheEnglishnessofitshero.18WilliamwasborninEngland,buthemadehiscareeronthecontinentandbecameagreatAnglo-
Normanbaron.Hisson,thepatronoftheHistory,wasborninNormandy,andforthatreasonledtheNormancontingentatthebattleofLincolnin1217.YetamajorthemeoftheHistoryishowtheMarshal,asaloyal‘Englishman’–‘unsEngleis’–savedEnglandfromtheFrenchinvasionof1216–17.Whenhebecomesregent
thereisnobetterman‘inEngland’.BeforethebattleofLincolnheexhortsthearmytodefend‘ourland’fromtheFrench.Hisultimatedemiseis‘badforEngland’.TheHistoryalsogloatsatthehundredFrenchmeneatenbydogs,whomtheEnglishhadkilledbetweenWinchesterandRomseyduringthe1215–17civilwar.19Tobesure,
Englishnationalfeeling,asrevealedintheHistory,aworkofthemid-1220s,wasaccentuatedbycivilwarandthepoliticsofHenryIII’sminority.20Suchtensionswerethere,however,before1215.Asfarbackas1189,theappointmentoftheNorman,WilliamLongchamp,asRichard’schancellorhadbeencriticized
onthegroundsthathewasanobscureforeigner.21TheMelrosechronicle’saccusationthatJohnoppressedhissubjectswithforeignsoldiersandgavepatronagetoalienswasmadeinorsoonafter1218,andthusbeforethecrisesofHenry’sminority.22ThecomplaintthatJohnwasgeneroustoforeignersand
trustedmoreinaliensthanhisownpeoplewasmadebythewell-balancedCrowlandchronicler.23OnemaywellbelieveRalphofCoggeshallwhenhesaysthatin1214thenoblesofthekingdomgrumbledwhenthealien,PeterdesRoches,wasappointedoverthemasjusticiar.Underchapter50oftheCharterJohnwasto
removefromofficePeter’scountrymen,theTourangeaurelationsofGerardd’Athée.Asthechaptersaid,heavingwithemotion,‘henceforththeyshallholdnobailiwickinEngland’.InsomeoftheengrossmentsoftheCharter,thereisnodivisionbetweenthischapterandthenext,whichremovedfromthecountryall‘alien’soldiers
whohadcome‘totheharmofthekingdom’.InthemindoftheCharter,Gerard’skinwereequallyalienswhohadharmedthekingdom.ThewholeEnglishnessoftheChartersetastandardbywhichJohnwasfoundwanting.Thekingdom,theland,
England,then,hadpossessionsandcouldsuffer
harm.Ofthepossessions,byfarthemostimportantwerelawandcustom.Morethananythingelseitwasthesethatshouldprotectthepeoplefromharm.The‘lawofthekingdom’,the‘lawoftheland’,and‘thelawofEngland’appearsixtimesintheCharter.Noonewastobeproceededagainstsavebyjudgementoftheirpeersor
thelawoftheland;thoseimprisonedandoutlawedaccordingtothelawofthekingdomwerenottobeallowedbackintothekingdom;officialsweretoknowthelawofthekingdomandmeantoobserveit;finesandamercementsmadeunjustlyandagainstthelawofthelandweretobequashed;disseisinssuffered
bytheWelshinEnglandweretobejudgedby‘thelawofEngland’.24
ThelawofEnglandwasnotalawlaiddowninlegislation.AsGlanvilldeclared,‘thelawsofEnglandarenotwritten’.Rather,theywerethelegalrulesthatgovernedtheconductofjusticeinthecourts.Whenitcametothe
localcourtsofshireandhundred,theserulesweresomanyandvariousthattheycouldnot,Glanvillthought,bewrittendown.Otherrules,however,workedoutbytheking’sjudgesorpromulgatedbythekingincouncil,were‘infrequentandgeneralusethroughoutthekingdom’.ItwasthesethatformedtheprincipalsubjectofGlanvill,
andlayattheheartofthecommonlaw.25
Definedlikethis,therewasnotmuchdistinctionbetweenlawandcustom.IndeedGlanvillwasdescribedasatreatise‘onthelawsandcustomsofthekingdomofEngland’.‘Custom’itselfappearsfivetimesintheCharter,andonthreeoccasionsitisaffirmedas
‘ancient’.Clearlytheantiquityofthecustomwasthoughttogiveitaspecialstrength.Tenants-in-chiefwerethustosucceedonpaymentof‘theancientrelief’,andbetreatedaccordingto‘theancientcustomoffees’.Londonwastohaveits‘ancientlibertiesandfreecustoms’,aswereallothercities,boroughs,vills
andports.Merchantsweretobeallowedtobuyandsell‘accordingtoancientandrightcustoms’.Inaddition,villsandmenwerenottobuildbridgessavewhenobligedtodoso‘fromancienttimesandbylaw’.Thecountiesweretobeheldattheir‘ancientfarms’.Wherelordswerethepatronsofabbeysthrough‘ancient
tenure’,theyweretohavecustodyofthemduringvacancies.26
Undertheshelteroflawandcustom,mencouldexpectaboveall‘justice’.Johnthuspromisednottodeny,delayorselljustice,andtogive‘fulljustice’onseveralissueswhenhereturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade.27
Justicewasitselfcloselylinkedto‘judgement’,whichmakestwelveappearancesintheCharter,onsevenoccasionsasjudgementbypeers.28Itwasbysomethingcloselyakintojudgement,‘arbitrium’,thatthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclauseweretodecidewhetherJohnhadputrighthis
transgressionsandbreachesoftheCharter.Therewasanotherkeyidea
thatinformedmuchoftheCharter:theideathatexactionsshouldbe‘reasonable’.Inthecaseofwardships,inchapter4,custodianswereonlytoexact‘reasonableissuesandreasonablecustomsandreasonableservices’.In
chapters12and15,aidsimposedonthekingdomandonunder-tenantsweretobe‘reasonable’.Knights,inchapter29,weretobeallowedtosendsubstitutestoperformcastleguardiftheycouldshow‘areasonablecause’.Althoughtheworditselfwasnotused,whenchapter20laiddownthatamercementsshouldmatch
themeansoftheoffenderandthenatureoftheoffence,itwasineffectcallingforthemtobe‘reasonable’.Ifallthiswasobeyed,whatindividualsaboveallshouldenjoyweretheir‘rights’.AtthestartoftheCharter,thechurchwastohaveits‘rightsinwhole’.Laterchapters(52,53and59)addressedthegrievancesofthose,includingthekingof
Scotland,whomJohnhaddeprivedoftheirrights.Inchapter40Johnpromisedtodenynoone‘rightorjustice’.MagnaCarta,therefore,
wasfullofideasaboutthestandardsthatJohnshouldmeet.Thosestandards,however,didnotapplytotheking’ssubjectsinthesamewayandinthesamemeasure.Atitsbroadest,theking
promisedjusticetoeveryone.Someofhisconcessionsintheareasoflocalgovernmentwouldindeedhavelightenedtheburdensonallhissubjects.Yettherewasafundamentaldifferencebetweenwhatwasavailabletothefreeandtheunfree.Thekingofferedhisjusticetotheformerintheirdisputesoverrightsandproperty,butnotto
thelatter.Therewasalsoafundamentaldifferencewhenitcametotheking’stenants-in-chief.Withthesemen,thekinghadauniquerelationship.Itwasfoundedonthemutualbondbetweenlordandtenant,inwhich,asGlanvillputit,‘thelordowesasmuchtothemanonaccountoflordshipasthemanowestothelordon
accountofhomage,saveonlyreverence’.29TheCharterappliedideasofancientcustomandreasonablepracticetotheingredientsoftherelationship,sotorelief,wardshipsandmarriages.Italsotestified,initschapterontaxation,tothecounselthatwasowedbytenantstotheirlord.TheCharter,therefore,setstandardsforJohnasboth
kingandlord.ItwasbecausehehadfailedasboththatMagnaCartawasnecessary.
THEORIGINSOFTHEIDEAS
ManyofthebasicconceptsinMagnaCartawereveryold,andpartofageneralEuropeaninheritance.IntheBible,whereSaulwasonlyoneexampleofatyrannicalking,judgementandjustice
werefrequentlylinkedtogether:
Beholdthedayscome,saiththeLord,thatIwillraiseuntoDavidajustbranch,andakingshallreignandwillbewise,andshallexecutejudgementandjusticeintheland.
SoranJeremiah23:5.Suchideaswereelaboratedinalongtraditionofthought
stretchingbacktoAugustineandtoGregorytheGreat.Themaxim,‘thekingissonamedfromactingjustly’–‘rexarecteagendovocatur’–oftenquotedinthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies,camefromIsidoreofSeville(560–636).ToreadJanetNelson’sstudyof‘badkingship’intheearlyMiddleAgesistoenteranideologicalworldvery
similartothatofEnglandintheearlythirteenthcentury.30
ThusthelaterCarolingiankingswereaccused,likeKingJohn,ofbeingarbitrary,wilfulandtyrannical.Theyhaddeprivedmenoftheirproperty‘againstthelaw’andhadaggressivelyandinventivelyextortedtheirwealth;allthisinsteadofactingjustlyandreasonably,
forthe‘utility’oftheirsubjects,bythe‘commoncounsel’oftheir‘faithfulmen’.IntheeleventhcenturyKingConradIIofGermanyprotectedknightsfromarbitrarydisseisinbylayingdownthattheywerenottobedeprivedoftheirlands‘saveaccordingtotheconstitutionofourancestorsandthejudgementoftheirpeers’.31
Theprincipleofjudgementbypeers,whenitappearedinchapter39oftheCharter,was,therefore,centuriesold.Asforthemutual
obligationsinvolvedinlordship,theseweresetoutveryfullyintheearlyeleventhcenturybyFulbertofChartresinalettertothedukeofAquitaine.The‘faithfulman’–‘fidelis’–to
beworthyofwhatheheldfromhislord,hadtodisplayloyaltyinawholeseriesofways,‘andthelordinallthesemattersshouldbehaveinthesamewaytowardshisfidelis’.Bothwouldbeequally‘perfidiousandperjured’iftheyfailedintheirobligations.32Fulbert’sideastoohaddeeproots,beinginfluencedbythe
writingsofIsidoreofSeville,ArchbishopHincmarofRheims(806–82)andCarolingiancapitularies.33
Theideasalsohadalongfuture.Around1200Fulbert’sletterwasinsertedintoamid-twelfth-centuryLombardcompilationknownas‘TheBookofFees’,whichinturnwasincorporated,inthethirteenthcentury,intothe
fundamentalstatementofRomanlawknownasthe‘CorpusIurisCivilis’.34
EnglandhadlongbeenpartofthesewiderEuropeandevelopments.Akeystandardbywhichkingscouldbejudgedwastheoaththeysworeattheircoronations.ThishadappearedforthefirsttimeinWestFrankiain877,andwas
introducedacenturylaterinEnglandforthecoronationofEdgarinc.960or973.35Inessencetheoathboundthekingtoprotectthechurch,maintainthepeaceandgivejustice,anditwaseasytothinkthatJohnhadnotdonethat.Indeed,whenhewasreconciledtothechurchandhisexcommunicationwasliftedin1213,Johnhadto
renewhisoath.36Therewerealsothestandardsthatkingssetthemselvesincharterswhichtheyissuedatthetimeoftheircoronations.IthasbeenplausiblyarguedthattheCoronationCharterofKingCnutispreservedinoneofhislawcodes.Itcoversthemalpracticesoflocalofficials,theratesofheriot(differentfrombutinsomewaysakin
torelief)andtherightof‘widowsandmaidens’nottobeforcedintomarriage.‘ThejourneytowardsRunnymede’hadalreadybegun.37
Thejourneyhadgonealotfurtherbythetimeofthe1100CoronationCharterofHenryI.Henry’sCharterbecameverywellknown,and,aswewillsee,wasparadedbeforeKingJohnin
1214–15.Indeed,soastobemoreaccessibletotheseculararistocracy,aroundthattimeitwastranslatedintoFrench.38ThechartershowedhowoldideasaboutlordshiphadbecomechannelledintothenewtenurialstructurescreatedbytheNormanConquest.TheConquesthadcreatedasocietyinwhichalllandwasheldfromtheking
byhistenants-in-chiefwithattendantrightsandobligations.39ThustheCoronationCharter,afterafirstchapter,likeMagnaCarta,onthechurch,wentontoregulatetherelationshipbetweenthekingandthebarons,earlsandothers‘whoheld’fromhim,thusdealingwiththelevyingofrelief,andthetreatmentofwardships,
marriagesandwidows.InallthisitanticipatedMagnaCarta.Thepoliticalunitgoverned
bythe1100CoronationCharteristhe‘regnum’–‘thekingdom’–justasitisinMagnaCarta.ThewordappearssixtimesinwhatisashortCharterofonlyfourteenclauses.Sometimesitistheking’skingdom,‘my
kingdom’,buttwiceitis‘thekingdomofEngland’,inasenseseparatefromtheking.Itisthus‘thekingdomofEngland’thathasbeenoppressedbytheunjustexactionsofHenryI’spredecessor,WilliamRufus.The1100Charterwasequallyclearaboutthestandardsthatshouldobtaininthekingdom.Itmakesthreereferencesto
‘right’–‘rectum’–andsevento‘justice’–‘justicia’.Things‘unjust’anddone‘unjustly’inthepastweretobe‘just’anddone‘justly’inthefuture.TheCoronationCharterdoesnotreferto‘judgement’,unlikeMagnaCarta,but‘judgementbypeers’wasaswellknowninEnglandasitwasinGermany.Itappearedbothin
HenryI’streatywiththecountofFlandersin1101andinalegalworkfromhisreign,knownas‘TheLawsofHenryI’.Thelatteraddedthatthepeersweretobefrom‘thesameprovince’asthepersonjudged,thusanticipatingMagnaCarta’sdemandthatamercementsshouldbeimposedby‘uprightmenofthe
neighbourhood’.40TheCoronationChartermakesnoreferenceto‘reasonable’exactions,buttheideaunderlaythestipulationthatpenaltiesshouldbe‘accordingtothenatureoftheoffence’.Moststrikingofallwastheemphasisinthe1100Charteronthekingrulingwithcounsel.Henrythuspromisedtogiveheiressesin
marriageandretainforestsinhishandswith‘thecounsel’or‘commoncounsel’ofhisbarons.Indeed,hehadcometothethrone,‘bythecommoncounselofthebaronsofallthekingdomofEngland’.Therewas,therefore,noconceptualstepinvolvedwhenMagnaCartademandedthattaxationshouldonlybelevied‘bythe
commoncounselofthekingdom’.41Indeed,hadnotJohn’sresistancebeenstronger,theChartermightwellhavedemandedsuchcounselacrossabroaderrangeofissues.Inthefinalpromiseofhis
CoronationCharter,HenryIsaidthathewouldmaintainthelawsofEdwardtheConfessoralongwiththe
changesmadebyWilliamtheConqueror‘bythecounselofhisbarons’.Infact,therewerenowrittenlawsofEdward,andthepromise,ifithadanyreality,meantsimplythatHenrywouldmaintainthelawsandcustomswhichwerethoughttohaveoperatedinEdward’stime.Aroundthemiddleofthetwelfthcentury,however,
someonedecidedtomakeupforthislack,andproducedaworkofthirty-fivechaptersentitledtheLegesEdwardiConfessoris(TheLawsofEdwardtheConfessor).Thiswasquicklyacceptedastherealthing,andtheworkbecamepopular.AlongsidetheCoronationCharterofHenryI,itwasflourishedinJohn’sfaceandbecame
thereforeanotherstandardbywhichhiskingshipwasjudged.Theimportanceofthe
LegesEdwardiwasnotinthepreciseandsometimesarchaicproceduresthattheydescribedformaintainingtheking’speace.Rather,itlayinreinforcingthepicture,howeverapocryphalinthecaseofWilliamthe
Conqueror,ofakingrulingwiththecounselandconsentofhispeople,andindeedacceptingthelawastheydefinedit.ThusatthestartoftheLegesEdwardiwehearhowKingWilliam‘bythecounselofhisbarons’summoned‘fromallthecountiesofthecountryEnglishnobles’sothathecouldlearntheircustoms.
Thesehefinallyaccepted‘bythecounselandattherequestofthebarons’.Williamseemsheretobetakingtheadviceofabaronialassembly,butactuallytheLegesEdwardialsoshowedsomethingelseofrelevanceto1215,namelythatthepoliticalcommunity,bywhichthekingshouldbeguided,wasnotsimplyabaronialone.Having
describedtheconveningoftheEnglishnoblesontheadviceofhisbarons,theLegesEdwardisetoutasecondstageintheprocedure.Twelvemenweretobe‘chosenfromeachcountyoftheentirecountry,todeclareonoaththeirlawsandcustoms’.42Theparallelisobviouswithchapter48ofMagnaCarta,inwhichtwelve
swornknightsaretobeelectedineachcountytoinvestigateandabolish‘allevilcustoms’.Thereisalsoalinkherewiththe1100Charter,forthattaughtthesamelessonaboutthebreadthofthepoliticalcommunity.Henrythusmadedirectconcessionstothe‘knights’whenitcametothepaymentofthegeld,andtwiceinsisted
thatthebaronspassonwhattheyweregettingfromhimtotheirownmen.43
KINGARTHURANDHISKNIGHTS
Inthesecondhalfofthetwelfthcenturytheseideasaboutgoodkingshipweretobesupported,invigoratedandelaboratedbymomentousdevelopmentsinEuropean
literatureandlearning.Around1140GeoffreyofMonmouthpublishedhisHistoryoftheKingsofBritain.TheworkvirtuallyinventedKingArthurandwasaphenomenalsuccess.ItwastranslatedbythepoetWacefromtheoriginalLatinintoFrenchverse,andthusmademoreaccessibletothesecularnobility.Itinspired
theromancesofChrétiendeTroyes.ItsimpactatthehighestlevelisshownbythewayJohn’snephewwasnamedArthur.InEngland,knowledgeofArthuralsoreacheddowntothelevelofknightlysociety.OneofthemostremarkableworksproducedinJohn’sreign,orsoonafter,isatranslationofWaceintoEnglishbythepoet
Lawman.OnemanuscriptsaysthatLawmanlivedatAreleyinWorcestershire‘withthegoodknight’,whichgivesthebestindicationoftheaudienceforwhichtheworkwasproduced.44ThetroublewithArthur
wasthathesetimpossiblestandardsforkings.45HeconquersmuchofEuropeandperformsmanyindividual
deedsofderring-do.Heisopenhandedingiftsofland,goldandsilvertohisknights.Heisalso,especiallyinLawman,aconsensualrulerwitharealconcernforlaw,justiceandthewelfareofhispeople.FarmorethaninGeoffreyofMonmouthorinWace,Lawman’sArthurreachesouttothemenoftheshires,summoningtohis
greatassemblyatCaerleonearls,bishops,knightsand‘allthefreemenwhowereinthelandatall’.Indeed,inprotecting‘God’speople’,Arthurorders‘alltheknightstogivejustdecisions’,althoughbeingveryclearthatthetillersofthesoilmuststicktotheirwork!Arthurisalsodistinguishedforhishumanity:heblushesredand
whitewithemotionwhenhearingofthedeathofhisfather.Andthoughafiercepunisheroftraitorsandcriminals,heisalsomerciful,summoningbackthose,‘whethergreatormean’,whohaveforfeitedtheirlands,sothattheycan‘havetheirownagain’.46
HowcouldJohn,ofallpeople,measureuptothis
standard?Ofcourse,everyoneknewthatthechivalricidealwasanimpossibledream.Therewasno‘worldoflimitlesskinglywealth’,wheretreasuriesemptiedbygivingcouldquicklybereplenishedbytherichesfromfurtherconquests,sothatgenerosityandbraverychimedtogether.47TheHistoryofWilliamMarshal
wrestledwiththeprobleminthecaseofHenrythe‘YoungKing’,theeldestsonofHenryII.InimitationofCapetianpractice,theYoungKinghadbeencrownedkingin1170duringhisfather’slifetime,butthishardlymoderatedhisirresponsibility.Hisopen-handedgenerosityleftbehindatrailofdebtsthatthemore
prudentWilliamMarshal,ashisleadingknight,hadtosettle.YetintheendtheYoungKingstillseemedtoepitomizeallthevirtuesof‘chivalry’.Recordinghisdeath(in1183),theHistorylamentedtheendofthe‘courtesy,prowess,debonaireté,andlargesse’thathaddweltinhisheart.48
Johndidtry.Hecouldbe
courteous.Hecouldgive.Buttherewasalwayssomethingfalseandcalculatingaboutit.AndnoonecouldsayJohnhadmuch‘debonaireté’abouthim,thatcalm,charmandgoodcheerwhichwastheoppositeofanger.49
WhatmadethisworsewastheexampleofKingRichard.Hehadbeeneverythingakingshouldbewhenitcame
toprowess.Johncertainlycouldactinwarwithbothdashanddetermination.HeshowedtheformeratMirebeauin1202,thelatterduringthelongsiegeofRochesterin1215.Buthewasnevercreditedwithfeatsofpersonalgallantry.Todescribehimas‘softsword’afterthePeaceofLeGouletin1200wasunfair,forthere
wasmuchtobesaidforthesettlement,butthedescriptionhadanelementoftruth.50Inboth1203,facedwiththelossofNormandy,andin1216,facedwithPrinceLouis’sinvasion,heseemstohavelosthisnerve.Richard,whenhewanted,couldalsobetheepitomeofcourtesyanddebonaireté.WhenthegarrisonofNottingham
surrenderedtohimin1194,itfearedpunishmentinlifeorlimb.InsteadRichard,‘compassionate,gentleandfullofmercy’,setafairransomontheirheads.TheMarshalHistorycommented:
themoreaworthyman[prusdom]hastheadvantage,themoreheshouldshowhisworthbydesisting
fromdoingharmandfromactsofcruelty.
ThatwasRichard.Ontheotherhand:
…whenabadmanhastheadvantage,crueltyandoutragearetheconsequences.
ThatobviouslywasJohn.Hewasa‘malveishome’(badman),nota‘prusdom’(worthyman).51
Therewashereawidercontext.ThegarrisonatNottinghamfearedfortheirlives.Everyoneacceptedthatthepenaltyforbreakingfaithwithone’slordcouldbecorporal,thelossoflifeorlimb.Yet,whateverthetheory,nobleswererarelykilledinbattleor,ifcaptured,executedfortreason.Warfareandpoliticsfromthecorporal
pointofviewwerefail-safe.Armourpreventednoblesbeingkilledinthenormalcourseoffighting.Whenunabletofighton,theconventionwastooffertosurrender,andsurrenderswerenearlyalwaysaccepted.Onereasonforthatwastheprospectofransom;acapturedlordwasworthlessdead,butworthagreatdeal
alive.Anotherreasonwasthatnoblessimplywerenotkilledforpoliticalcrimes.Theywereimprisonedordisinherited,althoughoftenonlytemporarily.Buttheywereveryrarelyexecuted.Herethereasonswerepartlychivalric–the‘courtesy’duetoaconqueredopponent–andpartlypragmatic,growingfromtheconditions
oftheAnglo-Normanrealm.52
TherewaslittlepointexecutingagreatnobleinEnglandwhenthatmightstiruprevoltamonghiskininNormandyorelsewhereonthecontinent.HenryI,aftercapturinghiselderbrotherRobertin1106,kepthimthereafterincomfortableconfinement.TheDialogusdeScaccarionotedwith
admirationhowfewofthosewhorebelledagainstHenryIIin1173–4sufferedlossofpossessions,andnonelosttheirrankorlife.Itwasmuchthesamein1194.53John’scrueltytoprisoners,andhismurdersofArthurandMatildaandWilliamdeBriouzejunior,thusseemedcompletelyoutsidetheconventionsoftheage.
ACADEMICTHOUGHT:THE‘IUSCOMMUNE’ANDTHESTUDYOFTHEBIBLE
Alongsidetheflourishingofchivalricliterature,therewerethemomentousdevelopmentsinacademiclearning.AttheircentrewasthesystematicstudyofcanonandRomanlaw:theblendofthetwowascalledthe‘iuscommune’.Thefoundationforstudyof
thecanonlawwasGratian’sDecretum,orConcordanceofDiscordantCanons,whichwaspublishedinBolognaaround1140.ThefoundationsofRomanlawwerethegreatlegalcollectionsoftheEmperorJustininian,hisDigest,CodeandInstitutes.Inpursuitofthenewlearning,manyEnglishmenwentabroadtotheemerging
universitiesofBolognaandParis.Thenewlearningcouldalso,bytheendofthecentury,befoundatschoolsinEngland,atOxford,Lincoln,Northamptonandelsewhere.OneofthemostpopularworksofRomanlaw,acheapsummaryoftheDigestandCodeforpoorstudents,henceitstitle,TheBookofPoorMen(Liber
Pauperum),waswrittenbyVacarius,whohadcomefromBolognatoteachinEnglandinthe1140s.54Virtuallyallthemantrasaboutlawandcustom,justiceandjudgement,counselandconsent,reasonandrationality,couldbesupportedfromtextsinbothcanonandRomanlaw.
Withinthiscontextoneworkwasparticularlyinfluential,thePolicraticus,writtenbyJohnofSalisbury,whowasafriendandcounsellorofThomasBecketandwhofinishedhiscareerasbishopofChartres.Johnportrayedthestateasanorganism,indeedasahumanbody,governedbyreason.Theprincewasarulerwho
upheldthelawsandlibertyofthepeople.Thetyrantwasarulerwhotrampledonthelawandoppressedthepeople.55
Noneoftheseideaswerenew,butthePolicraticusgavethemwidepublicity.TheirinfluencecanbeseenintheallegationoftheWaverleyabbeychroniclethatunderJohn‘insteadoflawtherewastyrannical
will’.TheaccusationoftyrannyandlawlessnessisequallyfoundinthechroniclesofCrowland,MargamandMelrose.56
Inthehierarchyofacademiclife,attheverysummitstoodthestudyoftheology,whichmeantaboveallthestudyoftheBible.CentraltothisworkwasthecircleofthegreatParis
theologianPetertheChanter,ofwhichJohn’sarchbishopofCanterbury,StephenLangton,waspart.Langton’sownviewsarerevealedinhissermons,andhiscommentariesontheBible.57
Likethoseofthecircleingeneral,theyfrequentlytouchedondaytodayquestionsofsocialandpoliticallife.When,therefore,
Langton’sdiocesanstatutesin1213–14prohibitedthereceivingofbribesforthedeferraloraccelerationofjustice,hewasdoingmorethanmerelyreiteratingwhatwasfoundinearlierecclesiasticallegislation.HewouldhavehadinmindthediscussioninPeter’scircle,whichcondemnedthetakingofbribesbutacknowledged
thatjudgesneededtobeproperlypaid,thekindofsensiblebalancetypicaloftheschool,andofLangtonhimself.58
WewillquestionlaterwhetherLangtonplayedadirectpartintheevolutionoftheoppositionprogrammein1214–15,buthecertainlybelievedintheCharter,and,onceitwaspromulgated,did
allhecouldtosupportit.Langtonbelievedinroyalpower.Itwasnecessarytoprotectthechurchandgivepeacetothepeople.59Inorigin,however,royalpowerwasnotdivinelyordained.Unlessexercisedwithinprescribedlimitsitcouldbeoppressive.God,LangtonnotedinhiscommentariesonDeuteronomy,hadwarned
thepeopleofIsraelagainsthavingaking.‘Tyrannicalexactions’layinstoreiftheyinsisted.Langtonalsostigmatized‘modernkings,whocollecttreasurenotinorderthattheymaysustainnecessity,buttosatiatetheircupidity’.Demandsthatwent‘beyondnecessity’were‘evil’.60Langtonhadgiventhoughtabouthowtokeep
kingsincheck.Inhiscommentaries,againonDeuteronomy,hecommendedtheinjunctionthatkingsshouldsecureanexemplarofthelawfromthepriestsandreaditassiduously.61Anothergloss,fromacommentatorinLangton’scircle,explainedthattheprophetSamuel:
announcedthelawofthekingdom,thatisto
saywhat[theking]oughttoexactfromhispeople,andwhatthelatteroughttogivehim,andhelaiddownthischarter[ipsamscripturam]beforethelord,thatistosayinaholyplace,inorderthatifthekingcametodemandmorefromhissubjects,hewouldbecondemnedbythischarter.62
TheparallelswithMagnaCartaseemveryclear.
ENGLAND:THELESSONSTOBELEARNTFROMROYAL
GOVERNMENT
Ideasaboutgoodruledidnotmerelycomefromchivalricliteratureandacademicthought.InEnglandtheywerealsoinculcatedbythekinghimself.HenryIIandhis
sonsproclaimedtheirconcernforthewelfareofthekingdom.Theysaidtheyhadactedwithcounselandconsent.Theydemandedthattheirsubjects,intheirdisputeswithoneanother,shouldactjustlyandwithjudgement.Theyinsisted,inallkindsofcontexts,thatthingsshouldaccordwith‘reason’and‘thecustomof
thekingdom’.Attheverystartofhisreign,JohnabolishedthefeesthatRichard’schanceryhaddemanded‘morebywillratherthanbyreason’.63BothGlanvillandthe
DialogusdeScaccariomakemanystatementsaboutlawandcustomthatanticipatechaptersinMagnaCarta.Thisistrueofthe£5relieffora
knight’sfee;64theforbiddingofreliefwhenlandhadbeeninwardship;65thestipulationthatlandinwardshipshouldbereturned‘stocked’;66theprotectionofferedtowidowsoverobtainingtheirdowersandshareoftheirhusband’schattels;67theregulationsondistraintandsureties;68theinjunctionthataidsshouldbe‘reasonable’;69andtheideas
aboutamercementsmatchingtheoffence(‘delictum’),andnotdestroyingthetransgressor’s‘contenementum’.70AproclamationbyKingRichardin1190,meanwhile,foreshadowedtheCharter’sprovisionaboutJewishdebtsnotgatheringinterestduringminorities.AconcessionbyJohnforeshadowedits
limitationofthekingtotheprincipalsumwhenJewishdebtscameintohishands.71
Thetheoryandsometimesthepracticeofsummoningnationalassembliesbefore1215laidthefoundationsfortheCharter’schapteronthesubject.72ManygovernmentmeasuresandpronouncementsenvisagedakingdomofEnglandwithits
ownpeopleandlaws,whosesafetyand‘commonutility’neededtobeconsidered.73
Inallthis,onepowerfulinstructorwastheassizeofnoveldisseisin,whichdevelopedintheyearsafter1166.Thekeyquestionforthejurywaswhetherthecomplainanthadbeendisseisedofproperty‘unjustlyandwithout
judgement’.Largenumbersofknightsandfreetenantswereusingtheassize.Theyalsostaffedthejuriesdecidingthecases.Theideathatthekinghimselfshouldactuptotheprinciplesoftheassizeanddisseizenoonewithoutjudgementwasinescapable.Essentially,whathappenedin1215wasthatthekingdomturnedaround
andtoldthekingtoobeyhisownrules.
IMPACT
Thereisplentyofevidencethattheideasjustdiscussedinfluencedattitudesandactions.WhilethesubstanceofthelawsetoutbyGlanvillwasindigenous,thewayitwascategorizedanddescribedwasinfluencedby
Romanexamples,forexampleinthedivisionbetweencriminalandcivilpleasandthediscussionofthedifferenttypesofdower.74TheauthoroftheDialogus,RichardfitzNigel,eventuallybishopofLondon,scoffedattheschoolmenwhomadetheirlearningallthemoreexclusivebywrappingitupincomplexandobscure
language.He,bycontrast,wouldwritenotabout‘subtilia’but‘utilia’.YetfitzNigelframedtheDialogusintheformofauniversitydebatebetweenamasterandapupil,andmadesixty-tworeferencestotheBible,andthirty-seventoclassicalandpatristictexts,includingseveraltoRomanlaw.75
Theimpactofthe‘iuscommune’,andmoredirectlythecanon-lawelementwithinit,wasresoundinglyclearinchapter1ofMagnaCarta.ThechaptersetthechurchfreeandproclaimedthepapalconfirmationofJohn’scharterofNovember1214promisingfreedomofelections,freedomthatisforthechurchitselftoelectits
bishopsandabbots.The1100CoronationCharterhadequallypromisedfreedomtothechurch,buthadsaidnothingaboutelections.Thatwasameasureofhowfarthechurch’spoweranditslawhadadvancedintheinterveninghundredyears.MagnaCartaalsoreflectedcanonlawinotherways.Thus,inchapter22,clerks
weretobeamercedaccordingtothevaluenotoftheirecclesiasticalbeneficesbutoftheirlayproperty,whichrecognizedthecanon-lawprinciplethatclericsdidnotholdbeneficesaspersonalpossessions.Likewise,inchapter27,thegoodsofthosewhodiedintestateweretobedistributed‘underthesupervision’ofthechurch,
whichrecognizedthegrowingclaimsofthechurchintestamentarymatters.HereMagnaCartawasadvancingbeyondboththe1100CharterandtheUnknownCharter,whichsaidnothingaboutthechurch’ssupervision.Thelaw,asitwasbeingdefinedbythechurch,alsoimpactedverymuchtoJohn’sbenefitwhenitwasdecidedin
chapters52,53and57thatheshouldenjoythe‘crusader’srespite’.Hecould,therefore,delaydealingwiththeabusesofhisfatherandbrotheruntiltheendofhisprospectivecrusade.Asfortheotherchaptersof
theCharter,ProfessorHelmholzhasworkedthroughnofewerthantwenty-threeofthem,
demonstratingparallelswiththeiuscommune.76Sometimesthisisacaseoftheiuscommuneconfirminglongstandingprinciples.MagnaCartapreventedwidowsbeingforcedintore-marriage.SodidtheputativeCoronationCharterofKingCnut.Buttheideawasreinforcedbythestressplacedonfreeconsentby
bothGratianandPopeAlexanderIII(1159–81).IfLangton’sdiocescanstatutesstrengthenedtheviewthatthereshouldbeachapterforbiddingthesaleanddeferralofjusticeinMagnaCarta,thatjusticeshouldnotbesoldwasacknowledgedintheDialogus.Thatitshouldbeexpeditiouswasacentralaimofthecommonlaw.
Indeed,RanulfdeGlanvillhimself,asHenryII’schiefjusticiar,boastedthatjusticeinroyalcourtswasfarquickerthaninthoseofthechurch.77Inothercases,theiuscommuneseemstohaveinfluencedtheEnglishlawsetoutinGlanvill,whichthenfounditswayintoMagnaCarta.Anexampleistheprotectionofferedtosureties
foundinchapter9oftheCharter.78Inafewcases,theiuscommunearguablyhelpedthedraftersofMagnaCartaactuallyextendEnglishlawandpractice.Glanvillaverredthatamercementsshouldnotdamagethevictim’smeansoflivelihood,his‘contenementum’,whichwaspreciselyhowMagnaCartaputitinchapter20when
dealingwithfreemen.79ButneitherGlanvillnoranyothersourcebefore1215extended,asMagnaCartadoes,theprincipletoprotectingavillein’s‘wainagium’,thatishismeansofcultivation,sohiscropsundercultivation,seedcorn,ploughsandploughteams.Isthere,however,alinkherewithachapterinJustinian’sCodex?
There,slaveswhodoploughing,ploughsandploughoxenareallprotectedfromseizurefordebt,ifthatwoulddelaythepaymentoftaxes.80IntheCodex,thepointistoprotectagriculturallabourerssothattheirlordscanpaytaxestothestate.InMagnaCarta,itistoprotectthem,andthustheirlords,fromamercementsimposed
bythestate.Buttheonestipulationmayhavehelpedshapetheother.81
InthedecadesbeforeMagnaCarta,manyoftheideasbehinditcanbeseeninaction.TheturmoilthatfollowedKingRichard’sabsencenaturallyenhancedtheneedforcounselandconsent.Thenewformofgovernmentin1191was
agreedbybishops,earls,baronsandindeedthecitizensofLondon.ThegigantictaxforRichard’sransom,paidbyeveryoneinthekingdom,waslikewiselevied‘bycommonassent’,althoughbeingforransomingtheking’sbody,suchconsentwasnotstrictlynecessary.AsMaddicottobserves,theprinciplethatnationaltaxationneeded
generalconsent,establishedbythegrantofthecrusadingtax(‘theSaladintithe’)of1188,wasthusconfirmed.82
Protectionwasalsosoughtagainstarbitrarydispossession.Inthepeacetreatyof1191layandecclesiasticalmagnates,knightsandfreetenantsweretobedeprivedoftheirlandsandchattelsonly‘by
judgementofthecourtofthekingaccordingtolegitimatecustomsandassizes’.Theywerenottobedisseisedsimplyby‘will’oftheking’sministers.83Aroundthesametime,RogerBigodwasofferinghisfinenottolosehisinheritance‘savebyajudgementofthecourtofthekingmadebyhispeers’.Bigod’sfineisjustoneof
manywherepeopleoffermoneyforconcessionsthattheywouldlatergetfreeofchargeinMagnaCarta.Suchfinesshowthepoliticalmindoftheking’ssubjects.Theywereveryawareofthestandardstheywishedtoregulatetheirrelationswiththeking.Theywerealsoawarethat,formoney,theycouldhavethemapplied.
Whatwasobtainedindividuallybefore1215,andformoney,wasobtainedgenerallyandbythepressureofrebellioninMagnaCarta.Thepiperollsandfinerollsarethusfullofoffersofmoneyforjusticeandjudgement,‘reasonable’sharesofinheritances,‘reasonable’dowersandfreedomforwidowstomarry
orstaysingle.Onebarondefineda‘reasonable’reliefasoneof£100,justasintheCharter,althoughsincehehadtopay100marksinordertosecureit,whatheendedupwithwashardly‘reasonable’.84
Equallytellingaretheconcessionsobtainedbycommunities.Themenofvariouscountiesgavelarge
sumsofmoneytoremovetheroyalforest,getridofincrementsandhavesheriffswhowerelocalmen.85
Numeroustownssecuredchartersthatconcededthemlibertiesandconfirmedancientcustoms,orcustomstheylikedtothinkwereancient.Johnhimselfgrantedatleastseventycharterstooverfiftytowns.Thesewere
theurbanlibertiesandfreecustomsthatMagnaCartaconfirmedinchapter13.ThetownchartersanticipatedMagnaCartainhavingamercementsassessedbylocalmen,andgivingfreedomoftrade‘throughallEngland’.Theyconcededthatofficialscouldbeelectedby‘thecommoncounsel’ofthetown,andlaiddownthatsuch
officialsshouldmonitortheprovost(alsoelected)andensurethathetreatedrichandpooralikerightlyandjustly.KingRichard’schartertoLondonabolishedthefishweirsontheMedwayandtheThames,justasdidchapter33oftheCharter.86
Therealsostrikingexamplesofunder-tenantsanticipatingthedemandsof
MagnaCarta.ThetenantsofRobertdeMortimerwerecleartheyowedaidsonlyonthethreeoccasionsthattheCharterwastospecify.87
PeterdeBrus’sknightsandfreetenantsinhiswapentakeofLangbarghinnorthYorkshiresecuredconcessionsthatforeshadowedtheCharter’sregulationsaboutboth
bringingmentotrialandpenaltiesmatchingtheoffence.Indeed,thewordforoffence–‘delictum’–isthesameasintheCharter.Brus’sconcessionswereembodiedinacharteranddescribedas‘liberties’tobeheld‘inperpetuity’.88Hereonecanseeunder-tenantsdevelopinganagendaofdemandsboth
againstthekingandagainsttheirlords.Thewayideaswere
movingagainsttheAngevinkingsisseeninaseriesofearlythirteenth-centuryadditionsmadetoaLondonlegalcollectioncontainingcopiesoftheLegesEdwardiConfessorisandrelatedtexts.‘Rightandjusticeoughttoreigninthekingdomrather
thanperversewill;lawisalwayswhatdoesright;forwillandforceandviolencearenotright’,ranonesuchpassage.89Anotherinterpolationinthesamecollectionshowedhowthesameprinciplesmightapplyatthelocallevel.Thusinthehundredcourtnothingwastobetaken‘savebylawandreason,bythelawoftheland
andjustice,andbyjudgementofthecourt,withoutdeceit’.90
TherewasacloseconnectionbetweenLondonandtherebels.Oneofthebaronialleaders,RobertfitzWalter,waslordofBaynard’scastleinthecity.Theseideas,therefore,werealmostcertainlycirculatinginbaronialcircles.91Therewasnothingoriginalaboutthem.
TheycouldhavebeenwrittenundertheCarolingians.WhatisstrikingisthatsomeoneinLondon,intheearlythirteenthcentury,thoughtsuchassertionsweresufficientlyimportantandtimelytodeserveinterpolationintoalegalcollection.Hehadaverygoodreason,forwhiletheLegesEdwardi,intheir
originalform,showedthatthekingshouldacceptthelawasrevealedbyhispeople,theysaidnothingabouttheconflictbetweenlawandwill.ItwaswithasharpappreciationofhowJohnactuallyoperatedthattheinterpolatordealtwiththatissue,givingtheLegesanditsassociatedtextsteethandbringingthemuptodate.
ThatisameasureofwhatJohnwasupagainst.
JOHN’SDEFENCE
By1215,therefore,thebasicideasofhowthekingshouldrule,asfoundintheCharter,werethereverseofnovelties.TheywerepartoftheveryfabricofEnglishsociety.Johninthe1200swasjudgedbyfarmoreexactand
exactingstandardsthanHenryIhadbeenahundredyearsbefore.Oldideasaboutgoodandbadkingshiphadbeenstrengthenedbytheliteratureandlearningofthetwelfthcenturyandbythepreceptsandproceduresofroyalgovernment.Thesestandardschallengedoldabuses,likepunitivefines,arbitrarydisseisinsandthe
takingofhostages,whichJohnwasnowpractisingonanewscale.Theychallengedfinancialexactionswhich,afterthelossofNormandy,werebeingcarriedtoaltogetherunprecedentedheights.John’srulewasbecomingverydifferentfromthatofhisfatherandbrother.Whathedesperatelyneededwastoprovideitwithan
ideologicalrationale,whichcouldjustifywhatwasineffectanewmonarchy.OnereasonforMagnaCartawashisfailuretodoso.NeitherJohnnorhis
predecessorseverreallytackledacentralcriticismoftheirrule,namelythewaythattheiractsofwillseemedcontrarytolaw.Whenthe1191agreementsaidthatmen
mustbedeprivedoflandbyjudgementandnotbywill,itthen,indeferencetotheabsentRichard,addedthattheycouldalsobedisseised‘bytheorderoftheking’.Thisadmittedtheking’sreserveofpower,butdidnothingtojustifyit.Itstoodtherebrazen,undefendedandindeedunderminedbytheimmediatelyprecedingappeal
tojudgement.Therewereweaponstohand,bothintheBibleandinRomanlaw,fromwhichanewtheoryofmonarchymighthavebeenconstructed.Yettheagentsofroyalgovernmentdidnomorethanpullthemfromtheirscabbardsonlytohastilyresheathethem.Glanvillitselfquotedthefamousmaximfoundatthestartof
Justinian’sInstitutes,‘thewilloftheprincehastheforceoflaw’.Butinsteadofelaboratingandgloryingintheprinciple,GlanvillhurriedontosaythatthelawsofEnglandwerethosethings‘settledincouncilontheadviceofthemagnatesandwiththesupportingauthorityoftheprince’.Johnhimselfcouldinvokethe‘common
utilityofourkingdom’,buthenever,likeEdwardI,observedthat‘forthecommonutilitybyhisprerogative,thekingisinmanycasesabovethelawsandcustomsusedinhiskingdom’.92Johncouldalsospeakofhis‘necessity’,butunlikeHenryIII’squeen,heneverdeclaredthat‘allthings
belongtotheprinceincasesofurgentnecessity’.93
Inallthis,Johngotlittlehelpfromhisprofessionaljudges.Someofthemmightwellbevenal.RalphofCoggeshallgivesavividpictureofthejudgeOsbertfitzHerveyinHell,beingforcedtoswallowandthenregurgitateburningcoins.Yettheseweremensteepedinthe
principlesandpracticesfoundinGlanvill.TheywouldallhaveascribedtothedeclarationmadebythejusticesvisitingLincolnshirein1218:‘weareboundtogivejusticetoall,richandpooralike,withoutexceptionofpersons’.AnotherofJohn’sjudges,theknight,andlaterrebel,JohnofGuestling,wasatenantofthe
archbishopofCanterbury,andbecameclose,havingleftJohn’sservice,toArchbishopLangton.Inacharterthatheissuedtolocalmenaboutthemutualexploitationofmarshland,helimitedtheamercementswhichcouldbeimposedbyhiscourttotwoshillings,verymuchinthespiritofMagnaCarta.94Iftherewasgoingtobeatract
justifying,indeedcelebrating,absolutism,itwouldsurelybetheDialogus,writtenbytheking’sowntreasurer.Butnotabitofit,oratleastnotmuchofit.TheDialoguscertainlygotofftoagoodstart.WithasmatteringofquotationsfromtheGospels,itdeclaredthat:
withallduereverence,wemustsubjectourselvesandgive
obediencetothepowersordainedbyGod,forallpowercomesfromGod.Thereforeitispropertoservekingswhosurpassallothers…Itisnotfortheking’ssubjectstoquestionorcondemnhisactions.Forprinces,whoseheartsandconsciencesareinGod’shand,andtowhosesolecareGodhimselfhasentrustedhissubjects,standorfallby
divine,nothuman,judgement.95
Afterthisringingpassage,however,theDialogusthencontinuedinamorecautionaryvein.‘Letnooneflatterthemselvestheycanmisbehavewithimpunity.’God,herequotingtheBookofWisdom,would‘punishthepowerfulwithpowerfultorments’.Andofcourse,the
LastJudgementportals,likethatshowntoKingJohnatFontevraultbyBishopHugh,oftenfeaturedkingsamongthosebeingdraggeddownbygruesomedevilsintothejawsofHell.TheDialogusmightpreachnon-resistance,butitdidnotjustifyarbitraryrule.Historiansoftenscoffatcontemporaryreferencestothelawoftheexchequer,
suggestingitwasmoreorlessthesameasthewilloftheking.InJohn’sexchequer,underPeterdesRochesandWilliamBrewer,itmaywellhavebeen.YetitisquiteclearthattheDialogusdidnotlookatitinthatway.Whileacknowledgingthattheking’swealthmightcomeby‘hisarbitrarywill’–‘voluntatisarbitrio’–aswell
asbylaw,ithardlyseemedcomfortablewiththefact.Theproceduresor‘laws’oftheexchequer,itexplained,werefortheking’s‘utility’,but‘savingequity’.Theywouldensurethatthekinggothisduesandeveryonetheir‘right’.Nooneshouldbeoffendedbytheproceduresoftheexchequer,provided‘theydonotstray
fromthepathofwhatisestablishedbylaw’.TheDialogusalsoaverredthatthekingoughtnottorevokehisgiftsandpardons,aprinciplewhichconstitutedavitalbarrieragainsttyrannysinceitmeantthatthelandsandrightsgrantedbyroyalcharterweresafe.Thekingcouldnotjustregrethis
concessionsandoverturnthem.96
TheproblemforthekingwaspartlythatthebiblicalandRomanlawtextsdidnotgiveanyconsistentmessage.TheBiblemightshowthekingasthelord’sannointed,butitalsogaveplentyofexamplesofkingswhohadgonetothebad,andindeed(asinthecaseofSaul)had
beenremoved.Romanlawassertedboththattherulerwasabovethelaw,andthathewasboundbyit.Itstressedboththeprince’sroleinmakinglawandalsothepeople’s.ThetendencyoflegalteachinginEngland,asrevealedinVacarius’sLiberPauperumandrelatedtexts,wastoplaydowntheabsolutistelementsinRoman
law.Thusaglossonthemaximthatoneshouldnotdisputetheruler’sactsread‘Thisisnottruewhentheprincedoesanythingbyhimselfwithoutthesuggestionofanyone,forinthatcaseitispermissibletodisputehisact.’‘Thevigourofthelawcomesfromcustomandthewillofthepeople’,rananothergloss.97
RhetoricunderJohnandhispredecessorscertainlyemphasizedtheking’selevatedstatus.Glanvillwroteof‘yourhighness’,theDialogusof‘yourexcellency’.98Actionscouldbestigmatizedasagainst‘theroyaldignityandexcellency’,orasoffences‘againsttheroyalmajesty’.99Johnalsoenhancedthedignityofhis
kingshipthroughhislavishhospitalityandburnisheditsimagethroughhisexpenditureoncrowns,swords,jewels,clothesandbuildings.Oneoftheswordsinhistreasurywascalled‘Tristan’afterthat‘swashbucklinghero’ofchivalricromance.Wehaveseentheextraordinaryapartmentshebuiltfor
himselfatCorfecastle.100YetJohnfailed,inanydecisiveway,toimprovetheimageofmonarchyonthesilverpenny,althoughitwasfarmorefamiliarthananyother.Intherecoinageof1205,heneitherplacedhisownnameonthecoins(thekingwasstill‘Henry’)norgavetheking’sheadapropercrown.ItwaslefttoJohn’sson,inhis
recoinageof1247,toassumeacrownandstamphisownname,‘HenricusIII’or‘Henricustercius’,onthecoins.101
AttheheartofJohn’sdefencewereverytraditionalideas.Hechallengedhisopponentsontheirownground,byarguingthathisdemandswereancientandcustomary,whileitwasthey
whowereactingwilfullyandunjustly.Thusthepope,backonJohn’ssidein1215,opinedthattheking’s‘ancient’righttoscutagewasbeingdenied‘withoutjudgement’byabaronialactof‘will’.Inthesameyear,JohnsummonedWallingfordhonourknightstogarrisonitscastle,astheywere‘ancientlyaccustomed’.102Insome
cases,Johnhadeveryrighttodenytheexistenceofthe‘ancientcustoms’thatwerebeingappealedto.Chapter2oftheChartermadeoutthatthe‘ancient’reliefofanearlorabaronwas£100,butbothGlanvillandtheDialogusagreedthatthesumwasdeterminedbytheking’spleasureandwassubjecttowhatevercouldbenegotiated.
Theexchequer’spiperollsshowthatthatwasindeedtheactualpractice.103Adifferentpointcouldbemadeaboutchapter25,whichsaidthatthecountiesshouldbeheldattheirancientfarms,withoutanyincrement.Certainlythefarmswere‘ancient’,butitwassurelyperfectly‘reasonable’forthekingtotrytoexactsumsabovethem,
giventheincreasingpopulationandwealthofthecountry.Andwhatoftheforest?ThatitshouldextendnofurtherthanatthestartofthereignofHenryIIwasthedemand,butwasthat‘reasonable’givenallthelossesofroyalforestunderStephen?Inallthesethings,itwassurelyJohn’scriticswhoweretheinnovators.Magna
Cartamightbetryingtosubjectthekingtolaw,yetinmanycasesitwasnotancientlawbutthelawthattheCharteritselfwasmaking.Johnalsosoughttoexploit
oneofthemostbasicstrandsofroyalauthority,namelytheloyaltyandserviceduefrommenwhohaddonehimhomageandswornhimfealty.Againandagain,John
harpedonthesebondsandtriedtostrengthenthem.Hedidsoin1205whenfacinginvasion,in1209inthegreatoathofMarlborough,and,onseveraloccasions,in1215.104
Itwashisnaturalreactioninanymomentofcrisis.AsThomasBissonhasremarked,‘Johnlivedbyoaths.’105Johnsawthecriseshefacedascrisesoflordship,causedby
thefailureofhismentoliveuptotheirobligations.Theyweresolvablebyinsistingthattheobligationsbefulfilled.ThusJohndemandedthatWilliamMarshalandWalterandHughdeLacyshouldsurrenderWilliamdeBriouze‘inthefaiththeyareheldtous,astheyareourliegemen’.Theconsequencesof
breachingfaithweremadeveryclearbyJohn’sthreatsagainsttheMarshalin1206,utteredforhimbyJohnofBassingbourn.‘Icannotseeorunderstandwhyorhowanyoneshouldholdlandifhefailshislordinhishourofneed.’106Johnwashereexploitingpowerfulideas.True,thosewhoremainedloyalusuallyhadstrong
materialreasonsfordoingso.John’sunpopularcastellansandsheriffshadnowhereelsetogo.ThealliancebetweentheWelshrulersandtherebelsgavethemarcherbarons,includingRanulf,earlofChester,andWilliamMarshal,stronggroundsforremainingontheroyalside.TheMarshalhadalsotoconsiderhispositionin
Ireland,wherehehadmanyenemiesandtherebellionhadnofooting.Yetthedutyofloyaltytoone’slord,whichrunsthroughouttheHistoryofWilliamMarshal,wasfarmorethanpoeticrhetoric.TheMarshalhimselfsawhiscareerinthoseterms.Inaletterof1216theyoungHenryIIIdescribedhowtheMarshal‘hadalwaysstood
faithfullyanddevotedlybyourfatherwhenliving,andnowadheresconstantlytous…havingprovedhimselfasgoldinthefurnace’.107
Likewise,ReginaldofCornhill,assheriffofKent,acknowledgedthatheshouldmakeanannualpaymentinalmsfor‘thegloriouskingofEngland’:
asIamafaithfulman[fidelis]ofthelordkingandhavedonehimhomagenoroughtItowanthishonourorutilityevertosuffer,particularlyinthosethingswhichespeciallybelongtothepreservationofhisbodyandsoul.108
Rebellioncouldseemdishonourable.TheHistoryofWilliamMarshalmakesno
referencetothatofWilliamMarshaljunior.TheAnonymousofBéthunelikewisepassedoverhispatron’sdesertionofJohn.109
SomeofJohn’senemiesmaywellhavewrestledwiththeirconsciencesbeforetakingthefinalstepintorebellion.Butthetroublewastheydidtakethestep.Therewasawholearrayofargumentstojustify
rebellionandindeeddeposition,aswewillsee.110
AndJohnprovidedsomanymaterialreasonstoembracethem.ReginaldofCornhill’sson,anotherReginald,whofollowedhisfatherassheriffofKent,himselfrebelledin1215.Hehadbeenmadetooffer10,000markstohavehisfather’slandsandbeforgivenhisdebts.111
John,likehispredecessors,alsostressedhisabsolute,overarchingdutytopreserveanddefendhisownrights,therightsof‘my’crown,ortherightsof‘my’kingdom.112
ThiswasaconstantthemeinhisdisputewiththemonksofBuryStEdmundsbetween1213and1215overtheappointmentoftheirnewabbot.‘Welcomemylord
abbotelect,savingtherightsofmykingdom’washisgreetingononeoccasion.‘Whatdoyouwantmetosaytoyou?’heangrilyaskedonanother.‘Ihavetoconsidermyselfandmycrownbeforeyouandyourhonour.’113
Linkedtotheideaofthecrownwastheargumentthatthekingcoulddoashelikedwithcertainpossessions
whichwerepeculiarly‘hisown’.Johnevidentlydeployedtheargumenttosomeeffectin1215,fortheking’sdemesnemanorswereexemptedfromtheCharter’srestrictions,inchapter25,ontheraisingofrevenuefromthecountiesandhundreds.Hewouldalsohavedeployedittodefendhisrighttotallage
boththeJewsandroyaltownsashepleased.114
Suchideas,however,werenotwithoutdanger.Wasthereanyconnectionbetweentherightsofthekingandthewelfareofhissubjects?JohndidnotsuggestsowhenhedemandedsupportfortherecoveryofNormandysimply‘asyouloveusandourhonour’‘inourmosturgent
need’.AllJohnofferedinreturnwastogiveagoodhearingtohissubjectswhentheybrought‘theiraffairs’beforehim.Hecouldnothaveshownmoreclearlythathis‘affairs’werequiteseparatefromtheirs.115
SometimesJohndidstrikeamoreinclusivenote.In1205,facinginvasion,hesummonedhismagnatesto
discuss‘ourgreatandlaboriousaffairsandthecommonutilityofourkingdom’.Likewise,thetaxof1207wasfor‘thedefenceofourkingdomandtherecoveryofourright’.116In1213,withanotherinvasionthreatening,thekingsummonedbarons,knightsandallfreementoDovertodefend‘ourhead,theirheads
andthelandofEngland’.117
Johncouldalsoindicatehowhisinterestsandthoseofthekingdomwereconnected.‘Youshoulddefendourrightsbecauseweareboundtodefendyours,’heopinedinoneproclamation.118Suchrhetorichadanimpact.InterpolationsintheLegesEdwardicollectionincludedoneabouttheobligationto
servetheking‘fortheprotectionofthekingdom’.Ontheotherhand,anotherinterpolationstressedthedutytomusterindefenceof‘thehonourandutilityofthecrownofthekingdom’,whichalmostsuggestedthekingdomhadwrestedthecrownfromtheking,andhaditsowninterestsseparatefromhis.119
Evenatitsbest,Johnwasdoingnothingtojustifythearbitraryfeaturesofhisrule.Indeed,hisbasiclinewassimplytopretendthattheydidnotexist.Hisgovernmentwasconsensualandcongruentwiththelaw:
Wedonotwishthatyoushouldbetreatedhenceforthsavebylawandjudgement,northatanyoneshalltake
anythingfromyoubywill,northatyoubedisseisedofyourfreetenementsunjustlyandwithoutjudgement.
SoranoneproclamationtoIreland.120ThusJohn’sletters,likethelegalrulingsanddecisionsofhisjudges,frequentlystressedthathewasactingreasonably,accordingtothelawandcustomofthekingdom.121
WhenJohnactedagainstthemonksofStAugustine’s,Canterbury,heclaimedthattheywerechallengingthedignityofthecrown,andviolatingthelawofthekingdom,whilehe,inejectingthemfromFavershamchurch,wasacting‘ontheadviceofournoblesaccordingtothecustomofthekingdom’.122
John’slonganddetailedaccountofhisproceedingsagainstWilliamandMatildadeBriouzewasinexactlythesamevein.John’sargumentshave
convincedthegreatestMagnaCartahistorianofthevalidityofhiscase.HolthasdeclaredthatJohnandhispredecessors‘werenormallyabletotakeactionagainstthe
recalcitrantbylawfulandacceptedprocedure’.‘John’sconductofaffairswasnotinthemainunlawfulorcontrarytocustom.’123InHolt’sperspective,John’srulewasthusbroadlycongruentwithMagnaCartachapter39,themoreespeciallysincethechapterofferedtreatmentaccordingto‘thelawofland’asanalternativetojudgement
bypeers.124TheimmediateprecursoroftheclausewasanofferofJohnhimselfinthedaysbeforeMagnaCarta.Inaletterissuedon10May1215,hepromisedthebaronsthathewouldnotarrest,disseizeorgoagainstthembyforceorbyarms‘savebythelawofourkingdomorbythejudgementoftheirpeersinourcourt’.125Therewas
certainlymuchinthelawofthekingdomthatJohncouldexploit.TheCharteritselfaccepted,inchapter9,thatchattelsandlandmightbeseizedtocompelthepaymentofadebt.Inlawsuits,propertycouldlikewisebeseizedandpeoplearrestedinordertocompelattendanceatcourt.Thelawalsopermittedpre-trialarrestincriminal
cases,astheCharteracknowledgedinchapter54whenitsaidthatnoonewastobearrestedandimprisonedontheaccusationofawomanforthedeathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.Inacriminalcasesbeforethejusticesineyre,guiltorinnocence,wasusuallydeterminednotbyjudgementofajurybutbytheordeal.
Yetitisveryunlikelythatin1215‘thelawofthekingdom’wasseenasweakeningtheforceofjudgementbypeersandgivingthekingsomekindofleeway.Johnmadetheoffertoconciliatehisenemies,andprobablyinanswertotheirdemands.Thebaronsaltered‘thelawofourkingdom’to‘thelawoftheland’,the
latterbothmoreindependentofthekingandmorerespectfuloflocalcustom,andthenincorporated‘byjudgementoftheirpeersorbythelawofland’intotheArticlesoftheBaronsandthenceintoMagnaCarta.Thelawofthelandwasseenastighteningnotlooseningthebondsaroundtheking.Itmeantheshouldrulein
concertwithhisnobles,forGlanvill,aswehaveseen,insistedthatthelawsofEnglandweremadebythemagnatesandtheprincetogether.Thelawofthelandmightrepresentnomorethanageneralsenseofwhatwasrightandcustomary,butthatmadeitalltheeasiertoaccuseJohnofcontraventions.Itcouldalso
beseenasofferingquitespecificprotections.Itallowedanindividualtodefendhimselfbytrialbybattle,astheMarshalwishedtodoin1206.126Itmeanttheprocessofoutlawrymustfollowpropercustomaryprocedures(amajorissuegiventheoutlawriesofWilliamdeBriouzeandlaterRobertfitzWalterandEustace
deVescy.)Anditmeant,unlesstherewereotherlocalcustoms,thatpre-trialarrestshouldtakeplaceafteraccusationbyaprivateindividualorajury,hereoverlappingwithchapter38whichinsistedthatabailiffwasnottoputanyone‘tolaw’andsoontrialonhisownunsupportedaccusation.John’sproblemwasthat
howevermuchhesaidhisconductwaslawful,nooneatthetimebelievedhim.HissubjectswerefarlesspersuadablethanHolt.Withhisarbitraryconductandfinancialexactions,Johnwascreatinganewtypeofkingship,butakingshipnewinitsactions,notinitsjustifications,akingshipofgreatphysicalpowerwithout
anykindofideologicalsupport.Johnwasreducedtotellingeveryonethatitwasjustkingshipasofold.Thewholepoliticalcommunityknewthiswasuntrue.IthadplentyofstandardsbywhichtojudgeJohn,andinessence,liketheannalsofWaverleyabbey,itjudgedhimatyrant.ThequestionforJohn’senemiesbecamewhattodo
aboutit,andhowtojustifywhattheywishedtodo.
THEEUROPEANCONTEXT
SomeanswerstothatquestionwerebeinggivenelsewhereinEurope,whereideassimilartothoseinEnglandwerebeingelaboratedinlegislation,embodiedinconcessionsmadebyrulersandappealed
tobythoseinoppositiontotheking.MagnaCartacertainlydidnotstandalone.127IntheSpanishkingdomofLeónandCastile,legislationcoveredtherightsofwidows,royalcourtsmeetinginfixedplaces,duelegalprocess,judgementofpeersandthelevyingoftaxation,allissuesfoundinMagnaCarta.128Rulerswere
alsomakingdetailedconcessions.In1205KingPedroIIofAragondrewupforhissubjectsinCataloniaacharter(probablyneverpromulgated)thatgrantedprivilegesintheareasof‘taxation,administrativepractices,justiceandcoinage’.Intheprocesshepromisedthatlocalofficialsshouldbeknightsoftheland,
chosenby‘thecounselofthemagnatesandwisemenofthatland’.129HowEnglishlocalsocietywouldhavelikedthatinMagnaCarta!Then,inDecember1212,SimondeMontfortissuedtheStatuteofPamiersforthestatewhichhewasfoundinginBéziersandCarcassoneaftervictoryinhiscrusadeagainsttheAlbigensians.The
Statuterantooverfortychapters.Manyofthesedealtwithrelationswiththeheretics.ButtheStatute,havingbegunlikeMagnaCarta,byprotectingtherightsandlibertiesofthechurch,alsomadejusticefree,limitedtheobligationtoperformmilitaryservice,gavesafeguardsagainstimprisonment,allowed
Frenchwidows,magnatesandheiressestomarryamongthemselveswithoutpermission,andupheldFrenchcustomsofinheritanceforbarons,knightsandburgesses.Therewasevensomeprotectionformenagainstthe‘malice’oftheirlords.130GiventhatSimondeMontfort,aswewillsee,wascanvassedin1212askingof
England,ifJohnwasdeposed,itishighlylikelythatthisexamplewasknowntoEnglishbarons.131WhatthencouldtheydotoresistJohninEngland?
9
Resistance,1212–1215
TherewereplentyofreasonstojudgeJohn’sruleoppressiveandtyrannical.Thequestionwaswhattodoaboutit.Signsofananswerwerealreadyapparentinthefirstpartofthereign.In1205,accordingtoGervaseofCanterbury,afterthekinghadconvenedthe‘magnatesofEngland’atOxford,they‘compelled’himtoswearto
upholdthe‘rights[jura]ofthekingdomofEngland’‘withtheircounsel’.John,inreturn,extractedanoathfromtheearlsandbaronsthattheywouldgivehimtheirdueservice.Weknownomoreaboutthisepisode,whichwasprobablyrelatedtotheschemefornationaldefenceagainstinvasionthatJohnpromulgatedafewdays
later.1Itreveals,however,twokeyelementsintherevoltof1215:first,theabilityofthebaronstotakecollectiveactionagainsttheking;andsecond,thewaythatactionwasinsupportofapoliticalprogramme,howevervagueandinsubstantial.ThereseemsheretohavebeenamajoradvancefromthesituationunderStephen,
whenthebaronshadpressedtheirindividualclaimsuponthecontestantsforthethroneandextractedtheirownindividualchartersofconcession.Therebelsof1173–4probablyhopedforsimilarindividualsolutions.Thebaronsin1215certainlyobtainedredressoftheirownindividualgrievances,buttheydidsounderprocedures
setupbyaCharterconcededtothekingdom.TheCharteralsolaiddowngeneralrulesofconductforthekingfromwhichallbaronsmighthopetobenefit.Thischangefromindividualtocollectiveremedyhadaboveallbeenproducedbythepressuresandabusesofroyalgovernment.Thesehadgiventhebaronsacommunityof
interestintheirresistancetothecrown.
THEPLOTOF1212
Iftheepisodein1205suggestsacoursewasbeingsetthatwouldeventuallyleadtoMagnaCarta,in1212ittookaradicallydifferentdirection.ThebaronsconspirednottomakeJohnrespecttherightsofthe
kingdom,buttogetridofhimaltogether.ThefirstcrackinJohn’sauthorityhadcomeinWales.There,inthesummerof1212,LlywelynformedacoalitionofWelshrulers,includingthemaltreatedGwenwynwynofsouthernPowys.TheywerestrengthenedbyanalliancewithPhilipAugustus,andsooninformedhimthatthey
hadwrested‘agreatpartofthelandandthestrongestcastlesfromtheyokeofEnglishtyranny’.2LlywelynhimselfcertainlyrecoveredallthelandbetweentheConwyandtheDeewhichhehadcededinthetreatyof1211.Johncouldnotpossiblyletthisgo.Quiteapartfromhislossofterritory,thealliancewithKingPhilipseta
perniciousexample.John,therefore,musteredanarmyforanotherWelshcampaign.Onlythen,whilehewasatNottinghaminmid-August,onhiswaytotherendezvousatChester,didhehearofaconspiracyagainsthim.WhenJohntookaction
againstoneringleaderoftheconspiracy,RobertfitzWalter,itwasforplotting
‘ourdeath,betrayalandimprisonment’.3Theforthcomingcampaign,whenthekingwouldbesurroundedbytreacherousbaronsandWelshenemies,couldclearlyfacilitate‘somethinghappening’onthoselines.WithJohnoutoftheway,theaimthen,accordingtoastorythatreachedtheDunstableannals,wastogivethethrone
tothegreatFrenchnobleSimondeMontfort,lordofMontfortl’AmaurynearParis.HehadjustcarriedthepapalbannerinthecampaignagainsttheAlbigensianhereticsinthesouthofFrance,andhadaclaim(whichJohnhadbrieflyrecognized)totheearldomofLeicester.4
Assoonasheheardoftheplot,Johncalledoffthecampaign,dismissedhisbaronialarmyandhurriedforeignmercenariestohisside.5Onlytwomagnatesweredirectlyfingeredasconspirators,fitzWalterhimselfandEustacedeVescy.FitzWalterwaslordofDunmowinEssexandBaynard’scastleinthecityof
London.VescywaslordofAlnwickinNorthumberland.Eachhadmanyknightlytenants.Bothrankedamong‘themosthighmenofEnglandandmostpowerful’.6
Theremayhavebeensomethingdeeplypersonalabouttheirrevolt.FitzWalterwheninexileinFranceallegedthatJohnhadtriedtoseducehisdaughter.7
Accordingtoastorycurrentinthelatethirteenthcentury,JohnhadlikewisemadeadvancesonVescy’swife.8
Therewerealsomaterialgrievances.Vescy’shadbegunwithhis1,300-markfinetoenterhisinheritancein1190.UnderJohn,havingmadeseveraloffersforjusticeandjudgement,hewasamerced300marksforlosing
onelawsuit,andthenlostanotherinwhichhewastryingtoestablishhisoverlordshipoveraknightlytenant.The300markswerepardoned,butinawritattestedbyPeterdesRoches–andPeterdidnotdosuchthingsforfree.MeanwhileVesciowedmoneytotheJews.9Inthemselves,manyoftheseweresmallthings,but
theymountedup.Comparedtothedarkly
formidableVesci,RobertfitzWalterappearsafarmoredashinganddramaticfigure.Onhissilversealdie,weseehimgallopingalong,inagreathelmet,brandishinghissword,theheraldicdevicesproclaiminghisalliancewithSaerdeQuincy,earlofWinchester.10Thetwo
togetherhaddefendedthecastleofVaudreuilinNormandyin1203,andhadliveddowntheapparentlyignominiouscircumstancesofitssurrender.FitzWalterhadoneclearmaterialgrievance,overHertfordcastle,whichJohnhadgivenhimandthen,in1209,takenaway.FitzWalter’srighttothecastlewastoberecognizedat
Runnymede.11Inonestory,toldbytheAnonymousofBéthune,whenJohnthreatenedtohangfitzWalter’sson-in-lawduringaquarrelatcourt,fitzWalterriposted‘Youwouldhangmyson-in-law!ByGod’sbodyyouwillnot.Youwillsee2,000lacedhelmsinyourlandbeforeyouhanghim.’12AtStAlbans
abbey,fitzWalterwasrememberedforlayingsiegetoBinhamprioryinanattempttoasserthisrightsasitspatron,makingJohncryout‘IsheormekinginEngland?’MatthewPariscaughttheessenceoftheman:
TherewasscarcelyanearlinEnglandwhowashisequal.Hewas
vigorousinarms,courageousandproud,aboundinginmanypossessions,ofnoblebirth,withnumbersofpowerfulrelations,supportedandstrengthenedbyamultitudinousaffinity.13
In1212theremusthavebeenmoreconspiratorsthansimplyVescyandfitzWalter,althoughtheyclearlyescaped
discovery.VescyandfitzWalterthemselveswereapparentlyunconnectedandcamefromdifferentpartsofthecountry.Johnsuspectedanothernorthernbaron,RicharddeUmfraville,andalsoEarlWilliamdeWarenne,lordofConisbroughinYorkshireandLewesinSussex.(HissisterhadbeenJohn’s
mistress.)TherewasclearlyaBritishdimensiontotheplot,justastherewastotherebellionin1215.Indeed,accordingtoonestory,itwasJoan,John’sillegitimatedaughter,thewifeofLlywelyn,whowarnedherfatherwhatwasafoot.AnotherstorywasthattheleakcamefromtheScottishcourt.14EustacedeVescy’s
wife,therecipientofJohn’sallegedattentions,wasanillegitimatedaughterofWilliamtheLion,kingofScots,anditwastoScotlandthatVescyfled.AnothersuspectwasKingWilliam’sbrother,EarlDavidofHuntingdon.Theopportunitiesoffered
bythecampaigninWalesweredoubtlesstheimmediate
triggerforthe1212plot.BehinditlaythetransformationofroyalgovernmentthatJohnhadeffectedsince1205,aboveallintheareaoffinancialexactions.Onecansenseboththemountinggrievances,andthebeginningsofcollectiveaction,inthegroupsofsupporterswhoralliedbehindindividualbaronsassureties
forthepaymentoftheirgiganticdebts.By1212,moreover,themurdersofMatildaandWilliamdeBriouzejuniormusthavebeenwellknown.OneofthosewhocameundersuspicionwasEarlRicharddeClare.HehadtohandoverasahostagehisdaughterMatilda,whowasWilliam’swidow.15Theyear1212also
sawanexigentforesteyreandathreateninginquiryintolandtenure.Johnhadlaunchedthelatteron1June.Hewantedinformationaboutthefeesthatwereheldfromhiminchief,andalienationsmadefromthemwhichmightimpairtheserviceowedthecrown.Thereturnsinsomecountieswereextraordinarilydetailed(inLincolnshire,ina
modernedition,theyruntoforty-fourprintedpages).Theycoveredtheholdingsofmanylaterrebels,baronsandknights.Infact,theknightlyjurorsgavelittleinformationaboutalienationsandoftenstoutlydeniedthattherehadbeenanytotheking’sdetriment.Withthedisintegrationofhispoliticalposition,Johnneveractedon
theresults.Yettheintentionofpenalizingalienationsorbringingthembackunderroyalcontrolmusthavebeenalarminglyclear.16
Justexactlywhatwasplannedbytheconspiratorsin1212wedonoknow.Presumably,atsomepoint,agreatcouncilwouldhavemettoofferthethronetoMontfortorsomeoneelse.
Thisiswhathappenedin1215,afterthefailureofMagnaCarta,whenthebaronschoseLouis,theeldestsonofKingPhilipofFrance,inJohn’splace.17Ideasaboutremovingtyrannicalkingswerecertainlyaround.JohnofSalisburyillustratedtheterribleendsmetbytyrants,andsaiditwas‘equitableandjust’tokillthem.18Therewas
alsoafamousexampleinthepastofthepopesanctioningtheremovalofkings.OutlawedwithRobertfitzWalterin1212wasthecanonofStPaul’s,GervaseofHowbridge.GervasewassurelyfamiliarwiththeLegesEdwardi,ofwhichtherewasatextinLondon.Thistoldhowthepopehadsanctionedthetransferofthekingship
fromtheMerovingianstotheCarolingians,theformerhavingsosignallyfailedtodefendchurchandpeople.19
SimondeMontfort,singledoutasJohn’ssuccessor,wasprobablyfamiliarwithCarolingianprecedents.HissonwaslatertotellHenryIIIthathedeservedtobeimprisonedlikethe
CarolingiankingCharlestheSimple.20
Infact,InnocentIIIneverwentasfarasdeposingJohn,butitwaseasytobelieve,ormanufacturethebelief,thathehadorwasabouttodoso.21ArchbishopLangtonhadurgedtheknightsoftherealmtodefendthechurchwiththeirswords,andmadeclearthatJohn’ssubjectswouldbe
absolvedfromtheirfealtyifhepersistedinhisdisobedience.22InnocenthimselfinaletterofApril1211hadthreatenedJohnwith‘ruin’ifhedidnotrepent.23Whatthatmeantwasveryclear.Theyearbefore,InnocenthadabsolvedthesubjectsofJohn’snephewandally,theEmperorOtto,fromtheirallegianceand
forbiddenthemtoobeyhim.24
ThejustificationfortheWelshrevoltagainstJohnin1212wasthebeliefthatInnocenthadabsolvedtheWelshrulersfromtheirallegiancetoJohnandhadurgedthemtomakewaronhim.25SimondeMontforthimselfperfectlyfittedthisscenario.Havingledthecrusadeagainstthe
Albigensianheretics,hewasafavouritesonofthechurch.Agreatbaron,wouldhenotalsobesympathetictobaronialaspirations?Indeed,inDecember1212hewastoissueforhisstateofBéziersandCarcassonneprovisionsthat,inprotectingtherightsofhissubjects,anticipatedMagnaCarta.26TherecouldbenogreatercontrasttoKing
Johnandnomoresuitablereplacement.
CONCESSIONANDOPPRESSION,1212–1214
Johnwasprofoundlyshockedbytheplotof1212.InJanuary1213hewentnorthandreachedAlnwick,inorder,ashesaid,toensurehisholdover‘thenorthernpartofEngland’.27Runninginto
1213,hemadeaseriesofconcessionsdesignedtore-establishhisposition.Hetreatedwidowswithmoreleniency,reformedtheadministrationoftheforests,promisedtodemandonlythecapitalindebtsowedtotheJews,andabandonedhispolicyofextractingprofitsfromthecounties.Healsodismissedsomeofthe
northernsheriffs,and,‘moved’bythecomplaintsagainstthem,mountedaninquiryintotheiractivities.28Theconcessionsweredeliberatelydesignedtoappealtoknightsandfreetenantsasmuchastoearlsandbarons.Indeed,thelatterwerespecificallyexcludedfromthemeasureontheJews.29Johnknewwhathe
wasabout.TheCrowlandchroniclerthoughthisconcessionswereworthyof‘memoryandpraise’,andseveralofthemwereaffirmedandelaboratedinMagnaCarta.30Johnalsosettledhisgreat
quarrelwiththepapacy.ThecatalystherewasthethreatenedFrenchinvasionof1213.PhilipAugustushad
decidedtoinvadeatagreatcouncilheldatSoissonsearlyinApril.Whatherepresentedasapiousenterprise,designedtoavengetheinjuriestothechurch,wasinrealityapre-emptivestrikeagainstJohn’scontinentalcampaign,plansforwhichwerenowreachingcompletion.IfPhilip,asheintended,couldputLouis,his
eldestson,ontheEnglishthrone,hewouldendtheAngevinthreatonceandforall,andmaketheCapetianssupremeinEurope.Accordingly,anarmywassummoned,afleetwasassembledandLouisissuedachartersubjectinghimself,ifhebecamekingofEngland,tohisfather’s‘willandcounsel’invariousmatters,
onebeingwhatwastohappentoJohnifhewerecaptured.31
Inresponsetothisgrievousthreat,JohnmusteredagreatarmyinKentandtookactionagainstFrenchshipping.On30MayanavalforceundertheearlofSalisburydestroyedtheFrenchfleetatDammeinFlanders,thuseliminatingthethreatenedinvasion.32
ItwaswhilethetwoarmieswerefacingeachotheracrosstheChannelthatJohnreachedhissettlementwiththepope.HehadalreadybeenweakeninginhisrefusaltoacceptStephenLangtonasthepapallyimposedarchbishopofCanterbury,buthehadcontinuedtohaggleovertheextentofcompensationduetothe
church.Nowhegavewayandon13May1213bowedtothepapalterms.Twodayslater,hewentevenfurtherandmadeEnglandapapalfief.On20July,inaceremonyatWinchester,sealedbyagreatfeast,JohntearfullyprostratedhimselfbeforethebishopsandwasabsolvedfromhisexcommunicationbyLangton
himself.33Johnalsosoughttoappeaseindividualbishops.Immediatelyafterhisabsolution,hegrantedLangtonandhissuccessorsthekeepershipofRochestercastle,thusmeetingalong-standingCanterburygrievance.34Nextyear,aspartialcompensationforthechurch’slossesduringtheInterdict,Johnalsooffered
Langtonhalfofa20,000markfinehewasextractingfromGeoffreydeMandeville.Thisfine,aswewillsee,wasoneofJohn’smostnotoriousexactions.IfLangtonacceptedmoney,hewouldbebenefittingfromJohn’soppressiverule.YetacceptitLangtondid.HowJohnmusthavelaughed.Hehadcompensatedthechurchand
compromisedthearchbishopallinonego.ThecynicismwithwhichhedoubtlessregardedpietisticandpratingprelateslikeLangtonseemedamplyjustified.35Infact,notforthelasttime,Johnhadmiscalculated.Langtonhimselfdidnotfeelcompromisedintheleast.Ifhehesitatedovertakingmoneyfromsotainteda
source,hetookitintheendwithaclearconscience.Theneedsofthechurchmustcomefirst.In1215,Langtonsteeredhisowncourseandplacedthewelfareofthekingdom,ashesawit,aboveanynarrowallegiancetotheking.Quiteapartfromlosing
halfoftheMandevillefine,thesettlementwiththechurch
wasexpensive.HowmuchJohnrepaidofdamagesputat£100,000isunknown.Intermsofhardcash,hecertainlyhandedoveratleast£25,000.36Moreseriouswasthepoliticalcost,forJohnhadtoacceptthereturntoEnglandofEustacedeVescyandRobertfitzWalter,whohadcleverlylinkedtheircausetothatofthechurch.
Bothplayedcentralpartsinthecomingrebellion,Vescybeingtheonlynoblewhoearnedapersonalletterofrebukefromthepope.37
MakingEnglandapapalfiefwasalsothoughtbymanytobehumiliating.IndeeditseemedtofulfiltheprophecyofthehermitPeterofWakefieldthatJohnwouldnotreignbeyondhis
fourteenthyear,whichendedonAscensionDay1213.Johnspentthedayholdinganopen-airfeast,beforehavingPeterdraggedfromCorfecastletoWarehamandtherehanged.Many,however,saidthathandingthekingdomovertothepopehadmadetheprophecycometrue.Forallthesedisappointmentsanddisadvantages,John’s
settlementwiththechurchwasstillamasterstroke.Itmeantthathenceforththepopestoodsteadfastlybehindhim.Withoutthatsupport,hewouldnothavesurvived.Innocent’ssupportwasgivenmaterialshapebythepresenceinEnglandforoverayearfromSeptember1214ofapapallegate,NicholasofTusculum.Hewasthereto
lifttheInterdict,havingensuredpropercompensationforthechurch.HealsounderminedLangton’sauthorityandseemedtofavourtherightsofthecrownmorethanthelibertiesofthechurch.38Onhisdeparture,Pandulf,thepapal‘familiaris’–amemberofthepapalhouseholdandthussomeoneveryclosetoInnocent–
remainedinEngland,andwasnamed,ofcourse,asoneofJohn’scounsellorsinMagnaCarta.ForallJohn’sconcessions,
whentheyreturnedtoEnglandbothVescyandfitzWalterfoundasimmeringpotjustwaitingtobestirred.HoweverjustifiedinJohn’seyes,histreatmentoftheconspiratorscouldseem
furtherevidenceofhistyranny,involvingasitdidafreshroundofhostagetakinganddisseisins.InMay1212,soevenbeforetheplot,JohnhadconfiscatedGodmanchesterinHuntingdonshire,oneofEarlDavid’srichestmanors.HeadmittedatRunnymedethatthiswasadisseisincommitted‘byourwill
withoutjudgement’.EquallydisseisedweretwelveofDavid’stenants,agoodexampleofhowJohn’sarbitraryconductimpactedatthelevelofknightlysociety.Aftertheplot,Davidwasmadetogivehissonashostage,and,underthreatofsiege,surrenderhiscastleofFotheringhay.39AlthoughJohnhadtoacceptback
VescyandfitzWalter,hemadesuretopulldownAlnwickcastleandBaynard’scastlefirst.40
Therewasalso,almostcertainly,criticismoftheprocessesbywhichfitzWalter,VescyandearlierWilliamdeBriouzehadbeenoutlawed.InfitzWalter’scaseonepartofthecustomaryprocesshadundoubtedlybeen
followed.FitzWalterhadbeensummonedtofoursuccessivecountycourts(inEssex)andhadbeenoutlawedbyjudgementofthecourtonfailingtoturnup.Anotherpart,however,hadbeenviolated.Accordingtothelawandcustomonoutlawry,proceedingshadtobeinitiated,notbyorderoftheking,butthroughan
accusationmadebythe‘famapatrie’,whichprobablymeantbytheindictmentofajury.YetitisclearthatintheoutlawryoffitzWalter,proceedingshadbeenbegunbyaroyalorder.TheverywrittothesheriffofEssexwasenrolledonthecloseroll.Nomentionwasmadeofthe‘famapatrie’.Whenchapter39oftheChartersaidthatno
freemanshouldbedisseisedoroutlawed‘savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland’,itwasthinking,amongotherthings,ofthedisseisinsandoutlawriesfollowingtheconspiracyof1212.Indeed,thestipulationaboutthe‘lawoftheland’hadparticularrelevancetooutlawrywherethecorrectprocedures,aswe
haveseen,requiredindictmentbyajuryandasummonstofoursuccessivecountycourts.41
Quiteapartfromhistreatmentoftheconspirators,Johnhadcontinuedtobeardownheavilyonbaronialfamilies.42Thenewoffersmadetothekinginthepiperollof1213–14includedWilliamdeMonteCanisio’s
2,000markstohavehisinheritanceandbequitofdebtstotheJews,WilliamfitzAlan’s10,000markstohavethelandofhisfather,andRobertdeVere’s1,000markstoenterthelandsofhisbrother.Despitethislargefine,hewasstilldeniedtheearldomofOxford.ThesamepiperollshowsJohndeLacystillowing4,200marksofthe
7,000-markfineforhisinheritance,assecurityforwhichJohnhadretainedhiscastleofPontefract.Meanwhile,JohncontinuedtoexploitwidowsinwaysthatwouldbecleancontrarytotheCharter.Margaret,thewidowofRobertfitzRoger,thusagreedtopay£1,000tohaveherdowerandinheritanceandnotbeforced
intoremarriage.SibillaofEwyasHarold,thewidowofRobertdeTresgoz,offered800marksformuchthesameprivileges,onlyforJohnthentosellherremarriagefor£1,000totheWelshmarcherlordRogerofClifford.Johncontinuedtoexploitdownonthetowns,slappinga2,000-marktallageonLondon.43
Andhecontinuedtodisseize
‘bywill’,takingTrowbridgefromHenrydeBohun,earlofHereford,andgivingittoWilliamLongespee,earlofSalisbury,alawlessactthatwastobereversedatRunnymede.44
ThisperiodalsosawoneofJohn’smostextraordinaryimpositions,namelythefine,alreadyalludedto,madebyGeoffreydeMandeville.
GeoffreywasthesonofJohn’sjusticiarGeoffreyfitzPeter,whohaddiedin1213.Hehad,however,takenthesurnameMandeville,hisfatherhavingmadegoodonacontroversialclaimthroughmarriagetotheoldMandevilleearldomofEssex.Mandeville’sfirstwifewasthedaughterofRobertfitzWalter,and,iftherewas
anytruthinthestory,thesubjectofJohn’slibidinousattentions.45Onherdeath,Geoffreyagreedtopaythecolossalsumof20,000markstomarryIsabella,countessofGloucester,theIsabellawhoseunionwithJohnhadbeenannulledsothathecouldmarryIsabellaofAngoulême.Thecountess’sinheritance,whichincluded
Glamorgan,wasrich,eventhoughJohnheldbackthetitleofEarlofGloucester,buttherewasnowaythatMandevillecouldpaythe20,000marksinthestipulatedtenmonths.John’saimwassimplytoplaceMandevilleinhispower,andmakeasmuchmoneyashecouldfromhim.TheDunstableannalsstatedthatMandevilleenteredthe
marriageunwillingly,assurelywasthecase.Hehadagreedtoitbecauseofapromise(unfulfilled)thathewouldnowberecognizedasEarlofEssex.Moreimportantly,ifGeoffreydidnotgoahead,JohnwasthreateninghimwiththelossofthewholeMandevilleinheritance,thisthroughtherevivaloftheclaimsofthe
Says,whichGeoffreyfitzPeterhaddefeatedinordertosecuretheinheritanceinthefirstplace.Nowonderthismonstrousfine,astheCrowlandchroniclerrecognized,becameamajorissuein1215.ItwasaclassicexampleofthefinesmadeunjustlyandagainstthelawofthelandthattheCharter,in
chapter55,insistedJohnmustremit.46
DIPLOMACYANDDEFEAT,1212–1214
WhileJohnwassettlingwiththepope,resistingFrenchinvasionandstrugglingtoretainauthorityinEngland,hewasalsolabouringtobuildupthecontinentalalliancesthatwouldenablehimto
recoverhislostempire.ThedefectionofKingRichard’sallies,thecountsofFlandersandBoulogne,hadbeenamajorfactorinthefallofNormandy.Johnwouldnotmakethesamemistakeagain.Therewasmuchinthe
internationalsituationthatJohncouldexploit,beginningwiththepredicamentoftheemperoroftheRomans,Otto
ofBrunswick.OttowasJohn’snephew,thefruitofthemarriagebetweenHenrytheLion,dukeofSaxony,andMatilda,daughterofHenryII.Asemperor,OttobothruledinGermanyandclaimedauthorityinItaly.Inassertingsuchclaims,hehad,however,quarrelledwithPopeInnocent.In1210Innocentcalledonthe
GermanprincestodeposehimandelectaskingofGermany,Frederick,kingofSicily,theyoungsonofOtto’spredecessor,theEmperorHenryVI.InMarch1212FredericksetoffforGermany.InDecemberhewaselectedkingbyhissupportersandcrowned.SinceFrederickwasheavilybackedbyPhilipAugustus,
OttoandJohnbecamenaturalallies,allthemoresosinceJohnhadthemoneythatOttodesperatelywanted.InMay1212Johnjoyfullyproclaimedtheiralliance.ItwasanalliancethatalsoincludedRenaudDammartin,thecountofBoulogne.OustedbyPhilip,DammartinnowofferedhishomagetoJohn,whorestoredhimtohis
landsinEngland.NegotiationswerealsointrainwithFerrand,countofFlanders,thecountofHolland,andthedukesofLimbergandLouvain.JohnwasbuildingupagreatcoalitionagainstFrance’snorthernfrontier.47
Tantalizingpossibilitieswerealsoemergingforagreatallianceinthesouth.
TherepoliticalstructureshadbeentransformedbythesuccessofSimondeMontfortandhisFrencharmyinthecrusadeagainsttheAlbigensianheretics.Thefirstphasehadconcludedin1209withMontfortestablishinghimselfaslordofBéziersandCarcassonne.InthecauseofresistingtheFrenchadvance,thismade
naturalalliesofRaymondVI,countofToulouse,andKingPedroofAragon.Thetwowerealso,therefore,naturalalliesofKingJohn.RaymondwasJohn’sbrother-in-law,havingmarried(thankstoKingRichard)adaughterofHenryII,Joan.Pedro,afterhisdestructionofMoslempowerinSpainatthebattleofLasNavasdeTolosainJuly
1212,wasfreetochallengeMontfort,ratherthan,ashehaddonehitherto,compromisewithhim.In1212and1213envoysweregoingbackandforthbetweenJohnandbothRaymondandPedro.Withhisnorthernalliance
fallingintoplace,andhissouthernoneatleastintheair,Johnin1213waseagerto
beoff.HesummonedanarmytomusterforacontinentalcampaigninMarch,onlythentoabandonhisplanswhenfacedwiththethreatofaFrenchinvasion.Withthatover,buoyedupbyhissettlementwiththechurch,hesummonedanotherarmyforAugust.Thesummonsmetahostilereception,especiallyinthe
northofEngland.Resistancewasfortifiedbytheargument,setoutlaterintheUnknownCharter,thatmilitaryserviceoverseaswasonlyowedinNormandyandBrittany,sonotinPoitou,whereJohn’scampaignnecessarilymustbegin.Asameasureofhisdetermination,JohnembarkedanywayandgotasfarasJersey,beforeaccepting
thathelackedtherequisiteforcestocontinue.OncebackinEngland,
JohninlateAugustsetoffforthenorthinordertopunishthosewhohaddisruptedhisplans.ThiswasthemomentforadecisiveinterventionbyArchbishopLangton.HehurriedafterJohn,caughtupwithhimatNorthamptonandwarnedhimnottoattackhis
opponentswithouthavingfirstsecuredajudgementagainstthem.48Johncontinuedtothenorth,butthendecidedonnegotiations.AtthestartofNovember1213hemetcertainnorthernersatWallingfordandpromisedtoobservetheir‘ancientliberties’.Theagreementquicklycollapsed.On7NovemberJohnordered
theknightsfromeachcountypreviouslysummonedtoameetingatOxfordtocomearmed,whilethebaronsweretocomeunarmed–apparentlyanattempttousetheonetointimidatetheother.AtthesametimeJohnreachedouttoasecondgroupofknights,summoningtotheassemblyfourknightsfromeachcountytodiscusswith
himtheaffairsofthekingdom.49
Itisintheresistancetothecontinentalcampaignof1213thatthe‘northerners’firstappearincontemporarynarrativesastakingtheleadintheoppositiontoKingJohn.Theyare,ofcourse,thesubjectofHolt’sclassicbook.Contemporariesdidnotusethetermwithany
geographicalprecisionbuttheywouldcertainlyhaveseenas‘northerners’menfromLincolnshire,NottinghamshireandDerbyshire,aswell,ofcourse,asmenfromYorkshire,NorthumberlandandCumberland.John’sgovernmenthadlainheavyontheseareasthroughtheexploitationoftheroyal
forestandtheoppressionsofthesheriffs.PhilipMarc(dismissedfromofficeunderMagnaCarta)wassheriffofNottinghamshireandDerbyshire.Johnretainedtheloyaltyofsomemagnateswithinterestsinthenorth.HehadagriponWestmorlandthroughRobertdeVieuxpont,towhomhegrantedthesheriffdominhereditary
right.Ranulf,earlofChester,waslordofRichmondinYorkshire,andWilliam,earlofWarenne,waslordofConisbroughinthesamecounty.Butthereweremanymorenorthernersattheheartoftheoppositiontotheking,notablyEustacedeVescy,WilliamdeMowbray,RicharddePercy,RogerdeMontbegon,Nicholasde
Stuteville,GilbertdeGant,PeterdeBrus–and,atalaterstage,RobertdeRosandJohndeLacy.Inindividualtermsthe
grievancesofthesemenwerelittledifferentfromthegrievancesofmenelsewhereinEngland.Buttheyweregivenaspecialedgebythewaythenorth,underJohn,hadfeltthedirecthandof
kingshipasneverbefore.HenryIIonlyvisitedthenorthonelevenoccasionsduringareignofthirty-fiveyears.RichardtookabrieflookatSherwoodforest(helikedit),andwentnofurthernorth.John,bycontrast,penetratednortherncountiesineveryyearofhisreignsavethefourwhenhewaslargelyabroad.Onwhatwere
sometimeslongtoursofinspection,heextractedlargesumsinfinesforfavoursandbenevolence.Allthisimpactedonabaronialsocietythat,insomeways,wasmoreself-containedandcohesivethanelsewhereinEngland.Manyofthenorthernbaronshadcompactbaroniesandlimitedinterestsfurthersouth.Theyrallied
behindeachother,actingassuretiesfortheenormousamountsofmoneytheyowedtheking.Atthesametime,thenorthernbaronsgainedstrengthandindependencethroughtheirproximitytoScotlandandconnectionswiththeScottishcourt.Attheveryleast,Scotlandcouldbeabolt-hole.Atmost,thekingofScotsmightallywiththem
againstKingJohn.Andtherewasonefinalfactor.Thenorthernbaronshadleadership,leadershipfromEustacedeVescy.Hewasatthecentreoftheplotof1212andlater,aswehavesaid,wassingledoutforreprimandbythepope.ItwasEustaceaboveall,onemaysuspect,whoralliedthenorthagainsttheking.
Afterhisabortivesettlementwiththenortherners,Johncontinuedhispreparationsforhiscontinentalcampaign.HefinallysetsailinFebruary1214.Bythistimehispositionwasweakerthantheyearbefore.InSeptember1213,SimondeMontforthadwonacomprehensivevictoryagainstKingPedroand
RaymondofToulouseatthebattleofMuret.50Pedro,refusingtosurrender,hadbeenkilled.Hisdemisewascaused,hissonlaterthought,bothbybadtacticsandbyajudgementofGodforhavinglainwithawomanbeforethebattle.51RaymondofToulouseescapedandcametoEngland.HereturnedhomeinJanuary1214with,itwas
said,10,000marks,buthispowerwasbroken.52
TherestofJohn’splans,however,werewelllaidandverymuchintact.InJanuary1214hereceivedthehomageofFerrand,countofFlanders,whohadcometoEnglandwiththecountsofHollandandBoulogne.TheythenreturnedtoFlanderswithanEnglishforceundertheearl
ofSalisbury.John,meanwhile,landedatLaRochelleinPoitouon15February.Thestrategy,ofcourse,wastoforcePhilipAugustustodividehisforcesbetweennorthandsouthanddefeatthemindividually.Despiteoppositiontothecampaign,Johnhadwithhim,apartfromalargenumberofforeignmercenaries,agood
bodyoftenants-in-chiefofbaronialandknightlystatusaswellashouseholdknights.53AsinIrelandin1210,Johnsupportedsuchmenbygivingthemloans.Atfirstallwentwell.JohnsecuredPoitou,ifnotPoitiersitself,andinMay1214hereceivedthehomagesoftheLusignans,thusatlastsmoothingovertheoffenceof
hismarriage.InJunehecrossedtheriverLoireandby17JunehewasatAngers,capitalofAnjou,theancestralhomeofhisdynasty.Here,however,hewasstillovereightymilesfromtheNormanfrontier.Itwasthenearesthegot.FromAngers,Johnmovedsouth-westandlaidsiegetothecastleatLaRoche-aux-Moines.Itwas
therethatLouis,KingPhilip’seldestson,cametomeethiminbattlearray.Johnwaseagertofight.TheLusignansandtheirPoitevinallieswerenot.ItwasonethingtoridewithJohnandtakehismoney.Itwasquiteanothertoriskeverythinginabattle.Desertedbyhisallies,JohnabandonedthesiegeofLaRoche-aux-Moineson2
Julyandfledsouth.By9JulyhewasbackatLaRochelle.Fromthereheaddressedanalltoorevealinglettertotheearls,barons,knightsandfaithfulmenofEngland.Hisclaimthatallwasgoingwellwasimmediatelycontradictedbyanappealforthemtojoinhim.Theycouldthenhelphimrecover‘his’rightsandconquer‘his’land,which
showedplainlythatnooneelse’srightsandlandswereinvolved.Johnaddedthatthosewhofelttheyhadincurredhis‘indignation’couldputmattersrightbyjoininghim.ClearlyherecognizedverywelltheillfeelingsbackinEngland.Howsensitivethepointwasisrevealedbythewaytheletterwasredraftedsothat
‘indignation’replacedtheoriginal‘rancourofmind’,perhapsbecauseitcarriedastrongersenseofjustifieddisapproval.54Itwas‘rancour’,however,aswellas‘indignation’,thatchapter62ofMagnaCartagotJohntoremit.ThetruthwasthatJohn’scampaignwasover.Ithadbeenacompletefailure.
Everythingnowdependedonhisnorthernallies.AfullmusterofJohn’s
allies,withOttoattheirhead,hadtakenplaceatValenciennesinnorthernFranceinJuly.55Everyonewasthereandconfidencewashigh.KingPhilipmusteredhisownforcesatPéronne.Theconfrontationeventuallytookplaceon27Julyoutside
thevillageofBouvinesinthemuchfought-overborderlandbetweenFranceandFlanders.Itwasaclose-runthing.Atonepoint,KingPhilipwascaughtbythehookofahalberdanddraggedtotheground,beforebeingrescuedbyhisbodyguard.Intheend,however,hewonatotalvictory.Ottofled.ThecountsofFlandersandBoulogne,
togetherwiththeearlofSalisbury,weretakenprisoner.Bouvinesisrightly
regardedasoneofthemostdecisivebattleseverfought.ItestablishedFrederickIIinGermany,endedtheAngevinempire,assuredthesupremacyofFranceandledtoMagnaCarta.JohnarrivedbackinEnglandon13
October1214.Histreasureinmoneywasgone.Hisrevenuewascollapsing.Thatrevealedbythepiperollof1214was£25,700,lessthanhalftheleveloftwoyearsbefore.Individualbarons,suchasWilliamdeMowbray,wereceasingtopaytheirdebts.56
John’sprestigewasintatters.Allhisworkoftenyearslayinruins.
TheanimositytowardsJohn,whichhehadacknowledgedinhisletterof9July,hadalsobeenaggravatedbyeventsinhisabsence.AsignificantnumberofnorthernershadrefusedtogowithhimtoFranceandhadalsorefusedtopaythescutage,whichwasfixedatthehighrateof£2afee.InYorkshire,itcouldnot
becollectedatall.InNovemberthepopewrotetoEustacedeVesciwarninghimnottoobstructtheking’sagentsintheperformanceoftheirduties.ProbablyitwasEustacewholedtheopposition.57AllthiswasmadeworsebyJohn’snewchiefjusticiar,PeterdesRoches,bishopofWinchester.Inplaceofthe
cautiousandemollientGeoffreyfitzPeter,sokeentobeacceptedasamemberofthehighnobility,thegovernmentwasnowrunbyanarrogant,abrasive,armour-platedforeignprelate(hewaslaterinthethickofthebattleofLincoln)whowasveryreadytopushJohn’spoliciestothelimit.DesRocheshadVescy’schattelsseizedfor
hisfailuretopaythescutage,andhethreatenedconsequencesforEarlDavid’shostagesifDavidfailedtoattendameeting.DesRocheswasequallydomineeringinthelocalities.58WhenagroupofDevonknightsresistedthesheriffindefenceoftheircharterofliberties,hedescendedonExeter,and
threatenedthesheriffwithlossoflifeandchattelsifhefailedtodefendtherightsof‘thecrown’.59NowonderthatRalphofCoggeshalldeclared‘thenoblesofallthekingdomcomplainedthatanalienmanwasplacedoverthem’.60
ThepoliticalnarrativeafterJohn’sreturntoEnglandinOctober1214hastwomainstrands.Thefirstistheway
John’sopponentsevolvedtheprogrammethatbecameMagnaCarta.Hereonecardinalfacthadtransformedthesituationsincetheattempteddepositionin1212.This,ofcourse,wasJohn’ssettlementwiththechurch.Thekingnowseemedtothepopeawonderfulexampleof‘theboundlessandinfinitegoodnessofGodwhich
makesjustmenoftransgressorsandturnssinnersintosaints’.61Wherenowwastheexcommunicatedtyrantwhomthepopewasurgingeveryonetoresist?SinceJohn’snewstatusmadeitmuchhardertocontemplatehisdeposition,hisopponentslookedtootherremedies.Theirdetaileddevelopment
wewillexploreinthenextchapter.Thesecondstrandisthe
wayJohn’senemiesmusteredtheforcenecessarytocoercetheking.Itisherethatwecometoanothercardinalpoint,whichshapedboththeeventsof1215andthenatureoftheCharter.JohnwasgravelyweakenedwhenhegotbacktoEnglandin
October1214.Hisenemiessawtheirchance,andwereconcertingactionevenbeforehisreturn.Yetthekingremainedaformidableopponent.AsthestartoftheChartershowed,heretainedtheloyaltyoftheearlsofPembroke,Salisbury,WarenneandArundel,ashedidalsothatoftheearlsofChesterandDerby.Whilehe
increasinglylostcontrolintheshires,hiscastlesremainedfirmlyinhishands,manygarrisonedbyhisruthlessforeignagents.AlthoughJohn’scashmountainwasgone,hestillhadthousandsofpoundswithwhichtohireforeignmercenaries.62InEngland,duringthewholeperioddowntoMagnaCarta,hewasnever
defeatedinthefield.TheCharterwasthusanegotiateddocument.ItmighthavelookedverydifferenthaditbeendictatedtoJohnonhisknees.
THEOATH
ThefirstandmostcrucialtaskofJohn’sopponentswastoformthemselvesintoanassociation,acorporatebody
thatcouldholdtogetherindefianceoftheking.Itneededtobeofatypethatcouldexpandbutnotcontract,stoppingmemberscomingandgoingastheypleasedasthoughheldtogethermerelybyaropeofsand.Allthiswasachievedbyanoath.ThegreatoaththatledtoMagnaCartaislittlediscussedbyhistorians,
yetitsimportanceisclear.Thepopefulminatedagainstthe‘swornassociations’formedagainsttheking,whileJohnin1215gavelettersofconducttorebels‘withdrawingyoufromtheoathandconfederationmadeagainstus’.63Noformaltextoftheoath
isknown,althoughonemaycometolight–agreat
discoverywaitingtobemade.Theoathwasprobablydevelopedfromearlier‘confederationsandswornassociations’madeduringtheInterdict,towhichInnocentIIIrefers.Therewasalmostcertainlyanoathtakenbytheconspiratorsof1212,whileRalphofCoggeshallin1213referstowhatwasclearlyanotherswornassociation,
havingjustnarratedtheattemptedsettlementwiththenorthernersthatNovember:‘nearlyallthebaronsofEnglandconfederatedtogethertoprotectthelibertyofthechurchandallthekingdom’.64Thislinksverywellwiththefullestdescriptionoftheoath,asitwasin1215,whichappears
intheWelshchronicletheBrut:
AlltheleadingmenofEnglandandalltheprincesofWalesmadeapacttogetheragainstthekingthatnotoneofthemwithouthisfellowwouldhavefromthekingeitherpeaceorallianceortruceuntilherestoredtothechurchestheirlawsandtheirrightswhichheorhis
ancestorshadbeforethattakenfromthem,andalsountilherestoredtotheleadingmenofEnglandandWalesthelandsandthecastleswhichhehadtakenfromthemathispleasurewithouteitherjusticeorlaw.65
Thattheoathhadaclausepreventingmembersmakingaseparatepeaceisconfirmed
bytheSouthwarkandMertonannals’descriptionoftheconfederationbetweenthebaronsandtheLondoners.66
Thattheoathbeganwiththechurchwastobeexpected,andhelpsexplainhowRobertfitzWalter,asgeneraloftherebelforces,couldstylehimself‘marshalofthearmyofGodandholychurch’.Thatithadclausesaboutthe
restorationoflandsandcastlestakenlawlesslybythekingfitsexactlywithchapter52ofMagnaCarta.
THEMEETINGATBURYSTEDMUNDS
Aconfederationbindingmentogetherinsupportofapoliticalprogrammewasworthlittleunlessitincorporated,orsatalongside,
anagreementtoimposethatprogrammebyforce.EveryoneknewthatJohnwouldnevergivewaywillingly.ThecrucialmeetingatwhichresorttoforcewasagreedisdescribedbyRogerofWendoverandtookplacein1214atBuryStEdmundsinSuffolk.Theprecisedateisdiscussedbelow.Accordingto
Wendover,theearlsandbarons,havinggatheredatBuryfora‘colloquium’,camebeforethehighaltarandsworethat,ifthekingrefusedtoaccepttheCoronationCharterofHenryIandthelawsofEdwardtheConfessor,theywouldwithdrawfromtheirfealtyandmakewaronhim,untilhemadethedesired
concessionsinasealedcharter.TheyalsoagreedtopresstheirdemandsonthekingafterChristmasandmeanwhileprovidethemselveswithhorsesandarms.67Holtishighlysceptical
aboutthisaccount,forwhichWendoveristheonlysource.68Credenceisnothelpedbylaterelaborations.
Onthenorth-eastpierofthepresbyteryatBury,atabletproudlyproclaims:
NEARTHISSPOTONTHE20TH
NOVEMBERA.D.1214,CARDINALLANGTON
&THEBARONSSWOREATST
EDMUND’SALTARTHATTHEYWOULD
OBTAINFROMKINGJOHN
THERATIFICATIONOFMAGNACHARTA.
WHERETHERUDEBUTTRESSTOTTERSTO
ITSFALL,ANDIVYMANTLES
O’ERTHECRUMBLINGWALL;
WHEREE’ENTHESKILFULEYECANSCARCELYTRACETHEONCEHIGHALTAR’SLOWLYRESTINGPLACE–
LETPATRIOTICFANCYMUSEAWHILE
AMIDTHERUINSOFTHISANCIENTPILE.
SIXWEARYCENTURIESHAVEPAST
AWAY;PALACEANDABBEYMOULDERINDECAY–
COLDDEATHENSHROUDSTHELEARNED&THE
BRAVE–LANGTON–FITZ
WALTER–SLUMBER
INTHEGRAVE,BUTSTILLWEREADINDEATHLESSRECORDS
HOWTHEHIGH-SOUL’DPRIESTCONFIRM’DTHEBARONS’VOW;ANDFREEDOM,
UNFORGETFULSTILLRECITES,
THISSECONDBIRTH-PLACEOFOURNATIVE
RIGHTS.
J.W.DONALDSON,Scripsit.J.
MUSKETT,Posuit,1847.
WendoverwoulddoubtlesshavebeendelightedtohearhisFloresHistoriarumdescribedasa‘deathlessrecord’,yetinfactheneithergaveaprecisedatefortheassemblynorsaidthatLangtonwaspresentatit.Indeed,henamednoneofthe
participants.NeitherlapidaryeffusionsnorHolt’sreservations,however,shouldpreventusacceptingthegistofWendover’snarrative.Theargumentsinitsfavourarefarstrongerthanhaveeverbeenappreciated,inpart,aswewillsee,becauseofonefundamentalmisunderstanding.
Wendovercompletedhisaccountofthisperiodaroundtenyearsaftertheeventsdescribed.Hecanmakeegregiousmistakes,includingconflatingJohn’sCharterwiththoseofHenryIII.Yetitisequallyclearthatthesemistakesaresetinanarrativewhich,givenitsprecisionanddates,musthavebeenwrittenfairlyclosetotheevents.
Indeed,hisaccountoftheBurymeetingfollowsadateforJohn’sreturntoEngland,namely19October,whichisonlysixdaystoolate.69ThereisnothingintheaccountoftheBurymeetingthatisclearlyfalse,andindeeditlinksperfectlywiththeeventsofJanuary1215whenthebaronsdidindeedappearinarmsandpresstheirdemands
ontheking.Themisunderstanding
whichhasblightedpreviousdiscussionistheassumptionthatthemeetingtookplaceon20November.ThisisgroundedonWendover’sstatementthatthebarons,ascoverfortheirrealintentions,cametoBuryasif‘forthesakeofprayer’.Whatbetterday,then,tocometoBury
‘forprayer’thanthefeastdayofStEdmunditself,thatis,20November.Yet,ofcourse,itwasperfectlypossibletocometoBuryforprayeronotheroccasions.Johnhimselfmadesixvisits,noneontheday.Givenhisreputationforimpiety,perhapsthatisnotmuchofaguide,butevenhispioussononlytimedtwoofhismanypilgrimagesto
coincidewiththefeastitself.Moreimportantinunderminingthe20NovemberdateiswhatWendoveractuallysays.HavingstatedthatJohnreturnedtoEnglandon19October,heaffirmsthattheBurymeetingtookplace‘aroundthesametime’–‘subeademtempestate’.Wendover,then,thoughtthe
gatheringtookplacenoton20Novemberbutaboutawholemonthearlier.Thatseemsfarmorelikelyonpoliticalandprudentialgrounds.RatherthanwaitinguntilJohnwasathomeandatlarge,thebaronswiselyplannedtheirmeetingassoonastheyheardrumoursofhisreturn,andofcourseinthefullknowledgeofhisdefeat
atBouvines.Themeetingthentookplacearoundthetimeofthatreturn,sosometimearound(followingWendover’sdate)19October.Oncethisdateisaccepted,
muchelsefallsintoplace.70
OutinPoitou,HughofNorthwold,abbotelectofBury,hadwonJohn’sfavour.Hehadgoodreasontohope
thatwhenJohnreturnedtoEngland,hiselectionwouldbespeedilyconfirmed.Intheevent,bothHughandJohnarrivedbackonthesameday,13October.HughwentstraighttoBury,whichhereachedon24October,andthenreturnedsouthtoseetheking.Allseemedsetfair,for,between18and20October,Johnhadissuedaletter
protectingtheabbey’spossessionsandlookingforward,‘Godwilling’,toasolutionofthequarrel.YetwhenHughmetJohninLondonon28October,themoodwastotallydifferent.Johnnowaccusedhimofstirringup‘rebellion’–‘bellum’.HoltarguedthatthismeantnomorethanHugh’soppositiontoJohn’s
wishesovertheelection;itseemedunlikelythatitreferredtoanypoliticalrebellioninEngland,sincethathadyettogathersteam.Thissecondpointisdisposedofonceweacceptthere-datingofthemeeting.‘Bellum’inanycaseseemsastrongwordtouseforthedisputeoveranabbatialelection,howeverimportant.
Whathadhappenedisthat,by28October,JohnhadheardoftheBuryassembly.Nodoubtthenewscamefromhisownlocalofficials.ItalsocamefromJohn’ssupporterswithintheconvent,whosetofftoseehimassoonasHughgothome.OneofthemtoldJohndirectlythatHughwas‘workingineverywayandwithallhisstrengthto
depriveyouoftheroyalcrown’.71InaccusingHughofstirringuprebellion,JohnwasthuscharginghimwithinvolvementintheBurymeeting.IfthemeetingtookplacebeforeHugh’sreturntoBury,thatchargewas,ofcourse,unfair,butfairnesswasneverJohn’sstrongestsuit.If,ontheotherhand,itoccurredaroundthetimeof
Hugh’sbriefstayatthemonastery,thenJohnmightveryreasonablyhavethoughthimcomplicit.Whateverthetruthhere,Hughvigorouslydeniedthecharge,andJohnthenbackeddown:‘Ididnotsaythiswithreferencetoyouinparticular,butonaccountofcertainothers.’Evidently,Johnacceptedthatthemeetinghadnotbeenwith
Hugh’sconnivanceorconsent.Nonetheless,hestilldespatchedafierylettertothemonkssayingthatHughwasindeepdisfavour.Whathappenednextwas
equallyremarkable.LeavingLondonon1or2November,JohnmadeadramaticdashtoBury,whichhereachedon4November.Hetookhisprivysealinsteadofhisgreatseal,
whichheleftbehindinLondonwithPeterdesRoches.Johnhadpromised,soonafterhisarrivalinEngland,tovisitBuryandsettlethematteroftheelection,buthenowcameinverydifferentcircumstances.Hisdecisionwastakeninhaste,foraslateas25OctoberhewasplanningatourofKent,takingin
Rochester,CanterburyandDover.72ThatHugh,onhisreturn,wentstraighttoBury,andthencamesouthwiththeabbey’scharters,showsthathehadnoexpectationofanimminentroyalvisit.John’saimnowwasnotprimarilytosettletheissueoftheelection,whichinfactwasnotsettled.Themainmotivewastostamproyalauthorityonthe
placeoftherebelliousassembly.John’sanxietiesareclearfromotherorders.On30OctoberhedespatchedarcherstoboostthegarrisonsofCorfeandNottingham,increasedtheforcesunderthecommandofEngelarddeCigogné,thesheriffofGloucestershireandHerefordshire,andtoldTheodoricTeutonicus,at
BerkhamstedinHertfordshire,toattenddiligentlytothecastle’scustodyandkeephimfrequentlyinformedaboutitsstate.Then,onthewaytoBury,heorderedTheodorictoconductthequeentoBerkhamstedcastleunderarmedguard,andbyaprescribedroute.Meanwhile,inLondon,on4November,
PeterdesRochesorderedapaymentinconnectionwithwritsthatthepapallegatehadmadeout‘againstthosesworntogether’,inotherwordsagainstthosesworntogetherattherecentgathering.73
AtBury,JohnhadwithhimtheearlsofWinchesterandNorfolk,andprobablyalsoRobertfitzWalterand
GeoffreydeMandeville–allofcoursefuturerebels–sohemadeanimpressiveshowofhissupport.74Whenheenteredthechapterhouse,theswordwascarriedbeforehimbyPhilipofOldcoates,thesheriffofNorthumberland.Itsedgewasdirectednotjustattheabbeybutatthosewhohadsorecentlydefiedtheking.WhenoneofJohn’s
supportersamongthemonksbeggedthat‘theroyalmajestymayflameoutinanger“withpowerfularmandmightyhand”againstitsadversaries’,JohnleftthereplytoOldcoates:‘O,man,fencedinasyouareoneverysidewiththeking’speace,youneednotbeafraid’.75
Thisreassurancesummedup
verywellthewiderpurposeofJohn’sdescentonBury.JohnremainedatBury
merelyforaday.Thebirdshadflownandhehadmadehispoint.On5Novemberhewasonhiswaybacksouth.Heremained,however,acutelysuspicious.WhileatBuryhehadrefusedtoreleaseWilliamMarshal’shostages,despitethe
intercessionoftheearlofNorfolk,agreeingonlythatonecouldbeexchangedfortwoothers.76AllthisisthebackgroundtothemajorconcessionthatJohnmadeinLondonon21November.AttheNewTemple,heissuedhisfamouschartergivingthechurchfreedomofelections.Thiswasthecharterthatwastobeconfirmedinthefirst
chapterofMagnaCarta.John,therefore,aftertheshockofBury,wasdesperatelytryingtobindthechurchtohisside.Theissueofelectionswasaparticularlyliveone,giventhatsixbishopricsandthirteenabbeyshadbeenleftunfilledduringtheInterdictandneedednewpastorsappointed.77Howeverhedged
around,thecharter,inlegislatingforspeedyelections,alsopromisedagreatreductionintheking’srevenuesfromvacancies.JohnfollowedupthecharterwithapersonalconcessiontoArchbishopLangton,foritwason22NovemberthathegaveCanterburytheoverlordshipofthebishopricofRochester.Thereisno
evidencethatLangtonwasattheBurymeeting.Almostcertainlyhewasnot.Buttoitheowedthesegreatvictories.Inissuinghischartergrantingfreeelections,Johntriedtodosomethingelse,namelyshowthatthekingdomwasunitedbehindhim.Ofthethirteenwitnessestothecharter,fiveweretobenamedinMagnaCartaas
John’scounsellors,whilefourwereamongthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.78
WhothenwasattheBurymeeting?Intoearly1215,sourcescontinuedtodescribetheinsurgentsasnortherners,andtheyprobablymadeamajorcontributiontotheassembly.Thisisconfirmedbythestrikingappearanceat
BuryofPhilipofOldcoates.AssheriffofNorthumberland,Oldcoatesisveryrarelyfoundatcourt.On27OctoberJohnhadwrittentohimasthoughhewerestillathisnorthernpost.79Yet,afewdayslater,hesuddenlyturnsup,bearingtheswordbeforeJohn,intheBurychapterhouse.Mostprobably,Oldcoateshad
comesouthinthewakeoftheinsurgentsinordertomonitortheiractivities.Thenortherners,however,wereclearlykeentowidenthebasisoftheirsupport,hencethechoiceofBuryforthemeeting.OneLondonchroniclerlaterobservedthatthebaronsin1215weredescribedasnortherners,‘althoughtheycamefrom
diverspartsofthekingdomofEngland’,andincreasinglythatbecamethecase.80AgovernmentrecordfromJanuary1215describedRogerdeCressyasoneof‘theNortherners’whowereagainsttheking,but,infact,hismaininterestswereinEastAnglia.CressymaywellhavebeenattheBurymeeting.81John,however,
stillhadSaerdeQuincyathisside.Hewastheonelayman,apartfromOldcoates,tobewithhiminthechapterhouse,andwasthecustodianoftheMarshalhostages.DespitethestatementintheBurytablet,thepresencewithJohnoffitzWalter,likethatofMandevilleandNorfolk,arguesagainsttheirparticipation,butonecannot
besure.Theymayhavecometomaketheirexcusesandexplanations.
THERESORTTOARMS
InaccordancewiththeplanslaidatBury,whenthe‘magnates’appearedbeforeJohnattheNewTempleinLondoninJanuary1215theycameinmilitaryarray.Thepopelaterdescribedthemas
makingtheirdemands‘arrogantlyanddisloyallybyforceofarms’.82Justhowclosethesituationwastocivilwarisshownbytheway‘allthose’whohadcomebeforethekingwith‘grievances’weregiventheking’s‘peace’,untilanothermeetingatNorthampton,aswellassafeconductsguaranteedbyArchbishopLangton,seven
bishopsandfourloyalistearls.WhilefitzWalter,MandevilleandtheearlofClarewerestillsufficientlypersonagratatoattestroyalchartersinJanuary,noneofthegreatnorthernbaronsdidso,apartfromRobertdeRos.83ThedemandsputattheNewTemplecentredontheCoronationCharterofHenryI,quiteprobablywithsome
extraprovisionstackedon.John’sresponsewastocondemnthese‘novelties’,andcallforageneraloathoffealtytogetherwithassurances(embodiedinindividualcharters)thatsuchdemandswouldneverberaisedagain.Themeetingendedinstalemate.Allthatcouldbeagreedwastopostponetheissuesuntilthe
meetingatNorthampton,whichwasfixedfor26April.84Therewasnowahiatusas
bothsidesappealedtothepope,ameasureoftheextraordinaryrolehehadassumedinEnglishpoliticssinceJohnhadmadehimoverlordofthekingdom.John,onhisside,hadcleverlypreparedtheway.Duringthe
NewTemplemeeting,hehadreissuedhischarterconcedingfreeelectionstothechurch,andsentittoInnocentIIIforhisconfirmation.85John’senvoy,WalterMauclerc,atthestartofalongcareerinroyalservice,arrivedinRomeon19February,althoughdelayed‘byagreatillness’.Theenvoysoftheinsurgents,clerksofEustace
deVescyandanothergreatnortherner,RicharddePercy,arrivedatthestartofMarch.Inalettertotheking,Mauclercexplainedthathehadbeenunabletoseetheirletters,buthadlearnttheirgist.Thebaronscertainlymountedapowerfulcase,andmaywellhavehopedtochangeInnocent’smind.Theyclaimedthatthe
northernerswerenowjoinedby‘allthebaronsofallEngland’.TheyalsochallengedJohn’snewstatusasapapalfavourite,claimingthatitwastheirownstrugglesforthechurch’slibertyatpapalcommandwhichhadforcedhimtosubmitandmakeEnglandapapalfief.Theythemselveswereonlydemandingtheir‘ancient
liberties’concededbythechartersofJohn’sancestorsandconfirmedbytheking’sownoath,probablyareferencetotheoaththathemadeonhisabsolution.86
Duringthishiatus,Johntookanotherstepthatwasmeanttobolsterhisposition.On4March,AshWednesday,andsoatthestartofLent,hetookthe
crossinStPaul’scathedral,andcommittedhimselftogooncrusade.87Fromnowon(onecanimaginehimthusatRunnymede),heworeonhisshoulderawhitecrossthatproclaimedhisnewstatus.Johnthushopedtogaintheprotectionsofacrusader,whichmightallowhimtoshelvesomeofthecomplaintsagainsthim,as
indeedhappenedinMagnaCarta.88Hehadalsoboundhimselfyetmorecloselytothepope.ForInnocent,thekingwasnowthreefoldblessed:hehadrestoredlibertytothechurch,subjectedhiskingdomtothepapacy,andthentakenthecrosssothathecould‘liberatethelandwhichChristhadpurchasedwithhis
ownblood’.Godwouldnow‘onearthsecureandconfirmthethroneofthekingdomtoyouandyourheirs,andinheaventherighteousjudgewillgiveyouacrownofglorywhichfadethnotaway’.Bythesametoken,asInnocentmadeclear,theobstructionofferedtoJohn’sholypurposesbythe
recalcitrantbaronswasallthemoreillegitimate.89
Johnwasnowinaconfidentmood,andveryreadytoamusehimselfbyplayingcatandmousewithBury’sstillunconfirmedabbotelect.WhenthetwometridinginSherwoodForest,towardstheendofMarch,Hughdismounted,wentdownonhiskneesand
beggedJohntoconfirmhiselection.Johnwasgracious,raisedhimup,welcomedhimasabbotandspoketohimlengthilyinprivate,althoughalways‘savingtherightsofmykingdom’.Butnextday,whenHughsoughtanotheraudienceafterMass,hewasfobbedoffandtoldtospeaktoWilliamBrewer.BrewerthenupbraidedHughfor
showingcontemptfortheking’sliberties,andtoldhimtocomebeforeacouncilthatwastomeetatOxfordon6April.ThereJohnrefusedtoaccepttheelectionunlesshewasgivenmoney(whichHughrefusedonLangton’sadvice),andthenpostponedthewholematteruntilthereturnoftheenvoyssenttoRometoprotestabout
electionsbeingheld‘incontemptformyliberties’.Onthesameday,Johnorderedforhimselffivetunicstowearunderhisarmourandfivebannerswithhiscoatofarms,trimmedwithgold.90JohncelebratedEasterDay,whichfellon19April,attheNewTempleinLondon.Afewdayslaterhemadethetraditionalpayment
totheclerksofhischapelwhohadsungthe‘Christusvincit’inhispresence:
Christconquers,Christreigns,Christrules,hearOChrist,TothekingoftheEnglish,crownedbyGod,salvationandvictory.91
HowJohnmusthavehopedthatwouldnowcometrue.
Hewasquicklydisabused.Johnhadbeentooclever
byhalf.Histakingthecrossonlyprovokedthebarons,whothoughtrightlythathehadactedmerelyto‘defraudthemoftheirproposals’.92
Therewassoonfurtherprovocationinthelettersof19Marchinwhichthepopegavehisjudgement.Thereisapuzzleoverwhentheletters
arrivedinEngland.PopeInnocenthimself,inhislaternarrativeofevents,seemstoindicatethatitwasafterthebaronialdefianceofthekingthattookplaceon5May.Thisseemsratherlate,giventhatthejourneybetweenEnglandandRomecouldtakeaboutamonth,andthiswascertainlyaletterofsomeurgency.93TheCrowland
chroniclerhasthelettersarrivingwhenJohnwasinandaroundOxford,whichwasbetween7and13April.Thisisimpossiblyearly.Thereisnothing,however,impossibleaboutthelettershavingbecomeknowninEnglandduringEasterweek,whichwastheweekof19–26April.Probably,inanycase,thelikelytenoroftheletters
wasalreadyknownfromearlierreportssentbythebaronialenvoys.Ifso,theintelligencemusthavebeenamajorfactorinthegreatescalationofthecrisis,whichnowtookplace.PopeInnocentputhis
judgementintothreeletters,onetoJohnhimself,onetothebaronsofEnglandandonetoLangtonandhis
suffragans.94Johnwasurged,‘ashehopedtohavehissinsremitted’,totreatthebaronskindlyandlistentotheirjustpetitions.Thebaronsweretomaketheirclaimsnotbyforceofarmsbut‘inhumilityandloyaldevotion’.Langtonandhissuffraganswereblamedforfailingtosupportthekingandforgivingtheimpressionthattheyfavoured
thebarons.Thepopenowdenouncedall‘conjurationsandconspiracies’onpainofexcommunication.95Thelettersmadeitabsolutelyclearthatthebaronscouldreceivenohelpfromhim.TheideathattheyshouldapproachJohnhumblyandwitnesshisGod-givenchangeofheartwasludicrous.Theyhadnoweithertoputupor
shutup.Theyputup.ItwasduringEasterweekthatthebaronsmusteredinarmsatStamfordinLincolnshire,afamoustournamentground.Previouslythebaronshadbeenindividuallyinarms.Nowtheyweregatheringanarmy,withwhichtheymarchedfromStamfordtoNorthampton.Therewas,ofcourse,noquestionof
meetingJohnthereon26AprilasagreedbackinJanuary.Instead,therisinggainednewforcewiththenortherners,astherebelswerestillcalled,beingjoinedbyRobertfitzWalter,GeoffreydeMandevilleandGilesdeBriouze,bishopofHereford.FitzWalterstyledhimself‘marshalofthearmyofGodandholychurchin
England’,anambitiousattempttoretainthestatusoffightingforthechurch,despitethepapalcondemnation.BishopBriouzewasayoungersonofthemurderedMatilda,andnowheirtothefamilylordships.InMarch,Johnhadactuallyrestoredthesetothebishop,onlythentocreatea
freshgrievancebydemanding9,000marksinreturn.96
OnMonday,27April,nowatBrackleyinNorthamptonshire,anothertournamentground,theinsurgents,throughthegoodofficesofArchbishopLangtonandWilliamMarshal,sentJohnaschedulesettingouttheirdemands.AccordingtoRogerof
Wendover,thesewereanamalgamoftheCoronationCharterofHenryIandtheLegesEdwardi.Moreprobably,theywereanearlydraftoftheArticlesoftheBarons.Thefactthattheyweredividedupinto‘capituli’justliketheArticles,andthatthebaronswantedthemsealedbytheking,astheArticles
eventuallywere,supportsthisidea.97John’sviolentreactionisthusunderstandable.Thedemands,heangrilydeclared,wouldmakehimaslave;whydidtheynotaskforhiskingdom?YetJohnalsonowmadeanattemptatconciliation.98HeofferedtoabolishtheevilcustomsintroducedbyhimselfandhisbrotherRichard,anddeal
withthoseofhisfatherHenry‘bythecounsel’ofhis‘faithfulmen’.Thismightseemfairenough,butitwasapatheticallyvagueresponsetothedetailedconcessionsbeingdemanded.Itwasalsoallsubjecttoappealtothepope.Notsurprisingly,thebaronsrejectedtheoffer.JohnnextaskedLangtontoexcommunicatethe
insurgentsunderthetermsofthe19Marchpapalletter.Thearchbishoprefused.Heusedtheconventionalexcuseofknowingthemindofthepope,whichmeantthat,inhisjudgement,Innocentwouldhavewrittendifferentlyhadheknowntherealsituation.99
ThetruthwasthatLangtonwoulddonothingthatthreatenedtoescalatethe
crisis.Hewouldnotsidewiththebarons,butequallyhewouldnotcondemnthem.Thatinitself,however,wasenough.Thearchbishop’spassivitymaywellhaveencouragedtheirnextdecisivestep.
DEFIANCE
On5May1215,atReading,amonkformallydefiedJohn
onbehalfofthebaronsandreturnedtheir‘homages’.100Injustifyingwhatineffectwasrebellion,thiswasavitalstep.Inthethoughtoftheperiod,anybreachoffaithtoalordcouldbejudgedastreason;‘seditio’and‘proditio’wasthecontemporaryword.Therecouldbenomoreblatantexampleofthatthanthe
takingupofarms.Equally,itwasuniversallyacceptedthatthepenaltyfortreasonwaslossoflifeorlimb,soexecutionormutilation.Yetitwasalsoacceptedthatatenant,incasesofdeadlyenmity,coulddefyhislordandreturnorrenouncehishomageandtheobligationsthatwentwithit–the‘diffidatio’.101Havingdone
that,hecouldthentakeuparmswithoutbreakingfaithtohislord.Henolongerhadalord.Hewasfreefromanytaintoftreason.102Fromonepointofview,in
escapingtheconsequencesofrebellion,the‘diffidatio’onlywentsofar.Itmightcleansetheinsurgentsfromthetaintoftreasonintheirowneyes,buthardlynecessarilyin
thoseoftheking.Thekingmightsimplyignorethedefianceandtreatthosewhoissueditastraitors.Evenifheacceptedthata‘diffidatio’wastheproperprocedure,andindeeddefiedhisopponentshimself,itwasnotbecausehewishedtoplacethewaronsomegentlemanlyfootinginwhichbothsidesfoughtaccordingtoMarquessof
Queensburyrules–quitethereverse.Hewishedtobefreefromallrules.Theinsurgentswouldbecomehisenemieswhomhecouldattackandkillwithoutletandhindrance.Themedieval‘diffidatio’thereforeled,intheoryatleast,intoalawlessjunglewherewarfareandpoliticscouldbenastyandbrutish,notintoaneatplayingfield
wheretheyweresanitizedandcontrolled.Intheory,butnotinpractice.Inpractice,itwasrarefornoblestobekilledinbattle,forwhenunabletofightontheywereallowedtosurrender.Itwasunheardoffornoblestobeexecutedforpoliticalcrimes.103EvenJohnwasnotexpectedtobreaktheserulesofconduct.Thatwasnotthe
leastreasonforthereadinesstotakeuparmsagainsthim.Therebelswerenotwronginthiscalculation.Inthewholeofthe1215–16civilwar,Johnexecutednotasinglenoble.Havingdefiedthekingon
5May,thebaronsmarchedfromBrackleytoNorthampton.Lackingsiegeengines,theyfailedtotakeit,
butthiswasthefirstopenactofwarfare.Johnnowshiftedhisground,ifonlyalittle,byputtingfleshandboneonhisearlierproposals.On9May,atWindsor,heissuedacharter,addressedto‘allthefaithfulofChrist’.Itwaspointedlynotaddressedtoallhisfaithfulsubjects,formanyofthesewerenolongerfaithful,butatleastJohn
acknowledgedthattheywerestillfaithfulChristians.John’sofferwasthatthe‘complaintsandarticles’beingpresseduponhimshouldbeconsideredbyfourbaronschosenbyhimselfandfourchosenby‘thebaronsagainstus’,withthepopeashead‘abovethem’.Johnwouldthenabidebywhatevertheydecided.Nextday,ina
furtheractofconciliation,Johnpromisedthat,untiltheworkofthearbitratorswascompleted,hewouldnotseize,dispossessormakewaruponthebarons‘savebythelawofourkingdomorbyjudgementoftheirpeersinourcourt’,hereofcourseanticipatingchapter39oftheCharter.104Atthesametime,Johntriedindividualactsof
conciliationandpromisedtodeal,byjudgementofhiscourt,withtheexorbitantfinesimposedonbothGeoffreydeMandevilleandBishopBriouze.105
Johnmaywellhavehopedthatthisproposalwouldleadtosomeminimalconcessions,afterwhichpeacewouldberestored.Giventhatthepopewouldhavethelastword,
therewaslittledangerinthekinghavingtoconcedetoomuch.Thebaronsthoughtsotoo.Theproposallednowhere.John’sreactionwasaggressive.On12Mayheorderedthelandsofhisenemiestobeseizedbythesheriffs.106
THEFALLOFLONDON
Aneventnowoccurredthatchangedthesituationcompletely.Earlyon9May1215,beforeheleftforWindsor,JohnhadbeenattheLondonTemple.Thereheagreedthata1,100-markloanwhichhehadreceivedfromtheTemplars,tofinancethebringingof200knightstoEngland,could,ifnecessary,berepaidfromhisgoldin
theircustody.107JohnalsotookstepstosecuretheloyaltyoftheLondoners,issuingacharterfreeofchargeallowingthemtherighttoelectannuallytheirownmayor.108TheconciliationoftheTemplarssucceeded.ThemasteroftheTemplewasatRunnymedebyJohn’ssideandisnamedasoneofhiscounsellorsin
MagnaCarta.TheconciliationoftheLondonersfailed.ItmaybethatJohnofferedthemtoolittle.Certainlyhewassoonoutbidbytherebels,who,intheArticlesoftheBarons,madethelevyingoftallageonthecitysubjecttothecommonconsentofthekingdom.On17May,whilethecitizenswerestillatMass,or
pretendedtobe,apartyofbaronsclamberedupsomestepsplacedoutsidethewallsinthecourseoftheirrepair,andgotintothecity,wheretheyopenedthegatestotheirfellows.JohnstillheldtheTower,buthisforcestherewereinsufficienttoregaincontrolofthecapital.HisviewwasthattheLondonershadsurrenderedthecity‘of
theirfreewill’.Theycertainlysealedanalliancewiththerebels,gottheirdemandsintotheArticlesoftheBaronsandhadtheirmayorasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause.109
ThelossofLondonwasahammerblowforJohn.Itsfinancialresourceswerenowatthedisposaloftherebels.Itswallsnowprotectedthem
fromanydangerofattack.London,ifproperlydefended,wasvirtuallyimpregnable,foritwasfartoolargetobesiege.Andproperlydefendeditwas,forthebaronsimmediatelyplacedguardsonthewalls.110TherewasnowaynowthatJohncouldeasilywinthecivilwar.Hewasalsodamagedinanotherway,forthelossof
LondonmeanttheclosureoftheexchequeratWestminster.111Ithadhithertobeenatworkhearingtheaccountsofthe1213–14financialyear.ThoseforYorkshirewereheardafter5March1215,sinceapardonissuedtoJohndeLacyonthatdaywasincludedinthepiperoll.112Howmuchrevenuewasactuallyarriving
intotheexchequerwasanothermatter.On5MayJohnhadwantedtorepaytheTemplarstheir1,100marksfromthefirstmoneysreceivedbytheexchequer,onlyfortheTemplarstoinsisttheloanbesecuredontheking’sgold.113Theyobviouslythoughtnomoneywascomingin.OnceLondonhadfallen,theexchequer’s
sealandsomeofitsrollsweretakentoReadingabbey.OtherrollswereleftbehindatWestminster,wherenextyeartheyfellintothehandsofPrinceLouis.John,recognizingthetreasurywasempty,ceasedtoissuewritsorderingtheexchequertopayoutmoney.114
AfterthefallofLondon,theriverofsupportersjoining
therebelsnowbecameaflood.Therebellionhadexpandedwaybeyonditsoriginalnorthernbase.Ofthetwenty-fivebaronseventuallynamedinMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause,onlyeightcouldbedescribedasnortherners.Baronsfromtheeasternandhomecountiespredominated.Thetwenty-fiveincludedsevenearlsand
threesonsofearls.Nearlyalltherest,apartfromthemayorofLondon,weregreatbarons.115ThefactthattheeldestsonofWilliamMarshalwasonthesideofthebaronsshowstheweaknessoftheking’sposition.TheCrowlandchroniclernotedhowyoungmenwereattractedtotherebelcause,wishingtomake
anameforthemselvesthroughdeedsofarms,sometimespullingtheirfathersinwiththem.116Johncouldnameasmanyearlsamonghissupporters,buttherestofthosewhoappearedashiscounsellorsatthestartoftheCharterhardlycomparedintermsofstatuswiththetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.
SCOTLANDANDWALES
ThegatheringrebellioninEnglandposedadifficultchoiceforAlexanderIIinScotland.117Alexanderhadsucceededtothethroneonthedeathofhisfather,WilliamtheLion,inDecember1214.Itwasatimeofacuteanxiety.AlexanderknewfullwellthatJohnwouldnowexpecthim,under
thetermsofthe1209TreatyofNorham,todohomageforthekingdom.Hehad,therefore,everyreasontowelcomethebaronialrevoltandthecollapseofJohn’spower.Ontheotherhand,hehadtobecareful.IfhejoinedthebaronsandJohncrushedthem,theconsequencesforhiscountrywouldbedisastrous.Alexander,until
June1215,alsohadhishandsfullinScotlanddealingwiththerisingofGuthredmacWilliam.InMagnaCarta,theconstableofScotland,AlanofGalloway,isnamedatthestartasoneofJohn’scounsellors.This,however,islesssignificantofAlexander’sattitudethanitmightseem.Alan,rulingGallowayasvirtuallyhisown
kingdom,spentlittletimeattheScottishcourtandwasessentiallyanindependentpotentatewhomJohnhaddrawntohissidein1212,notablybyencouraginghimtoconquerUlsteraftertheexpulsionofHughdeLacy.Bycontrast,Alexander’suncle,EarlDavidofHuntingdon,joinedtherebels,despiteJohn’sbelated
grantofthethirdpennyoftheearldom.118Davidwasoldandsick,buthisactionsweremorethansymbolic,forhisillegitimateson,Henry,wasactiveinthebaronialcauseandwaslatercapturedatthebattleofLincolnin1217.Itwashewho,atRunnymede,recoveredGodmanchester.119
AsforKingAlexanderhimself,hewascertainly
abreastofbaronialintentions.Hewelcomedhisbrother-in-lawEustacedeVescytocourtinMarch1215,andSaerdeQuincy,earlofWinchester,probablynowplayingadoublegame,inApril.NofewerthanfivemembersofMagnaCarta’stwenty-fivebarons(theearlsofHereford,OxfordandWinchester,andEustacedeVescyandRobert
deRos)wereAnglo-Scottishlandowners,andthusinAlexander’sallegianceaswellasJohn’s.MyownviewisthatAlexanderhadmadepromisestothebaronialleaders,andhadagreedtojointhemwhenthetimewasright.HencetheconcessionstohimintheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.BoththeCrowlandand
Dunstablechroniclershadheardofsuchanalliance.120
Ofcourse,thatstillleftopenthepossibilityforAlexanderthatthetimemightneverberight.ThesituationinWaleswas
verydifferent,forheretherebelsdidgetverymaterialhelpfortheircause.Johnhaddonehisbesttoshoreuphispositionafterthedisastersof
1212.HehurriedWilliamMarshalintothecustodyofCardiganandCarmarthen.From1213healsobegantorestoreWalterdeLacytohisWelshlordshipsandfinally,on12April1215,returnedLudlowcastletohim.121ThekingalsodangledbeforehimtheprospectofrestoringhisestatesinIreland.Bolsteredinthisway,intheearly
monthsof1215,JohntriedtodrawLlywelynandhisalliesintonegotiations,buttonoavail.BoththeDunstableandCrowlandchroniclersreportthealliancebetweenthebaronsandtheWelshrulers.TheBrut,aswehaveseen,goesintoitsdetails.AroundthetimeofthefallofLondon,LlywelynseizedShrewsbury,whilefurthersouththeWelsh
aidedtheBriouzesinrecoveringthefamilylordshipsinandaroundBrecon.Johnretainedtheloyaltyofmanymarcherbarons,buttheuprisingdisabledthemfromgivinghimmuchhelpinEngland.ApartfromWilliamMarshalandPeterfitzHerbert,nonefeatureamongtheking’scounsellorsintheCharter.122
THEKNIGHTS
AfterhisreturntoEnglandintheautumnof1214,Johnhadsoughttooutflankhisbaronialopponentsbywinningoverknights,nowheremoresothanintheWestCountry,aparticularcentre,aswehaveseen,oflocalfeelingsandindependence.InDecemberJohnorderedthesheriffsof
Somerset,DevonandCornwalltosendhimtwelveknightsfromeachoftheircountiestodiscusspossibleconcessionsovertheroyalforest.Oneresultwasafineof1,200marksmadeinApril1215bythemenofCornwallfordeforestationandotherliberties.Exeter,however,onwhichPeterdesRocheshaddescendedtheyearbefore,
wasstilltobeacentreoftherebellion.Inthesouth-westgenerallytherevoltwastobelessoneofgreatbaronsthanofcountysociety.123
Thereweretwowaysinwhichknightscouldparticipateintherebellion.OnewasbyjoiningthemainbaronialarmythatgatheredatStamfordandswelledthereafter.Theotherwasby
participatinginlocalactivity,wheretheymightchallengetheking’sgovernmentintheshires.Thegeneralimpressionisthatknightsjoinedtherebellioninlargenumbers.AccordingtoWendover,2,000musteredatStamford,afigurethatisfarfromimpossible.124Bymid-May,knightsfromthehonourofTrowbridgewerethrowing
intheirlotwiththeiroustedlord,theearlofHereford,againsthisreplacement,theearlofSalisbury.125Aroundthesametime,aCambridgeshireknight,JocelynofStukeley,wasprobablyintherebelcamp,forhewasgivenlettersofsafeconduct.Heisearlierfoundasagrand-assizejuror,custodiansheriffof
Cambridgeshire-Huntingdonshire,stewardoftheabbotofRamseyandbrieflyajusticeatthebench.126HegivessomeideaofwhatJohnwasupagainst.AtRunnymedeitself,wenowknowfromNicholasVincent’sdiscovery,thebaronsappointedfourknightsineachcountytohelpimplementthetermsofthe
Charter,andpresumablyalltheseknightswerealreadyontherebelside.TheirnamessurviveforKentandaretypicalofthemiddleandupperlevelsoftheknightlyclass,rangingfromthosewhosatonlocaljuriestothoseofvirtuallybaronialwealthandstatus.127
Listsofrebelsfromafewcountiesdrawnupin1216
and1217confirmthisimpressionofextensiveknightlyparticipationintherevolt.128In1216Johnwastoldbyhislocalagentsthat‘thewholecounty’ofHerefordshireand‘alltheknights’ofShropshirehadbeenagainsthim,althoughtherebellionhadmuchlesspurchaseinStaffordshire.Onestrikingfactaboutthe
rebelknights,whenwehavetheirnames,isthenumberswhoappearongrand-assizejuries.Inotherwords,therebellionhadpenetratedfardeeperthanjusttheeliteoftheknightlyclass,whowereabovesuchwork.InYorkshire,amongthosereturningtotheking’sallegiancein1217,HughThomasfoundforty-sixsuch
knights,andthoughtmanymorewereofcomparablestatus.KathrynFaulknerfoundthirtyfromNorthamptonshire,andtwenty-sevenfromCambridgeshire.ARutlandreturnhasfiveknightswhosattogetheronagrand-assizejuryin1211.AshortlistofLeicestershirerebels,withonlysixnames,includedtwo
grand-assizejurors.129AGloucestershirelisthasaroundadozen.Knightlyconductinthis
periodwasgoverned,invaryingdegrees,bytiesoflordship,neighbourhoodandfriendship,aswellasbypersonalgrievancesandpoliticalideas.Theforceoflordshipwascertainlystrong.TheloyalistearlsofChester
andDerbykepttherebellionoutoftheirkeylands.Ontheotherside,thegreatnorthernrebels,Holtconcluded,werefollowedbytheirparticulartenants‘almosttoaman’.InHerefordshirethecountyrebelledwithBishopBriouzeintheearlysummerof1215butreturnedwithhimtoJohnintheautumn.130
Itwouldbeagreatmistake,however,toconcludethattheknightsin1215weremerepuppets.Theywerequiteabletopushtheirownagendas,evenagainsttheirlords.TheknightsofCheshireextractedfromEarlRanulftheCheshire‘MagnaCarta’.RalphofCoggeshall’simpressionwasthatthe
knightsoftheloyalistearlsandbaronsdesertedtotheopposition,whichwasanexaggeration,butitsuggeststheflowofthetide.131Indeed,outsideCheshire,inEarlRanulf’shonourofRichmond,whichhehadonlyacquiredin1205,thereweremanyrebels,astherewereintheFossardbaronyinYorkshire,intowhichPeter
deMaulayhadbeenintruded.Someknightsmaywellhavepushedtheirlordsintorebellion.OnesuspectsthatwasthecasewithOxfordshire’sineffectualbaronHenryd’Oilly.ThefourknightlytenantswhojoinedhimwereallactiveinlocalgovernmentandtwohadbeentoIrelandinKingJohn’sarmyof1210.132The
baronRogerdeCressyandtheknightWilliamfitzRoscelinclearlyformedateam.TheybothhadtheirlandsseizedwhenCressyquarrelledwithJohnin1207.FromEaster1215theywererunningNorfolkandSuffolktogether,withfitzRoscelinactingasCressy’sunder-sheriff.Hewaswellqualifiedtodososincehehadalready
beenthecounty’sunder-sheriffin1211.133TherebellioninShropshireclearlyhadmuchtodowiththefitzAlanlordsofClun,labouringundera10,000-markrelief,buttwooftheirtenants,VivianofRosshallandThomasdeCostentin,bothgrand-assizejurors,weresingledoutfromtheother,unnamedknightsinthelistof
rebels,andwereclearlyinfluentialmen.134InotherareassuchasCambridgeshireandNorthamptonshirewheretherewerefewdominantlords,manyknightswereabletochoosetheirowncourse,and,aswehaveseen,numbersofthemdidsoinfavourofrebellion.135
Manyoftheseknightshavecareersandbackgroundsthat
canbetracedindetail,althoughthereisnotthespacetodothathere.InRutland,firstonthelistwasthegrand-assizeknightThomasdeHotot,whosedescendantscompiledafamilycartularywithcopiesofthe1217ForestCharter,the1225MagnaCartaandJohn’schartersubmittingthekingdomtoPopeInnocent
III.136InLeicestershire,firstupwasanothergrand-assizejuror,RalphdeMartinwast,fromaveryprominentknightlyfamilyinthecounty.137OneoftheGloucestershireknights,WilliamdeParco,hadbeenarrested,alongwithseveralotherleadingknights(theywereknicknamed‘bigshots’(‘buzones’)),forallegedly
givingfalsejudgementsinthecountycourt.AnotherGloucestershireknightcertainlyhadhisownopinionsaswellasadirectinterestinchapter50ofMagnaCarta,dismissingfromofficetherelationsofGerardd’Athée,includingGiodeCigogné.ThiswasWilliamdeMara,whowas
arrestedbyGioforspeakingillofKingJohn.138
Conspicuousamongknightsactingforthemselveswerethoseholdingfrombaroniesinthehandsoftheking.ManyfromwithinthehonoursofTickhillinYorkshireandPeverelinNottinghamshirejoinedtherebels.InAprilandMay1215,Johnsentouturgent
orderstotenknightsinthehonourofWallingfordaboutgarrisoningWallingfordcastle.Halfofthosethusharriedarelaterfoundinrebellion.AnotherWallingfordknight,WilliamfitzEllis,hadhisgrievancesoverunjustdisseisinremediedatRunnymedeitself.Doubtlesssuchmenpressedforchapter43ofthe
Charterwithitsprotectionforthoseholdingfromsuchhonours,thoseofWallingfordandNottingham(soPeverel)beingmentionedbyname.139
ByfarthelongestlistofrebelsisthatfromGloucestershire,withsomeeighty-onenames.Aboutathirdofthese,inAdrianJobson’sanalysis,areofmenwhoserebellionandindeed
whoseveryexistenceisotherwiseunknown.140Manyoftheunknownprobablycamefromtheranksofthenon-knightlyunder-tenants,asdidagoodproportionofthoseforwhomsomepropertycanbefoundbutwithoutevidencethattheywereknights.Thissuggeststhattherebellionembracedthekindoffreetenantsfound
onthehundredjuries,whoseimportancewehavealreadydiscussed.141InRutlandandLeicestershire,thesheriffmadesomeefforttoindicatealevelofinvolvementbeneaththeknights,sincehealsogavethenamesoffourteenrebel‘serjeants’.Probablytheseweresubstantialfreetenantsoflessthanknightlystatus.Atthe
musteratStamford,besidesthe2,000knights,RogerofWendoverlikewisementionedthattherewere‘serjeants’bothonhorseandfoot.Detailedinquiriesintotherebelsofthe1215–17civilwar,likethosesurvivingforthecivilwarof1263–7,wouldprobablyhaverevealedtheveryconsiderablesocial
depthoftherebellionagainsttheking.142
THELASTSTEPTORUNNYMEDE
Johnhadnowtoacceptthathewaslosingauthoritythroughoutthecountry.FromEasterin1215,NorfolkandSuffolkweretogethercontrolledbyRogerdeCressyandWilliam
fitzRoscelin.143Herefordshire,aswehaveseen,hadgonewiththedefectionofBishopBriouze.IntheWestCountry,Exeterwasbrieflyoccupied.AlargepartofNorthamptonwasburntinaconflictbetweenthetownsmenandthecastlegarrison.InLondon,theTowerwasattacked,whileanorthernarmy,hearingof
eventsfurthersouth,occupiedLincolninWhitsunweek(7–14June).144Majordefectionsalso
continued,includingthoseoftwogreatnortherners,RobertdeRosandJohndeLacy,whomJohnhadstruggledtokeeponside.LacyhadgonewithJohntoPoitouandtakenthecrosswithhimon4MarchinStPaul’scathedral.
Hehadthenbeenpardonedallhisdebts.JohnstillthoughtLacywasloyalon31May.Probablyhewasalreadywiththerebels.AtRunnymede,Lacy,likeRos,becameoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause.145EvenworsewasthedefectionofSaerdeQuincy.HetoohadtakenthecrosswithJohnon4March
andwasstillthoughttobeloyalon6May.Yeton25MayhewastheonlybaronialnegotiatornamedinasafeconductthatJohnissued.GivenhisalliancewithRobertfitzWalter,Saer,onemaysuspect,hadlongbeeninbaronialcounsels.146JohnhadbeengenerousinmakinghimearlofWinchester,buthadthendeniedhimthecastleof
Mountsorrel,leavinghimanearlwithoutacastle,almostasbadasaknightwithoutahorse.Saer’sthrowingoffthemaskoffealtytohiskingwasamajorgainforthebarons,sinceheknewJohn’sgovernmentfromtheinside,havingbeenforawhileabaronoftheexchequer.Ashisroleon25Maysuggests,heprobablyplayedalarge
partinthenegotiationsatRunnymede.Whenhefinallyre-enteredtheallegianceofJohn’sson,HenryIII,in1217,theclerkrecordingthefactonthecloserollswroteinthemargin:‘IwillhateaslongasIamable;ifnot,unwillingly,Iwilllove.’147
Nootherbaronprovokedacomment.
Withhissituationthusdeteriorating,Johnexecutedafundamentalchangeofcourse.On16May,thedaybeforethefallofLondon,hewasstillofferingtheinsurgentsjustatruce.148Buton25May(whileatOdiham)thesafeconducthegavetoSaerdeQuincywastotreatabout‘peace’,whichclearlymeantasettlementthatwould
leadtopeace.Evidentlythekingwasnowengagingseriouslywiththebaronialdemands.Johnfollowedupthesafeconductof25Maywithanothertwodayslater,allowingArchbishopLangtontocometoStaines,againtotreatof‘peace’betweenthekingandthebarons.149Quiteprobably,theenvisagedlocationwasalready
Runnymede.Inthesecircumstances,theking’sofferon29Maytosubmitthedemandsofthebaronstothepopewasmerelygoingthroughthemotionsforpapalconsumption.Johnknewverywelltherewasnowayforwardonthatbasis.150On8June,nowatMertonpriory,heissuedanothersafeconducttolastuntil11June
forthosecomingtoStainesonbehalfofthebarons‘tomakeandsecurepeace’.151
ThenegotiationsatRunnymedewereabouttobegin.
10
TheDevelopmentoftheOppositionProgramme
Whiletheinsurgentshadbeenturningthescrewsontheking,theyhadalsobeendevelopingtheprogrammethattheywishedhimtoagreeto.Thereismuchthatisunknownaboutthisprocess.Therewereprobablymanyschemesofreforminplayatthesametime.TheschemefoundintheUnknownCharteristheonlyonethat
survives.Inthebroadestterms,however,thetrajectoryseemsclear:fromthelibertiesofthekingdomandthelawsofEdwardtheConfessor,ontotheCoronationCharterofHenryI,theCoronationCharterwithadditionaldemands,theArticlesoftheBaronsandthenMagnaCartaitself.
ANCIENTLIBERTIESANDTHELAWSOFEDWARDTHE
CONFESSOR
AccordingtoRogerofWendover,beforeJohnwasabsolvedin1213hesworetoabolishevilcustoms,judgejustly,giveeveryonetheirrightsandupholdthelawsofhisancestors,especiallythoseofEdwardtheConfessor.CoggeshalltoohasJohn
swearingtouphold‘ancientliberties’.1Respectfor‘ancientliberties’waslikewisethebasisofJohn’sabortivesettlementwiththenorthernersinNovember1213.Whetherthesewerefleshedoutinanydetailwedonotknow.AsforthelawsofEdwardtheConfessor,Wendovercontinuestofeaturethem,withthe1100
Charter,inthebaronialdemandsof1214–15.ThetwoarealsolinkedtogetherintheWelshchronicleknownastheBrut.2IfJohndidtakeanoathin1213toupholdthelawsoftheConfessor,heprobablysawitasnomorethanageneralizedpromiseofgoodgovernment.Buttheoppositioncouldregarditasrathermoretangiblebecause,
aswehaveseen,therewasanactualtextoftheLegesEdwardiConfessoris.Itshowedthekingacceptingthelawsofthekingdomasenunciatedbothbyhisnoblesandbytwelvemenchosenfromeachcounty.TheadditionsmadetotheLondonversionoftheLegesinJohn’sreignstressedtheking’sobligationtogovernnotby
willbutbycounselandjudgement.Otherinterpolationsinthesamecollectionwhichwouldhaveappealedtolocalsocietylaiddownthatexactionsinthehundredcourtweretobereasonableandaccordingtothelawoftheland.3
TheLegesEdwardiwere,therefore,wellworthlayingbeforetheking,yetthey
hardlyrestrictedhisruleinanykindofdetailedandeffectiveway.Theyincludednothingatallaboutrelief,wardships,ormarriagesofheirsandwidows,issuesthatsoexercisedthebarons.Indeed,forthemostpart,Johncouldprobablyhaveagreedeasilyenoughtotheactualtext.Itwasnotgeneralprinciplesofgoodrulethat
hisenemiesneededtoassert(towhichJohnwouldalwaysgivelipservice),butthedetailofhowtheyshouldoperate.Notsurprisingly,therefore,theLegesEdwardigraduallyfadedintothebackground.TheyarenotmentionedbytheCrowlandorCoggeshallchroniclersandeveninWendover’saccountaresooneclipsedbythe
CoronationCharterofHenryI.
THE1100CORONATIONCHARTEROFHENRYI
ThedemandthatJohnshouldconfirmtheCoronationCharterofHenryIrepresentedaquantumleapintheoppositionprogramme,andthisintwoways.First,Johnwasnolongertomake
justvaguepromises,forthe1100Chartercoveredindetailthetreatmentofrelief,wardships,marriagesandwidows,issuesthattheLegesEdwardisosignallyneglected.Indeed,onthesemattersthe1100CharterdirectlyinfluencedtheorderaswellasthecontentoftheArticlesoftheBarons,andthenceofMagnaCarta,since,
inallofthem,relief,wardshipandmarriagescomeatthestart.Inaddition,the1100Charter’sstipulationthatpenaltiesshouldbe‘accordingtothedegreeoftheoffence’anticipatedasimilarstipulation(bothusethesameword‘modum’for‘degree’)intheArticles.4The1100Chartermightalsoappealtoknightsandunder-
tenants,sinceitmadeconcessionstoknights(overthesubjectofthegeld)andwasspecificthatthebaronsshouldpasstheconcessionsonrelief,wardships,marriagesandwidowsdowntotheirmen.5Ingeneral,itwasfarmorefitforpurposethantheLegesEdwardi.Therewasasecondwayin
whichthe1100Charterwas
instructive,awayobviousbutimportant:itsuggestedthatJohnshouldbeboundtoconcessionsembodiedinacharter.Thatideacoincidedwithacademicthought,asseeninthewritingsofArchbishopLangtonandtheschoolofPetertheChanter.6
Italso,ofcourse,coincidedwithlong-standingpractice,inwhichkingshadmade
concessionsbychartertoindividuals,towns,counties,ecclesiasticalinstitutionsandthechurch,themostconspicuousexampleofthelastbeingJohn’s1214chartergrantingfreeelections.Manyofthesegrants,moreover,justlikeMagnaCarta,weretobeheldfromthekingandhisheirs‘inperpetuity’.7
Therewasalsoawell-known
Europeanexampleofawrittenconstitutionbindingaruler,namelyinSimondeMontfort’s1212StatuteofPamiers.8
Theimportanceofthe1100Charterisshownbythewayinwhichnofewerthanfourversions,allwithslightlydifferenttexts,werecirculatinginJohn’sreign.OneofthesewasinLondon;
anotherwasatStAlbansabbey;anotherwasthatcopiedoutwiththescheduleofadditionaldemandscalledbyhistorianstheUnknownCharter.AnotheragainwastranslatedintoFrench,alongwiththecoronationchartersofStephenandHenryII.Evidentlytheytoowerebeinginspected.9Thefactofthetranslationshows,ofcourse,
thedesiretomakethecharterseasilyaccessibletoFrench-speakingbaronsandknights.ThechartersofStephenandHenrywerebriefaffairsbutgaveaddedstatustothe1100Charterthattheycouldbereadasconfirming.Indeed,theBurychronicler,narratingthestoryofhisabbot’selection,thoughtthatthewholequarrelin1215was
causedbyJohntryingtoannultheCoronationCharterofHenryI,whichhisfatherhadconfirmed.10
Whenandhowthe1100Charterenteredthepoliticalnarrativehaslongbeendebated.AccordingtoRogerofWendover,itwasLangtonhimselfwhointroducedthebaronstothecharteratagatheringatStPaul’s
cathedralinAugust1213.Langtonbelievedintheprincipleofbindingthekingtoacharter,buttherearereasonstobescepticalhereaboutWendover’sstory.WhilehisdatingoftheStPaul’sassemblyisaccurate,hehimselfgivesahealthwarningwhenitcomestoLangton’srole:itismerely‘asrumoursays’.11When
Wendoveradmitsthat,alarmbellsshouldberinging.TheyshouldalsobesetoffbyhisfurtherstatementthatLangton,atthispoint,joinedthebaronialconfederationandpromised,whenthemomentcame,tohelpfightforitslibertiestothedeath.NothingintherecordoftheperiodsuggeststhatLangtonactuallythrewinhislotwith
thebaronsinthisway.Incontrast,RalphofCoggeshall,theCrowlandchronicler,theAnonymousofBéthuneandtheBruthavethe1100charterappearingonthesceneayearlater,afterJohn’sreturnfromFrance,andnoneofthemassociateLangtonwithit.12TherewascertainlyacopyoftheCoronationCharterinthe
Canterburyarchives,buttherewasnoneedforLangtontoproduceatextinsomemagicalway,since,aswehaveseen,othercopieswereabout.Whilethetranslationofthe1100ChartermentionedabovecomesfromatextlikethatatCanterbury,therearereasonstothinkthatthisversionoriginatedatWestminster,
sinceitinterpolatesintothewitnesslistthenameofWestminster’sabbot,GilbertCrispin.13Canterbury,moreover,apparentlyhadnocopyofthecoronationchartersofStephenandHenryII,whichwerealsotranslated,whilebothoftheseweretobefoundinLondon.14
ProbablyWendoverknewnomorethanthatthe1100
Chartercameontotheagendaatsomepointbefore1215,anddecidedtopinitonLangtonandthe1213council.OnecannotruleoutthepossibilitythatLangtondrewattentiontothe1100CharterbuthisdoingsowasneitherasdramaticnorasdecisiveasWendovermakesout.Asforthetiming,myview,likeHolt’s,isthatthe
1100charterwasonlyseriouslypressedonJohnafterhisreturntoEnglandinOctober1214.15Itisatthispoint,bythesametoken,thatthemoregeneralideaofbindingJohntoacharterentersthediscourse.Forallitsutility,the1100
Charterwasnototalsolutiontotheproblemof1215.Muchofitwasoutofdate.Itdealt
withgeld,nowmoreorlessobsolescent(itisnotmentionedinMagnaCarta),andsaidnothingaboutscutagesandaids.ItdirectedthattheforestsweretobekeptasunderWilliamtheConqueror,buthowdidthatrelatetotheforestsunderJohn?Andwhatwastheuse,saveasanexample,ofthechapterthatpardoned(with
someexceptions)alldebtsowedtoWilliamRufus?16
Therewasalsoawholerangeofconcernsaboutlaw,legaladministrationandlocalgovernmentwithwhichthe1100Charterdidnotdealatall.Morewasneeded.
THEUNKNOWNCHARTER
Oneattemptatprovidingmoreisseeninthedocument
calledbyhistorianstheUnknownCharter.17HeretwelveadditionalconcessionsallegedlymadebyKingJohnwereappendedtoacopyofthe1100Charter.SinceitiscertainthatJohnnevermadetheconcessionsinquestion,whatwehavehereareessentiallyaseriesofdemandswhichwerebeingcanvassedbyJohn’s
opponents.ItisapitythattheUnknownChartercannotbedated,foritwouldhelpshowjustwhentheprogrammewasmovingbeyondthe1100Charter.Agoodcasecanbemadeforthinkingthatthiswasquiteearly,preciselybecausethe1100Charterissoinadequate.ThattheUnknownCharterhasnothingaboutLondonsuggestsitpre-
datesthefallofthecityon17May1215.ThatitstartsbymakingJohnagreenottoarrestanyonewithoutjudgementsuggestsitmaypre-datehispromisetothateffectissuedon10May.SuchademandwouldfitwellwiththeNewTemplemeetinginJanuary,whenJohn’sopponentsmusthavefearedviolentretribution.If
thedemandsintheUnknownCharterwereputtoJohnattheNewTemple,onecaneasilyunderstandwhyhedismissedthebaronialproposalsas‘novelties’.18TheUnknownCharterwas
drawnupverymuchwithreferencetothe1100Charter.Thusittoohastheissuesofrelief,wardshipsandmarriagesatthestart,and
echoesitsphraseologyaboutwills.19ButwhereitcoveredthesamegrounditbroughttheprovisionsuptodateinwaysthatoftenanticipatedtheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.Thusheiresseswerenowtobemarried‘withoutdisparagement’;widowsweretostayintheirlatehusband’shouseforfortydayswhiletheirdowerwas
assignedthem;reliefwasnottobechargediftheestatehadbeeninwardship;andpropertyheldinwardshipwasnottobepillaged.20
Inotherareas,theUnknownCharterwentbeyondthe1100Charteraltogether.ThusJohn,rightatthestart,promisedtoarrestnoonewithoutjudgement,toreceivenothingfordoing
justiceandtocommitnoinjustice,theessenceoftheCharter’smostfamouschapters.Thepenultimatechapter,againanticipatingtheArticlesandMagnaCarta,laiddownthatinterestondebtsowedtoJewswasnottoaccrueinaminority.TheUnknownCharteralsodealtwiththehighlycontentiousissueofoverseasservice,
stipulatingthatitwasonlydueinNormandyandBrittany–sonotinPoitouasin1214.Thenextchapterfixedscutageatonemarkperknight’sfee,asopposedtothethreemarksJohnhadtakenin1214.Thesewereradicaldemands,aswasthechapterontheroyalforest,whichdirectedthateverythingmadeforestby
John,RichardorHenryIIwastobedeforested.Thiswastovirtuallytoremovetheroyalforestfromlargepartsofthecountry.Thesedemandsclearly
formanimportantbridgebetweenthe1100CharterandtheArticlesoftheBarons.HoltpointsoutthatsevenchaptersoftheUnknownCharterhavecorresponding
chaptersinMagnaCarta.21
Arguably,abetterfigureisninebecausethegrievancesoverscutage,andindirectlyoveroverseasservice,wereinsomewaysmetinMagnaCarta’schapters12and14.TheUnknownCharter,however,hadnothingonLondon,townsandtrade.IthadnothingongrievancesoftheWelshandtheScots.It
hadnothingonredressofpastinjusticesorhowtheconcessionsmightbeenforcedinthefuture.Ithadnothingabouttheworkingsofthecommon-lawassizesandtherunningoflocalgovernment.Under-tenantswouldhavewelcomedtherestrictionsonscutageandtheprivilegesgrantedto‘knights’withintheroyal
forest,buttheUnknownCharterappears,forthemostpart,anarrowlybaronialdocument.Johnissaidtomaketheconcessionsto‘mybarons’orto‘mymen’,sotohistenants-in-chief.22Thereisnostatementthattheconcessionsaretobepassedonbythebaronstotheirownmen.Whenwereachthe
Articlesweareinadifferentworld.
THEARTICLESOFTHEBARONS
TheadvanceintheoppositionprogrammebetweentheUnknownCharterandtheArticlesoftheBaronsisnothingshortofsensational.TheUnknownCharterhastwelvechapters.TheArticles
oftheBaronshasforty-eight,followedbythelengthysecurityclause(chapter49).TheUnknownCharterhadnoinputintothephraseologyoftheeventualCharter.TheArticlesarethefoundationsforitastheyarealsoofitsorder.Indeed,theyweredraftedwiththeeventualCharterinmindsinceitis
referredto,inchapters1and49,onthreeoccasions.TheArticlescovereda
muchbroaderrangeofissuesthanboththeUnknownCharterandtheCharterof1100.Legalprocedures,localgovernment,London,towns,merchants,thekingofScotsandtheWelshallappearasissues.Scutagesandaidshadnowtobeleviedwiththe
commonconsentofthekingdom.Agreatdealofthoughthasgoneintothequestionofenforcingtheconcessions,withtwenty-fivebaronsinthesecurityclausebeingempoweredtodoso.Thoughthasalsogoneintotheredressofpastgrievances,thusopeningupahighlycontentiousarea.Underchapter37oftheArticles,
amercements,andfinesfordowers,inheritancesand‘maritagia’(meaningbothmarriageportionsandmarriages),madeunjustlyandagainstthelawofthelandweretobecompletelyremitted,ortheissuewastobedecidedbythejudgementofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause,alongwithArchbishopLangtonand
thosehewishedtobringwithhim.Thisdealtwiththegrievancesofwidows,forcedtoofferlargesumstogaintheirdowers,marriageportionsandinheritances.ItcoveredthegiganticfineofGeoffreydeMandevilletomarryIsabella,countessofGloucester.Anditcoveredallthefines,somecolossalinsize,forinheritanceswhich
Johnhadexactedinplaceofreasonablereliefs.TheArticlesalsosoughttoremedyunjustdisseisins.Underchapter25,thosedisseisedbyJohnwithoutjudgementoflands,libertiesandrightsweretohavetheirpropertyimmediatelyrestored,somethingofrelevancetoagreatmanyoftheinsurgents.Iftherewas
anydispute,itshouldagainbesubmittedtothetwenty-fivebarons.AsforthosedisseisedbyHenryIIorRichard,theyweretohavejudgementwithoutdelaybytheirpeersintheking’scourt,unless,thatis,Johnsecuredtheexemptionsofacrusader,inwhichcasejudgementwouldbepassedbyLangtonandthebishops.
TheveryfactoftheArticlestestifiestothecohesionoftheopposition.Ithadheldtogetherandcombinedwhatwereprobablymanyschedulesofgrievanceintoasinglepowerfuldocument.TheArticlesareundatedandjusthowtheycameintobeingisdifficulttosay.The‘schedule’thatthebarons
senttoJohnfromBrackleyinNorthamptonshireon27April,demandingitbesealed(astheArticlesoftheBaronseventuallyweresealed),mayhavebeenanearlydraft.23
Quiteprobably,JohnengagedseriouslywiththeArticlesfrom25May,whenhegaveSaerdeQuincyasafeconducttocomeandtreataboutpeace.Aswewillsee
inthenextchapter,therearereasonsforthinkingthatthekingsealedthefinalversionon10JuneatRunnymede,thusindicatinghisacceptanceoftheArticlesasthebasisforthecomingsettlement.HowtheoppositionmovedfromadocumentliketheUnknownChartertotheArticlesisunclear,butquiteprobablythedemandsgrewasthe
confederationgrew.Indeed,tosomeextentonecanseethathappening.ThechaptersonLondonandmerchantshavetheappearanceofbeinginsertedintoanexistingdocument,presumablyafterthebaronialseizureofthecapitalinMay1215.Inchapter9onamercements,therefore,thesectiononmerchantsistaggedonatthe
endaftervilleins,anorder,defyingsocialstatus,thatwasreversedinMagnaCarta.24
Likewise,theissueofLondon’stallageswasadded,quitelogically,totheendofchapter32ontaxation,whilethechaptersonmerchants,andonentryandexitfromthekingdom,wereputeithersideinwhatbecamechapters31and33.Thechapteron
gettingridofthefishweirsfromtheThamesandMedway,whichreplicatedconcessionsmadetoLondoninroyalcharters,wasinsertedmorerandomlyaschapter23,whereitbrokeupwhatwouldhavebeenacoherentsectiondealingwiththeking’sadministrationofjustice.Thatthechaptersonthe
WelshandthekingofScots
comeveryneartheendoftheArticlessuggeststheytoowereaddedafterthebaronshadmadetheiralliancewiththeWelshrulers,andhadcometoanunderstandingwithAlexander.TheimportanceoftheWelshallianceisreflectedinthesubstantialnatureoftheconcessionsdemanded.Underchapter44,Welshmen
disseisedbyJohnoftheirlands,libertiesorrightsinEnglandorWalesweretobeimmediatelygiventhemback‘withoutplea’,whichmeantwithoutanychallenge.HeretheyhaddonebetterthantheirEnglishcounterparts,forwhom(inchapter25)thepossibilityofachallenge,obviouslybyJohn,wasrecognized.Chapter44went
ontosaythatWelshmenwhohadbeendisseised‘withoutjudgementoftheirpeers’byHenryIIorRichardweretoreceivejusticeinthesamewayastheEnglish,whichmeantundertheproceduresetoutinchapter25–althoughthiswastobeaccordingtothelawofEngland,WalesortheMarch,dependingonwherethelandsweresituated.
(TheMarchwastheborderlandbetweenWalesproperandEngland.)Chapter45directedthatLlywelyn’sson,takenunderthetermsofthetreatyof1211,wastobereturned,aswereallWelshhostagesandchartersofsecurity.Here,however,therewasaqualification,forJohnevidentlyclaimedthatunderhischarters(presumably
thosecoveringthetreatyof1211)hewasnotboundtomaketheserestorations.HisclaimshereweretobedecidedbyLangtonandthosehewishedtobringwithhim.25
AsforKingAlexander,inchapter46Johnpromisedtotreathislibertiesandhisrights‘accordingtotheform’inwhichhewasgoingdeal
with‘thebaronsofEngland’,althoughheretootherewasthequalificationaboutwhetherthingsshouldbedifferentbecauseofthechartersthatJohnpossessed.John’snewlydiscoveredaccountofthe1209TreatyofNorhamgivesthesestipulationsfreshmeaning.Underthetreaty,JohnwasexpectingAlexandertodo
himhomageforthekingdomofScotland.TheimplicationoftheArticlesoftheBarons,bycontrast,wasthatthetreatywasdead.TheonlyrelationshipthatAlexandernowhadwithJohnwasasanotherbaronofEngland.ThusthelibertiesandrightsthatAlexanderwasseeking,onemaysuspect,concernednotScotlanditself,buthis
claimstothethreenorthernmostEnglishcounties,claimswhichhadbeenreservedunderthe1209treaty.HewasnowseekingtoholdthecountiesfromtheEnglishking,likeanyotherbaron.SinceAlexander’sclaimsweretobetreatedlikethoseoftheotherbaronsofEngland,thatmeant,undertheArticles’chapter25,they
wouldbejudgedeitherbythetwenty-fivebaronsorbyAlexander’speersintheking’scourt.26ThechapteronAlexanderalsodealtwithhishostages,whichwerealmostcertainlythosetakentoguaranteethe1209treaty.ThesetoowerenowtobetreatedlikethosetakenfromEnglishbarons,whichmeant,underchapter38,thatthey
weretobereturned.Heretoothesavingclauseapplied:‘unlessitshouldbeotherwisebythecharterswhichthekinghas’.Johnevidentlywastryingtoassertthatthe1209treatystillhadvalidity.Mostimportantofall,in
movingfromalargelybaronialdocumentsuchastheUnknownCharter,wastheinfluenceoftheknights
whowerejoiningtherebelarmyinlargenumbersandobstructingtheking’sagentsintheshires.Knightsweresteepedintheworkingsofthelaw,andhadplentyofexperienceinextractingconcessionsabouttherunningoflocalgovernmentfromtheking.TheycoulddrawinspirationfromtheCoronationCharterofHenry
I,withitsdirectconcessiontoknightsovergeld.Indeed,theversionoftheCoronationChartermostcloselylinkedtothedemandsof1215,thatattachedtotheUnknownCharter,isonewhichincludesablatantappealtotheknights.Henry,inmakinghisconcessionovergeld,hopesthat‘asmykindnessisthemorefeltbythem,sothey
maybefaithfultome’.27
SomeknightsmayhaveknownofthetwelvemenineachcountydeclaringthelawintheLegesEdwardi,andtheinterpolationsinthesameLondoncollectionabouttheexactionsinlocalcourts,andthesheriffsbeingelected‘infullfolkmoot’.28Furtherafield,KingPedrohadconcededthathisofficialsin
Cataloniashouldbeelectedknights.29Knightsalsohadexperienceofextractingconcessionsfromtheirlords,asthecharterofPeterdeBrusshows.Therewasalsotheexampleofthe1100Charterwherethebaronsweretopassontheconcessionsoverrelief,marriagesandwidowstotheirmen.
Viewedfromthisperspective,theknightswouldhaveseenadocumentliketheUnknownCharterasdeeplydisappointing.TheymustalsohavehadreservationsaboutthefirstchaptersoftheArticlesoftheBarons,whichdealtwithrelief,wardship,marriageofheirsandtherightsofwidows.Thesecompletely
lackedtheinjunctionsaboutbaronspassingdowntheconcessiontotheirmenfoundintheequivalentchaptersintheCoronationCharterofHenryI.True,theArticlessimplyreferto‘heirs’and‘widows’withoutanyindicationoftheirtenurialstatus,sotheycouldbetakenasreferringequallytotenants-in-chiefandunder-
tenants.Butthatthechaptersonreliefandwardshipwereintendedtoapplytotherelationshipbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chiefwasshownbythewaytheywereredraftedatRunnymede.Baronsmaywellhavewantedthesametobetrueofthechapteronthemarriageofheirs,sinceintheArticlesithadbeenpartofthe
wardshipschapter.BaronialconcerntocontroltheirtenantsisrevealedinthewayachapterintheArticleswasredrafted.Thiswaschapter17,whichpreventedawidowbeingforcedintoremarriage.Itwascertainlyaimedatbothkingandlords,andforthatreasonprovidedasafeguardforboth.Itthusinsistedthatawidowneededtogetthe
consentoftheking,orthelordfromwhomsheheld,ifshewishedtoremarry.ThischapterseemsoutofplaceintheArticles,whereitcomesafterchapter16onwills,ratherthanmorelogicallyafterchapter4abouttherightsofwidowsovertheirproperties.Probably,thechapterhadinitiallylackedthesavingclauseand,when
redraftedtoincludeit,droppedoutofitsoriginalplace.InMagnaCartaitwasputbackthere.Ifknightswereindeed
disappointedwiththeearlyschemesofbaronialreform,theremaywellhavebeenparallelsin1215witheventsattherevolutionaryparliamentsof1258–9.AtOxfordin1258,thegreat
menhadlikewisemusteredwithlargenumbersofknights,andthatexplainswhytheso-called‘PetitionoftheBarons’infactcoveredfarmorethanbaronialinterests.30AttheWestminsterparliamentofOctober1259abodyofknights,describedas‘thecommunityofthebachelryofEngland’,protestedthatthe
baronshadonlylookedaftertheirowninterestsanddonenothingfor‘theutilityoftherepublic’.TheresultwasthespeedypublicationoftheProvisionsofWestminster,withtheirearlyclausesdealingwithgrievancesofunder-tenantsaboutbeingforcedtoattendthecourtsoftheirlords.31Wasitcomparableknightlypressure
thatshapedthenatureoftheArticles?Thus,afterthechaptersonrelief,wardshipsandmarriages,comeaseriesofconsecutivechapters,beginningwithchapter6,dealingwiththeinterestsofunder-tenants,sometimesasagainsttheirlords.32Onereadschapter6withastart.Afterall,theheadingoftheArticlesis‘thesearethe
chapterswhichtheBaronsseek’.Yetchapter6isspecificallyaimedat‘thebaron’.Thekingisnottogivehimpermissiontotakeanaidfromhisfreemensaveonthethreespecifiedcustomaryoccasions.Whatonearthisgoingon?Theanswermostprobablyisthatthiswasachapteronwhichknightsandunder-tenants
insisted.Chapter7wasinthesameveinandlaiddownthatnoonewastodomoreserviceforthefeeofaknightthanwasowed:ageneralstatement,butclearlyverymuchintheinterestofunder-tenantsagainsttheirlords.Chapter8movedontothemajorconcernofknightsandfreetenantsovertheworkingofthecommon-lawassizes,
andcalledintheknightselectedbythecountycourttositwiththeking’sjudges.Andthencamethechapteronamercements,beginningwiththoseleviedonfreemen.Howlittletheearlsandbaronswereconcernedwiththesechaptersisshownbythewaytheywerenotmentionedatallwithinthem.Aspecialchapteraboutthe
amercementsimposedonearlsandbaronshadtowaituntilRunnymede.Afterthechapterson
amercementsintheArticles,therefollowsarunofchapters,between11and21,verymuchintheinterestsofknightsandunder-tenants,fortheydealtwithlocalgovernmentandlocalofficials.Herechapter14
bannedtheincrementsabovethefarmsofthecounties(andbyimplicationtoothewholepolicyofprofits),thusechoingtheconcessionthatthemenofSomersetandDorsethadobtainedfromtheking.Thesamechapterstipulatedthatthesheriffswerenottointerferewithpleasofthecrownwithoutthecoroners.Theprovision
thusfocused,notontheabuseofthesheriffshearingthepleasofthecrowninsteadoftheking’sjudges,butontheirignoringthecoroners,whosejobitwastokeeparecordofcrownpleas,aswellasholdinquestsondeadbodies.Sincecoronerswerecountyknights,probablyelectedbytheirfellows,theArticlesweremakingsurethesheriffs
didnothereescapelocalsupervision.33Onlyoneofthesechapters(chapter16)hadanyequivalentintheUnknownCharter,andthatwasnowmadesociallymorecomprehensive.Dealingwiththosewhodiedintestatethischapterbenefited‘anyfreeman’,whereasintheUnknownCharter(chapter5)
thebenefithadonlybeenfortenants-in-chief.Knightsandunder-tenants
werealsoprotectedagainstbothkingandlordsbychapter28onaccusationsbybailiffsandchapter29,whichpreservedafreemanfromarrestanddisseisinsavebyjudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.Itwasonlyinthesecondpartofthe
chapter,whenitcameto‘goingagainst’anyone,thatitbecamesimplyapromisemadebytheking.Chapter30,forbiddingthesale,delayanddenialofjustice,wassimilarlygeneralinitsapplication.BothchapterscontrastedwiththeirequivalentsatthestartoftheUnknownCharter,whichonlyconcernedtheconduct
oftheking.OtherchaptersintheArticlesbenefitedknightsandunder-tenantsmoredirectly.Thuschapter27ensuredthatfreemendidnotlosetheprivilegesofknighthoodbecausetheyheldsomekindofnon-knightlytenure.Chapter34,whichpreventedinterestonJewishdebtsaccruinginminorities,plainlyembracedunder-
tenants,foritconcernedtheheir‘fromwhoeverheholds’.ItwasagainmuchbroaderthantheequivalentchapterintheUnknownCharter,chapter11,whichwaslimitedtotenants-in-chief.Chapter35,whichensuredthatwidowsandchildrenwerestillprovidedforwhenJewishdebtswerepaidduringminorities,likewise
appliedtounder-tenants,somuchsothatherelordsputinanothersafeguard.Suchdebtsweretobepaid‘savingtheserviceoflords’.Chapter36protectedtheknightlyunder-tenantsinhonours,suchasWallingford,thatwereintheking’shands.IntheArticlesanotherrun
ofchaptersonlocalgovernmentbeganwith
chapter39.Thischapteritselflimitedtherangeofthosewhohadtoappearbeforethejusticesoftheforest,andthenwentontocommissiontheinquiryofthetwelveknightsineachcountyintotheabusesoftheking’sofficials.Theinquiryplacedtremendouspowerinthehandsoftheknights.Theywerenotsimplytoinquireintowhat
waswrong;theywerealsotoputitright.Andtheyweretobechosennotbythebarons,butbythecountycourt.34
Chapter39isfollowedbyanotherchapterofconcerntoknightsandlocalsociety.ThisdismissedtherelationsofGerardd’Athée,whoweresheriffsofGloucestershire,Herefordshire,Nottinghamshireand
Derbyshire.WehaveseenhowthischaptermusthavepleasedtherebelknightWilliamdeMara,arrestedbyGiodeCigognéforbad-mouthingKingJohn.Athée’sclanwerealsomilitaryexperts,sothenextchaptercalledforthedismissalofalltheforeignsoldierswhomJohnhadbroughttoEngland.ThentheArticlesreturned
againtolocalissues,andlaiddownthatsheriffsandotherofficialsshouldknowthelawofthelandandmeantoobserveit.Sincesuchalawmightvaryaccordingtotheregion,thechaptercarriedtheimplicationthatthesheriffshouldbeanativeofhiscounty.TheArticlesconcludedin
chapter48bystatingthat
everyoneshouldobservetowardstheirmenthoselibertieswhichthekingwasgivingtohismen.Alltheconcessions,therefore,weretobepasseddowntounder-tenants.ThechapterthusprovidedsomecompensationfortheabsenceofanysimilarinjunctionswithinindividualchaptersearlierintheArticles.Noequivalent
statementisfoundineithertheCoronationCharterortheUnknownCharter.Knightscertainlygotless
thantheymighthavehopedforfromtheArticles.Thestipulationthatthesheriffsshouldknowthelawofthelandwassomething,butapoorsubstitutefortheconcession,boughtfromJohnbysomecounties,thatthey
shouldbelocalknights.Therewasnosuggestionthatthesheriffsshouldbeelectedbythecountycourt,althoughsuchelectionswereconcededwhenitcametotheknightsinchapters8and39(chapters18and48intheeventualCharter).Knightsandunder-tenantswerealsogivennoopportunityineithertheArticlesortheCharterto
complainabouttheirlords,whethertothetwelveknightsineachcountyortothetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Theopportunitytomakesuchcomplaints,alongwithlocallyelectedknightlysheriffs,hadtowaituntilthereformsof1258–9.35
Nonetheless,evenwiththesequalifications,thebaronial
demands,asrepresentedintheUnknownCharter,hadbeentransformed.TheArticleswerefarmorerepresentativeofthewiderrealm.TheArticleswereafair
copy,buttheclerkmaywellhavebeenworkingfromadifficultdocumentwithinterlineations,andattachments,producedbythe
additionsandchangeswehavedescribed.Hemaysometimeshavefailedtoseewhereaclauseshouldgo.Hemaysometimeshavemadehisowndecisionsaboutboththesequenceandthebreakingupintochapters,aswhenhetackedontochapters14,35and39newsectionswitharatheruneasy‘andthat’.36
Therewasalogictomuchof
thearrangement,especiallyinthefirsthalfofthedocument,althoughMagnaCartaimproveduponit.Thusthechaptersonamercementsleadnaturallytothechaptersbetween11and21onlocalgovernment,sincethefirstherewasabouttheamercementsofvillagesforfailuretoperformbridgework.Theintentiontodo
somethingaboutmeasuresatchapter12mayhavecomeatthispointbecauseoftheamercementsimposedonlocalcommunitieswhenthemeasureswerefalse.37Onepuzzlesastowhychapters29and30,demandingjudgementbypeersandforbiddingthesaleanddenialofjustice,appearrelativelylowdownintheArticles,and
thuslikewiseinMagnaCarta,whereasintheUnknownChartertheycomefirst.PerhapstheArticleswishedtofollowthe1100Charterandthusbeganwithreliefsandwardships.Perhapsthechaptersdroppedfromtheiroriginalplacebecauseofdebatesoverwording.WhereasJohn’sletterof10May,asanalternativeto
judgementbypeers,mentionedtreatment‘bythelawofourkingdom’,theArticles,moreevocativeandindependentoftheking,havetreatment‘bythelawoftheland’.ThereweretobefurtherchangestobothchaptersatRunnymedeitself.
THEINPUTOFKINGJOHN
HolthassuggestedthattheArticleswere‘notproducedinapurelybaronialgatheringbutbybothsidesinconcert’.Indeed,theywere‘theworkofasmallcommitteeslowlyreachingcommongroundoveraperiodofafortnight’.38
Assumingthatseriousnegotiationsbeganon25May,whenSaerdeQuincywasgivenhissafeconductto
treatof‘peace’,therewascertainlytimeforsuchworkbeforeJohn,probablyon10June,agreedtotheArticlesasthebasisforthefinalsettlement.Buttherewasnotmuchcommonground.True,therewerepartsoftheArticlesthatJohnmightseeasadvantageous.Hehadmuchtogainfrommakingcommon-lawlitigationmore
accessible,forhecouldthuswinthefavourofknightsandfreetenants.Forthesamereason,hemightwelcomethestipulationthateveryonemustpasstheconcessionsdowntotheirownmen.IngettingsuchchaptersintotheArticles,knightsandfreetenantsshouldhavehadJohn’sfullsupport.These,however,weresmall
compensations.JohnmusthaveregardedthegreatbulkoftheArticlesasutterlyunpalatable.Hehadoriginatednoneoftheproposals.TheheadingoftheArticleswasquiteright.‘ThesearethechapterswhichtheBaronsseekandthelordKingconcedes.’Johnwasengagedessentiallyinanexerciseofdamage
limitation.Hereheachievedsomething,butfarlessthanhemighthavehoped.Intheareaofdamage
limitation,Johnscoredonemajorvictory.TheUnknownCharterhaddemandedthedeforestationofwhateverHenryII,RichardandJohnhadmadeforest.HereitwastheafforestationsofHenrythatcountedmost.Yetthe
ArticlesoftheBaronssaidnothingaboutRichardandHenry,andonlycalledfortheremovalofJohn’safforestations.ThatthesubjectwaslongdisputedmayexplainwhythechapteraboutJohn’safforestationsisattheendoftheArticles,asthoughuntilthelastmomentthebaronshopedformore.
Insomeotherareas,Johnseemstohavemodifiedthedetailofthedemands.TheArticlesacceptedthathischartersmightaffecttherestorationsduetotheWelshandthekingofScots(chapters45and46);thatredressforthosedisseisedbyHenryandRichardmightbeaffectedbyhisprivilegesasacrusader(chapter25);and
thatJohnmightchallengewhetherdisseisins,finesandamercementsinhistimewereunjust(chapters25and37).Inallthesecasesproceduresweresetuptodealwithsuchcontingencies.TheArticlesexemptedJohn’sdemesnemanorsfromtherestrictionsoncountyrevenues(chapter14).Theyleftthesizeofrelieftobedecidedinthe
Charter,presumablybecausetherehadbeennoagreementaboutit.Johnwonavictorywhenitcametowardships.TheUnknownCharterhaddemandedthattheyberunbyfourknightsofthefee.Althoughtheknightsweretoanswerfortheissuestotheking,thisstillmeantthathecouldneithersellwardshipsnorexploitthemthroughhis
ownagents.TheArticlesoftheBarons,bycontrast,leftJohnquitefreetogivewardshipstowhomheliked,onlysayingthattheguardiansshouldlosethemiftheycommittedwaste.Johnwonanothervictory,althoughitwasapyrrhicone.TheUnknownCharterhadbannedserviceoverseassaveinNormandyandBrittany,and
hadfixedtherateofscutageatonemarkperknight’sfee.NeitherofthesedemandsappearedineithertheArticlesortheCharter.Yetthatonscutagewasunnecessary,becauseithadbeenreplacedbyafarmoreradicaldemand.TheUnknownCharterhadallowedthekingtolevyascutagehigherthanamark‘bycounselofthebaronsof
thekingdom’.IntheArticles,thiswastransformedintothedemandthatnoscutagewastobeleviedatallsavebythekingdom’scommoncounsel.MagnaCartawentontomakeclearthatthiscounselcoveredtherateaswellastheincidenceofscutage.Thebaronshadthusgainedtotalcontrolofthetax.Thatwascertainlyagrievousintrusion
intotherightsofthecrown,sincethekinghadhithertoleviedscutagewithoutanyconsent,deemingitdueunderthetenurialobligationsofhistenants-in-chief,iftheydidnotsendtheiractualmilitaryservice.ThechapterintheArticles(32)alsohadabearingonoverseasservice.Johnwasnotstoppedfromdemandingthis,butthe
baronsdidgainthepowertopreventhimlevyingascutagetosupportit,which,inpractice,cameclosetothesamething.Thesedefeatsweregrievousenough.Theypaledintoinsignificancebesidethemonstrosityofthesecurityclause.
THESECURITYCLAUSE
HavingsetoutJohn’sconcessions,theArticlesleftafour-linegapandthencontinued,‘Hereistheformofthesecurityfortheobservationofthepeaceandthelibertiesbetweenkingandkingdom.’Thegaphasledtotheideathatthesecurityclause,asitiscalledbyhistorians,wasinitiallyintendedasaseparate
document,butthiswascertainlynotthecasebythetimeoftheArticles,fortheyleaveadetailintheclausetobesettled‘inthecharter’.39
Thesecurityclausewasindeedmomentous.Itrepresentedbyfarthemostrevolutionary,asalsothemostoriginal,partoftheArticlesandtheeventualCharter.John’sdetailed
concessionscouldallbeseenasextensionsofthosemadebyHenryIin1100.Therewasnowaythesecurityclausecouldbeseeninthatlight.Theformofitscoercionofthekinghadnoprecedent.V.H.Galbraithwasrighttosayitrepresented‘themostfantasticsurrenderofanyEnglishkingtohissubjects’.40Itwasseenin
thosetermsatthetime.TheAnonymousofBéthune(whosepatronatthispointwasonJohn’sside)thoughtthereweregoodthingsintheCharter,butdescribedwithastonishment(andwithsomeexaggeration)thepowersassumedbythetwenty-fivebarons.Whilenotreferredtospecifically,suchpowersunderlaythecommentsonthe
eventsof1215madeinacontemporarypoemcopiedintotheMelrosechronicle.ThisacknowledgedJohn’styrannicalrule,butnonethelessbeganbysayingthat:
Englandhasratifiedaperverseorder;Whohasheardsuchanastonishingeventbeassertedinverse?
Forthebodyaspiredtobeontopofthehead;Thepeoplesoughttoruletheking.41
Underthetermsofthesecurityclause,thebaronsweretochoosetwenty-fiveoftheirnumber.Thesewere,astheArticleshadalreadyindicated,tositinjudgementontheking’sunjustdisseisins,finesand
amercements,iftherewasanydisputeovertheirimmediatereversal.Inthesecurityclauseitself,thetwenty-fiveweregivenawiderbrief.Thiswastoensure,withalltheirstrength,that‘thepeaceandthelibertieswhichthekinghasconcededandconfirmedinhischarter’wereobserved.Ifthekingorhisministers
offended‘anyoneinanything’ortransgressedanyofthe‘articlesofpeaceorsecurity’,thevictimsweretocomplaintofourofthetwenty-five.Thefourwouldthenbringthecomplaintbeforetheking.Ifhedidnotredressthegrievance,withatermtobedecidedintheCharter,thenthefourweretogototherestofthetwenty-
five,andthetwenty-five,‘withthecommuneofalltheland’,wouldthendistrainanddistressthekingineverywaytheycould,namelybytakinghiscastles,landsandpossessions,untilthewrong,intheiropinion,hadbeenrighted.Atthatpoint,everyonewouldobeythekingasbefore.Theclausethenwentontoexplainthe
oaththatwouldform‘thecommuneofalltheland’,beforereturningtothetwenty-fiveanddealingwithsubstitutes,majorityverdictsandanoathofoffice.Finally,summingupthetotaldistrustwhichmadethewholeclausesonecessary,therewasthestipulationthatJohnshouldgivesecurity,throughchartersofthearchbishop,the
bishopsandthepapalrepresentativePandulf,thathewouldseeknothingfromthepopewhichwouldoverturntheagreement.Onestrikingfeatureofthe
clause,rarelycommentedupon,isthatitgavethetwenty-fiveabroaderremitthansimplythatofenforcingtheCharter.Theywerealsotohearcomplaintsiftheking
orhisministersoffended‘anyoneinanything’.Thisextraordinaryprovisionmeanttheycouldtakecognizanceofanythingtheyliked,andgavethemvirtuallyapermanentbrieftomonitortheactivitiesofroyalgovernment.Voiceswereevidentlyraisedtogivethetwenty-fiveevenmorepower.TheAnonymousofBéthune
thoughttheyweretochoosethe‘bailiffsoftheland’.OnedraftoftheCharterhadthemchoosingthecastellansofstrategiccastles.42Johnevidentlybeatthatoff,butwhatwastherewasbadenough.True,ifthekingdidoffend,thentheproceduregavethechanceofreform.Whenthefourbaronsbroughtthecomplainttohisattention,
hewouldhavetheopportunitytoputmattersright.If,however,hefailedtodoso,‘withinareasonabletimetobedeterminedintheCharter’,therewerenosimilarstagesintheratchetingupofpunishment.Theirwholeweightcrasheddownatonceonhishead.Whereaschapter5oftheArticleslaiddownthatJohn’s
debtorsshouldbedistrainedfirstbytheirchattelsandonlyifthatfailed,bytheirlands,inthesecurityclausethetwenty-fiveweretoseizeatoncetheking’scastles,landsandpossessions.Itwas,moreover,entirelyuptothetwenty-fivetodecidewhenJohnhadputmattersright,andeveryonecouldobeyhimasbefore.
Toenforceallthis,thetwenty-fiveenlistedthe‘communeofalltheland’.Thiswasformedbyanoathtobetakenbyeverybody,whichiswhy‘communitas’intheLatinisalwaystranslatedas‘commune’,meaningaswornassociation.Theoathwasitselfastonishing.Unlikethelateroathof1258,whichwasto
upholdthereformsofthatyear,itwasanoath,nottoupholdtheCharter,buttoobeytheordersofthetwenty-fiveinharmingtheking.Theoaththusestablishedthetwenty-fiveinapermanentrelationshipwiththepeopleofthekingdom,withtheoathofloyaltytothemstandingnowalongsidetheoathofloyaltytotheking.Another
corollarywasthatanyonewhobroketheoathcouldineffectbeaccusedofbreakingfaithtothetwenty-fiveandbeliabletoattackinbody,landsandchattels.ThisindeedwaspreciselywhatJohn’snorthernagent,BriandeLisle,wasthreatenedwithlater,ifherefusedtoobeyajudgementofthetwenty-fivereturningKnaresborough
castletoNicholasdeStuteville.43Truly,Johnwasnowtobeonlyhalfmasterinhiskingdom.Thesignificanceofthe
oathisshownbythecuriousdouble-handedprovisionoveritsswearing.Onecouldeitherdosovoluntarily,orbemadetodosobytheking.Onthefaceofit,thebaronswereheretakingaremarkablerisk,
foracommonwayofnullifyinganoathwastosayithadbeentakenunderduress.Therewasnosimilarprovisionovercoercionintheoathof1258.44Thatthebaronsnonethelessrantheriskshowstheimportancewhichtheyattachedtogettingeveryonetoswear.Theyhoped,ofcourse,sincetheoathhadtobeswornanyway,
itwouldbeswornvoluntarily.Theywerealsoassertingsomethingaboutthesheerstatusoftheoath.Itwasineffectbeingmadeaconditionofbelongingto‘theland’.Inwasthusabsolutelyonaparwiththeoathoffealtytakentotheking,whichlikewiseeveryonehadtoswear,willinglyornot,tobeamemberofthekingdom.
Achiefaimofthesecurityclausewastoenablethetwenty-fiveandthecommuneofthelandtoattackthekingwithoutanytaintoftreason.Inotherwords,theyhadthelegalrighttoattackJohn’spossessionswhilethekinghadnolegalrighttodoanythinginreturn.SinceJohnhadsanctionedtheiractions,theywouldnotbebreaking
theiroathsoffealtytohim.Therewasnoneednowtoissueanykindofformaldefiance.Yetwhilethesecurityclauseclearlyworkedlegally,itishardtoseehowitcouldworkpractically.TheideathatJohnwouldsitquietlybywhilehislandswereseized,andhiscastlesbesieged,wasfanciful,aswastheideathat
afterwardseveryonewouldobeyhimasbefore.Manyhistorianshavethusseentheclauseasimpracticable,whichistomissthepoint.Thesecurityclausewasconceivedfromthestartasthemedievalequivalentofanucleardeterrent.ThepointwastothreatenJohnwithsuchmassiveandimmediateretaliationthatcomplaints
broughttohisattentionwereboundtoberedressed.Iftheywerenot,thesecurityclausehadalreadyfailed.Attheverymost,itwouldhelpjustifybaronialactionagainsttheking.Eventhatpossibility,whenitcametoit,thebaronsdidnotexploit.WhenJohnrenegedontheCharter,theyturnedtoan
altogetherdifferentremedyandchoseanotherking.Underneaththeumbrellaof
thesecurityclause’sdeterrent,thebaronshadeveryintentionofmakingthetwenty-fivedotheirwork,hencetherulesaboutmajorityverdictsandtheelectionofanewmemberifonedied.Thiswastobenotemporarycommission.
Indeed,itwouldlastaslongastheCharteritself,andsincethatwastobeinperpetuity,thetwenty-fiveweretohaveapermanentplaceinthelifeofthekingdom.Howthenwasthis
remarkableplanofcoercionandredressconceived?Thatisnoteasytosay,foritissooriginal.Thereisnothinglikeitearliernotmerelyin
Englandbutfurtherafield.HeretherearenoparallelsinSpanishjurisprudence.45Themostlikelyexplanationisthatthesecurityclausewasindeedanoriginalconceptionoftheopposition,bringingtogetheraseriesofdifferentthreads.Theprocessofpetitioningthekingtoputrightactsofinjustice,eithercommittedbyhimselforhis
predecessors,waswellestablished.Johnhimselfrespondedtosuchcomplaints,sometimesafterajudicialinquiry.ItwasthusthatherightedadisseisinofKingRichard,andcancelledoneofhisowncharterswhichhehadbeendeceivedintogranting.46Equallywellestablishedwereideasaboutbaronssittinginjudgement;
thatafterallwaswhatwasinvolvedinjudgementbypeers.Themonitoringroleofthetwenty-fivealsohadparallelswiththecouncilsfoundintownconstitutions.UnderthecharterJohngrantedtoNorthampton,fourmenoftheborough,chosenbycommoncounsel,weretoensurethattheprovost,thechieftownofficial,treated
justlybothpoorandrichalike.47In1200twenty-fiveLondonerswereelectedtocounselthemayor.48In1206JohnhimselforderedthebaronsofLondontoelecttwenty-fouroftheirfellowcitizenstocarryoutreforms.Theoaththetwenty-fourtookstillsurvives.49Asfor‘thecommuneofalltheland’,formedbyageneraloath,that
wasclearlymodelledon‘thecommuneofthekingdom’formedtoresistinvasionbytheoathof1205.50
Theideaoflegitimateresistancehaditselfmanyroots.Itwasafamiliarpartofthedebateinmonasticcommunitieswhentheywerequarrellingwiththeirabbots.AtEveshaminJohn’sreign,themonkThomasof
Marlboroughobservedthatwhilecivilandcanonlawforbadsubordinatesfrombringingaccusationsagainsttheirsuperiors,theywereallowedtodosoincertaincircumstances.Hethenwentontobringaseriesofchargesagainsthislicentiousabbot.51
Inthesecularworld,itwas,aswehaveseen,acceptedthatavassal,sufferingactsof
injustice,mightrenouncehisallegianceandmakewaronhislord.Thiswascloselyrelatedtotheideaof‘legitimatefeud’,wheretherewasthenecessityforajustcause,apropercomplaint,theopportunityfortheoffendertomakereparation,andwhere‘thepropergoalwasarestoredbalanceofsomekind’.52InMagnaCarta,
however,thereisnoneedforanyactofdefiance,resistancebeingsanctionedbythekinghimselfinthelawlaiddownintheCharter.TheappealtolawcanbeseeninacasefromthekingdomofJerusalem.In1198,whenRalph,lordofTiberias,wasaccusedoftreasonbytheking,heclaimedprotectionunderalawknownasthe
‘Assisesurlaligece’,anddemandedajudgementbyhispeersintheking’scourt.Whenthiswasrefused,hispeerswithdrewtheirservicefromthekingandofferedtomaintainTiberiasinhisrights.53Admittedly,theofferofsupporttoTiberiasnevermaterialized,anditisunclearwhatitwassupposedtoinvolve.Itwasnotinitself
sanctionedbythe‘Assise’,ofwhichTiberiaswasadvancingonlyonepossibleinterpretation.Nonetheless,inthiscaseresistancewasbeingjustifiedinthelightofwhatwasatleastallegedtobeawrittenlaw.AcloserparalleltoMagnaCartacomesfromHungary,forhereresistancewasindeedlegitimizedbythekinginhisowncharter.The
thirty-onechaptersoftheGoldenBull,issuedbyKingAndrewIIin1222,dealtwithsuchissuesasinheritance,dower,localofficials,taxation,dispensationofjustice,nationalassemblies,militaryserviceoutsidethekingdom,andarrestand‘destruction’(thesamewordasinMagnaCarta)withoutlawfulprocess.Attheend,
thekingconcededthatifheorhissuccessorsactedcontrarytotheconcessions,then‘bytheauthority’ofthebull,thenobleshadtherighttoresistandcontradicthimandhissuccessors‘withoutstainofinfidelity’.54UnlikeMagnaCarta,theGoldenBullgavenodetailsaboutthenatureoftheresistanceenvisaged,soitssanctions
weremuchweakerthanthoseofthesecurityclause.55
Nonetheless,resistance,ifthekingcontravenedhisconcessions,washerebeingpermittedbythekinghimself.TherewereconnectionsbetweenEnglandandHungaryintheearlythirteenthcenturyandMagnaCartamaywellhaveinfluencedtheGoldenBull.It
wasprobablyalsoacaseofsimilarproblemsspawningsimilarsolutions.InEngland,therewas
before1215atleasttheideathatmagnateshadadutytorestrainorlimittheking.GervaseofCanterburythoughtthat‘themagnatesofEngland’haddonethatin1205whenthey‘compelled’Johntotakeanoathto
preservetherightsofthekingdom‘withtheircounsel’.56InthegreatbookonthelawsandcustomsofEnglandknownasBracton,largelywritteninthe1220sand1230s,twoviewsaboutresistancewerecanvassed.OnewasthatthekingmustbelefttothejudgementofGod.Theotherwasthatthe‘universitas’ofthekingdom
shouldcorrecthisactsofinjustice‘intheking’sowncourt’.Anevenmoreextremestatementwasthatthebaronsoughtto‘putabridle’onalawlessking.Therewasnosuggestionthatifthishappenedtheyoughttodefyhimandwithdrawtheirallegiance.Thesesentimentswerepromptedbythe1233–4risingagainstHenryIII,a
risingindefence,itcouldbethought,ofMagnaCarta.57
ThejudgeWilliamofRaleigh,whowasprobablyresponsibleforthispassageinBracton,wasaprotégéofthePattishalldynastyofprofessionaljudges.InMay1215SimonofPattishall,John’sseniorjudge,hadhislandsseizedforjoiningtherebels.Heprotestedhis
innocence,butdidnotmakehispeaceuntilthefollowingDecember.58Pattishallhadmaterialreasonsforflirtingwiththerebellion,butonewonderswhetherhisviewsonMagnaCartaandthesecurityclauselaidthefoundationsforRaleigh’ssentimentsabouttheeventsof1233–4.
Insum,thesecurityclausedrewonproceduresforpetitioningtheking,theprincipleofjudgementbypeers,themonitoringactivitiesoftowncouncils,the1205‘communeofthekingdom’,andtheviolentactionsthatfollowedactsofdefiance.Butthatviolencewassanctionednotbyany‘diffidatio’butbytheking
himselfinhisowncharter.Whereasdefiancewaspotentiallyaone-wayprocess,forthekinghadnoobligationtoacceptthatitlegitimizedresistance,nowhewasboundtoacceptthatresistancewaslegitimate,forhehadsanctionedithimselfinhisowncharter.Thatwastheoriginaltrickthatmadethesecurityclauseso
empowering.Whyfinallythenumber
twenty-five?TherewassomeprecedenthereintheLondoncouncilof1200.TheLondoncouncilof1205waslikewisetwenty-fiveifthemayorwasincluded.Twenty-fiveinvolvedagoodlynumberofbarons,andensured(iftheyallturnedup)thatdecisionscouldbetakenbyamajority,
astheclauseenvisaged.Itwas,therefore,betterthantheevennumberoftwenty-four,althoughthatwasafamiliarnumberinsomelegalandbiblicalcontexts.Thenumbertwenty-fivealsofeaturedinbiblicalexegesis,althoughnotalwaysfavourably.59
Augustine,inawell-knownhomily,commentingonpassagesinStJohn’sGospel,
arguedthatthenumbertwenty-fivesignifiedthelaw,althoughhethenwentontosaythatthislawlackedperfectionasitprecededtheGospel.Infact,thirtywastheperfectnumber.Thenumbertwenty-fivewouldhardlyhaveappealedtoArchbishopLangton.Heequatedthetwenty-fivemen‘withtheirbackstowardthetempleof
theLord’inEzekiel(8:16)withthecarnalpriestswhorejectedChrist.ThisisbutoneofmanyindicationsthatLangtonhadlittletodowiththeArticlesoftheBarons.
THEROLEOFARCHBISHOPLANGTON
HistorianshavelongdebatedtheroleplayedbyArchbishopLangtonin
shapingoppositiondemandsbetween1213and1215.Ontheonehand,heisseenasintroducingthebaronstotheCoronationCharterofHenryI,havingamajorinputintotheArticlesoftheBaronsandbeingresponsibleforthewaytheCharterreachesoutbeyondtheselfishambitionsofabaronialelite.Ontheotherhand,ledbyHolt,he
hasbeenseenlargelyasapeacemakerandgo-between.Therearepersuasivereasonsforthinkingthatthesecondviewisthemorecorrect.60Thereisnodoubtthat
Langton’spoliticalideasputhimingeneralsympathywiththeCharter.61HehadpracticalexperienceofJohn’styranny,havingseenhisCanterburyestatesravagedin
theInterdict.HeknewtheevilsperpetratedbyGerardd’Athée’skin,havinglamentedthe‘violenceandgreatoppression’ofEngelarddeCigognéassheriffofGloucestershire.62LangtonmaywellhaveinspiredtheoaththatJohntookatthetimeofhisabsolutiontorespectancientlibertiesandcustoms.In1213allaccounts
agreethatthearchbishopurgedJohnnottoproceedagainstthenorthernerswithoutjudgementandlawfulprocess.Ontheotherhand,thereare,aswehaveseen,goodreasonsfordoubtingWendover’sstorythatLangtonintroducedthebaronstotheCoronationCharteratStPaul’sin1213andbecamea‘capital
consenter’tothebaronialleaguethereafter.63Whetherornothehadanyroleincirculatingthecharter,thecleartestimonyoftheCrowlandandCoggeshallchroniclesisthat,in1215,Langtonwasessentiallyanintermediarybetweenthetwosides.John’scomplaintagainsthim,echoedbythepopeinplaintiveletters,was
thatLangtonhadrefusedtocondemnthebarons,notthathehadopenlytakentheirpart.Essentially,thearchbishopwastryingtoholdthebalanceeven,andnotaggravatethesituation.64
ThebestevidencethatLangtonhadnoinputintothedevelopmentofthebaronialdemandsin1215liesinthedocumentsthemselves.The
UnknownCharterisanentirelysecularcreation,andhasnothingonthechurch.Indeed,whereasMagnaCarta,inchapter27,laiddownthatifafreemandiedinintestate,hisnearestrelativesandfriendsweretodistributehischattels‘underthesupervisionofthechurch’,theUnknownCharter,initsequivalent
chapter(5),saysnothingaboutthechurch’srole.AnomissionoffarmoremomentoccurredintheArticlesoftheBarons.Intheirinitialorderandcontent,theArticlesfollowedthe1100Charter,savethattheycompletelyleftoutitsfirstchapteronthechurch.ItwasnotevenasthoughtheArticlessaidthatthechurchwouldbe
introducedintheeventualCharter,asitdidaboutsomeothermatters.Evidently,thebaronshadnoexpectationthattherewouldbeachapteronthechurch,yettheymusthavebeenverykeentoincludeone.Afterall,defenceofthechurchfeaturedintheiroathofassociation,andRobertfitzWalterstyledhimself
‘marshalofthearmyofGodandholychurch’.ThatthechurchdidnotappearwasalmostcertainlybecauseLangtonwouldnotallowit.Furtherevidencethat
LangtondistancedhimselffromtheArticlesliesintheveryevidencethatfeatures,atfirstsight,toshowexactlythereverse.Langtonappearsinnofewerthanfivechaptersof
theArticles,surelyproofthathishandlayheavyuponthem.65NearlyalltherolesassignedhimwereinresponsetodifficultiesthatJohnwasmakingorwasexpectedtomake.ThusifthekingwastohavethedelayenjoyedbyothercrusadersonthedisseisinscommittedbyhisfatherHenryandbrotherRichard,thenLangtonand
thebishopsweretotakeoverandgivejudgementonthecases.66Ifthereweredisputesoverpardoningfines,thenthearchbishopwastojointhetwenty-fiveinjudgingthem(chapter37).Andagain,LangtonwascalledintogivejudgementonwhetherJohn’scharterswouldenablehimtoavoidtheconcessionsdemandedbytheWelshand
thekingofScots.Finally,inthesecurityclause,JohnwastogetchartersfromLangton,PandulfandthebishopsguaranteeingthathewouldseeknothingfromthepopebywhichtheChartermightbeoverturned.Allthisseemstoshow
Langtondeepinbaronialcounsels,andhelpingdirectlyinthestandagainsttheking.
YetthefactisthateverysingleoneofthereferencestoLangtonintheArticleswasalteredintheCharter.Thereason,itmaybesuggested,wasthatthebaronswereaskingLangtontodothingswhich,onceheengagedwiththeArticlesatRunnymede,heeitherrefusedtodooragreedtodoinamorequalifiedfashion.Themost
strikinginstanceofthis,onewhichhasdevastatingconsequencesfortheviewthatLangtonwasinvolvedwiththeArticles,comesattheendofthesecurityclause.ThereLangtonandhisfellowecclesiasticsweresupposedtoissuechartersguaranteeingthatJohnwouldseeknothingfromthepopetooverturntheCharter.Langtoncouldnot
possiblyhavedoneanythingofthekind.HewouldthushavebeenplacingabarrierbetweenJohnandthepope,apopewhowastheking’stemporaloverlordaswellashisspiritualfather.LangtonwouldhaveknownthattherewasnoquickerwaytodestroytheeventualCharterandhimself,insomegreatexplosionofpapalanger,than
toassenttothat.HadhebeeninvolvedwiththeArticles,hewouldhavesaidatoncethatthedemandwasimpossible.WhenhedidengageatRunnymede,thedemandwasscrapped.HowtheotherclauseswerealsoalteredatRunnymedewewillseeinthenextchapter.Langtonhadseveral
reasonsforactingatarm’s
length.Onewaspractical.Ifhethrewinhislotwiththerebels,hewoulddestroyhisroleaspeacemaker.Anotherwasideological.Langton,atthestartoftheInterdict,hadurgedthekingdom’sknightstoprotectthechurchwiththeirswords.Butthesituationin1215wasquitedifferent,forJohnwasnowreconciledtothepope.While,inhis
biblicalexegesis,Langtonarguedthatdisobediencetoanunjustcommandmightsometimesbelegitimate,heneverthoughtintermsofoutrightrebellion.Heaverredthatifpeopleknewthattherulerwastryingtoexecutesomeoneunjustlyandwithoutjudgement,thentheywereboundtoliberatehim,butsuchanobligationcould
hardlystretchtojustifyingtherebellionof1215.67Indeed,thepopepointedoutthatitwasthebaronswhoweretryingtodepriveJohnofhisrights‘withoutjudgement’.68
Once,therefore,thebaronstookuparmsagainstJohn,whichtheydidfromthestartof1215,therewasnowayLangtoncouldhelpdeveloptheirdemands.Whentheking
beganseriousnegotiationsafter25May,thesituationchanged,butLangtonstillheldaloof.ItwasonlyafterJohnhadmadehispositioncompletelyclearbysealingtheArticlesthatthearchbishopbecameinvolved.NoneofthismeansthatLangton’sattitudewasunimportantforthegrowinginsurgency.Hewascloseto
EustacedeVescy;indeed,hissteward,ElyasofDereham,appearsasVescy’sagent.69
Throughsuchchannels,Langton’ssympathyforthebaronsmusthavebeenclear,hencetheroletheyhopedhewouldplayintheArticles.Hisattitudealsomadeiteasierforhistenantstojointherebels.Threeoutofthefourknightsappointedbythe
baronialleaderstoenforcetheCharterinKentwereCanterburytenantsandclosetothearchbishop.AllthreewitnessedanimportantagreementhemadeoverRochestercastlein1213.70
MostvitalofallwasLangton’srefusaltolaunchsentencesofexcommunication.Therebellionwouldhavehadfar
lessimpetushadhesuccumbedtothepressuretodoso.
THECOMMUNITYOFTHEREALM71
Evenwithoutthefirstchapteronthechurch,theArticlesoftheBaronsseemedfarmorethanamerebaronialdocument.Thechaptersonamercementscoveredfree
men,merchants,villeinsandclerks.Thepositionoftheknightsinlocalgovernmentwasfullyrecognized.Allsectionsofsocietybenefitedfromthelimitationsontaxationandtheexactionsofthesheriffs.All,intheory,wereenlistedbytheoathinthesecurityclausetodefendtheCharter.Howhadthiscomeabout?Oneviewisthat
itwastheresultofvariousinterestgroupsgettingtheiragendasintotheCharter,asfarastheirpowerallowed,aswellaslowersectionsofsocietybenefitingwhentheirinterestshappenedtocoincidewiththoseoftheirsuperiors.Anotherviewisthatthebaronialleadersfeltasenseofresponsibilityfortherealm
asawhole.ThusSusanReynoldshaswritten:
ThebaronsofMagnaCartaspoke–andpresumablyspokemoreorlesssincerely–onbehalfofthecommunityoftherealm,notbecausetheythoughtmostofitsmembersweretheirequalsbutbecausetheydidnot.Itwastheaccepteddutyofthegreatmenofany
kingdomtorepresenttherest.
Thesedifferentviewsabouttheroleofidealismandself-interestin1215arenotmutuallyexclusive,andweighingthebalancebetweenthemisdifficult,sincewecannotseeintothemindsofthebaronialleaders.Thereisacontrastherewiththerevolutionof1258whenwe
haveabundantevidencefortheuneasyrelationshipbetweenprincipleandprofitinthecareerofSimondeMontfort.HowonewishesonecouldsaythesameforSaerdeQuincyandRobertfitzWalter!UnderKingStephenthe
baronshadfoughtforthemselvesandextractedindividualchartersof
concession,dealingwiththeirownparticulargrievances.In1215,bycontrast,thebaronscertainlythoughtofthemselvesasrepresentingthekingdom,akingdomwhoseexistenceandinterestsareevokedsooftenthroughoutMagnaCarta.Itisthusthebaronialtenants-in-chiefwhoanswerforthekingdomwhenitcomesto
taxation.Itislikewisetwenty-fivebarons,leadingthe‘communeofalltheland’,whoaretoenforcetheCharter.Thatthekingshouldhavea‘care’forallhissubjects,eventhosewhowereunfree,hadlongbeenaccepted.TheideaisfoundintheDialogusdeScaccario,inWilliamofNewburghandinthepictureoftherealmin
Lawman’sBrut.72Mightnotthebaronialleadershavefeltinthesameway?AtthestartofMagnaCarta,Johnsaidthathewasactingfor‘thereformofourkingdom’.Wasthatnotreallythebaronsspeaking?ArchbishopLangtonmightnothaveinfluencedthedetaileddevelopmentofoppositiondemands,buthisideascould
stillhaveinformedbaronialthinking.Oneofhisfundamentalconceptswasthatsecularauthorityderivedfromthechurchbroadlydefinedasthecongregationofthefaithful,bothclerksandlaymen.Mighttherethen,JohnBaldwinasks,beaconnectionbetweenthatideaandthebaronialviewoftheirprogrammeas‘representing
thecommunityoftherealm’?73
Baronialleadershipwasacceptedatthetimebycontemporarycommentators.OnthebackoftheLincolnengrossmentoftheCharter,itwasdescribedas‘theConcordbetweenKingJohnandtheBaronsinreturnfortheconcessionofthelibertiesofthechurchandthe
kingdomofEngland’.In1205GervaseofCanterburycouldwriteofthe‘magnatesofEngland’demandingthatJohnpreservetherightsofthekingdom‘withtheircounsel’.Theremustbesometruthinallthis.Afterall,barons,knights,freetenants,churchmenandtownsmenhadallsufferedfromJohn’soppressiverule.Theysurely
feltasolidarityinstandingagainstitunderbaronialleadership.Itwasthis‘equalityofoppression’thatmadeMagnaCarta‘theclassicstatementofregnalsolidarityagainstaking’.74
Yetthisperspective,ifpushedtoofar,ishardtosquarewiththecolddetailoftheArticlesandtheCharter.Thebarons’claimto
representtherealmcanthereseemmerelyacoverandsupportfortheirowninterests.MagnaCartacertainlystipulatedthat‘evenanunfreemanshouldbepunishedonlyinproportiontohisoffence’.Yet,aswehaveseen,thisclausewasspeciallydrawnsoastoexcludetheunfreefromanyprotectionagainsttheir
lords.75Therewasnotmuchcarefortheunfreepeasantthere,althoughtheymadeupalargeproportionofthepopulation.Thebaronsbelievedcertainlyinjusticeandjudgement,butmoststronglywhenitcametothemselves.Onecanhardlyagreewiththepremisethattheyhad‘relativelylittleseigniorialjurisdictionto
protect’.Throughout,theChartertriestopreservetheinterestsof‘thelordofthefee’.76Self-interesttoo,attheexpenseofthewiderrealm,isclearinwhattheArticlesoftheBaronsandtheCharterleftout.So,incontrasttotheinquiriesof1170and1258,thetwelveknightshadnobrieftodealwiththemalpracticesoflords.And
althoughtheCharterwastobeobeyedbyeveryone,notjusttheking,itwasonlyagainsttheking,underthetermsofthesecurityclause,thatitwastobeenforced.Themostimmediate
beneficiariesfromtheworkofthetwenty-fivewouldclearlybethebaronsthemselves.Whentheclausespokeofthebaronschoosing
twenty-fiveoftheirnumbertodoalltheycouldtopreserve‘thepeaceandlibertieswhichthekinghasconcededtothem’(myitalics),itgavethegameaway.Aseventsweretoshow,manyofthebaronialleaderswerereadywiththeirgrievances;hencethewayinwhichchapter37oftheArticlesstipulatedthata
memberofthetwenty-fivemuststanddownifhisownfineoramercementwasbeingconsidered.Althoughthetwenty-fivemadegreateffortstoseethattheoathofallegiancetothemwastaken,thiswasingoodmeasuretoensurethattheCharterwasenforcedfortheirownbenefit.Evenagainstthekingandhisministers,noreal
thoughthadgoneintoenablinglowersectionsofsocietytocomplainaboutbreachesoftheCharter.Itwasalwaysgoingtobeeasierforbaronsandmajorknightstofindfourofthetwenty-fivethanforthosefurtherdownthesocialscale.TohavemadetheCharterenforceableforthegeneralbodyoffreetenants,sufferingtheabuses
ofthesheriffsandforesterswouldhaverequiredapermanentgroupofknightsineachcounty,withthebriefofhearingandredressingallcomplaints.Somethinglikethat,however,hadtowaituntil1300.77Thisjobcould,in1215,havebeengiventothetwelveknightselectedineachcountytoinvestigateandabolishlocalabuses.
Instead,theyhadbutatemporarycommission,andnotonethatincludedjudgingbreachesoftheCharter.Thefactwasthatthetwenty-fiveweredeterminedtostandaloneasenforcersofMagnaCarta,intheprocessensuringitwasnotinanywayenforcedagainstthemselves.Heretheywouldnotresignpowertotheknights.This
wasthesamethinkingthatledtotheassemblyconceivedatRunnymedeforgivingcommonconsenttotaxationbeingoneentirelyoftenants-in-chief.Whenitcametothe
church,thebaronialleadersin1215certainlywishedtoincludeitintheirprogramme,andeventuallysucceededindoingso.Butonedoubts
whethertheyfeltmuchsolidaritywiththechurch’sdemandsoverfreedomofelectionandthelengthofvacancies,thesubjectofJohn’sNovember1214charter,confirmedinMagnaCarta.Indeed,theArticles,inchapter43,actuallyprotectedtherightsofbaronstohavethecustodyofvacantabbeysoftheirfoundation.Herethe
Charterwaspreservingforbaronsrightsthatitwasreducingfortheking.RobertfitzWalter,oneisreminded,hadtakenviolentactiontoasserthisprerogativesaspatronofBinhampriory.78
Fundamentally,theoppositionprogrammedevelopedfromthenarrowlybaronialschemes,likethatintheUnknownCharter,toone
withmuchawiderscopeforhardmaterialreasons.AsHoltputit,‘thesocietyinwhichthebattleforMagnaCartawasfoughtandwonwasnotoneinwhichthegreattenants-in-chiefdominatedthepoliticalscenecompletely’.TheconcernintheCharterforothersectionsofsocietywas‘anactrecognizingsocialfacts’.79
Thebaronialleadersneededsupport.Theyincludedthedemandsoftheknightsandunder-tenants,Londonandthetowns,theWelshrulersandthekingofScots,inordertogetit,asthosegroupsjoinedup.Atthesametime,however,thegreatbaronssoughttolimitsuchdemandswheretheyencroachedontheirowninterests.
AlthoughJohn,inthenegotiations,hadmodifiedsomeoftheoppositiondemands,hewasstillhavingtoswallowaverybitterpill.HehadbeenbroughttothispassbythefallofLondoninMay1215andtherapidlydeterioratingsituationinthecountry.HewouldnowseewhatthenegotiationsatRunnymedewouldbring.
11
Runnymede
OnMonday,8June1215,KingJohnissuedlettersofsafeconductallowingthebaronialenvoystocometoStainesfortheestablishmentofpeace.ThesafeconductwastolastuntiltheendofThursday,11June.1AlthoughthelettersonlymentionStaines,almostcertainlythemeetingplacewasmeanttobeRunnymede,the‘meadow
ofStaines’,or‘themeadowbetweenWindsorandStaines’,asitwascalled.Runnymedehadseveraladvantagesforthefinalnegotiations.Itwasprobablyatraditionalmeetingplace,‘mede’ofcoursemeaningmeadow,whilethe‘Runny’wasrelatedtotheAnglo-Saxonwordfor‘counsel’and‘consultation’.Runnymede
wasadiscretearea,boundedononesidebytheThamesandontheotherbyCooper’sHill.Itcouldonlybeapproachedfromtwodirections,alongtheroadbytheThames,sotheking,basedatWindsor,wouldcomefromthenorth-west,andthebarons,atStaines,fromthesouth-east.GiventhewaytheThameswinds,
WindsorwassouthoftheriverwhereasStaineswastothenorth,withtheonlyconvenientcrossingplacebeingStainesbridge.Bothsidescould,therefore,thinktheirbasesweresecurefromattack.2AccordingtotheaccountoftheelectionofAbbotHugh,onTuesday,9June,JohnhimselfarrivedatWindsorwithArchbishop
Langtoninhiscompany.3
Hugharrivedonthesameday,andwassoondiscussinghisbusinesswithLangton.Whenthekingcameupandsoughttopassbetweenthem,LangtonintroducedHughas‘abbotofStEdmunds’,andbeggedforthewholedisputetobenowconcluded.‘Lethim,’Johnreplied,‘cometoustomorrowinthemeadow
ofStaineswherebyGod’sgraceandtheaidofyourmerits,wewillattempttosettlethematter.’Onthenextday,
Wednesday,10June,‘when[Hugh]’,inthewordsoftheBuryaccount,‘hadcomeandwaitedforalongtimeinthemeadowwhichisbetweenWindsorandStaines,aftermuchdiscussionand
messagesfromnoblessentbytheking,atlengththekingadmittedtheabbotintohisgracewithakiss’.ThedelaywasbecauseJohnhadmuchmoretodealwithonthisfirstdayatRunnymedethantheabbatialsuccessionatBury.Thenegotiationswiththebaronshadbegun.TheyweretoleadtoJohnauthorizingMagnaCartaonMonday,15
June,andthere-establishmentofpeaceonFriday,19Junewiththerebelsoncemoreenteringtheking’sallegiance.JohncontinuedtodobusinessatRunnymedeuntil23June,whereafterhespenttwodaysatWindsorandthendepartedforOdihamandWinchester.RalphofCoggeshallgives
asplendidpictureofthe
sceneatRunnymede,wherethebarons‘gatheredwithamultitudeofmostfamousknights,armedwellatallpoints,andtheyremainedthere,havingfixedtents.Butthekingwithhismendweltinthesamemeadowinpavilions.’4Thecontrastherewasdoubtlessbetweenthepavilionsofthekingthatreachedhigh,likecircustops,
toweringabovethesmallerbutmultitudinoustentsofthebaronsandknights,whichstretchedoutacrossthemeadow.John,however,wasfarfromspendingallhistimeatRunnymede.TheCharteritselfandaletterof18Junearetheonlydocumentsheauthorizedtherebeforethepeaceon19June.Alltheotherroyallettersbetween10
and19JunewerewitnessedbyhimatWindsor,whichevidentlyremainedhisbaseandwherehealmostcertainlyspentthenight.Thiswashardlysurprising.
Johnhadgivenasafeconducton8Juneto‘allthosewhocomeonbehalfofthebarons’.Theimplicationwasthatitwouldonlybebaronialrepresentativeswhowould
cometoStainesandthencetoRunnymede.Infact,asCoggeshall’saccountshows,nothinglikethathappened.TheinsurgentscameinlargenumbersandoccupiedRunnymedeitself.Itbecameanarmedcamp.ThatputpressureonJohntogothroughwiththeCharterandindeedmakemoreconcessions.Italsoheldout
otherthreats.Mighttherebesomesuddenassault,perhapsinthemiddleofthenight,inwhichJohnwouldfindhispavilionssurroundedbythemenfromthetents?Accordingly,JohnspentnomoretimeatRunnymedethanhecouldhelp.Itwasonlyoncethepeacewasproclaimedon19Junethathebegantowitnesslettersthere
onamoreregularbasis.Bythesametoken,ofcourse,thebaronswerenotgoingtonegotiateatWindsor,wheretheywouldhavebeeninthepoweroftheking.Justhowthefinal
negotiationsthatledtotheCharterwereconductedwedonotknow.Mostprobablytheywereinthehandsofasmallgroupofrepresentatives
fromeitherside,suchasthoseJohnhadenvisagedcoming‘onbehalf[exparte]ofthebarons’inhislettersofsafeconduct.DoubtlessJohn’schiefadviserswerethosehenamedintheCharteritself.Forthebarons,thenegotiatorspresumablyincludedtheleadingmembersoftheeventualtwenty-five.SaerdeQuincywasalmost
certainlyprominentsincehewastheonlypersonspecificallymentionedinJohn’sletterofsafeconductissuedon25May.InatreatyoverLondon,whichdatestoaround19June,elevenbaronsarenamed,thefirstfivenamesappearinginthesameorderinaletterthatwasissuedbythetwenty-fivearoundthesamedate.The
fivewereRobertfitzWalter,bearinghistitleMarshaloftheArmyofGod,Richard,earlofClare,GeoffreydeMandeville,callinghimselfearlofEssexandGloucester,RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,andSaerhimself,allmenwithdeepandobviousgrievancesagainsttheking.Bothsides,ofcourse,wouldhavebeenaccompaniedby
clericalstaffs.Thereweredoubtlessplenarymeetings,perhapsinaspecialneutraltent,whichonecanimaginebecomingfamousinthecourseofthediscussions.Theremustalsohavebeenmeetingsoftheindividualteams,withmessagesanddraftsofchaptersgoingtoandfrobetweenthem.5
Coggeshallspeaksofpeace
beingfinallyagreedthroughtheinterventionofLangtonandseveralunnamedbishopsandbarons.Thatthenegotiationsproceededchapterbychapterisshownbythewaytheengrossments,whileabandoningtheparagraphsoftheArticles,nonethelessindicatedthestartofnewchapterswithprominentcapitalletters.
AshewasinthemuchlessermatteroftheelectionofAbbotHugh,Johnhimselfmusthavebeenveryinvolved,sometimesdeliveringhisownviewsdirectly,sometimeshidingbehindtheargumentsofministers.Hecouldstillturnonthecharm.AfterhehadgivenHughthekissofpeaceatRunnymedeon10June,he
soughthimoutagainandsaid,‘Fatherabbot,Ihavenowonefinalrequestforyourkindnesstofulfil;letusnotbewithoutyourcompanyattable,sincethedivinemercyhasthisdayrestoredyoutomyfavour.’TheabbotthusdinedwiththekingatWindsor,andafterwardstheysattogetherinJohn’schamberontheroyalbed,
‘talkingofmanythings’.When,however,thesacristofBurycamein,and,onbendedknees,welcomedtheadmissionoftheabbot,John,‘asthoughinfuryofspirit’,turnedonhimwithanoath:‘BytheLord’sfeet,butforyouIwouldhaveadmittedhimtomyfavoursixmonthsago.’Thiswasdisingenuoussince,untilforcedtoback
down,Johnhadwelcomedeverythingthesacristhaddonetoresisttheelection.Inthesamewayinhisdealingswiththebarons,Johndoubtlessalternatedbetweenaffabilityandanger,conciliationandobstruction.BackatWindsoronthe
afternoonoreveningof10June,JohndidnotmerelydinewithAbbotHugh.He
alsoissuedaletterprolongingthetrucewiththebaronsuntilthemorningof15June.6Thissuggestsaconfidencethatasettlementwasnowpossible,althoughalsothatsomedaysmightstillbeneededtoreachit,asindeedwasthecase.Holthassuggested,veryreasonably,thatbehindthisconfidencelaythereachingofsomepreliminary
agreement.7Inotherwords,itwason10JunethatJohnsealedtheArticlesoftheBarons.Hehadprobablyagreedthemorallyearlierasabasisfornegotiations,butthebaronialnegotiatorswhomhemeton10Juneneededsomethingmore.Iftheyweretoholdtheirownpartytothetruce,theyhadtoshowsomeevidenceofJohn’sgoodfaith.
ThatwasnowprovidedbyJohn’ssealappearingontheArticles.Itseemedtoshowthathehadindeedconcededthose‘chapterswhichtheBaronsseek’,astheheadingintheArticlesputit.John,forhispart,thushopedtodrawthebaronsintonegotiationsandendthecivilwar.Hewasnot,hewouldthink,actuallycommittedtoanything,for
evenwiththesealtheArticles,lackingaddress,witnessanddatingclauses,hadnolegalforce.Johncouldstillhopetosecureconcessions.Hemightrenegeonthewholedeal.Thenextfewdayswouldtell.TheArticlesoftheBarons
werethefoundationfortheCharter.Fifty-sixofMagnaCarta’ssixty-threechapters
(includingherethesecurityclause)werefoundedonchaptersinthem.Manyretainedthesamephraseology.WholerunsofchaptersintheCharteralsofollowthesameorderasthatintheArticles,especiallybetweenchapters2and6,andagain,withlittleinterruption,betweenchapters15and42.OnlyfiveoftheCharter’s
chapters,alongwithitspreambleanddatingclause,wereentirelynew.Yettherewasstillmuchtoargueover.Fourofthefivenewchapterswerehighlysignificant,whilemanyothersweremodifiedinimportantways,sometimesinfavouroftheking,sometimesagainsthim.Thoughtalsowentintoimprovingthecoherenceofthedocument,
hencesomeofthechangesinchapterorder.IntheendMagnaCartarunstosome3,550wordsasagainstthecirca1,945oftheArticlesoftheBarons.
GIVEANDTAKEINTHENEGOTIATIONS
Johnhadsomesuccessesinthenegotiations.ThestipulationintheArticlesof
theBaronsthatheirsshouldbemarried‘bythecounselofthenearestkin’waswatereddowntotheneedjusttoinformthenearestkin,whichgavethekingmuchmorefreedomtobestowmarriagesonwhomhewished.JohnretaliatedagainsttheLondoners(whomhemusthaveregardedwithintensehostility)byremovingthe
stipulation,foundintheArticles,thattallagesimposedonthecity,andotherprivilegedtowns,neededtheconsentofthekingdom.8Itwasnowonlyaids,andthosejustfromLondon,thatweresocovered.Johnhadthuspreservedhislucrativerighttotallagetownsatwillaspartoftheroyaldemesne.The
towns,inreturn,simplygotaninnocuousnewchapter(althoughitisnotmadeseparateinmodernnumbering),whichsaidthatcities,boroughs,villsandportsshouldenjoyalltheirlibertiesandcustoms.Therewereothergains,partlyhelpedbyArchbishopLangton’sattitude(examinedinmoredetaillater).Thus
judgementsonthedisseisinscommittedbyHenryIIandRichardwerenowtobeleftuntilJohnabandonedorreturnedfromhisprospectivecrusade.Ontheotherside,the
baronspushedveryhardtoimprovetheoffer.Theyscoredamajorvictoryintheareaofreliefs.TheArticlesoftheBaronsherehadleftthe
sizeofthesetobedecidedintheCharter,sotherewaseverythingtoplayfor.Intheevent,theCharterlaiddownthattheheirsofearlsandbaronsshouldbothpayareliefof£100,whiletheheirsofknightsholdingfromthekingshouldpay£5foreachfee.John,bycontrast,hadchargedbaronialreliefsofhundreds,sometimes
thousands,ofpoundsandwouldhavefiercelydeniedthattherewasanything‘ancient’aboutthe£100reliefhewasnowpinnedbackto.Thebaronsalsogainedinamoreminorwaythroughthetighteningupofvariouschapters.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadretreatedfromthedemandoftheUnknownCharterthat
wardshipsberunbyfourknightsofthefee.Nowsomethinglikethatcamebackin,ifinreducedfashion,throughthestipulationthat,iftheguardianmisbehaved,thenthewardshipshouldbeentrustedtotwoofthefee’slaw-worthymen.Thiswastobetruewhetherthekinghadentrustedthecustodytoasheriff,orhadsolditto
someone.John’sonlycompensationwasthat,inbothcases,themenweretoanswertohimfortheissues,soatleasthewouldnotlosetherevenueswhichwerereasonablydue.Tenants-in-chiefalsogainedinchapter26byatighteningupoftheprocedureforthepaymentofdebtsduringminorities,wherebythesheriffhadnow
toprovewhatwasowedbyreferencetoletterspatentofsummons.9
Whenitcametothecontentiousissueoftheroyalforest,John’sopponentswereableatRunnymedetoimproveontheArticlesoftheBarons.UnliketheUnknownCharter,theArticleshadsaidnothingaboutdeforestingthelargeareasmadeforestby
HenryII.TheyhadfocusedsimplyontheafforestationsofJohn.Now,inchapter53ofMagnaCarta,theafforestationsofHenryandRichardcamebackin.True,itwasonlythroughmakingJohnpromisetogivejusticeontheissuewhenhereturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade,butstillthatwasbetterthannothing.
InthesamechapterJohnalsopromised,whenthecrusadewasover,togivejusticeintwoothercontentiousareas,onewherelordswereclaimingrightsoverabbeysfoundedintheirfees,andtheotherwherethekinghadtakenthewardshipofanestatealthoughonlyasmallpartofitwasheldfromhimbyknightservice.
THELIGHTTHROWNBYTHEDRAFTS
Inthrowinglightonthenegotiations,thecopiesoftheChartermadelaterinthethirteenthcenturycomeintoplay,sinceinsomeplacesalmostcertainly,inothersquitepossibly,theypreserveelementsofdraftsmadeatRunnymede.10Thechapteronrelief,aswehavesaid,wasa
greatbaronialvictory,yettherearesignsthatthebaronswantedmore.Theoddphraseologyofthechapterhasoftenbeenpointedout,withearlsandbaronsbeingtreatedseparatelyalthoughtheirreliefsarethesame.Wasthisbecausetherehadbeentheintentionofgivingthemdifferentamounts?Theanswer,itwouldseem,isyes,
becauseinacopyoftheCharterinastatutebookpreservedintheHuntingtonLibraryinCalifornia,whichGalbraitharguedwasderivedfromalatedraftoftheCharter,thereliefofabaronisputat100marks,notat£100.11
Johnhadatleastresistedthatsuccessfully,andhemayhaveresistedsomethingelse
aswell,namelyanysuggestionthatearldomsthemselveswerehereditary;hencethecuriousstatementthatanearlsucceededsimplytothe‘baronyofanearl’,sonotactuallytoanearldomatall.ThatthistoowasanareaofdisputeissuggestedbyonecopyoftheCharterinwhichheirsofearlsareindeedtogivea£100relief‘fora
wholeearldom’–‘decomitatuintegro’.12IfthiswaspressedatRunnymede,itfailedtogainpurchase,butatleasttheearlsweregivenseparatetreatmentintheCharterandavoidedbeinglumpedinwiththebarons.ThatmayhavebeenwhatJohnwanted,forinseveralcopiesoftheCharterthechapterdoesrunthem
together,simplystatingthatheirsofearlsandbaronsarebothtogivea£100relief‘forawholebarony’,sotherewasherenoreferencetotheseparate‘baronyofanearl’.Themoststrikingofallthe
newchaptersinMagnaCartawaschapter14,whichlaiddownindetailtheconstitutionfortheassemblythatcouldgivethecommon
consentofthekingdomtotaxation:thearchbishops,bishops,abbots,earlsandgreaterbaronswerethustobesummonedindividuallyandtheothertenants-in-chiefseverallythroughthesheriffs.Thebackgroundherewas,ofcourse,John’sgreattaxof1207.Hehadclaimedthatithadbeenagreedby‘hiscouncil’,butthat,ofcourse,
mightbenomorethanhisownministers.Indirectresponse,theArticlesoftheBaronshadlaiddownthattaxesshouldbeimposednotbytheking’scouncilbutby‘thecommoncounselofthekingdom’.ButwhydidMagnaCarta,inanentirelynewchapter,feeltheneedtogofurther,intheprocesssettingoutwhatwasineffect
thefirstwrittenconstitutionofparliament?CopiesoftheCharterwhichpreserveelementsofdraftsmayprovidesomeexplanation.TheysuggestthatatRunnymedetheideathattheking’scouncilshouldhavearoleinagreeingtaxationwasresurfacingandneededtobeknockedonthehead.InacopyoftheCharterfoundina
latethirteenth-centurycartularyofPeterboroughabbey,nowinthepossessionoftheSocietyofAntiquaries,chapter12reads‘Noscutageoraidistobeleviedinourkingdomsavebyourcouncilandbythecommoncounselofourkingdom’–‘perconsiliumnostrumetperconsiliumcommuneregninostri’.Nowitmaybethat
thisisnomorethananinadvertentscribaladditionmadeintheprocessoftransmission.Ontheotherhand,itoccursinachapterclearlymuchdiscussedatRunnymede,hencethewaythenewchapter14wasaddedtoit.ThisPeterboroughcopyoftheCharter,moreover,likesomeothers,aswewillsee,certainlyhasadraftversion
ofthechapteronfines,sincethephraseologythereisfarclosertothetextoftheArticlesthantothatoftheeventualCharter.13Theking’scouncilalsoappearsinwhatisprobablyoneoftheearliestcopiesoftheCharter.ThisisfoundnotinacartularyorstatutebookbutonasinglesheetofparchmentnowpreservedintheBodleian
LibraryinOxford.ItisuniqueinhavingJohnsometimesspeakinthefirstperson.Italsoinchapter48haswordingthatseemstocomefromadraft,sinceinoneplaceitisclosertotheArticlesthantotheCharter.Inchapter12ofthisBodleiancopy,thereadingis‘Noscutageoraidistobeleviedinmykingdomsavebyour
council’–‘perconsiliumnostrum’.14Itseemslikelythat‘andbythecommoncounselofourkingdom’hasbeenomittedhere,forthecopystillhaschapter14onhowthecommoncounselofthekingdomshouldbeobtained.Perhapsthecopyderivedfromadraftmadedifficulttofollowfromthenumberofchangestothe
chapter.Attheveryleast,thesevariantsraisethepossibilitythatJohnputuparearguardactionatRunnymedeandtriedtogivearoleto‘hiscouncil’inthelevyingoftaxation.Ifso,onecanunderstandwhytheeventualCharter,havingaffirmedthattaxesmustbeleviedbythecommonconsentofthekingdom,went
ontomakecrystalclearthenatureoftheassemblyfromwhichthatconsentmustcome.15AtleastJohnwouldhavewelcomedtherethepresenceoflessertenants-in-chief.Hemayalsohaveinsertedtheprovisothatthebusinesswastogoaheadevenifnoteveryonesummonedturnedup.
AnothersignificantchangetotheArticlescameinchapter55onputtingrightfinesmadeunjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland.Inchapter37oftheArticles,thesewerefinesmadefordowers,‘maritagia’(marriageportionsandmarriages)andinheritances.Sincenoindividualkingwasmentioned,thechapter
apparentlycoveredthefinesmadewithHenryIIandRichardaswellasJohn.Thiswouldexplain,theissuebeingthemorecontentious,whyArchbishopLangtonwascalledintoassistthetwenty-five,iftheyhadtojudgeanydisputes,whereaswhenitcamesimplytoJohn’sdisseisins,inchapter25oftheArticles,thetwenty-five
hadfeltabletoactalone.16InsomecopiesofMagnaCarta,thechapteronfinesretainsitsArticlesform,savethefinesarethosemadesimplywithJohn,sonotwithHenryandRichard.Thechapterthusreads:‘Allfineswhichhavebeenmadewithusfordowers,maritagiaandinheritances…unjustlyandagainstthelawofthelandare
tobewhollyremitted.’17InthefinalversionoftheCharter,however,thebaronshitbackandeffectedadramaticwideningofthechapter.AsitstoodintheArticlesandthedrafts,itcertainlyaddressedmajorgrievances,butitalsoleftuntouchedawholerangeoffines,mostnotablythosemadetorecovertheking’s
benevolenceandsecurethereturnofconfiscatedland.18
WhenwegettothefinaltextintheCharter,therefore,thewholescopeofthechapterhasbeenexpanded.‘Dowers,maritagiaandinheritances’disappear,andthechaptercovers‘allfines’madewithJohn‘unjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland’.Theclausenowgottotheheartofhis
arbitraryrule.
ARCHBISHOPLANGTON’SINTERVENTION
ArchbishopLangton,aswehaveseen,hadnotengagedwiththedevelopmentofthebaronialdemandsin1214and1215.Todosowouldhavebeentantamounttojoiningtherebellion,whichhewasabsolutelynotpreparedtodo.
ItwasonlyatRunnymedethatthesituationchangedinadefinitiveway.JohnsealedtheArticlesoftheBaronsandthusacceptedthemasabasisforthesettlement.Langtoncouldstepinwithoutbeingaccusedoftreason.AsaproofofJohn’sacceptance,thearchbishoptookawayfromRunnymedeacopyoftheArticleswithJohn’sseal
attached,anddepositeditinhisarchives.Itwasineffecthiscovernote,hislicencetotakepart,whichhecouldcitetokingandpopeiftheylaterquestionedhisinvolvement.19Withthissanction,
LangtonturnedtotherolesassignedhimintheArticlesandmodifiedthem,oragreedtotheirmodification,ineverysingleplace.Mostimportant
ofall,aswesawinthelastchapter,heremovedthedemandthatheandhisfellowbishopsshouldguaranteeJohn’sundertakingnottoappealtothepope.Referencetothepopedisappeared,andJohnsimplysaidhewouldnotseekfromanyoneanythingbywhichhisconcessionsmightberevoked.Theonlything
LangtonwasnowaskedtoguaranteewastheCharter’sfinaltext.LangtonalsointervenedwhenitcametothedisseisinscommittedbyHenryIIandRichard.Underchapter25oftheArticles,thosethusdisseisedweretohave‘right’determinedwithoutdelaybyjudgementoftheirpeersintheking’scourt.If,however,Johnwas
tohavethe‘term’enjoyedbyothercrusaders,thenthearchbishopandhisfellowbishopsweretogivethejudgementwithoutappeal.The‘term’heremeanttheperiodduringwhichJohnascrusadercouldenjoyvariousprotections.Hewasstill,beforehisdeparture,expectedtorighthisownwrongs,indeed,hewasunderan
obligationtodoso.Butthebaronsclearlyfearedthathemightbeexemptfromhavingtodealwiththewrongsofhisfatherandbrother.Inthatcase,thebaronshopedthatconsiderationofthedisseisinscommittedbyHenryandRichardmightmovefromtheseculartotheecclesiasticaljurisdiction,withLangtonandthebishopsgiving
judgementonthem.TheArticlesdidnotsaywhowastodecidewhetherJohngotthecrusader’s‘term’,butalmostcertainlythetaskfelltoLangton.20ThedecisionwasveryfavourabletoJohn.ThusLangtonbothgavehimthe‘term’anddecideditshouldlastforthefullestpossibleperiod,namelyforaslongastheprospective
crusadecontinued.21ThatiswhyJohn,inchapters52,53and57oftheCharter,wastodealwithvariousissuesonlywhenhereturnedfromorabandonedhiscrusade.HavinggivenJohnthecrusader’s‘term’,LangtonthenrefusedtohaveanythingtodowiththesubstitutejudgementtheArticleshadaskedofhim.Instead,John
wastogivejusticetothosecomplainingofdisseisinbyHenryorRichardonlywhenhiscrusade,inonewayoranother,wasover.Langton’sdecisionover
thecrusader’s‘term’affectedtheWelsh.ThedisseisinsthattheyhadsufferedatthehandsofHenryandRichardwerenow,likethosesufferedbytheEnglish,tobedealtwith
onlyonceJohnhadendedhisprospectivecrusade.LangtonalsostooddownfromhisroleinjudgingwhetherJohn’schartersallowedLlywelyn’ssonandtheotherWelshhostagestoberetained.InMagnaCarta,thesonandthehostagesweresimplytobereturned‘immediately’,andtherewasnomentionofLangtonorthecharters.Ithas
beensuggestedthatthiswasbecausethearchbishop,atRunnymede,hadindeedsatinjudgementonthechartersanddecidedtheissueagainsttheking.22Thisseemsmostunlikely.Suchajudgementwouldhaverequiredformalproceedings,andtheproductionandcarefulinspectionsofcharters,forwhichtherecanhavebeenno
timeatRunnymede.Indeed,itwasnotuntilJulythatLangtonandvariousloyalistmagnatesissuedalettertestifyingtothetermsofthe1211charterwhichJohnhadextractedfromLlywelyn.23ItseemsfarmorelikelythatLangtonhaddeclinedtoplayhisallottedrole,andthishadenabledLlywelyn’salliesto
insistontheimmediatereturnofthehostages.Langtonalsostooddown
whenitcametochapter59onthetreatmentofthekingofScots.InsteadofLangtondecidingwhetherJohn’schartersmeantAlexandershouldbetreateddifferentlyfromthebaronsofEnglandwhenitcametorestorationoflibertiesandrights,the
decisionwasnowpassedtoajudgementofAlexander’speersintheking’scourt.Again,itisdifficulttoseehowthisamountedtoLangtondecidingtheissueinJohn’sfavour,ashasbeensuggested.Hehadsimplypassedthebuckandleftitforotherstodecide.24ThesechangesleftonlyoneinstanceintheCharterwhere
Langton’sjudgementstillappeared,andevenherehisrolewasqualified.Thiswasinchapter55.HereLangtonwastositwiththetwenty-fiveinjudgingtheunjustfinesandamercementsimposedbyJohn.Thearchbishopwas,however,tobeinvolvedonly‘ifhewillbeabletoattend’.Ifhecouldnotattend,thebusinesswas
togoaheadwithouthim.ThiscautionarynoteabouthisavailabilityonesuspectscamefromLangtonhimself.Langton,therefore,might
seemtohaveengagedwiththeCharteratRunnymedeonlytodistancehimselffromit.Yetthisisfarfromthewholestory.Hewas,afterall,preparedtoguaranteethetermsoftheCharter,and,if
inaqualifiedway,takepartintheworkofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Indeed,heremainedinthechapteronfineseventhoughtheoriginalreasonforhisinclusion(thatitcoveredHenryandRichard)nolongerapplied.Inassociatinghimselfwiththetwenty-five,hethuscondonedthemostrevolutionaryfeatureofthe
Charter.If,moreover,Langtonremovedthepopefromthefiringline,thatmightincreaseratherthanreducethechancesoftheCharter’ssurvival.TherewasalsooneotherpositivethingthatLangtondidfortheCharteratRunnymede.Itwasfarandawaythemostimportantadditionmadethere,andwasof
overwhelmingimportancefortheCharter’sfuture.ThiswasthatLangtonputthechurchintoCharter.InotherwordsitwasLangtonwhocraftedandinsertedwhatnowbecamethefirstclause,onthelibertiesofthechurch.Historianshaveusually
ascribedthisclausetoLangton,yethaveregardeditspresenceasalmostroutine
andunimportant.Itwasneither.TheclausemighteasilyhavebeenleftoutofMagnaCarta.ForallJohn’ssealingoftheArticles,itremainedobviousthattheCharterwasbeingforceduponhim.HerethecontrastwithHenryI’sCoronationCharterwasveryclear.Ithadafirstclauseonthechurch,butthenitwasafreelygiven
grant.MagnaCarta,ontheotherhand,Langtonmusthaveknown,wasalwaysliabletobequashedbythepopeforhavingbeenextracted‘byviolenceandfear’,asInnocentindeedlaterputit.25TheviolentthreatsthatforcedThomasBeckettoaccepttheiniquitousConstitutionsofClarendonwouldhavebeenanother
pointofreference.26Langton,therefore,hadgoodgroundsforkeepingthechurchoutoftheCharter,andpreventingitslibertiesbeingstainedbythedoubtfuloriginsofthesecularconcessions.ThechurchhadalreadysecureditsgainsinthecharterofNovember1214,whichguaranteeditfreeelections.Whynotleaveitatthat?
Langtonthenwouldhavebeenanticipatinghissuccessors,thebishopsof1258,whowithdrewfromtherevolutionaryWestminsterparliamentbeforethecoercionoftheking,andneverafterwardsincludedthechurchinthereforms.27
Langtonmightwellhavedonethesamein1215.
Yet,ontheotherhand,Langtonhadpowerfulreasonsforbringinginthechurch.Hisbiblicalcommentariesshowthathebelievedinpinningthekingdowntowrittenrules.Hemusthavethoughtthat,forallthedangers,the1215ChartermightsucceedandbecomethefundamentaltextforEnglishgovernment.The
churchneededtobeintheCharterasithadbeenin1100.HowthencouldLangtonsquarethiscircle?HedidsobyabrilliantlydevisedchapterwhichputthechurchintotheCharterrightatthestartwhileatthesametimedecouplinganddistancingitsconcessionsfromthosemadetotherestofthekingdom.Intheprocess,
itwasmadequiteclearthattheconcessionstothechurchwerefreelygivenandwerequiteunrelatedtoanycoercion.Inthechapter,therefore,
thefreedomofthechurchwasgivenasaconcessiontoGod,nottothekingdom:
Inthefirstplace,[we]havegrantedtoGodandbythisourpresent
charterhaveconfirmed,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,thattheEnglishchurchistobefree…
AfterthisconcessiontoGod,theCharterthenstartedalloveragainandannounced‘Wehavealsograntedtoallthefreemenofourkingdom…allthebelowwrittenliberties’.IntheprintedversionsoftheCharter,thisis
stillpartofchapter1onthechurch,althoughinthreeofthefourengrossmentsitappearsratherasanewchapter.ThedivisionherebetweentheconcessionsmadetoGodandthosemadetothekingdomhadnoexactprecedent.The1100Chartersetthechurchfreeandthenabolishedallevilcustomsthathadoppressedthe
kingdom,butnocleardivisionwasmadebetweenthetwo,fortheconcessionswerenotactuallygiventoanyoneatall.IntheCoronationCharterofHenryII,theconcessionsweremadeto‘God,holychurch,andallmyearlsandbaronsandallmymen’,whichmeanttherewasnoseparation,astherewasin1215,betweenchurch
andrealm,orrealmandGod.ThesamewastrueinthecharterthatKingPedrograntedtoCataloniain1205.28
Langtondidnotmerelyseparatetheconcessionsmadetochurchandrealm.Healsoinsertedaremarkablepassagewhichshowedthat,whenitcametotheformer,Johnhadactedcompletely
willingly.TheEnglishchurch,Johnsays,‘istobefree’:
…andwewishitsotobeobserved;whichismanifestfromthis,namelythatthelibertyofelections,whichisdeemedtobeofthegreatestimportanceandmostnecessaryfortheEnglishchurch,byourfreeandspontaneouswill,beforethediscord
movedbetweenusandourbarons,wegrantedandconfirmedbyourcharter,andobtaineditsconfirmationfromthelordpope,Innocentthethird…
John’sgoodfaithwhenitcametothechurchwasthusclear,forhehadmadetheconcessionoverelections‘beforethediscordmovedbetweenusandourbarons’.
Therewas,therefore,aclearqualitativedifferencebetweenthelibertiesconferredonthechurchandthoseconferredontherestofthekingdom.Johnhadgrantedtheformerfreely,before‘thediscord’.Theimplication,inevitably,wasthatingrantingthelatter,hehadnotbeenactingspontaneously.Langtonmightregrettheimplication,
buthehadfirstandforemosttoprotectthelibertyofthechurch.HehaddonethistoobyreferringtoInnocent’sconfirmation,whichcloakedthechurch’slibertyinakindofpapalimprimatur.HecouldnotdothesamefortheCharterasawhole,butatleasthehadremovedtheclausethatpositivelyinvitedInnocenttoquashit.
Havingintroducedthechurch,andmodifiedtheroleassignedhimintheArticles,LangtonlefttheCharteralone.DespitehisvenerationforBecket,hedidnothingtoreaffirmHenryII’sconcessionfreeingclerksaccusedofcrimefromsecularjurisdiction.HeignoredJohn’spromiseof1213nottooutlawclerks,althoughit
wouldhavesatwellwithchapter39.29Hedidnotinsistthatchapter4ontherunningofwardshipsshouldalsoapplytoecclesiasticalvacancies,unliketheCharterof1216,whereaclausetothateffectwasintroduced.LangtonalsofailedtosupporttheCharterinonehighlypracticalanddeeplysymbolicway.Howevermuchthey
mighthavewishedtodoso,heandhisfellowbishopsissuednosentenceofexcommunicationagainstcontravenersoftheCharterof1215.Thathadtowaituntil1225,whenalltaintofcoercionwasatlastremoved.YetwhatLangtonhaddonein1215wasenough.Privilegedinitsfirstchapter,hehadprovidedthechurch
withanimpellingreasonforgivingMagnaCartaitsfullsupport.Thatwastobeamajorfactorinitssurvivalandthecentralplaceitattainedinpubliclife.Once,moreover,theCharterhadbeenconceded,thearchbishopdidallhecouldtopreserveitandthepeaceitwassupposedtobring.
THEWELSHANDTHEKINGOFSCOTS
HowdidtheWelshandtheScotsfaregenerallyatRunnymede?Theansweriswithmixedfortunes,foragaintherewasconsiderablegiveandtake.TheWelshgained,aswehaveseen,intheirhostages,includingthesonofLlywelyn,beingnowreturned‘immediately’,
withoutreferencetoanychartersthatmightmakeitotherwise.Theobnoxioustreatyof1211,underwhichthesonandhostageshadbeensurrendered,wasapparentlynomore.Ontheotherhand,theWelshlostout,liketheirEnglishcounterparts,overthedisseisinscommittedbyHenryIIandRichard,withanyredressbeingpostponed
untiltheendofJohn’sprospectivecrusade.Theyalsolostoutinanotherway.Whereas,intheArticles,WelshmendisseisedbyJohninEnglandorinWalesweretoberestored‘withoutplea’(chapter44),intheCharter(chapter56)thepossibilityofaplea,whichofcoursemeantJohn’splea,wasentertained.Iftherewas‘contention’,the
casewastobetried‘byjudgementofpeers’,intheMarch,accordingtothelawsofEngland,WalesortheMarch,dependingonwherethelandwassituated.Thereferencetothevariouslawscamefromchapter44oftheArticles,wherethecontexthadbeenslightlydifferent.30
Thereferenceto‘intheMarch’wasnewand
advantagedtheWelsh,sinceitpreventedsuchcaseshavingtofollowthekingandthecourtcoramrege.Inallthis,theWelshrulers
hadwonmorethanhadKingAlexander,inpartperhapsbecausethelatterwasnotyetinarmsagainsttheking.ThechartersthatJohnhadextractedfromAlexander’sfather,WilliamtheLion,in
1209,recordingtheTreatyofNorham,werestillontheagenda,forhereanotherformofjudgementwasfoundafterArchbishopLangton’swithdrawal.ItwasnowAlexander’speersintheking’scourtwhoweretodecidewhetherthechartersmeanthecouldbetreateddifferentlyfromtheotherbaronsofEngland,thiswhen
itcametohislibertiesandrightsandthereturnofhishostagesandhissisters(chapter59).Ifhispeers,asseemedlikely,decidedagainstthecharters,then,theimplicationwas,thehostageswouldbereturnedunderthetermsofMagnaCarta’schapter49.Theassumptionobviouslywasthatthesisterstoowouldbereleased.On
thispoint,Alexander’sfriendshaddonewell,forthereturnofthesisterswasincludedatRunnymedeitself,havingnotbeenintheArticlesoftheBarons.Thesisters,MargaretandIsabella,hadbeenhandedovertoKingJohnunderthetreatyof1209.Accordingtoitsterms,hehaduntilOctober1217,whenhiseldestsonwouldbeten,to
beginmarryingthemoff.In1215,therefore,hewasnotinbreachofthetreaty.ThatAlexanderandhisalliesstilldemandedthereturnofthesistersshowedveryclearlythattheyregardedthetreatyasinvalid.WhenitcametoAlexander’sclaimstothenortherncounties,ontheotherhand,JohnmighthopethechangesatRunnymede
hadbroughthimanadvantage.SincethecountieshadbeenlosttothekingofScotsunderHenryII,theclaimshouldnowwaituntiltheendofJohn’sprospectivecrusade.WhethertheEnglishbaronswouldbotherwithsuchdistinctionswas,however,anothermatter.
WOMEN,PEASANTS,TOWNS,BARONS,KNIGHTSANDFREE
TENANTS
OneofthemoststrikingnewchaptersintroducedatRunnymedewaschapter54,theonlyoneinwhichtheword‘woman’–‘femina’–appeared.Thischapterdirectedthatnoonewastobearrestedorimprisonedontheappeal,thatisaccusation,ofa
womanforthedeathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.31Howonearthdidchapter54appearatRunnymede?Theanswermaybethatitwasthroughtheinterventionofthosewhohadworkedforthekingasjudges,notallofwhom,aswehaveseen,werenecessarilyanylongeronhisside.32Thejudgesknewthat
femaleappealswereveryfrequent.Theyalsoknewthatinpractice,asthechapteritselfimplies,thelegalrulerestrictingsuchappealstothedeathofthehusbandhadnotalwaysbeenenforcedincasesofhomicide.Men,therefore,accusedbywomenofotherhomicides,hadfoundthemselvesimprisonedpre-trial.Nowthatwouldno
longerhappen,thoseaccusedbeingabletogivesuretiesfortheirappearanceincourt.33
AtRunnymede,lordsalsogavelessthanfriendlythoughttotheirunfreepeasants.Itwasnowthattheremarkableclausewasinsertedintochapter20whichshowedthatvilleinswereprotectedonlyfromamercementsimposedbythe
king.Inotherwords,asfarastheCharterwasconcerned,lordscouldimposeontheirunfreepeasantswhateveramercementstheyliked.34
TheCharter,liketheArticles,alsofailedtodealwithanissueofmajorconcerntopeasants,althoughcuriouslyenoughithadbeencoveredintheUnknownCharter.Itslastclause,almostasan
afterthought,demandedthat‘nomanshouldloselifeorlimb’foranoffenceagainstthebeastsoftheforest.TheUnknownCharterwasverymuchabaronialdocument,yetthiswasnotanissuethathaddirectrelevancetobaronsorknights.Itwaspeasants,unabletopayheavyamercements,whowouldloselifeorlimbforforest
offences.35TheAnonymousofBéthunethoughttherewasaclauseinMagnaCartaonthesubject.36Infact,ithadtowaituntiltheForestCharterof1217.AtRunnymede,thebarons,withmuchelsetothinkabout,justcouldnottakethetroubletoincludeit.Theearlsandbaronsdid
taketroubleinissuesthatconcernedthemselves.They
realizedthatintheArticles,whenitcametoamercements,theyhadnospecialtreatmentandwereatbestlumpedinwiththefreemenwhoweretobeamercedby‘uprightmenoftheneighbourhood’.TheCharterputthisrightinanewchapter(21),whichstatedthatearlsandbaronsweretobeamercedbytheirpeers.The
tenants-in-chiefalsotookpainstoshowthatsomeconcessionsrelatedjusttothemselves.ThustheearlychaptersoftheCharteronreliefandwardshipswerenowdraftedtodemonstratethat.Thebaronswerenottoldtopassontheseconcessionstotheirmen,asintheCharterof1100.Instead,under-tenantshadtorelyonjustthe
blanketinjunctioninchapter60.Thebaronsalsolookedafterthemselves,anddiddownaclassofunder-tenants,inanotherarea.Underchapter27oftheArticles,freemenwerenottolosetheprivilegesofknighthoodbecausetheyheldtenementsfromthekinginreturnforprovidingarrowsorotherweapons.Inthe
Charter,thiswasscrappedandreplacedbyanentirelynewchapter(althoughitisneverprintedassuch),whichprotectedalord’srighttohavethewardshipofsuchmen,iftheyalsoheldfromhimbyknightservice.37
Under-tenantsalsolostout,perhapsinadvertently,perhapsnot,byareorganizationoftheCharter.
Thustheclausewhichorderedguardianstoreturnlandsfullystockedtoheirswhentheycameofagewasmovedfromchapter35intheArticlestochapter5intheCharter.IntheArticlesithadbeentackedontothechapteraboutthepaymentofJewishdebtsduringaminority,andclearlyappliedtounder-tenantsaswellastotenants-
in-chief.InMagnaCartaitfollowedchapter4onwardships,whichwasclearlyaboutthoseinthehandsoftheking,andthusonlyfortenants-in-chief.Therewerealsoimplications,perhapsagaininadvertent,perhapsnot,inthewaysomeotherchapterswereredrafted.Thustheconstablesandbailiffspreventedfromseizingcorn
andchattelsnowbecame(inchapter28)thoseoftheking.Whereaschapter30oftheArticleshadsaidthatrightwasnottobedenied,deferredorsold,soapplyingtotheconductofeveryone,intheChartertheequivalentchapter,thefamouschapter40,simplyappliedtotheking.
Theself-regardofthebaronswasalsoshowninoneofthemoststrikingchaptersintroducedatRunnymede,namelychapter14definingtheassemblythatwastogivethekingdom’scommonconsenttotaxation.Itwas,ofcourse,tobeentirelyanassemblyoftenants-in-chief,dominatedbythegreaterbarons.Despiteallthe
reasonswhytheymighthavebeenincluded,therewastobenoformalplacefor‘magnates’whodidnotholdinchief.Andtherewastobenoplaceforknightsrepresentingthecountiesorburgessesthetowns.TheexclusionofLondonseemsespeciallyremarkable,giventheimportanceofthecityintherebelcoalition.Themayor
wasoneofthetwenty-fivebarons.AfterthecollapseoftheMagnaCartapeace,thebaronsandthecitizensofLondonwrotejointlytoKingAlexander‘against’KingJohn.Therewerealsofeelingsinthecitythatitshouldberepresentedatnationalassemblieswhentaxationwasdiscussed.38
Somethingoftheparadox
wasrevealedintheCharteritself,which,ontheonehand,saidthataidscouldonlybeleviedonLondonbythecommoncounselofthekingdom,andthendeniedLondonanyplaceintheassemblyfromwhichthatcommoncounselcame.ThebaronialleadersatRunnymedealsofailedtoprotectLondonandother
privilegedtownsfromJohn’sdeterminationtogettallageoutoftheCharter.Notsurprisinglyperhaps,sinceifthekingwaspreventedfromtallaginghistownsatwill,thenlordsmightfindthemselvessimilarlyrestrictedwhenitcametotallagingtheboroughssubjecttotheirownjurisdictions.Hadthenegotiationsbeen
takingplaceinLondon,perhapsthecitywouldhavedonebetter.Asitwas,althoughRobertfitzWalterwashereditarilytheleaderofLondon’smilitia,nochroniclermentionsthepresenceofLondonforcesatRunnymede.39
KnightsandfreetenantsdidmakesomegainsatRunnymede.Ifthechapters
onreliefandwardshipswerenowspecificallyfortenants-in-chief,thesectiononthemarriageofheirswasseparatedfromthem,andmadeachapteronitsown,namelychapter6,whichsuggestedithadageneralrelevance.Therefollowedchapters7and8onwidows,thesecondhavingbeenrestoredtowhatwasprobably
itsoriginalplace,havingdroppeddowntochapter17intheArticles.Chapter8(instatingthatawidowmustgettheconsentofherlordifshewishedtoremarry)clearlyappliedtounder-tenants,andthereforestrengthenedtheassumptionthatthiswasalsotobetrueoftheprecedingchapter,givingwidowsfreeentranceintotheirproperty.
Moststrikingofall,however,waschapter16.Here,thestipulationthatnooneshouldbeforcedtodomorethandueserviceforaknight’sfeewasexpandedtoincludeotherfreetenementsaswell.Thismeantithadavastlygreatersocialrange,sinceitnowprotectedallthosewhoheldbyrent.
Whenitcametolocalgovernment,knightsandfreetenantscannothavewelcomedthedilutionofchapter45,inwhichtheking’sofficialswerenowrequiredtoknownotthe‘lawoftheland’butthelesslocal‘lawofthekingdom’.ThecontemporaryFrenchtranslationoftheCharterretainshere‘laleidelaterre’,
whichsuggeststhat‘lawoftheland’mayhavesurvivedinsomeengrossments.40
Knightshadalsoreasontoquestionthechangingtreatmentoftheofficeofcoroner,anoffice,ofcourse,whichtheyheld.Inchapter14oftheArticles,thesheriffswerenottointerferewiththepleasofthecrownwithoutthecoroners.Inchapter24of
MagnaCartaneithersheriffsnorcoronersweretoholdthepleasofthecrown.Localsocietywouldhavebeenashappyasthekingwiththeimplicationthatcrownpleaswereonlytobeheardbytheking’sjudges,but,intheprocess,thechapterhadbeenchangedfromonetrustingthecoronerstoonedistrustingthem.Againstthesesetbacks,
however,ifsuchtheywere,therewasamajorgain.Thetwelveknights,electedineachcountytoreformevilpractices,nowgottheirownseparatechapter,namelychapter48,insteadofbeingtackedontotheendoftheArticles’chapter39.Thewholeprocesswasalsogivenmuchmorebite.IntheArticles,themalpractices
weretobe‘corrected’bytheknights,anditwasnotsaidwhen.IntheCharter,bycontrast,theabusesweretobe‘whollyabolished’bytheknightswithinfortydays,and‘neverrevived’.ThethreateningnatureofthepowerthusconferredisshownbythewayinwhichJohnmanagedtoinsertonebrakeontheprocess.The
abolitionsweretotakeplaceonlyoncehehadbeeninformedofwhatwasproposed.Doubtlessthekinghopedatthatstagetomakeobjectionsandaskfordelays.InseveralcopiesoftheCharterwhichpreserveelementsofearlierdrafts,thissavingclausedoesnotappearatall.41ThisstronglysuggeststhatJohngotitinsertedata
latestageinthenegotiations,thecopiespreservingatextfrombeforetheadditionwasmade.ThisfitsexactlywiththetwooriginalengrossmentsnowintheBritishLibrary,theonethatwenttoCanterburyandCii,inbothofwhichthesavingclauseappearsinanextralinebelowthetextoftheCharterwithanindicationofwhereitshould
go.Itlooksasthoughinthedraftfromwhichtheengrossmentswerebeingcopied,thesavingclausehadinsomewaybeenarrowedinasalateaddition,andbeenmissedbytheclerksfirsttimeround.Argumentsoverchapter48arealsorevealedbythesingle-sheetcopyoftheCharterintheBodleianLibraryreferredtoabove.
Therethemalpracticesarestill‘tobecorrected’–‘emendentur’–asintheArticles,not‘abolished’–‘deleantur’–asinthefinaltextofMagnaCarta.Thetougheningupofthischapterwasagreatvictoryfortheknights.Knightsmustalsohave
beenverymuchconcernedandpresumablyinvolved,
alongwiththeking’sjudges,whenitcametochangesrelatedtothehearingofthecommon-lawlegalprocedures.Chapter18nowmadeclearthattheforumfortheassizesmustbethecountycourt.Anewadditiontothechapter(madewronglybyBlackstoneasaseparatechapter19)answeredthepleaintheArticlesforthehearing
oftheassizesofnoveldisseisinandmortd’ancestortobespeededup.Ifthecasescouldnotbeheardonthedayofthecountycourt,thensufficientknightsandfreetenantswhoattendedthecourtshouldremainbehindsothatjudgementscouldbemade.Strictlyspeaking,allthatwasneededforjudgementswerethejurors
andthejudges,astheArticleshadrecognized.WhatMagnaCartawantedwasawiderbodyofknightsandfreetenantstowitnessandguaranteethejudgements–anotabletestimonytotheimportanceofthecourtandtheplaceoftheknightsandfreetenantswithinit.Itmaybethatknightlyopiniondefeatedfurther
modificationstotheassizeprocedureslaiddowninchapters18and19.SomelatercopiesoftheCharterthushavethejudgesvisitingthreetimesayear,notfour,andintheCharterof1217theirvisitationswerereducedtojustone.In1217theideaofthejudgesstayingontohearleft-overpleaswasabandoned.Insteadtheywere
tohearthemlateronintheircircuit.The1217Charteralsodispensedwiththefourknightselectedinthecountycourtandjustsaidvaguelythatthejudgesweretohearcaseswiththeknightsofthecounty.Ifthischange,whichclearlyreducedknightlycontroloftheassizes,waspressedatRunnymede,the
knightshadsuccessfullyresistedit.
EXPANSION,CLARIFICATIONANDREORGANIZATION
AgreatdealofthoughtatRunnymedewentintotheclarificationandreorganizationofthechaptersintheArticlesoftheBarons,withtheresultthattheCharterwasaclearerand
morecoherentdocument.Muchofthisworkwaspresumablydonebytheclericalstaffs,andperhapsagainbythosewithjudicialexperience.Themaineffortpresumablycamefromthebaronialside.Iftheking’smenhadgotinvolved,Johnwouldnothavethankedthem.Hewassurelyinthebusiness
ofmakingtheCharterasincomprehensibleaspossible!SometimesMagnaCarta
simplyspelledoutinmoredetailwhattheArticleshadintended.Chapter9isagoodexampleofthis;hereitis,withthepassagesaddedtochapter5oftheArticlesoftheBaronsinitalics:
Neitherwenorourbailiffsaretoseizeany
landorrentforanydebt,foraslongasthechattelsofthedebtorsufficetopaythedebt;norarethesuretiesofthatdebtortobedistrainedforaslongasthechiefdebtorhimselfhassufficientforpaymentofthedebt.Andifthechiefdebtorfailsinthepaymentofthedebt,nothavingthewherewithaltopay,thesuretiesaretoanswer
forthedebt.Andiftheywish,theyaretohavethelandsandtherentsofthedebtoruntilsatisfactionisgiventothemforthedebtwhichbeforetheypaidforhim…
Herethesectionfrom‘until’replacestheambiguous‘untilthatdebtisfullypaid’.Itmaybethatfurtherclarificationstothechapterwereintended
butdroppedthroughinadvertenceorlackoftime.Thusthe1216Charterafterthedebtor‘nothavingthewherewithaltopay’added‘ornotwishingtopaywhenheisable’.42Sincethisphraseisfoundinseverallatercopiesofthe1215Charter,itmaywellhavebeenindraftsmadeatRunnymede.Indeed,
perhapstheclerksin1216hadsuchdraftstohand.Considerableeffortswere
madetotightenupthedraftingofthecrucialchapters39and40onjustice.Chapter39nowbegan‘Nofreeman’,ratherthan‘Thebodyofafreeman’,asintheArticles,probablybecauseitsoundedoddtohavethebodyofafreemandisseised.43The
chapterbroadenedthewaysinwhichthekingmightgoorsendagainstsomeonebyomittingtheArticles’‘byforce’,whileitinserted‘lawful’before‘judgementofhispeers’.Chapter40,apartfrommakingthekingthesubjectofthesentence,nowspokeof‘rightandjustice’–‘rectumautjustitiam’–ratherthansimply‘right’.Itwas
through‘justice’,ofcourse,thatoneobtained‘right’,anditstrengthenedthechaptertoincludeboth.44SimilarexpertisewentintoimprovingtheorderoftheCharter’schapters.ThetwoondebtstotheJewswereadvancedtochapters10and11from34and35,thuscomingafterthechapterondistraintfordebt.Whatbecamechapter12on
scutagesandaidscameuptojointhemfromchapter32,takingmattersaboutLondonandthetownswiththem.Asaresultofthesechanges,thefirstpartoftheChartergainedamorecoherentfocus,aimedatthefinancialoperationsofroyalgovernment.Anotherimprovementwasinlinkingtogetherthetwochapterson
theassizes,chapters18and19,ratherthanhavingthemseparatedaschapters8and13.Aratherdifferentfateattendedsomeofthechapterswhichweremostsubjecttochange,fortheseoftendroppedrightdowntheorder,usuallyfornoparticularreasonotherthanthat,aswemaysuspect,theyhadgotshuffledoutoftheirprevious
positionsinthecourseoftheirredrafting.Thusthechapteronmeasures,wherealargenewsectionwasaddedonstandards,fellfromchapter12intheArticlesoftheBaronstochapter35intheCharter,whereittooktheplaceofthechapterontheking’sdisseisins.Thelatter,muchalteredandarguedoverwhenitcametothedisseisins
ofHenryIIandRichard,droppeddownfromchapter25intheArticlestoneartheendoftheCharter,becomingchapter52.Thereitjoinedupwithtwonewchapters,chapter53abouttheafforestationsofRichardandHenry,andchapter54onaccusationsbywomen.Chapter55wastheremodelledchapteronfines,
whichitselfhadfallenfromchapter37intheArticles.InthecopiesoftheCharterwherethechapteronfinespreservesitsArticlesform,itactuallyalsopreservesitsArticlesorder,prettyclearproofthatitwastherenegotiationthatcausedthelossofplace.Wecanimagineremodelledchaptersbeingcrossedoutinadraft,
rewrittenonaseparatepieceofparchmentandthenbeingaddedbackinatanyconvenientpoint,oftenneartheend.Interestingly,however,thereisonecopyoftheCharterwheretheremodelledchapteronfinesisstillinitsArticlesplace,sopresumablyitderivedfromadraftwheretheclerkhadputitbackthere.
Partlyasaresultofthesechanges,theorderoftheCharterremainedfarfromperfect.Indeedaninterestingexercise(whichIsometimessetMAstudents)istoattemptabetterjob.If,forexample,theexpandedchapteronmeasureshadbeenplacedafterthatonfishweirs,andthechapterondisseisinshadbeenkeptinthisarea,rather
thandroppingdowntotheendoftheCharter,itcouldhavecreatedcoherentsectionsontradeandmerchantsandthenonjustice.So,forexample,theChartermighthaverun:
32fishweirs33measures34merchants35entrytokingdom
36convictionsforfelony
37writprecipe38writoflifeand
limbs39accusationsby
bailiffs40noonetobe
proceededagainstsavebyjudgementofpeers,etc.
41denialofjustice
42disseisinsbyJohn,RichardandHenry
Butenoughofsuchgames!TimewaslimitedatRunnymede.Thenegotiatorsweresurroundedbypilesofmuch-worked-overdrafts.Eventhedraftsfromwhichthefinalengrossmentswerecopiedoutwerenotaltogetherclear,hencethewaythescribesofthe
CanterburyCharterandCiimademistakesandhadtoaddtextinatthebottom.
THEDATEOFMAGNACARTA
ThenegotiationsatRunnymedewereinterruptedandinvigoratedbyonegreatecclesiasticalfestival.Sunday,14JunewasTrinitySunday.PresumablyArchbishopLangtonhimself
conductedtheservicebeforeKingJohnatWindsor,afterwhichtherewouldhavebeenafeast.ThelessonforthedaywasRevelation4:1–10,wherethetwenty-foureldersbowdownbeforethethroneofGodinheaven.Atleastthenumberhere,twenty-four,savedtherebelsfromanyblasphemouscomparisonswiththetwenty-fivebarons
ofthesecurityclause!Theday’sGospel,ontheotherhand,mightseemmorerelevant.ItwasJohn3:1–15,whereChristtellsNicodemusthat‘unlessamanbebornagainhecannotseethekingdomofGod’.Merebaptismbywater,moreover,wasnotenough.Amanmustbebornagaininspirit.Fortunatelyasermonthat
LangtonpreachedonaTrinitySundaysurvives.Whileitprobablycomesfromearlierinhiscareer,itmaygivesomecluetohisthemesonthisoccasion.Thesermonismercifullyshort,takinglittlemorethanfifteenminutestoreadout,soJohnwouldhavehadnoneedtoaskhisarchbishoptohurryup,ashehadatthestartof
thereignwithBishopHughofLincoln.Ifhelistened,Johnwouldhavereceivedsomeclearlessonsastohisbehaviourinthefuture,forLangtonurgedhislistenerstopraytotheFatherfor‘goodpower’,totheSonfor‘goodwisdom’andtotheHolySpiritfor‘goodwill’.45Suchinjunctions,ifgivenonTrinitySunday1215,were
welltimed,forthenegotiationswerenearlyatanend.Historianshavelong
debatedthetruedateofMagnaCarta.46Thefouroriginalengrossments,aswellasthecopyinthebishops’letterstestimonial,allendwithJohn’sstatementthatitwas‘Givenbyourhand[Datapermanum
nostram]inthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign.’Thenaturalassumptionisthat15June1215isthedateofMagnaCarta.ItisthereforeastonishingtofindthatmanyleadingMagnaCartahistorians,Holtincluded,
haveregardedthe15Junedateasnothingmoreorlessthan‘fictitious’.47Instead,theyhavearguedthatthetermsoftheCharterwerenotagreeduntil19June,anditwasonlythen,orevenlater,thatitwasactuallyissued.ThequestionofthedateoftheCharterisaboutmorethanafewdayseitherway.Itisofcrucialimportancefor
understandingwhathappenedatRunnymede.Thecorrectdate,itwillbeargued,isindeed15June.OnlywhenthisisappreciatedcanoneseeboththeclevernessofJohn’smanoeuvringandthedissatisfactionwiththeCharterthatquicklyforcedhimintofurtherconcessions.Thestartingpointforany
discussionofthedateof
MagnaCartamustbethedatingclausethatwehavealreadyquoted:‘GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede…onthefifteenthdayofJune.’Itisremarkablehowlightlythistestimonyhasbeensetaside.Thedatingclauseherewasabsolutelytypicalofthatfoundinroyalchartersfromthestartofthereignof
RichardI,whenitwasfirstintroduced.Itwascertainlymorethanformulaic.TheplaceanddatechangeconstantlyandcanbeshowninJohn’sreigntocorrespondwiththeking’sknownitinerary.Therearealsofrequentchangesinthenameofthegiver,whomightbethechancellor,achanceryofficialoroccasionallytheking
himself.In1215,intheperiodbeforeRunnymede,thechartersweregivenbothbythechancellor,RichardMarsh,andhisdeputy,RalphdeNeville,attendifferentlocations.48Theprecisemeaningoftheclauseisalsoprettyplain.To‘give’thecharter‘bythehand’wastoauthorizeitsengrossmentfromthefinaldraftandby
extensiontoauthorizeitssealing.Thenaturalassumption,therefore,isthatJohnhimselfauthorizedtheengrossmentandsealingofMagnaCartaatRunnymedeon15June.HegavetheCharterhimself(theonlycharterhedidgivein1215)becausethebarons,notsurprisingly,insistedthathetakepersonalresponsibility
forit,ratherthanhivingthatofftohischancellor.Whatonearth,therefore,
hasledhistorians(Galbraithbeinganexception)torejectthe15Junedate?49Onefactorwasthatthe15Junedateseemedtoleaveaninexplicable‘hiatus’betweenthisdatefortheCharterandtheeventualpeacethatisfirmlyfixedbydocumentary
evidencefor19June.AnotherfactoristhatitseemedinconceivableJohnwouldissuetheCharterbeforethepeaceon19June,thusmakingconcessionstopeoplewhowerestillinrebellionagainsthim.Sincethe15JunedateontheCharterindicatedthatsomethinghadhappenedonthatday,Holtsuggestedthattherewasthen
asolemnandgeneralagreementtoaccepttheArticlesasthebasisfortheCharter.50Thiswastakenas‘theauthorization’fortheCharter,andthedatewasthusretainedinthesubsequentdraftsduringthenegotiationsbetween15and19June,untilitfinallyappearedintheCharteritself.
Theseargumentscanallbechallenged.Theyareforastartinconsistent.Theyworryaboutthehiatusbetween15and19Junewhilealsohavingtolivewithafarlessexplicableonebetween10and15June.Afterall,ifJohnsealedtheArticlesoftheBaronson10June,asHoltveryreasonablyargued,virtuallynothinghadthen
happenedbetween10and15June,ifallthatoccurredonthatdaywasageneralagreementtoacceptthem.MuchmoreseriousisthefactthatanagreementtotheArticles,wheneverthathappened,couldnotpossiblyhavebeentheauthorizationfortheCharteritself.TheCharterwascertainlyfoundedontheArticles,butalso
differedgreatlyfromthem.Whenafinaltextwasagreed,Johnmusthaveauthorizedafreshitsengrossmentandsealing.Ifthattookplaceon19June,whydoestheCharternotsayso?Aswehaveseen,the‘giving’clauseinroyalcharterswasfarfromfrozenandformulaic.Indeed,thereisevidencethatitwaschangedduringthe
negotiationsforMagnaCarta,sinceGalbraith’scopyintheHuntingtonLibrarywasgivenon15JunenotatRunnymedebutatWindsor.Whatthenoftheargument
thatJohnwouldnothavegrantedtheChartertothoseinrebellion?Johnwouldhavequiteagreed,but,then,byissuingtheCharteron15Junebeforethepeace,hewas
doingnothingofthekind.ThenearestparalleliswithNovember1216,whenHenryIIIissuedanewversionofMagnaCartaalthoughhalftherealmwasinrebellionagainsthim.Thefactoftherebellionlimitednottheking’sactionsbutthecircleofthosewhobenefitedfromthem.ItistruethattheCharterwasgranted‘toall
thefreemenofourkingdom’,butitwentwithoutsayingthatsuchfreemenwerewithintheking’sallegiance.ThefactthatJohnannouncedtheChartertoallhis‘faithfulmen’madethatclear.ThelibertiesintheCharterwerethustheexclusiveconcernoftheking’s‘fideles’.Rebels,ofcourse,couldlookenviouslyattheseliberties,
butwouldonlyenjoythemoncetheytoohadbecomefaithfulmenandhadmadepeace.Indeed,fromJohn’sperspective,thatwasthewholepoint.Therewasnothing,
therefore,tostopJohnauthorizingtheCharterbeforethepeace,asthedatingclauseshowsthathedid.Therearealsoclearindicationswithin
theCharteritselfthat,whenitwasfinalized,thepeacewasstillinthefuture.Thus,inchapter51,Johnpromisedthat‘immediatelyaftertherestorationofpeace’,hewouldremoveallforeignsoldiersfromthekingdom.Significantly,thispassagewasaddedatRunnymede,foritdoesnotappearintheArticles.The‘immediately’
wasasoptothebarons,but,fortherest,itwasJohnwhowasbehindthisclause.HeknewtheremightbeaconsiderabledelaybetweentheissuingoftheCharteron15Juneandtheconclusionofpeace,ifindeedtherewaspeaceatall.Itwasthusvitaltomakeclearthatuntilandunlesstherewaspeace,hewouldnotdisarmby
dismissinghismercenarysoldiers.Thatwasbothasafeguardforhisownpositionandathreatofwhatwouldhappenifthesettlementwerenotaccepted.TheissuingoftheCharterbeforethepeacealsoexplainswhy,inthepreamble,notasinglerebelappearsamongthoseonwhoseadviceJohnsaidhewasacting.Itwasthis
samegroup,althoughtheirnameswerenotrepeated,whowitnessedtheCharter.IftheCharterhadbeenissuedafterthepeace,thenitwouldhavebeenquitepossibleforex-rebels,nowoncemorewithintheking’sallegiance,tohavebeennamedwithinit.Indeed,atRunnymede,on20June,sixofthegreatestrebels,nowrestoredtothe
king’sfaith,didindeedwitnessaroyalcharter.IfMagnaCartaitselfhadbeenfinalizedon19or20June,theycouldhaveappearedtheretoo,thusgivingitafarmoreconsensualnature.51
Whatthenwasthesequenceofeventson15June?GalbraiththoughttheHuntingtoncopyoftheCharterrepresenteditsfinal
draft,henceJohnwasputdownasauthorizingitatWindsoron15June,beforehemovedtoRunnymedeforthelastnegotiationslaterintheday.Thatisnotimpossible,butitisequallylikelythatthecopyhadnoofficialstatusandwassimplyoneviewofthesituationearlyon15June.Eitherway,thecontrastbetweenthe
HuntingtoncopyandthefinalChartersuggeststherewasstillalottoplayforinthefinalhours.Therebelssucceededinwideningthescopeofthechapteronfines,whileJohnfoughtofftheideathatthebaronialreliefshouldbe100marks.ArchbishopLangton,meanwhile,finallypreventedanybanonJohnappealingtothepope,foritis
stillthereintheHuntingtoncopy.Thesemattershavingbeensettled,Johnbroughtthenegotiationstoanendandsaidineffecttothebaronialenvoys‘That’syourlot.Takeitorleaveit.’Thebaronialenvoystookit.Iftheypressedformore,Johnmightbreakoffthewholebusinessandreturntowar.Therewasequallythedangerthatifthe
negotiationswerecontinued,radicalsinthebaronialcampwoulddestroytheCharterbymakingimpossibledemands.Thebaronshadachievedatremendousamount.Itwasbestnowtosecureit.Bothsidesthussworetothetermsthathadbeenagreed.ItissometimessaidthatJohnandthebaronstookanoathtotheCharterinsomegreat
ceremonyatthetimeofthedeclarationofthepeaceon19June.ButtheCharteritselflendsnosupporttothisidea.Instead,itsaysthat‘[anoath]hasbeenswornbothonourpartandonthepartofthebarons’.TheLatinherefor‘onthepart’is‘exparte’,whichwaspreciselyhowthenegotiatorsactingonbehalfofthesidesweredescribedin
1215.Theimplicationisthatitwasthesenegotiators,actingonbehalfoftheking,andonbehalfofthebarons,whosworetotheCharter.SincetheoathisdescribedasbeinginthepastintheCharter,itmusthavetakenplacebeforeJohngavetheCharteron15June.OnceJohnhadauthorized
thedrawingupoftheCharter,
heproceededatoncetohaveitengrossedandsealed.Legallytheremayhavebeennoneedforthis,sincetheoathsthemselveswereacommitmenttotheCharter.Politically,however,therewaseveryneed.ThebaronialnegotiatorshadnowtoapproachthebaronsassembledatRunnymedeandessentiallysellthemthe
settlement.Onecanimaginethehowlsofderisionanddisbeliefthatwouldhavegreetedtheireffortswithoutevenaproperchartertodemonstratetheirachievements.On10JunetheyhadneededJohntosealtheArticlesoftheBaronstoprovehisgoodfaith.HowmuchmorewasthatthecasenowwithMagnaCarta!
JohncametothesameconclusionabouttheneedtoissuetheCharter,butfordifferentreasons.Hisaimwastoshowabsolutelyanddefinitivelythatthenegotiationswereover.Healsomadeonesovereigngain,forhekeptthenamesofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclauseoutoftheCharter.Asaresult,hehoped
toreducethechancesofitseverbeingenforced.AtthetimeJohn‘gavetheCharter’,thebaronshadyettodecidewhomthetwenty-fiveweretobe.AstheCharterputsit,‘thebaronsshallchoosetwenty-fivebaronsofthekingdom,whomtheywish’.Inotherwords,thechoicewasstillinthefuture.Thenegotiatorshadevidentlyfeltunableto
namethetwenty-fiveonthespoton15June.Yettheydarednotpostponethesettlementuntiltheywerechosen,forthereasonswehaveseen.Sothebaronialnegotiatorssettledandleftthenamesofthetwenty-fiveoutoftheCharter.Johnmusthavebeenpleased.Afterall,withoutknowingthenamesofthetwenty-five,howwas
thenoxioussecurityclausetowork?Itwasnowlefttothebaronstobroadcastthenamesasbesttheycould.Theking’shope,ofcourse,wasthattheywouldnotbeverygoodatit.John’sattitudetotheCharterthusstandsoutcrystalclear.Hehopeditwouldbringpeaceandmakeeveryonedisarmandgohome.Thereafteritcouldremainas
avaguesymbolofgoodgovernment,atestimonytohisloveforholychurchandhisdesiretoreformtherealm.Butasforitsactuallybeingenforced,noway!
JOHN’SFURTHERCONCESSIONSANDTHEDECLARATIONOFPEACE
Johnwasquicklytobedisabusedofsuchhopes.The
baronsassembledatRunnymededidnotmakepeaceandquietlygohome.Insteadtheymadecleartheirdissatisfactionwiththedealstruckbytheirnegotiators.Intheprocess,theyforcedJohn,forallhis‘thatisthat’bluster,intofurtherconcessions,although,thankstotheconfusionoverthechronology,historianshave
neverquiteappreciatedthefact.Itwasfourdaysbeforepeacecouldfinallybeproclaimed,whichofcourseistheexplanationforthe‘hiatus’between15and19June.Therewerereasonsfor
dissatisfaction.ThekeyissueofHenryII’safforestationshadbeenducked.Thebaronialreliefhadnotgone
downto100marks.Andthentherewastheinadequacyofthesecurityclause.IthadbeenweakenedbytheremovalofJohn’spromisenottoappealtothepope,whichmoreorlessflaggedupthathewoulddoso.ThefactthatthepromisewasstillthereinthreecopiesoftheCharter(includingtheHuntingtonone)showshow
harditdied.52Therewerealsoattemptstosharpenthephraseologyoftheclause.Whereas,intheCharter,thetwenty-fivebarons,with‘thecommuneofalltheland’,wereto‘distrainanddistress’thekingifheoffended,severalcopiesoftheCharterallsaythattheywereto‘distrainandgoagainst’him.TheLatinhereis‘contranos
ibunt’,whichhasaverymartialring.ItisreminiscentofJohn’spromiseon10May,whenhesaidthatduringthenegotiationswiththebaronshewouldnot‘goagainstthembyforceorbyarms’–‘necsupereospervimvelperarmaibimus’.ItwassuchopenwarfarethatwasenvisagedintherejecteddraftoftheCharter.Anotherdraft
ofthesecurityclause,onepreservedbyRogerofWendover,envisagedawayofcontrollingthekingbygettingholdofkeycastles.ThusthecastellansofNorthampton,Kenilworth,NottinghamandScarboroughweretotakeanoathtoobeytheordersofthetwenty-five.TheAnonymousofBéthuneevenbelievedthatnoroyal
bailiffwastobeappointedsavethroughthetwenty-five,whichwouldhavegiventhemtotalcontrolovertheadministrationofthecountry.53But,ofcourse,therewasnothinglikethatinMagnaCarta.John’scastellans,sheriffsandotherofficialswereallleftinplace,apartfromtherelationsofGerardd’Athée.The
reformersin1258didnotmakethesamemistake,orratherwereinabetterpositionintermsofpowertoavoidit.Almostthefirstthingtheydidwastogetcontroloftheking’scastles.54
If,however,thebaronscouldnotaltertheCharter,theycoulddemandfurtherconcessionsoutsideit.Itwasthatwhichhappened.John
hadhopedthattheCharterwouldbeanend.Itwasnot.Thebaronsmadeitabsolutelyclearthatifhewantedpeacehemustgivemore,andJohncomplied.HethusremovedthehatedPeterdesRochesfromthejusticiarship,andreplacedhimwithHubertdeBurgh.HubertwasEnglishandayoungersonfromaNorfolkknightlyfamily.He
hadgallantlydefendedChinonin1205,and,goodatself-publicity,had(sohesaid)oncesavedJohn’snephew,Arthur,fromblindingandemasculation–asceneofcoursemadefamousbyShakespeare.55Hubertwascautious,flexibleand,likeGeoffreyfitzPeter,verykeentobeacceptedintotheranksofthehighnobility.He
eventuallybecameearlofKent.HewastheantithesisofPeterdesRochesandthetwoweretobecomedeadlyenemies.AccordingtoHubert’slaterrecollection,whichmusthavebeenburntintohismind,JohnmadehimjusticiaratRunnymede.That,however,wascertainlyafterMagnaCarta,forthereheisstill‘seneschalofPoitou’
ratherthan‘ourjusticiar’,thetitleheboreintheCharterof1216.Tobesure,desRocheshimself,inthe1215Charter,appearssimplyasbishopofWinchester,butthatdoesnotshowhehadceasedtobejusticiar,becauseherarelyusedthetitle.56HisremovalwasclearlyaconcessionmadebyJohninanefforttocontainthediscontent
swirlingaroundRunnymede.Langtonhimself,anxioustoseepeaceestablished,hadsomethingtodowithit,for,asHubertalsoremembered,hewaspresentattheappointment.57
MuchmoreseriousforJohnthanthemakingofanewjusticiarwashisconcessionoverLondon.ItwasthefallofLondonin
May1215thathadforcedthekingintoseriousnegotiations.HavingnowissuedtheCharter,hemusthavehopedthatthebaronswouldvacatethecity,andeverythingwouldreturntonormal.TherewasnothingintheChartertosayanythingtothecontrary.HowwrongJohnwas!Hewasnowforcedintoathoroughlydisagreeable
agreementoverthecity.Theofficialtextofthissurvivesbutisundated,andsomehistorianshaveplaceditinlateJuly.Itseemsalmostcertain,however,thattheagreementwasstruckatRunnymedeshortlybeforethepeaceon19June.Indeed,ineffect,itwasaconditionofthepeace.Intheagreement,RobertfitzWalterisdescribed
as‘marshalofthearmyofGodandofholychurchinEngland’.Thisisatitlethatcouldnotpossiblyhavebeencountenancedbythekinginanofficialdocumentafterthepeaceon19June,whentherebellionwassupposedtobeoverandthebaronialarmydisbanded.Thisdateisconfirmedbyanewlydiscoveredletterdiscussedin
thenextchapterthatalmostcertainlydatesfromaround19June.Itwasissuedinthenameoffivebaronswhoareidenticalwith,andappearinthesameorderas,thefirstfivebaronslistedinthetreatyoverLondon.58
TheagreementoverLondon(whichcarefullyrespectedthecity’sliberties)wasmadebetweenJohn,on
theonehand,and,ontheother,RobertfitzWalter,headingtwelvenamedearlsandbarons,and‘otherearls,baronsandfreemenofallthekingdom’.Allthosenamedwererebelsandallweretobemembersofthetwenty-five.Underthetermsoftheagreement,thebarons,farfromvacatingthecity,weretoholdituntil15August.
Evenworse,ArchbishopLangtonwastoholdtheTowerofLondonuntilthesamedate.SoinsteadofthebaronshavingtogetoutofLondon,itwasJohnwhohadtovacatetheTower.ThepointofallthiswastogivethebaronsthecoercivepowertoenforcekeyaspectsoftheCharter.Thusif,by15August,theoathstothe
twenty-fivehadbeentaken,andtheredressofgrievancesdemandedunderchapters52and55hadbeenmadebytheking,eithervoluntarilyorbyjudgementofthetwenty-five,thenJohncouldrecoverthecityandtheTower.Ifnot,thecitywastoremaininthehandsofthebarons,andthearchbishopwastomaintainholdoftheTower.Thetreaty
overLondonthussoughttomakeupfortheweaknessofthesecurityclause.AsHoltremarked,it‘appliedthescrew’.59
TheLondonagreementrefersto,andiscoterminouswith,John’slettersof19Junethatsetinmotionthetakingoftheoathsandtheworkofthetwelveknightsineachcounty.60Thesecanlikewise
beseenasanewconcessionforcedoutofJohnasaconditionofthepeace.Chapter48hadsaidthatlocalabuseswereimmediatelytobeinquiredintobyelectedknightsandabolishedwithinfortydays,providedthekingorthejusticiarwasinformedfirst,butgavenoindicationastohowandwhentheelectionsweretotakeplace.
DoubtlessJohnhopedthattheinquirymightbelongdelayed,ifitevertookplaceatall.Inthesameway,inthesecurityclause,therewasnoindicationastohowandwhen‘thecommuneofalltheland’wouldtakeitsoathtosupportthetwenty-five.Mightthistoobestillborn?Andtherewasanotherpoint.TheCharteritselfgaveno
indicationastohowitwastobedistributedandpublicized,unliketheGoldenBullissuedbythekingofHungaryin1222.Johncertainlywantedeveryonetoknowthathehadgraciouslygrantedacharterandthatithadledtopeace,butasforlettinganyoneknowofitspoisonouscontents,thatwasanothermatter.Hewouldgiveno
helptomakingthesewidelyknown;indeedtheCharterdidnotrequirehimtodoso.AgainJohnwasdisabused.
Inhiswritof19June,heinformedthesheriffsthatpeacehadbeenmade,astheycouldseefromtheCharter,whichwastobereadpubliclyandadheredto.Soitwastobepublicized.Thesheriffswerethentoldtoensurethat
everyonetooktheoathtothetwenty-fivebarons,atthetwenty-five’s‘order’,onadayandataplacethetwenty-fivefixed.SoJohnhere,inanextraordinaryabdicationofroyalauthority,wassubjectingthesheriffstotheordersofthetwenty-five.Andifthiswasnotbadenough,averydefinitetimescalewastobegivenfor
theworkofthetwelveknights.Theywerenowtobeelectedinthefirstcountycourttobeheldafterthereceiptofthelettersineachcounty.ThisprovisionshowsthatitwasnotjustthegreatbaronswhowerediscontentedwiththeCharter.Clearlytherewasalsopressurefromknightsandlocalsociety.Theywere
determinedtoensurethattheabolitionofmalpracticesinthelocalitiesactuallytookplace.Johnhadbeen
outmanoeuvred.ByissuingtheCharteron15June,hehadindicatedthathewouldgivenomore.Thebaronshadcalledhisbluffandmorehehadindeedgiven.HehaddismissedPeterdesRoches,
madetheagreementoverLondonandsetinmotiontheoathtothetwenty-fiveandtheworkoftheknights.Inreturn,Johnextracted,onhispart,someminimalreturns.InthepresenceofArchbishopLangtonandfellowbishops,thebaronspromisedthattheywouldgivehimwhateversecurityhewished(otherthansurrenderingcastlesand
hostages)fortheobservationofthepeace.61Thefactthatthiswasanoralpromise,ofwhichnorecordwasmade,showstheweaknessofJohn’sposition.Healsofailedtogetanythingmorethanoralundertakingsinanothercrucialarea.Laterhewastoclaimthat,accordingtothe‘reformationofpeace’,allcastlesandlandsseized
duringthewarweretobereturnedby15August,sobythedatelaiddownintheLondontreaty.Inaddition,allprisonersheldatthetimeofthepeaceweretobereleasedandoutstandingransomspardoned.62ThesestipulationswereclearlyimportantforJohn’ssupporters,whohadsufferedduringthewar,yetthey
appearinneithertheCharternortheLondontreaty.SomeechoofJohn’sdemandsmayhavereachedtheAnonymousofBéthune,whobelievedthatthetwenty-fiveweretoredressthewrongsthatJohnhimselfhadsuffered,butagaintherewasnothingaboutthisintheactualCharter.63
EvenwithJohn’sfurtherconcessions,notallwere
satisfied.TheCrowlandchroniclerstatesthatsomeofthenortherners,‘themagnatesacrosstheHumber’,leftRunnymedeand,claimingthattheyhadnotbeenthere(andthusnotincludedinthepeace),resumedhostilities.64ThefailuretodealwiththeafforestationsofHenryIImusthavebeenaparticular
grievance.Nonetheless,themajorityofthebaronsdecidedtoaccepttheimprovedofferandreturntotheking’speace.OnceJohnwascertainofthat,whichseemstohavebeenbytheeveningof18June,hewasdeterminedtoensurethatthepeacewentthrough.Itwasthuson18Juneitselfthathewrotetooneofhiscaptains,
StephenHarengod,announcingthemakingofpeace‘onFridaynextafterthefeastofStTrinityatRunnymede’(soon19June),whichwouldhavebeentruebythetimetheletterarrived.Haringodwasthenwarnedtodonothingtodisturbthepeace‘asyouloveusandourhonourandyourbody’.65
InthenegotiationsatRunnymede,JohnhaddonesomethingtomodifythebaronialdemandsintheArticles.Hehadmanagedtopostpone,forthedurationofhisprospectivecrusade,thegivingofjusticeonthedisseisinscommittedbyHenryIIandRichard.Hehadgotridofanysuggestionthattallageneededconsent.He
hadgainedgreaterfreedomwhenitcametomarryingoffheirsandheiresses.Ontheotherhand,hehadbeenpinneddowntopatheticallysmallamountsforcomital,baronialandknightlyreliefs.Hecouldnolongerpretendthattaxationcommandedconsentwhenithadonlybeensanctionedbyhisimmediateentourage.In
general,theprovisionsonrelief,themarriagesofwidows,debtstotheJews,aidsandscutages,andthecountyfarms,allthreatenedmajorreductionsinroyalrevenueandpower.HowevermuchJohnprotestedtothecontrary,thechaptersforbiddingarbitrarydisseisinsandthedenial,delayandsaleofjusticerancleancounterto
hisstyleofkingship.Thesecurityclause,ifproperlyenforced,wouldmakehimnomorethanhalfaking.ThetreatiesthathadbroughthimmuchofNorthWalesandpromisedthesubjectionofScotlandweredeadletters.Forallthis,Johnhad
acceptedtheCharterandthenmadefurtherconcessions.Hisimmediateaimwassimplyto
endthecivilwar.HesawMagnaCartaasapeacetreaty,hencethewaythat‘peaceandliberties’werelinkedtogetherinthesecurityclause.Thefirstwastobepaidforbythesecond.John’shopewasthateveryone,havingachievedtheCharter,wouldlaydowntheirarmsandgohome.Whethertheywouldthenmanageto
implementtheconcessionsremainedtobeseen.John,afterall,stillretainedcontrolofhiscastles(otherthantheTower)andwasstillabletoappointwhomhelikedtolocaloffice.TherewerealsoelementsinMagnaCartatoexploit.JohncouldinsistthatmagnatesobeytheCharterintheirdealingswiththeirmen,aschapter60saidthey
should.66Hemightgivejusticetoeveryone,oratleasteveryonewhowasfree,bydevelopingthecommonlaw.TheCharteralsoleftsignificantroyalpowersintact.JohncouldtallagethetownsandtaxtheJewsatwill.HeretainedtheroyalforestasithadbeenunderHenryII.Hecouldappointwhomeverhelikedashis
ministers,bothatthecentreandinthelocalities,providingthattheyknewthelawofthekingdom,whateverthatmeant.Hecouldalsostillgivepatronage,andrewardhisservants,asheliked.Intermsofwhathehadtogive,heretainedhisrightsoverwardships(eveniftheywerenottobepillaged)andoverthemarriagesofheirs(evenif
theywerenottobedisparaged).Hecouldstillexpectaflowoflandintohishandsthroughforfeituresandescheats.ProvidedtheCharterwasnotrigorouslyenforced,itwasnotimpossiblethathecouldlivewithitoverthelongerterm.BothJohnandhis
opponents,therefore,decidedtomakepeace.Friday,19
Junewasthedayoftheceremony.Inwhatperhapswasaprocession,likethatatacoronation,thebaronsdidhomagetotheking,renewedtheiroathsoffealtyandreceivedakissofpeace–somethingHenryIIhadconspicuouslydeniedBecketattheirlastmeeting.Johnthensealedthereconciliationwithagreatfeast,justashe
haddoneonhispapalabsolutionin1213.Hisdemeanourwascalmandjovial.67On20June,atRunnymede,fourmembersofthetwenty-five–theearlofClare,WilliamdeMowbray,EustacedeVesciandRogerdeMontbegon–andanothermajorrebel,GilbertdeGant,witnessedaroyalcharteralongsideloyalistbarons.68
Johnhadwelcomedthembackintothecircleofthecourt.Whateverhisrealintentions,thekinghadeveryreasonforpretendinghewasbornagaininspirit.ThiswouldmakeitallthemorelikelythattherebellionwouldendandlesslikelythattheCharterwouldbeenforced.
12
TheEnforcementandFailureoftheCharter
AsJohnfeastedwiththebaronson19June,bothsidesknewthatacontestovertheCharterwasabouttobegin.Johnwantedittobringpeace,whichmeantthedisbandingofrebelarmiesandtherestorationofroyalauthorityinthelocalities.Inhismind,theprecisedetailsoftheCharterwerebestforgotten,ifindeedtheyeverbecame
known.John’sopponents,ontheotherhand,wantedtheCharterrigorouslyenforced.Somewantedtogobeyondit.ThatthesedivergentambitionswouldleadtothefailureoftheCharterandtherenewalofcivilwarwasalwayslikely,butnotinevitable,oratleastitdidnotseemsoatthetime.Sometimeinthemonth
followingMagnaCarta,AlanBassettookoutanine-monthleasethatwastorunfrom20July‘nextaftertheconcordmadebetweenthekingandhisbaronsatRunnymede’.1
AlanwasoneofthecounsellorsonwhoseadviceJohnhadgrantedtheCharter.Hewasamanintheknow.Yetheevidentlydidnotthinktheconcordwasaboutto
collapse.Inthecauseofpeace,JohnhimselfwaspreparedtoimplementcertainaspectsoftheCharter.ThusatRunnymedeon23June,heissuedorderssendinghometheforeignknightsandserjeantswhohadarrivedatDover.2ThiswastofulfiltheCharter’schapter51,underwhichimmediatelyafterthepeacehewastoremovethe
foreignsoldierswhohadcome‘totheharmofthekingdom’.Johndoubtlesshopedthatinreturnthebaronswoulddisarmtoo.
THEDISTRIBUTIONANDPUBLICATIONOFTHE
CHARTER
IftheCharterwastobeenforced,itscontentshadobviouslytobemadeknown.
InHungary,theGoldenBullitselfdeclaredthatthereweretobesevenengrossments,andwentontostipulatewhoshouldreceivethem.OnewastogotothepopetobecopiedintohisRegister.3MagnaCarta,bycontrast,gavenoclueastothedestinationofitsengrossments.John’slettersof19Juneseemtobemoreinformative,although,
aswewillsee,misleadinglyso.Intheletters,issuedtothesheriffsineachcounty,Johninformedthemofthepeace‘asyoucanhearandseefromourcharter,whichwehavecausedtobemade,whichalsowehaveorderedtobepubliclyreadthroughallyourbailiwickandfirmlyheld’.4Thesheriffswerealsoinstructedtoobeyand
enforcetheCharter.Notunnaturally,thishasledmanyhistorianstoassumethattheCharterwassenttothesheriffsandthustherewasoneforeachcounty.Indeed,RalphofCoggeshallstatesthat‘theformofpeacewassetoutinacharter,insuchmannerthateachcountyhaditsowncharterauthenticatedbytheroyalseal’.5Thereare
goodreasons,however,forthinkingthiswasnotexactlythecase.Coggeshall’sownstatementmaybenomorethanadeductionfromthe19Juneletters,ofwhichheevidentlyhadknowledge.Thelettersof19JunesaidthesheriffsweretohearandobeytheCharter,certainly,butnotthattheywouldreceiveitorshouldthemselvesproclaim
it.Indeed,thelettersgavenoindicationatallaboutthemechanicsofdistributionandproclamation.AllthiswasstrikinglydifferentfromtheprocedureinFebruary1218whenthesheriffsweresentthenewversionoftheCharterandtoldtohaveitreadintheirfullyattendedcountycourts.6Nothinglikethathappenedin1215.In
part,thiswasbyJohn’sdeliberatedesign.ThelastthinghewantedwasforeveryonetoknowtheprecisedetailsoftheCharter.Hewasdamnedifhewouldtellthesheriffstoproclaimit.Inbeingreluctanttosend
theChartertothesheriffs,Johnwas,however,ofonemindwiththebarons,althoughfordifferent
reasons.ThelastthingthebaronswantedwastorelyonthesheriffsfortheCharter’spreservationandproclamation,giventhatthesheriffsweretheverypeopleundertheCharter’sattack.Thebaronialproblemherelayintheirfailuretoassertcontroloverlocalappointments.Johnremainedfreetochoosewhomheliked
ashissheriffsandcastellans.Indeedhestagedareshuffleintheweekafterthepeace.7
TheonlylocalofficialstheChartersoughttoremoveweretherelationsofGerardd’Athée.Hereslowlyandgrudginglybetween2and20July,Johncomplied,movingGeoffreydeMartigny,EngelarddeCigogné,andAndrewandPeterde
Chanceauxoutoftheircastlesandcounties.Butiftheirreplacementsweremoreacceptable(onewasHubertdeBurgh),theywerejustasloyaltoKingJohn.8JohnneverobeyedtheCharterwhenitcametoremovingPhilipMarcfromNottinghamcastleandthesheriffdomofNottinghamshireandDerbyshire.
Thebarons,therefore,hadtomaketheirownarrangementsforthepublicationoftheCharter.TheyhaddoubtlessacquiredsomeengrossmentsatRunnymedeitself,buttheyneededmanymorefordistributionaroundthecountry.ThetroublewasthatonlyJohnandhischancerycouldissueauthentic
engrossmentsvalidatedbytheroyalseal.Here,then,thebaronswerecompletelyinJohn’shands.Theywerenoteasyhandstobein.TherewasfirstlythepracticalproblemthateachChartertookhourstowriteout.9Afterthat,itneededtobesealed,whichcouldproducemoredelay.Abigeffortwasneededtoproducelarge
numbersofChartersinonego,andJohnhadnointentionofgalvanizingthechanceryintomakingit.Theprocessofextractingengrossmentsfromhimbecamelikeextractingteeth.Whathappenedweknow
fromdocumentaryevidence.PreciselybecauseneithertheChartersnorthe19Juneletters(towhichwewill
return)weresenttothesheriffsinaroutineway,thechancerythoughtitwisetodrawupadistributionlist,settingoutwhotheyweresentto,andthiswasenrolledonthedorse(reverseside)ofthepatentrolls.10TheliststatesthatthebishopofLincolnreceivedtwoCharters,thebishopofWorcesteroneCharterand
MasterElyasofDerehamfourCharters.Sincethisinformationfollowsthestatementthaton24JunethebishopofLincolnreceivedtwoofthe19Juneletters,theimplicationisthattheseCharterswerehandedoveronorafter24June.ThereissomeindicationthatElyasofDerehammayhavegothisfouron27June.11Thelist
closeswiththestatementthattheMasterofDerehamhadreceivedafurthersixCharterson22July.DoubtlessElyaswouldhavelikedallhistenathisfirsttake,buthewasevidentlyunabletosecurethem.Addingup,wehavehere
thirteenChartersinall.WhatwerethetwobishopsandElyasofDerehamtodowith
them?Herethedistributionlistisofnohelp.Whereas,withthe19Juneletters,itbothcitestherecipientsandthenthecountiesforwhichthelettersweredestined,withtheChartersitjustcitestherecipients.Thereasonforthatisclear.Sincetheletterswereaddressedtotheking’sministersineachcounty,theyeachhadacountydestination
indicatedattheirstart.TheCharters,withtheirgeneraladdress,didnothaveacountydestinationandsocouldgoanywhere.Theycould,ofcourse,havegonetothecountiesbutwemaybefairlysurethatdidnothappen,atleastnotimmediately.Theirdestinationinsteadwasthebishopandthediocese.Itwas
IvorRowlandswhofirstcameupwiththisidea,pointingoutthatthethirteenChartersinthelistcorrespondedexactlytothenumberofdioceseswithbishopsinpostin1215.TheannalsofDunstable,moreover,statespecificallythattheCharterswere‘depositedthrougheachbishopricinsafeplaces’.12
Thesafeplacesalmostcertainlywerethecathedralchurches,wheretheCharterswouldbeaccessibletoanyonewhowantedtoinspectthem.ThreeCharters,thelistshows,wentspecificallytobishops,onetothebishopofWorcesterandtwotothebishopofLincoln.ThefactthatthebishopofLincolnalsoreceivedthe
lettersof19JuneforOxfordshireandBedfordshirehasledtothesuggestionthathistwoCharterswereintendedforthosecounties,bothofwhichwerewithinhisdiocese.Butthetwoentries,althoughconsecutive,areclearlyseparated,thatabouttheChartersbeinganew‘item’.AperfectlyplausiblehypothesisisthatoneCharter
wasforthedioceseofLincolnwhiletheotherwasforthedioceseofBathandGlastonbury,wherethebishop,JocelynofWells,wasthebrotherofthebishopofLincoln,HughofWells.TheLincolndiocesandestinationfitsperfectlywithLincolncathedral’shavingbeenthehomeofoneoftheengrossmentsapparently
fromthestart.TheLincolnengrossmenthas‘LINCOLNIA’writtentwiceincapitallettersontheback,almostcertainlybythescribeoftheCharteritself.Evidently,heknewitsdestination,whichcouldeasilyhavebeenthecaseifitwasoneofthetwotakenbythebishop.
WhatthenofthetenChartersreceivedbyElyasofDereham?ElyaswasthestewardofArchbishopLangton,andwasclosetootherbishops.13Itwouldseem,then,highlylikelythathepassedtothebishopstheCharterswhichhehadobtained.Thiswouldexplainagainhowtwomoreofthesurvivingoriginalswereboth
preserved,probablyfromthestart,atcathedrals,namelySalisburyandCanterbury.TheSalisburyMagnaCartaiswritteninamuchmoreformalhandthantheotherthreeoriginals,whichseemtypicalchanceryproducts,anditmaybethatDereham,importuningforCharters,persuadedthechancerytoacceptoutsidehelpinwriting
them.AsfortheengrossmentnowshowntohavebeenkeptatCanterburycathedral,Dereham,withArchbishopLangton’sapproval,probablysentittheredirect.ThatitwastheCharterintendedforthedioceseandnotforLangtonpersonallyisshownbythefactthatitwaskeptatthecathedralasopposedtoLambethpalaceorthe
archbishop’streasuryattheprioryofStGregoryatCanterbury.14
Forthebaronialparty,thebishopsandtheircathedralswerefarsafercustodiansoftheCharterthanwerethesheriffsandtheircastles,fromwhichtheChartermightneveragainemerge.ThebrothersHughandJocelynofWells,thebishopsofLincoln
andBathandGlastonbury,wereformerchanceryclerksofKingJohn,buttheyhaddefiedhimduringtheInterdictandgoneintoexile.Hugh’sviewsonGerardd’Athée’skinmusthaveparalleledLangton’s.Inhiswill,drawnupin1212whileinexile,Hughleft40markstoanunnamedNottinghamshireknight
whosedaughterGerard‘wishedtohave’forhisson.Onesuspectsthiswastheamounttheknighthandedovertorescuehisdaughterfromthemarriage.15Later,in1219,headingthejudgesoneyreinLincolnshire,Hughandhiscolleagueswroteamagisteriallettersettingouttheirdutytogivejusticetoall,richandpooralike,and
explaininghowthewholecountycourthadralliedbehindGilbertdeGantinsupportofthe‘commonlibertyofallthekingdomconcededandsworn’,aclearreferencetotheCharter.16
ThebishopofWorcester,WalterdeGrey,hadbeenJohn’schancellor,buthehadboughtthepositionforitsprofitsandplayedlittlepart
inday-to-daygovernment.Thebishop’spositiveattitudetotheChartercanbejudgedfromthewayhetookpossessionbothofanengrossmentandthe19JuneletterforWorcestershire.PerhapstheonlybishopwhomightbesuspectedofevildesignsontheCharterwasPeterdesRochesofWinchester.Indeed,the
Charterhadeffectivelycosthimhisjobasjusticiar.Perhaps,inthiscase,ElyasofDerehamsenttheCharterfortheWinchesterdiocesedirecttothemonksofWinchestercathedral,withwhomdesRocheswasfrequentlyatodds.OncetheChartersofthe
Charterweresafelyhousedatthecathedrals,theintention
wasnotforthemtoremaintheretreasuredinmagnificentobscurity.Rathertheyweretobeinspectedandcopied.17
Bothengrossmentsandcopiescouldalsobecirculatedinthesurroundingcountry.That,ofcourse,wasthemorenecessarysincediocesesusuallyembracedseveralcounties.Lincoln’sindeedembracedeight.Thus
theCrowlandchroniclerspeaksof‘anexemplar’oftheCharterbeingborne‘throughcitiesandvillages’.18
TheremaybeacluetowhathappenedwithcopiesoftheChartersintheproceduresadoptedin1254.InthatyearthedeanofLincolnsentouttranscriptsofthe1225MagnaCarta(whichhewantedback)sothattheycouldbecopied.19
Wasthisanechoofaprocedurein1215?Theeagernesstogetthecontentofthe1215Charteracrossisalsoseeninthewaythatitwastranslated,almostatonce,intoFrench.20Hereagaintherewasaparallelwith1254,whenthedeanofLincolnorderedthepapallettersconfirmingtheexcommunicationlaunched
againstviolatorsofMagnaCartatobepublishedandproclaimedinbothFrenchandEnglish.Thereisnosign,however,thatin1215MagnaCartawasputacrossinEnglisheitherinawrittentextor(moreusefulforEnglish-speakingilliterates)verbalproclamation,althoughtohavedonesowouldhave
helpedrallyfreetenantstothecause.21
AllthisisnottosaythatthediocesanChartersweretheonlyonesinthelocalities.TherewerenobishopsofCarlisle,DurhamandNorwich,andnoarchbishopofYork,inpostatthetimeofRunnymede,anditisinconceivablethatChartersdidnotreachthoseareas.We
knowthataCharterwasentrustedtoBylandabbeyinYorkshire,whereWilliamdeMowbraywaspatron.Quiteprobably,theneedwassuppliedbysomeoftheengrossmentsmadeatRunnymedeitself.TherewasalsoanothersourceofinformationabouttheCharter,althoughonehithertounrecognized.Thiswas
throughtheunofficialcopiesoftheChartermadefromdraftswhichhadcirculatedatRunnymede.Evidently,thoseinvolvedinthenegotiationstooksuchdraftsaway,andcopiedthemupasauthentic1215Charters.Thereisaparallelherewith1258,whendraftsofthereformsproposedattheOxfordparliamentwerelikewise
takenawayandcopiedintochroniclesandcollectionsofdocuments.22Sincesomeofthecopiesofthe1215Charterfoundtheirwayintocollectionsoflegislation,theymaywellhavedescendedfromlegalcirclesinvolvedinthenegotiationsatRunnymede.Thatsomeofthecopies,quiteindependently,givethedateof16Junetothe
Charter,ratherthan15June,mayindicatethatthiswasthedateonwhichtheywerecopied.23Draftswerecopiedbecause,initiallyatleast,originalswerenotplentiful,whilethirstforknowledgeoftheCharterwasgreat.TheselatercopiesseemtoderivefromnofewerthanfiveversionsoftheCharter,allinsomewayindependentofone
another.TheimplicationisthattherewereatleastfivedifferentroutesthroughwhichdraftsoftheChartercirculated.Herethenwasanimportantchannelofinformationalongsidethatbeingopenedupbytheauthorizedversionitself.Whothenhadwonthe
battleoverthedistributionofMagnaCarta?Surelythe
oppositionbaronsandknights.ThefactoftheCharteritselfwaswellknown.TheCrowlandchronicler,aswehavesaid,wroteof‘anexemplar’beingborne‘throughcitiesandvillages’.RalphofCoggeshallbelievedthateverycountyhaditsownengrossment.TheAnonymousofBéthunesaid
somethingabouttheCharter’scontents,someofitaccurate,somenot.24Copiesweremade,orpossessedby,theLondoners,andbythereligioushousesofPeterborough,LuffieldReading,Stanley,LlanthonyGloucester,Montacute,ExeterandStAugustine’sandChristChurch,Canterbury,thetwolastfrom
differenttexts.StAlbans’versionstravelledtoTynemouth,WymondhamandNorwich.Onecopyofadraftversion,foundinalegalcollection,isinFrench.25
Someofthistransmissiontookplaceconsiderablyafter1215,butitprobablyreflectsthepatternthen.JohnhadlostthebattletoburytheCharter.
Couldhewinthebattletopreventitsexecution?
THETWENTY-FIVE
TheexecutionoftheCharterdependedontheworkofthetwenty-fivebarons.Theyweretositinjudgementondisseisinsandfines,ifJohnrefusedimmediateredress.Theyweretohearthecomplaintsaboutbreachesof
theCharterandindeedanyotherabuse.Ifthekingfailedtoputmattersright,theyweretoforcehimtodosowith‘thecommuneofalltheland’.Theywerealsotoissuetheinstructionstothesheriffsforthetakingoftheoaththatwouldformthecommune.Theoathitselfwastoobeytheordersofthetwenty-fiveincoercingtheking.On15
June,whenJohnauthorizedtheCharter,thebaronshadnotyetchosenthetwenty-five.Thatwasnotsurprising,foritmusthavebeenadifficultandcontentiousbusiness.Somebaronsprobablyrefusedtobecomemembers.Manyothersmayhavecovetedtheposition,thinkingtheywouldgainstatusandpower.Noearl
couldhavebeendeniedmembership,butlowerdownthehierarchytherewasmuchtoplayfor.Presumablythedecisionsweremadeintheperiodbetween15and19June.Threeindependentlistsofthetwenty-fiveareknown,onecopiedthriceoverfromacommonsourceatStAlbansabbey,onecopiedatReadingabbeyandonefoundina
volumeoflegaltextsalongwithacopyoftheCharteritself.26Inthesecopies,thefirstelevennames(asC.R.Cheneynoted)appearinthesameorder,sevenearlsfirst,andthenWilliamMarshaljunior,RobertfitzWalter,GilbertdeClare(eldestsonoftheearlofClare)andEustacedeVescy.27Perhapsatameetingofthetwenty-five,
theclerksalreadyhadalistofthefirsteleven,andthen,withthemembersmillingaround,jotteddownthenamesoftherestindifferentorders.Thetwenty-fiveseemtohavebeenchosenbythetimeofthetreatyoverLondonaround19June,foralthoughtheydonotappearinthattreatyinabody,all
thirteenofthenamedbaronsweremembers.Thetwenty-fivewere
hardlyarepresentativebaronialgroup.Thefirstandmoststrikingpointwasthattheyweremadeupentirelyofformerrebels.TherewasthusnocommongroundinsupportoftheCharter.Eightofthetwenty-fivecouldbedescribedasnortherners,but
themajorityhadtheirmaininterestsinEastAnglia,Essexandthehomecounties.OnlyJohnfitzRobertreallylinkedbothnorthandeast.OnlyWilliamMalet,lordofCurryMalettinSomerset,andaformersheriffofthecounty,wasaWestCountrybaron,despitethatregionbeingacentreofdiscontent.OnlyGeoffreyde
Mandeville,havinggainedGlamorganthroughhismarriage,heldamajorWelshlordship.OnlyWilliamofHuntingfieldrepresentedtenants-in-chiefwhoheldknights’feesratherthanbaronies,althoughthatwasprobablynotthereasonforhisinclusion.ThenorthernbaronsNicholasdeStuteville,PeterdeBrusandGilbertde
Gantdidnotfeatureinthegroup,yetroomwasfoundfortheeldestsonsofthreeearls,thefatherofonebeingtheloyalistWilliamMarshal.28
Despitetheseinadequacies,thetwenty-fiveshowedatoncethattheymeantbusiness.RobertfitzWalterretainedhistitleof‘marshalofthearmyofGod’and
probablyneitherhenorhiscolleagueseverdisarmed.Inonelistofthetwenty-five,eachmemberismaderesponsibleforraisingamilitaryforce.Theserangefromthe200knightspromisedbyGeoffreydeMandevilleandWilliamMarshaljuniordowntothetenknightsofWilliamMaletandsomeothers.Thetotal
givenwas1,083knights,aformidableforce.29
THEEXECUTIONANDENFORCEMENTOFTHE
CHARTERINTHELOCALITIES
Thebusinessoftakingtheoathtothetwenty-fivehadbegunatRunnymede,wherenofewerthanthirty-eightloyalistshadbeenobligedtoswearit.30Theswearinginof
thelocalitieswassetoffbyJohn’sletterof19Junesenttoallthesheriffs.Underitsterms,thesheriffsweretoobeytheordersofthetwenty-fivewhenitcametoarrangingthetakingoftheoath.Thesheriffswerealsoinformedthattwelveknights,electedatthenextcountycourt,weretoinvestigateandthenabolishthe‘evil
customs’ofthesheriffs‘asiscontainedinthecharter’.Thesheriffswerenot,however,actuallyinstructedtodoanythingabouttheelection.Indeed,theonlythingtheyweretoldtododirectlybytheking,apartfromobeythetwenty-five,wastoupholdboththeCharterandthepeace.Johncanhavehadlittleinterestindistributing
thisletter,anymorethanhehadaninterestindistributingtheCharter.Hecertainlywantedpeopletoknowtherewaspeace,andthathisCharter,graciouslyconceded,hadbroughtitabout.Buthemaywellhaveinformedthesheriffsoftheforthcomingpeaceandwarnedthemtokeepitinletterswitnessedalreadyon18June,ifthewrit
senttooneofhiscaptains,StephenHaringod,isanythingtogoby.31Beyondthat,theking’saimwassurelytoobstructratherthanacceleratethetakingoftheoathandtheinquirybytheknights.Whathappenedoverthe19
Juneletters,therefore,paralleledwhathappenedovertheCharters,whichis
whythedistributionlistdealtwithboth.Johndidnothavetheletterscarriedtothesheriffsbyroyalmessengersintheusualroutineway.Indeed,thatisimpliedinthelettersthemselves,whichtellthesheriffsnotthattheyarebeingsentthelettersbutthattheletterswillsimplyarriveintheir‘parts’.Withthisthebaronialleaderswerecontent.
Theywantedtheletterstobeaswellknownaspossible,notsenttosheriffs,whomightthenkeepquietaboutthem.Inthecaseoftheoneletterthatdidgodirecttoasheriff,John’saimwasprobablyjustthat,sincethesheriffinquestion,EngelarddeCigogné,wasmarkeddownfordismissalbytheCharter.32Fortherestofthe
letters,thedistributionlistshowsthattheywerereceivedforthemostpartbytrustyagentsofthebarons,orindeedbythebaronsthemselves.Thusthefirstletteronthelist,significantlyforYorkshire,wasreceivedbyPhilipfitzJohn.HewasatenantofWilliamdeMowbrayandthebeneficiaryofacharterthatJohnissued
on20JuneatRunnymede,whichwaswitnessedbymanyformerrebels,includingMowbrayhimself.33
Ofthefollowingletters,Worcester’swasreceivedbyitsbishop,thoseforSomersetandDorsetbyaclerkofthebishopofBath,London’sbythemayorandsheriffs,thoseforLeicestershireandWarwickshirebySaerde
Quincy,Northumberland’sbyEustacedeVescy,andthosefortwelvecounties,includingLincolnshire,byanotherclerk,HenrydeVere.Vere(likemanyrebels)hadbeenactiveinroyalservice,buthewasalsoabrotherofoneoftheleadingrebels,RobertdeVere,earlofOxford.NextonthelistarethelettersforOxfordshireand
Bedfordshire,whichwerereceivedbythebishopofLincoln.Sincethislast‘take’isdatedto24June,onemayassumetheotherletterswerereceivedbeforethatdate.ThatnoneoftherecipientstookawayChartersaswell,untilthebishopofLincolnonorafter24June,isanotherindicationthatengrossmentswereunavailable.The
remainingtwelveletters,alongwithhisfirstfourCharters,wereallreceivedbyElyasofDerehamonwhatmaypossiblyhavebeen27June.34Wheretheletterswerethensentbytheirimmediaterecipientswewilldiscussinduecourse.Havingextractedthe
letters,thebaronialleadershadnowtoenforcethetaking
oftheoath.Thiswastobesworneitherbeforetheminperson,orbeforethosewhomtheyappointed.John,ofcourse,musthavehopedthatthetwenty-fivewouldnevermakethiswork.‘Howtheytriedtodoso,wedonotknow.Itmaywellbethatthey,orgroupsamongthem,sentletterstothesheriffsgivingtheminstructions,just
aslatertheysentlettersenforcingtheirjudgements.Theymayalsohaveworkedthroughofficialstheythemselvesappointed.’WhatIhaveplacedherebetweeninvertedcommascomesfromthefirstdraftofthisbook!SincethenasuperbdiscoverybyNicholasVincenthasturnedspeculationintofact,andinadetailIhadnot
imagined.InacartularyofStAugustine’sabbey,Canterbury,preservedintheLambethPalaceLibrary,Vincenthasfoundacopyoftheveryletterimplementingthetakingoftheoath.35Thisisinafourteenth-centuryhand,andcomesbetweenacopyofthe1215Charterandaroyalletter(discussedbelow)of27June.Although
thecopyhassomeobviousmistakes,theletteritselfisclearlygenuine.AddressedtothesheriffofKentandtheotherroyalministersinthecounty,itwaswritteninthenamesofRobertfitzWalter,‘marshalofthearmyofGodandthechurch’,andtheearlsofClare,EssexandGloucester,NorfolkandWinchester,and‘theirother
colleaguestowhomthecommonoathoughttobeswornthroughoutEngland’.Thesheriffwasinformedthathewasbeingsentfourknights(theirnamesaregiven),whowerealsothebearersoftheletter.Theknightsweretoreceiveonbehalfofthefourearlsandtheircolleaguestheoathsduetobeswornaccordingtothe
king’sletters(evidentlythoseof19June).Thesheriffwastoseethiswasdoneonthedayandattheplacethefourknightsassignedhim.Theletterconcludedbysayingthatthefourknightswerealsotobepresentwhenthetwelveknightswereelectedinthecountycourttoinquireintotheevilcustomsas‘containedinthecharterof
thelordking’.ThisofcoursereferredtotheinquirycommissionedbytheCharter’schapter48,theletterof19Junehavingstipulatedthatthetwelveknightsweretobeelectedatthenextmeetingofthecountycourt.Theletterwasthusissued
inthenamesoffitzWalter,RicharddeClare,Geoffreyde
Mandeville,RogerBigodandSaerdeQuincy.(EvidentlyMandevillewasnowstylinghimselfbothearlofEssexandearlofGloucester,titlesJohnhaddeniedhim.)The‘colleagues’–‘socii’–referredtowereclearlytherestofthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause.Althoughtheletterisaddressedtotheking’s
officialsinKent,wecanbeconfidentthatsimilarmissives,settingupfourknights,wenttotheothercounties.IntheStAugustine’scopy,theletterisundatedbutwasprobablydrawnuparound19June,inparallelwiththeking’sownletter.Aswehaveseen,allthefivenamedbaronsappearinthesameorderinthetreaty
overLondon,whichcanbeindependentlydatedtoshortlybeforethepeaceon19June.Eachgroupoffourknights
hadthusbeenassignedmajortasks,andtherewereprobablyotherduties.Theletterofthefourearlsandtheircolleaguesdidnotsaytheknightswouldbebringingtheking’slettersof19June,
letalonetheCharteritself,butitwas,onemaysuspect,tothesegroupsofknightsthatthe19JunelettersweresentbyElyasofDerehamandtheotherrecipientsnamedonthedistributionlist.When,therefore,thesheriffsweretoldthattheletterswouldbearrivingintheirareas,itwastheknightswhobroughtthem.Likewiseitwasthe
knights,oncetheengrossmentsoftheCharterhadreachedthecathedrals,whotookthemonthetoursmentionedbyCoggeshallandensuredthattheywere‘publiclyread’andmadeknowntothesheriffsinthewaydescribedinthe19Juneletter.Insomecounties,ofcourse,wheretheking’ssheriffsstillhadpower,the
knightshadadifficulttask.Inothers,subjecttobaronialsheriffs,theywerepushingatanopendoor.Aheavyburden,therefore,
restedoneachgroupoffourknights,buttheycouldshoulderit.Assumingtheywereappointedinallthecounties,theremusthavebeenapproaching150ofthem.Allpresumablywere
presentatRunnymede,andinvolvedintherebellion.Indeed,on22June,oneoftheKentishknights,WilliamofEynsford,recoveredawardshipofwhichhehadbeendeprivedduringthewar.36TheKentishfourwereEynsford,WilliamdeRos,ThomasdeCanvilleandRichardofGraveney.AllhadmajorholdingsinKent,as
wellaslandsinothercounties.AllsaveCanvilleweretenantsofthearchbishopofCanterbury,andcloselyassociatedwithLangton.37TheywouldcertainlyhavehadaccesstotheengrossmentoftheChartersenttoCanterburycathedral.AllfourhaddirectexperienceofJohn’slordship,thethreeCanterburytenants
whenJohnheldthearchbishopricduringtheInterdict,andCanvilleasatenantofthehonourofBoulogne,oneofthehonourswhich,astheCharterindicated,wasinthehandsoftheking.JohnwasabletopressurizeallfourtojoinhisIrishexpeditionof1210,lendingthemmoney,ashedidotherknights,tokeep
themgoing.38RichardofGraveney(nearFaversham)appearedonmanygrand-assizejuriesinJohn’sreign,althoughthesewereactuallyforadjoiningSurrey,whereheheldTootingGraveneyfromtheabbotofChertsey.ThomasdeCanvilleheldatWesterhaminKentandFobbinginEssex,anddoesappearasaKentishgrand-
assizeknight.39WilliamofEynsfordandWilliamdeRos,whoheadthelist,werehigherinstatus,toohightoappearonjuries.Ros,lordofLullingstoneinKent,wouldhavebeenatenant-in-chiefhadnotJohnconcededhisoverlordshiptoArchbishopHubertWalter,Langton’spredecessoratCanterbury.40
AtEynsford,inKent’sDarent
valley,notfarfromLullingstone,Williamboastedasubstantialcastle.Hewasclearlyaswealthyasamajorbaronandin1212hadofferedJohn1,200marksforawardship.41Hisancestor’sexcommunicationbyBecket,inadisputeovertheadvowsonofEynsfordchurch,hadbeenoneoftheearlyingredientsinthe
quarrelwithHenryII.42AllfourknightsrebelledafterthefailureoftheCharter,WilliamofEynsfordbeingpartofthegarrisonatRochestercastle.43
TheKentishfourwerefarfromacompletelyhomogeneousgroup.TherewerebigdifferencesinwealthbetweenWilliamofEynsford,atthetopofthe
list,andRichardofGraveneyatthebottom.Yetallmusthavetakenindependentdecisionsin1215,andwerefarfrombeingcontrolledbytheirlords.ThomasdeCanville’slordwastheking.LangtonbelievedintheCharter,butdidnotcondonetherebellion.Inothercounties,someineachgroupoffourknightswouldsurely
havebeentenantsofthebaronialleaders,althoughthatdidnotmeantheylackedanindependentvoice.Thefourknightswouldhavebeenverywillingagentswhenitcametotheworkassignedtheminimplementingtheoath.Thatthetwenty-fivebaronswereable,throughoutEngland,toappointmenofsuchlocalstatureshowsthe
poweroftheirpositionandwhatJohnwasupagainst.Apartfromreceivingthe
oath,thefourknightsineachcountywerealsotopresideovertheelectionofthetwelveknightsempoweredtoabolishabuses.Accordingtotheletterof19June,theelectionsweretotakeplaceatthenextcountycourtafterthereceiptofthelettersinthe
sheriff’sarea.44Thesheriffwasinformedofthisbutgivennospecificfunction,although,ashepresidedatthecountycourt,hemightcertainlyhaveassumedone.Itwasthustoguardagainsthisinterference,andalsotomonitorthewholeprocess,thattheelectionwastotakeplaceinthepresenceofthefourknights.Theexpectation
wasprobablythatthefourwouldthemselvesbeamongthetwelve,justasthefourknightlyelectorsusuallyfeaturedinthepanelsoftwelveknightswhichtheyelectedtoheargrandassizes.Sincethecountycourtmetonceamonth,alltheelections,evenallowingforthehaltingdistributionofthe
letters,couldhavetakenplaceattheJulysessions.Havingarrangedforeach
groupoffourknightstoreceivetheoathandpresideovertheelectionofthetwelveknights,thetwenty-fivedidnotleaveitthere.Instead,on27June,whenthekingwasatOdiham,theyforcedJohntoissueanotherletterabouttheoath.Itwasan
amazingmissivebecauseitshowedthatthetwelveknightswerenowintendedtobecomeaparallelexecutiveinthecounties,alongsideandunderminingthesheriffs.Thiswaslaidbareattheverystartoftheletter,whichwasaddressedtothesheriffand‘thetwelveknightselected’ineachcountyto‘abolishtheevilcustoms’ofthesheriff!
Johnnoworderedthesheriffandthetwelvetoseizethelandsandchattelsofthosewhorefusedtotaketheoathtothetwenty-five.Iftheystilldidnotswearwithinfifteendays,theirchattelsweretobesoldinaidoftheHolyLand,andtheirlandsweretoberetainedinthehandsoftheking.GiventhelikelyreluctanceofJohn’ssheriffs
todoanysuchthing,onecanquiteseewhytheorderwenttotheknightsaswell.Theynowhadthepowertobypassthesheriffandtherighttoattacktheirenemies.TheorderthusthreatenedtoaccelerateJohn’slossoflocalcontrol.Italsoshowedhehadlostcontrolatthecentre,fortheinjunctionswere‘providedbyjudgementof
thearchbishopofCanterburyandthebaronsofourkingdom’,sonotbythekingatall.Painsweretakentoensurethattheletterreachedawideaudience,withthatforHampshireandperhapsforothercountiesbeingtranslatedintoFrench.45
Indefaultoffurtherdiscoveries,wehavenodetailedknowledgeofhow
andhowfartheoathwastaken.Thebaroniallettersimplysaidthatitwastobeswornbeforeeachgroupoffourknightsatthetimeandplacetheyassignedthesheriff.Thisgavetheknightsconsiderableleeway,anddidnotpinthemdowntothenextmeetingofthecountycourt,whichwasthevenuestipulatedfortheelectionof
thetwelve.Perhapsspecialmeetingsofthecountyandhundredcourtswereenvisaged.Thatsomethingdidhappenisclearfromthechroniclers.TheCrowlandchroniclersaysthat‘anoathwasswornbyeveryonethattheyshouldobserve[theCharter]attheking’sorder’.RalphofCoggeshallwroteofa‘generaloath’beingmade
‘byeveryone,bothknightsandfreemen,throughallthecountiesofEngland’.BothCoggeshallandWendoverrecognizedthattheoathinvolvedthecoercionoftheking.Allthreechroniclersknewofthe19Juneletterthatsettheprocessinmotion.46
Anotheraspectoftheworkofthetwenty-fivewastodeal
withcomplaintsaboutbreachesoftheCharterandotherabuses,withthosecomplaininghavingtobringtheircasesbeforefourmembersofthetwenty-five.Clearlyforthistoworkknowledgeofthemembershipwasvital.Intheevent,theMagnaCartasettlementcollapsedbeforetheschemecouldbeputto
anykindoftest.Thetwenty-five’sregionalimbalancewouldneverhavehelpedtheprocess.Hadtherebeenarealwilltoopenupredresstolowersectionsofsociety,quitedifferentproceduresmighthavebeenadopted.47
Butatleasttheswearingoftheoathtothetwenty-fivemusthavemadetheirnamesknown.Perhapsindeedthe
groupsoffourknightsreadoutthenamesattheswearingceremonies.Theprincipalworkofthe
twelveknights,aslaiddowninthesecurityclause,wastoinvestigateandabolish,withinfortydays,themalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials,althoughJohnorhisjusticiarwastobeinformedofwhatwas
proposedfirst.Thattheknights,officiallyornot,gotgoingverysoonafterRunnymedeisshownbyaremarkableletterissuedbyArchbishopLangtonandthebishops,probablyinthesecondhalfofJuly.Theletterstatedthat,inthenegotiationsoverthechapter(48)commissioningtheworkofthetwelveknights,bothsides
hadunderstoodthatthecustomsnecessaryfortherunningoftheroyalforestshouldremaininplace.48HadsomeeffortbeenmadetoinformJohnofwhattheknightswereproposing,astheCharterlaiddown?Probablynot.Rather,Johnwashearingfromhislocalagentswhatwasgoingon.Theexclusivefocusonthe
royalforestinLangton’sletterisnotsurprising.Otherabuses,suchasexactionsatlocalcourts,couldberesistedcertainlybutcouldonlyreallybeabolishedbyfuturelegislation,asindeedhappenedintheCharterof1217.Theroyalforestwasdifferent.HeretheknightscouldtakedirectactionbysimplydeclaringHenryII’s
afforestationsinvalid,andthusallowingeveryonetocutthetreesandhunttheanimalswithinthem.TheCrowlandchroniclergivesavividpictureofthemagnates,especiallyinthenorth,careeringthroughtheland,sellingtheking’swoodsandkillinghisbeasts,aswellaspillaginghishousesandmanors.Thiswaspartofa
moregeneralbreakdown.AfterMagnaCarta,theCrowlandchroniclertoldhowJohnsenthissheriffsthroughtheprovincestoprovideforpeace‘intheaccustomedmanner’and‘procurewhatwasduetothefisc’.Intheareascontrolledbythebarons,however,thesheriffswereeitherseizedordrivenout.InNorfolkandSuffolk,
thecountiescontinuedtoberunbytherebelpairRogerdeCressyandWilliamfitzRoscelin.49
John’shopeswhenheagreedtheCharterhadbeenutterlydashed.Ithadnotbeenleftasavagueand,intermsofitsdetails,alittle-knownsymbolofhisbenevolence.InsteadtheCharterwasbeingpreserved
incathedrals,paradedthroughthecounties,copiedfromunofficialdrafts,andvigorouslyandperverselyenforced.Theking’sofficials,insteadofrecoveringtheirauthority,werebeingabusedanddefied.AndthiswasnotallthatJohnhadtostomach.
THEPROCESSOFRESTORATION
UnderthetermsoftheCharter,thekingwasobligedtorestoreimmediatelythelands,castles,libertiesandrightsthathehadtakenfrompeople‘withoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeers’.Anydisputewastobedecidedbyjudgementofthetwenty-fivebarons.Thesewerenoidlewords.Inthetendaysfrom19June,Johnwas
forcedtomakesomefiftyactsofrestoration,twelveofthetwenty-fivebaronsbeingamongthebeneficiaries.50
Saveinthefewcaseswherehewassimplyrestoringwhathehadseizedduringthewar,Johnwashereredressinghisownarbitrarydisseisins,orwhatwereallegedtobearbitrarydisseisins.Sometimeshe
openlyconfessedasmuch.On19Juneitself,heacknowledgedthathehaddisseisedtheearlofHerefordofhisTrowbridgelandsunjustly,andheinstructedtheearlofSalisbury,underthetermsoftheCharter,torestorethem.51TendayslaterheadmittedthatClemencia,wifeofHenrydeBraibeuf,hadbeendisseisedofher
dower(inHeadington,adjoiningOxford)‘byourorderwithoutjudgement’.52
Likewise,on24June,herestoredthesonofEarlDavidtoGodmanchester,ofwhichhehadbeendisseised‘byourwillandwithoutjudgement’.Threedaysbefore,EarlDavidhimselfhadbeenrestoredto‘his’castleofFotheringhay,seizedaftertheplotof1212.53
Twooftheringleadersofthe1212plotandthe1215rebellionlikewisesecuredredress.RobertfitzWalterrecovered‘ashisright’Hertfordcastle.54EustacedeVescyregainedtheprivilegeofrunninghisdogsintheforestofNorthumberland‘asheoughttohavethisandisaccustomed’.55
Amongothermembersofthetwenty-five,WilliamdeLanvalleirecoveredhis‘right’inthemanorofKingstoninSomerset;RicharddeMunfichethis‘right’tobecustodianoftheEssexforest;GeoffreydeSaythewardshipoftheheirofoneofhistenants;andEarlRicharddeClarethevillofBuckingham,thisthe
marriageportionofhisdaughter,widowedwhenJohnstarvedtodeathherhusband,WilliamdeBriouzejunior.Anotherleadingrebel,RobertdeBrus,recoveredhisfairatHartlepoolasconcededinJohn’schartertohisfather.InsomecasesitwasnotsomuchthatJohnhaddisseisedindividualsasthathehadrefusedtoacknowledge
rights,orallegedrights,inthefirstplace.Twoimportantconcessionscameverymuchintothatcategory.RobertdeVerewasatlastrecognizedasearlofOxfordandconcededtheearl’sthirdpennyofthecounty,whileSaerdeQuincy,earlofWinchester,gainedthecastleofMountsorrelthathehadclaimedvainlysince1204as
hiswife’sinheritance.Asthedambegantobreak,
andthewatersofredresspouredoverhim,Johnmadedesperateeffortstopatchtheleaksandstemtheflood.Onetactic,employedagainstEustacedeVescyandGilbertdeGant,wastoorderrestoration‘if’whatwassaidwastrue,whichleftitopentotherecipientofthewrit(the
sherifforcurrentholder)tosaythatitwasn’ttrue.Thisdidnotalwayswork.HavingtoldthesheriffofOxfordshiretorestoreWilliamfitzEllis,‘if’hehadbeendisseisedunjustly,JohnnextdaysubstitutedanorderthatsimplygaveWilliampossessionasithadbeen‘adjudged’.56Inamuchmoreimportantcase,John’sefforts
weresimilarlyinvain.HeaskedforadelayinreturningtotheearlofHerefordthehonourofTrowbridge.Theearlacceptedashortpostponementforthereturnofthecastlebutnoneatallforthelands.JohnhadthustowritetotheearlofSalisburytellinghimtoputHerefordinpossession‘withoutdelay’.Thatthisletterwasissuedon
19June,andexplainedthattheimmediaterestorationoflands,castlesandrightstakenbytheking‘unjustlyandwithoutjudgement’wasaconditionofthepeace,showsthepressureJohnwasunder.57ThekingwassimilarlyunsuccessfulintryingtoresistsomeofthedemandsofGeoffreydeMandeville.Hereheordered
alocalinquiryintorightsthatGeoffreyclaimedonlythentocancelitandsimplytoconcedetherightsastheyhadbeenheldbyGeoffrey’sfather-in-law.58JohnresistedmoresuccessfullyinthecaseofGeoffrey’sclaimtotheTowerofLondon,althoughthewonderisthathehadtoresistatall.Afterall,theclaimpresumablywentback
tochartersthattheMandevilleshadobtainedduringKingStephen’sreign,anditwasnotJohnbutHenryIIwho,inthefirstinstance,hadignoredthem.Thiswassurelyacasethatshould,undertheCharter,havewaiteduntilJohnreturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade.Geoffreynonethelessputitonthe
agendaandwhentheTowerwasentrusted,underthetreatyoverLondonmadeatRunnymede,toArchbishopLangton,itwas‘savingtoanyonehisrightinthecustody’.59JohnlikewisestrovetofendoffWilliamdeMowbray’sclaimtoholdinhereditaryrightbothYorkcastleandtheYorkshireforest.Thistoohadbeen
deniedinthefirstinstancenotbyJohnbutbyhispredecessors.Yeton19June,JohnwasforcedtoentrustYorkcastletoMowbrayuntil‘wehaveinquiredwhetherthecastlebelongstohiminhereditaryrightornot’.WhenMowbrayfollowedthisupbysayingthataninquiryhadalreadybeenheld,Johnexpressedastonishment,and
orderedthesheriffofYorkshiretodiscoverwhenithadbeenheldandonwhoseauthority.Evidentlyhethought,probablyrightly,thatMowbrayhadsimplystagedaninquiryofhisown.60
Thereisnosignthatjudgementsofthetwenty-fiveplayedaformalpartintheserestorations,oratleastnonearementionedinthe
implementingwrits.ThejudgementreferredtoinconnectionwithWilliamfitzElliswasprobablyoneinanearlierlawsuit.61Weknowthatthetwenty-fivedidissuetheirownwrits,announcingtheirjudgements,buttheonlyexamplecomesfrommuchlater,andafterrelationswithJohnhadcompletelybrokendown.62Probably,atthis
stage,theemphasiswasongettingJohntoconfessandimmediatelyreversehisdisseisins.Morecontentiousissueswerepostponedtoanothercouncil,whichwasscheduledtomeetatOxfordon16July.Whenagreementwasreachedoverthismeeting,proceedingsatRunnymedecametoanend,andthebaronsreturnedto
London.63Thedateof16Julywaswellbeforethe15AugustdeadlineintheLondontreaty,whenitwouldbejudgedwhetherJohnhadcompliedwiththesettlementandcouldrecoverLondonfromthebaronsandtheTowerfromArchbishopLangton.Onetailpiece.Therewas
justoneunmarriedwoman(a
widow)whowasabletoprofitfromtherestorationsatRunnymede.ThiswasMatildadeCourtenay.On19JuneitselfshesecuredawritreturningherdowerinWaddesdon,Buckinghamshire.MatildahadlostherdowerandotherlandsinEnglandasaresultoftakingtheFrenchallegiancein1204.Seekingtheir
recovery,inNovember1213sheobtainedasafeconduct,atthepetitionofthepapallegate,tocometoEnglandtospeakwithKingJohn.TheremaywellhavebeenothernoblewomenatRunnymede,butMatildaistheonlyoneforwhomwehavesomeevidence.64
THEOXFORDCOUNCIL,16–23JULY
ForthemomentJohnwasstillable,withhis‘ifs’andinquiries,tofashionalittlewriggleroomwhenfacedwithallthedemandsforredress.Nonetheless,inthegreatwaveofrestorationsafterthepeaceon19June,hemusthavefelthewasneartodrowning.
Inthesecircumstances,thewonderisthatJohnwentalongwiththeCharterforaslongashedid.Butthereremainedpowerfulreasonsforatleastgivingitatry.ThebaronsremainedinarmsandheldLondonfast.InaletterwritteninlateJune,RobertfitzWalter,stillstylinghimself‘marshalofthearmyofGod’,remindedanother
memberofthetwenty-five,Williamd’Aubigné,LordofBelvoir,ofhowvitalwaspossessionofthecity,‘ourrefuge’,andhowdisastrouswouldbeitslosstotheking.Accordingly,atournament,plannedforStamfordinLincolnshire,wasnowtobeheldnearLondon,andthered’Aubignéwassummonedtocomewithhorsesandarms.
Theprizewouldbeabeargivenby‘acertainlady’.Johnalsofacedthedestructionofhisordinaryrevenuesasthebaronsandknightssweptthroughthecounties,pinningtheking’smenbacktotheircastles.AttheOxfordcouncilitself,stillstrugglingtopaythe1,100marksheowedtheTemplars,Johntoldtheexchequerto
givethemthemoneyininstalments,‘greatorsmall’,asitcamein.65Evidentlytheexchequerhadnoreservesofcash.Norinrealitywasanymoneycomingin,asJohnwellknew,judgingfromthedearthofordersevenofthiskind.Indeed,wherewastheexchequer?SomeofitsrollsremainedinLondon,wherenextyeartheyfellintothe
handsofPrinceLouis.OtherrollsweremovedtoReadingabbeyandthentoOdiham.66
John,therefore,stillclungtohispolicy,hopingthattheCharterwouldbringarestorationofpeaceandorder.Hewasalsodevelopinganexcellentpubliclinetojustifyhisconductanddamnthatofhisopponents.Hewasdoingall
hecouldtoobservethetermsofthepeace,byfulfillingeverythingthatwasaskedofhim.Yethisenemiesweredoingnothingtofulfiltheirsideofthebargain,andweredoinghiminjuryeverywhere.ThatthisargumentisrecitedintheCrowlandchronicleshowsJohn’ssuccessingettingitacross.67
HavingleftWindsoron26June,JohnwentfirsttoWinchesterandthentohiscastlesatMarlborough,DevizesandCorfe.HeleftCorfeon13July.HewouldgototheOxfordcouncilduetostarton16Julyandmakethebestofit.On15July,realizinghewouldbelate,thekingstoppedontheroadbetweenNewburyand
Abingdon,wrotetoArchbishopLangtonandthe‘baronsofEngland’explainingthedelay,andgavethemthenamesofanimpressivedelegationwhowerecomingonahead.68Infact,JohndidreachtheOxfordareaon16July,butdecidedtospendthenightatWoodstock.HearrivedatOxfordnextday.Hewasto
staythereuntil23July.TheOxfordcouncilisof
greatimportance,somethingfirstgraspedbyH.G.Richardson,howevermuchhewaswrongaboutcertaindetails.69ItwasthelasttimethatJohnmetthebaronsfacetofacebeforetherenewalofthecivilwar,forherefusedtoattendanylatergatherings.In1218theexchequercouldstill
dateeventsbyreferenceto‘whenthecouncilwasatOxford’.70Johncametoitdeterminedtogethisdue.Theenvoyssentaheadon15Julyweretoreceivewhatwasduetohimaswellastogivewhatwasowed.71WhatJohnfelthewasowedisveryclear:alayingdownofarmsandarestorationofordersothatthesheriffscouldonce
againmaintainpeaceandcollectrevenue.HealsoexpectedtohavewhatwasduefromLondon.Hecouldnothopetorecoverthecityitselffromthebaronsbefore15August,butmeanwhile,asthetreatysaid,heshouldreceivehisduefarmsanddebts.Hehadreceivednotapenny.AtOxforditself,Johnacknowledged,inaletterto
thekingofFrance,thattheLondonerswerelikelytodisobeyhisorders.Afewdayslater,whenhetriedtoarrangeforadebttobepaidfrommoneyowedbythecity,heacceptedthatthemayormightnot‘wish’toobeyhim.72Whatasituationforakingtobein!Thebaronswereequally
clearwhattheywantedfrom
theking.Heshouldnowsettlealltheclaimsdelayedbecausetheywerecontentious,themostspectacularbeingGeoffreydeMandeville’sclaimtotheTowerofLondon,andWilliamdeMowbray’stoYorkcastleandtheYorkshireforest.Therewasalsothequestionoftheunjustfinesandamercementswhich,
underchapter55oftheCharter,wereeithertobeforgivenbyJohnoradjudgedbythetwenty-fiveand(ifhecouldbethere)ArchbishopLangton.Thekinghadpromisedasearlyas10Maythattwoofthesefines–theonesmadebyGeoffreydeMandevilleandGilesdeBriouze,bishopofHereford–shouldbereferredtothe
judgementofhiscourt.73AndthentherewasthefineofNicholasdeStutevillewhich,becauseitwasunpaid,allowedJohntoretainhiscastleofKnaresborough.Thekinghadcertainlymademanyrestorationsofland,buthehaddonenothingabouttheseoranyotherfines,presumablybecausehearguedthattheywerenot
unjust.Itwas,ofcourse,perfectlypossibleforthetwenty-fivetopressaheadandgivejudgementsoftheirownonthesematters,asindeedtheydidlater.TherewasnothingintheCharterwhichsaidthatJohnhadtobeinvolved.YetclearlythosejudgementswouldhavefarmoreweightifJohnacceptedthem,andannouncedthemin
parallelletters.Indeed,unlesstheexchequerstartedtoobeythetwenty-five,itwasonlylettersofJohnthatcouldgetfinesremovedfromthepiperolls.AttheOxfordcouncilJohn
madesomelastconcessions.Thus,on22July,ElyasofDerehamobtainedsixengrossmentsofMagnaCartafromthechancery.If,as
seemslikely,Elyasdistributedthesetothebishops,hehadaneasytasksinceasmanyaseightofthem(includingArchbishopLangton)werepresentatthecouncil.Itwasalsoduringthecouncilthat,inaccordancewiththetermsoftheCharter,thekingmovedPeterdeChanceauxfromBristolandAndrewdeChanceauxfrom
thecountyandcastleofHereford.74ItmayalsohavebeenfollowingadecisionatthecouncilthatJohn,afewdayslater,gavethecastleofColchestertooneofthetwenty-five,WilliamdeLanvallei,Williamclaimingitinhereditaryright.75Thiswasthelastsignificantrestorationthekingwastomake.
Atthesametime,Johngainedsomesuccessesofhisown.WithLlywelynandtheotherWelshrulersbeinggivensafeconductsthroughLangtontocometocourt,thekingseemstohavepushedbackontotheagendaLlywelyn’s1211charterofsubmission,althoughthishadbeenremovedfromconsiderationatRunnymede.
Atanyrate,itwasprobablyattheOxfordcouncilthatLangtonandagroupofloyalistmagnatesissuedalettertestifyingtoitsterms.76
ItwasprobablyalsoatOxfordthatJohnpersuadedLangtonandthebishopstomaketwoimportantdeclarations.Inone,thatalreadyreferredto,theyexplainedhowthetermsof
theinquirybytheknightsshouldbeunderstood.77Intheother,theyaffirmedthatintheirhearing,whenthepeacewasmade,thebaronshadpromisedtogivewhateversecuritythekingwishedforitskeeping,saveforthesurrenderofcastlesandhostages.Thedeclarationthenexplainedhowthebaronshadrenegedontheir
undertaking,for,whenJohndemandedcharters,guaranteeingtheirfaithfulservice,theyrefusedtogivethem.Theking’sdemandhadbeenacrucialtestofbaronialloyalty,andonetheyhadfailed.Thisdidnotquiteamounttoadeclarationofwar,butitcameclosetoit.Notsurprisingly,during
thecouncilthetwosides
seemedtotallyapart.GonewasthatmomentatRunnymedewhenJohnfeastedwiththebaronialleadersandallowedthemtoattestaroyalcharteralongsideloyalistmagnatesandministers.ThekingissuednofewerthansixchartersatOxford.Thelongwitnesslistsfeaturedthenameofnotasingleformer
rebel.78AnanecdotepreservedbytheAnonymousofBéthunewhichalmostcertainlybelongstothistimeaddsvividlytothepicture.Onedaythetwenty-fivebaronscametotheking’scourttomakeajudgement.Thekingwasillinbed,withhisfeetsopainfulthathewasunabletowalk,presumablyduetogout.Heaskedthe
twenty-fivetocometohiminhischamber.Theyrefused.Itwould,theysaid,beagainsttheirrights.SoJohnwascarriedtothetwenty-five,whorefusedtorisetogreethim.TheAnonymousobservedthatsuchexamplesofprideandoutrageousbehaviourwerefrequent.79
Theyshowedalltooclearlythatthetwenty-fiveregarded
theirstatusasquiteequaltotheking’s,asdidtheoathtakentoobeythembythecommuneoftheland,andtherefusaltogiveJohnchartersoffaithfulservice.John’sownmercenaries,accordingtoMatthewParis,declaredthatitwasthetwenty-fivewhowerenowthekingofEngland.ThatmusthavebeenhowJohnfelt.
Johnremainedequallyalarmedaboutwhatwasgoingoninthelocalities.On23July,attheendofthecouncil,hesentafuriouslettertotheearls,barons,knights,freetenantsandeveryoneelseinYorkshire.‘Astheylovedthemselvesandalltheyhad’,theyweretoreturnthelandsandcastlesthattheyhadseizedduring
and‘afterthewar’.Theyweretodothisbythe15Augustdeadlinecontainedinthe‘reformationofpeace’.Theywerealsotoreturnthechattelsandprisonerslikewiseseized‘afterthepeace’.Evidentlytherehadbeennopeace.80
TheanecdoteoftheAnonymousofBéthuneshowsthetwenty-fiveat
work,althoughatworkstillintheking’scourtandinhispresence.PerhapsJohn’sperfunctoryorderrestoringWilliamdeLanvalleitoColchesterwasagrudgingfulfilmentofajudgementbythetwenty-five.Butiftherewereotherjudgements,thetwenty-fivehadtogoitalone,forthereisnosignofJohnimplementingthem.Nothing
seemstohavebeendoneaboutthefines,anditwasnotuntilSeptemberthatthetwenty-fiveissuedtheirjudgementreturningKnaresboroughcastletoNicholasdeStuteville.81ItwasnotjustJohnwhowasangry.AccordingtotheMelrosechronicler,hisopponents,feelingthathehadviolatedthearticlesofthe
peace,lefttheOxfordcouncil‘withgreatrancour’.82
THEABANDONMENTOFTHECHARTER
ItwasJohn,however,whodrewtheconclusions.InhislettertothoseinYorkshire,hestillindicatedhewastryingforpeace.‘Wedonotwish,’hesaid,‘thatbythedetentionofanyofthe
foresaidthingsagainsttheformofthepeace,thatthepeaceinanythingshouldbedisturbedorviolated.’83Butthiswasmerelyacoverforhisrealintentions.TheeventsattheOxford
councilhadmadeupJohn’smind.HedecidedtoaskthepopetoquashtheCharter.Thepapalletterdoingjustthatwasissuedon24
August.84ThefitwiththeendoftheOxfordcouncilon23Julyistightbutexact.ThemessengershadtotravelfromOxfordandreachAnagni,someforty-fourmilessouth-eastofRome,wheretheletterwasissued.FromOxfordtoAnagniis1,250miles.Supposingthemessengerslefton24July,andarrivedon22August,thusallowinga
dayorsoforPopeInnocent’sresponse,theywouldhaveaveragedforty-twomilesaday,oralittlemoreifonedaywastakenupbytheChannelcrossing.Thereisnothingimpossibleaboutthat,giventhesupremeurgencyofthejourney.Innocent’sdecisionwouldhavebeenimmediate,andhecoulddraw,forthe
phraseologyofhisletter,onhispreviousmissives.85Inanycase,themessengersmaywellhaveleftbeforetheendofthecouncil.Theking’sfuriouslettertotheYorkshiremenon23JulywasthusineffectafarewelltotheCharter.John’sdecisionwas
momentous,andmusthavebeentakenafterdeep
discussionswithhisleadingcounsellors–withPeterdesRoches,HubertdeBurgh,andtheearlsofPembroke,ChesterandDerby,whowereallatOxford.Thesemenmetintheking’schamber,sittingonhisbed,ashelaytheretorturedbyhisgoutyfeet.Thediscussionswere,ofcourse,deeplyprivatebecausethelastthingJohn
wantedwastolethisenemiesknowwhatwasonhismind.TheAnonymoussaystheenvoysweresent‘mostsecretly’.86John’spublicpositionremainedthesame:hewasdoingwhatwasrequiredofhimunderthepeace;itwastheoppositionwhoweretheviolators.ForJohn,abandoningthe
Charterwasahigh-risk
course.Itmeantfightingawar,whichhemightlose,giventhathisopponentswereboundtocallinaidfromFrance.ButJohn’sacceptanceoftheCharterhadalwaysbeenpositedontwothings.Thefirstwasthat,whatevertheChartersaid,thetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclausewouldnotdevelopintosomeparallel
powerintheland,challengingroyalauthorityinanimpossiblefashion.ThesecondwasthattheCharterwouldleadtopeaceandtherestorationofroyalgovernmentintheshires.Whenneitherofthesepremisesprovedcorrect,JohndecidedtoabandontheCharter.Didsomeofthebaronialleadersrealizethat
thingswereheadingtowardsasmash,andthatastopneededtobeputtothelocalanarchyandthearroganceofthetwenty-five?Thenperhapsbothsides,inaplethoraofcomplaintsandinquiries,couldhavetussledoverwhattheChartermeantundertheumbrellaofitspeace.Somethingalongthoselineshappened,whenitcame
toimplementingtheForestCharter,duringtheminorityofHenryIII.Johnmighthavebeenwillingforawhileatleasttogodownsuchapath.Butthepent-upfeelinginthelocalities,andtheangerandsuspicionofthebaronialleaders,blockedoffthatpossibility.Iftherewerevoicesofcaution,theyfellondeafears.
AlthoughitwastheeventsattheOxfordcouncilthatpersuadedJohntoabandontheCharter,hewasnotunprepared.Forsometime,hehadbeenbuildingupfunds.On6July,whenatDevizes,hereceived9,900marks,containedinsixty-sixsacks,fromthetreasuryatCorfecastle.Twodaysbefore,thekinghadtakena
greatmassoftreasure(simplyinweightofsilveritwasaround440marks)outofthetoweratMarlboroughandhaditcarriedtohischamber.87Thiswaspartofamoregeneralpolicyofcallinginhissilverandjewels,depositedatreligioushousesaroundthecountry.On24Juneletterswentouttosixteenofthemtothateffect.
Theresultwasthatinthenextfewweeks,ashispositioninthecountrydeteriorated,Johnbecamesurroundedbyafantasticaccumulationofsilvercups,jugs,basins,dishes,candelabras,staffsandbelts,manyofthemencrustedwithpearlsandjewels.88
While,moreover,JohnhadremovedtheAthéeclanfromsomeofthecastlesand
counties,hestillretainedtheminhisservice.Indeed,on2July,JohnorderedGeoffreydeMartigny,havingvacatedNorthamptoncastle,tojoinhimwithalltheknightsandserjeantsfromthegarrison.89
AftertheOxfordcouncil,John’snewdirectionwasrevealednotbyhiswordsbutbyhisactions.Heneveragain
mettheassembledbarons.InlateJulyandearlyAugust,hemadeaquickvisittotheWelshmarchesandthenheadedfortheChannelcoast.From9August,allthewaythroughuntil9October,hehardlymovedfromthere,spendinghistimeatWareham,Sandwich,DoverandCanterbury.Hisaimwastosecuretheports,and
arrangefortheimportofforeignmercenaries.On12August,withafairpromisetothedukeofBrittanyofrestoringhislandsinEngland,Johnaskedhimtocomewithasmanyknightsashecouldmuster.On28August,thekingwasarrangingforaloanof1,000markstopaythewagesofthe
knightscomingtoEngland.90
Hewaspreparingforwar.ArchbishopLangton,
however,wasstillmakingvalianteffortstosavethepeace.UndertheLondontreaty,Johnhaduntil15AugusttoimplementtheCharterandthusrecoverthecityfromthebaronsandtheTowerfromthearchbishop.Naturally,therewasno
questionofsucharecoverynow,butLangtonstillstrovetobringthesidestogether.HeandhisfellowbishopsmetatOxfordon16August,hopingthatthekingwouldjointhemtherefornegotiationswiththebaronsatBrackley.Itnearlyworked.JohndidindeedleaveWarehamandgetasfarasMarlborough,onlythentoturnback.Hesentenvoys
insteadwhodeclaredthat,havingfulfilledhissideofthebargain,thekinghadreceivedonlyinjuryinreturn.Hewouldnotcomenowsincethebaronswereinarms.Thiswasalltootrue,forthebarons,insteadofstayingatBrackley,hadprogressedtoOxford‘inarmedarray’.ThecrisiswasfurtherratchetedupbytheunveilingatOxfordof
papallettersissuedon7July.91ThesewerewritteninreplytoJohn’sletterof29May,soinignoranceoftheMagnaCartasettlement,butsincethatwasvirtuallydeadithardlymattered.Thepapalletters,fromJohn’spointofview,wereperfectlysuitedtothenewsituation.92InnocentthusberatedLangtonforfailingtosupporttheking,
andthenexcommunicatedallthosedisturbingkingandkingdom.Langton,onpainofsuspension,wascommandedtoproclaimthesentenceofexcommunication,whilethebishopofWinchester,thepapalrepresentativePandulfandtheabbotofReadingweregivenauthoritytoseeallthiswascarriedout.AttheOxfordcouncil,Langtonwas
abletopostponetakinganyaction,whileheandfellowbishopswenttoseeJohninonefinalbidtobringhimtoameeting.Theyfailedintheattempt,butthemeetingwentaheadanyway,atStainesbetween26and28August.HereLangtonpromulgatedthesentenceofexcommunication,althoughonlyingeneralterms,without
pointingthefingeratanyindividualbaron.ItwaspossibleindeedtointerpretthesentenceasaimedasmuchatJohnashisopponents.93
WhenthebaronsreturnedtoLondon,aftertheStainesmeeting,theymademoreformalarrangementsfortakingoverthegovernmentofthecountry,groupsof
shiresbeingplacedunderindividualmembersofthetwenty-five.John’sownreactioncameinaletterof5September,issuedbythebishopofWinchester,PandulfandtheabbotofReading.DoingwhatLangtonhadrefusedtodo,theynowimplementedthepapalordersof7July,andexcommunicatedthebaronial
leadersbyname,togetherwiththecityofLondon.Theletterwascleverlydrafted.ItdidnotactuallycondemntheCharter.Indeeditstilltooktheoldlinethatitwasthebaronswhowereviolatingit,violating‘whathadbeenordainedbythelordkingbythecounselofthemagnateswhowerethenhisfamiliars’.Itthenwentontostigmatize
thegiftsoflandandthemakingofjudgementswithoutauthorityoftheking,clearlyreferringtohowthetwenty-fivewereplungingaheadontheirown.94Whenthebaronsheardoftheirexcommunication,theybrusheditasideandappealedtothegeneralcouncilthatwassoontomeetinRome.Ifthesentencehadanyeffect,it
confirmedtheminthedecisiontheywerenowtaking.ThiswastosetintraintheprocessofdeposingKingJohnandelectinganotherkinginhisplace,electingnoneotherthanPrinceLouis,theeldestsonofKingPhilipAugustusofFrance.Inthenarrativeofthe
Crowlandchronicler,thedecisiontosummonacouncil
tobringthisaboutisplacedbetweenthebarons’returntoLondonaftertheStainesmeetinginlateAugustandtheissueofthe5Septemberletter.PerhapsJohnknewwhatwashappeningby9September,whenhemadevariousconcessionsontradingmatterstoKingPhilip,andthensenthimenvoys.95Theoppositionhad
gotfarmorefromMagnaCartathanhadJohn,butnowrecognizeditsfailure.JohnwasrenegingontheCharterandresortingtowar.AlthoughnopapalmissivecondemningtheCharterhadarrived,everyoneknewitwasonitsway.Thebarons,inthesecircumstances,couldsimplyhavewagedwarunderthesanctionoftheCharter,
supportedby‘thecommuneofalltheland’.ButtherewasnopointtryingtoforcethekingtokeeptheCharterwhenhewasbentonrejectingitaltogether.Johncouldnotberestrained,hecouldonlybereplaced.In1212theking’sremovalhadseemedjustifiedbypapalthreatsofdeposition.Thesecouldnolongerbepleadedin1215,buthis
removalstillseemedunproblematic.Johnhadbecomeking,soheproclaimedin1199,‘bytheunanimousconsentandfavouroftheclergyandpeople’.96Giventhathehadruledsobadly,whatwastostopclergyandpeoplewithdrawingtheirconsentandchoosinganotherking?BoththeCrowlandand
Coggeshallchroniclersthusnarratetheprocesswithoutturningahair.Accordingtotheformer,thebaronsrealizedthatthebusinessneeded‘thecommonconsentofallthekingdom’.Theythussummoned‘allthechiefmen’tomeetatadesignatedtimeandplace.Whentheassemblymet,voiceswerestillraisedintheking’s
favour,butthemajorityopinionwasdecisivelyagainsthim.Hewasdeposed,andthethroneofferedtoPrinceLouis.Louis’ownmanifesto,whenhearrivedinEnglandin1216,explainedeventsinthesameterms.Thebarons‘choseusaskingandlord’,John‘havingbeenjudgedunworthyofthekingdombythecommon
counselandapprovalofthekingdom’.97
ThechoiceofLouiswasnotwithoutdrawbacks.PhilipAugustushadintendedtomakehimkingatthetimeoftheabortiveinvasionin1213,buthadforbiddenpromisesaboutthereturnofNormanlandstothosedisinheritedin1204.98Probablythesamewastruein1215,sothatwas
disappointing.ThebaronshadalsotoreckonwithJohnconjuringupnationalfeelingagainstaFrenchthreat.Although,moreover,Louishadahereditaryclaim,whichhesetoutinhismanifesto,itwasalmostlaughablytenuous:sinceJohnhadbeenconvictedoftreasonforbetrayinghisbrotherRichard,heshouldnothavesucceeded
in1199.Instead,thetrueheirtothethronewastheonlyothersurvivingchildofHenryII,hisdaughterEleanor,marriedtothekingofCastile,andEleanorhadgenerouslypassedherrightstoherdaughterBlancheandLouisontheirmarriage.Therewere,however,good
reasonsforchoosingLouis.Howfarhischaracterwas
knownisunclear,butitcertainlyturnedouttobethetotalreverseofKingJohn’s,forLouiswasuxorious,piousandhonourable.HealsocamefromarulingdynastyverydifferentfromtheAngevins.Thiswasanageinwhich,asR.W.Southernwrote,‘theFrenchkingsaloneamongthekingsofEuropeenjoyedthehelpofaconstantly
favourablepublicopinion.’Withagreatlandedbase,‘theygrewrichwithoutbecomingunpopular’.TherewasnoFrenchMagnaCarta.99Englandcouldnowbaskinthesamesunlight,allthemoresowiththeendofthefinancialdemandsneededtosupportwarsinFrance.Theseconsiderationswere,however,theicingonthe
cake.ThemainreasonsforchoosingLouisresidedinthefactsofpower.Thebaronswereinvolvedinalifeanddeathstruggle.Victoryatallcostswastheaim.ItwastheFrenchmonarchythatcouldbringit.AstheCrowlandchroniclerobserved,thebarons,lackingconfidenceinthemselves,appealedtoLouistocomeinstrengthtorescue
themfrom‘thehandsofthetyrant’.Backedbyhisfather,LouiscoulddrawonalltheresourcesoftheFrenchmonarchy.Thatsurelyshouldguaranteevictory.ThesamecouldnotbesaidofKingAlexanderofScotland,whomightotherwisehavebeenacandidate.ItwastheCapetianprincewhocouldrescue
EnglandfromtheAngevintyrant.Wedonotknowexactly
whentheassemblydeposingJohnandelectingLouismet.Afterthemagnateshadbeen‘cited’toappearatit,John’ssupporters,accordingtotheCrowlandchronicler,arguedthathewasstillpreparedtomaintainthe‘peace’andsoshouldnotbedeposed.This
suggeststhemeetingwasbeforethearrival,inlateSeptember,ofthepapalbullcondemningtheCharter.Itmaybe,however,thatthechroniclerisheresimplypaintingageneralpictureoftheattitudesofJohn’ssupporters.Giventheformalsummonsesofwhichhespeaks,andthefortydays’intervalmentionedinthe
Charter,Octoberwouldseemthemostlikelytimefortheassembly.Itthustookplaceinthefullknowledgeofthepapalbull.Dated24August,thepapal
bullwouldhavetakenamonthtoarriveinEnglandandsowaspresumablyreceivedtowardstheendofSeptember.PreservedintheBritishLibrary,andastar
exhibitinthe2015exhibition,itmeasuressome50by46centimetres,andisfinelywritteninalarge,clearhand.Itisanimpressive-lookingdocument.Thebullnarratedthewholecourseofthequarrelanddeclaredthat‘bysuchviolenceandfearasmightaffectthemostcourageousofmen’,Johnhadbeenforcedtoacceptan
agreementshameful,demeaning,illegal,unjust,andharmfultoroyalrightsandtheEnglishpeople.PopeInnocentthusdeclaredtheCharter‘null,andvoidofallvalidityforever’.100Afterthebull’sarrival,JohncouldproclaimtheendoftheCharter,supportedbythefullpanoplyofpapalauthority.Hisenemieswereconfirmed
intheirdecisiontodeposehim.Thediewascast.InthesecondweekofOctober,thebaronsgainedcontrolofRochester.On13OctoberJohnbeganhislongsiegeofthecastle.101Thecivilwarhadbegun.Ifanyonehadstruggledto
savetheCharter,itwasArchbishopLangton.Hiseffortstotakeamiddle
groundandgiveeachsideitsdueseemaltogetheradmirable.Ontheonehand,heandhisfellowbishopswerereadytohelptheking.TheyissuedproclamationsexposingthebaronialrefusaltogiveJohnguaranteesofloyalservice.Theyalsosetoutthecorrectinterpretationofchapter48empoweringthetwelveknights.Ontheother
hand,throughhisstewardElyasofDereham,LangtonplayedacentralroleinthedistributionoftheCharter,andthelettersof19June.Hisownknightswereimplementingtheoathtothetwenty-fiveinKent.Langtonhimselftookpartinthejudgementbywhichthosewhorefusedtheoathweretohavetheirpropertyseized.
Indeed,itwassurelythearchbishopwhodecidedthattheirchattelsshouldbesoldinaidoftheHolyLand.Inthussupportingtheoath,LangtonwasassociatinghimselfwiththemostradicalpartoftheCharter.Therewerepracticalreasonsfordoingso,foriftheoathwasobstructed,arenewalofcivilwarwasboundtoresult.
Therewerealso,onemaysuspect,ideologicalreasons.Thearchbishopsawaparallelbetweenthe‘communityofalltheland’,formedbytheoath,andthechurchasthecongregationofclergyandpeoplefromwhich,hebelieved,secularauthorityderived.102Takingtheoathwasthusaconditionforbeingpartofthecommunityofthe
landandcongregationofthefaithful.Indeed,thesecularandthereligiouswerelinkedinthesupportenvisagedforJohn’sprospectivecrusade.Langtonhadstruggleduntil
thelastmomenttobringthesidestogether,but,afterthefailureoftheStainesmeeting,hisroleasapeacemakerwasover.Hewasbeingordered,inthe5Septemberletter,to
publishthesentencesofexcommunication.Ifheobeyed,hewouldhavedefinitivelysidedagainstthebarons.Ifherefused,hewouldhavesidedagainsttheking.Langtonevadedtheissueand,withinafewdaysofthe5Septembermandate,leftEnglandforthepapalcourt.Pandulfandhis
colleaguesdulysuspendedhimfromoffice.Therewasasubtextto
Langton’sroleinthegreatcrisisof1215.ThisconcernedthecastleofRochester.103
AfterhisabsolutionbyLangtonin1213,inanefforttoappeasethearchbishop,JohnhadacceptedCanterbury’slong-standingclaimstopossessionofthe
castle.Givenitsstrengthandstrategicimportance,however,Langton,atJohn’srequest,hadallowedthesheriffofKent,ReginaldofCornhill,tocontinueascastellan.In1215,however,Johnbegan,rightly,tosuspectCornhill’sloyalty.Asaresult,bothon25Mayand15August1215,hetriedtopersuadeLangtontohandthe
castleovertomoretrustedroyalagents.Thearchbishopnevercomplied.TherequestinMaycameattheverymomentwhenpeacenegotiationswerebeginninginearnest,whichwasnotagoodtime,Langtonmayhavefelt,forashiftinthestrategicbalance.Oncepeacewasestablished,asitwasatRunnymedeinJune,Langton
wasentitled,underhisearlieragreementwithJohn,torecoverthecastleofRochester,andthekingseemstohaveacceptedthepoint.AccordingtoWendover,herestoredthecastletothearchbishop,althoughinpracticethismadenodifferencetoCornhill’stenure.WhenJohn,inAugust,renewedhispressure
tosurrenderthecastle,Langtonwasstillhopingtoactasamediatorandbringthepartiestogether.AccordingtoCoggeshall,herefusedtoresigneitherRochestercastleortheTowerofLondon,‘withoutjudgement’.Ifthiswastobeajudgementofthetwenty-five,thenLangtonwasstillrecognizingtheirauthority.
Yettherearesignsthatthebaronstoowereworriedabouthisattitude.CoggeshallhasthestoryofRobertfitzWalterbrieflyoccupyingRochestercastle,fearfulthatLangtonwouldhanditovertotheking.Thistookplace,Coggeshallsays,whileJohnwasatCanterburyandDover,whichwouldfitexactlywiththeseizureoffitzWalter’s
landsorderedatDoveron17September.104Thearchbishop’srelationswithJohnhadcertainlynotbrokendownatthispoint.On10SeptemberthekingissuedafullandfulsomeletterplacingLangton’spossessions,duringhisabsence,underroyalprotection.105ThingslookeddifferentinOctoberwhenReginaldofCornhillhanded
Rochestercastleovertothebarons.ItwasonlythenthatJohnbrandedLangton‘anotoriousandbarefacedtraitor’forfailingtosurrenderit.106
Holthasarguedthat,intherunuptothehostilities,John‘hadwonthewarofnervesandpropaganda’.Thekinghaddonesobystickingtothelinethathewasreadyto
observethepeace;hencetheargumentofhissupporterswhentheyrefusedtocountenancehisdeposition.ByaskingthepopetoquashtheCharter,however,Johnnecessarilyabandonedhisvirtuousstance.Hishypocrisyhadbeenexposed.HadhereallyissuedtheCharterfor‘thehonourofGodandtheexaltationof
holychurch,andthereformofourkingdom’,heshouldhavestucktoit,orattheveryleast,likehisson,havereissueditwiththemoredoubtfulpartsleftout.ButJohn’scommitmenttotheCharterwasalwaysskindeep.Hewanteditspeace,notitsimplementation.ThepositionofJohn’sopponentswasnomorereputable.They
hadtakenfarmorethanwasjustifiedinthelocalities.Theyhadneverdisarmed.Bothsidesgotwhattheydeserved,arenewalofcivilwar.In1216Johnmadethose
submittingtohimforsweartheCharter.107Ifhewonthecivilwar,hewasnotgoingtohavethatagain.Onthebaronialside,thetwenty-five
werestillwieldingauthorityintheautumnof1215.On30SeptemberlettersissuedinthenamesofGeoffreydeMandeville,SaerdeQuincyandRicharddeClare,andattestedbyRobertdeVere,earlofOxford,soughttoimplementthetwenty-five’sjudgementreturningKnaresboroughcastletoNicholasdeStuteville.108
Probablyitwasthetwenty-fivewhoconvokedtheassemblythatdeposedtheking.Louis’owncommitmenttoMagnaCarta,however,ishardtogauge.HecertainlyhadagoodknowledgeoftheCharter,forwhenhefinallyleftEnglandtheprincesurrendered,amongotherdocuments,‘thechartersconcerningthe
libertiesmadeinthetimeofKingJohnatthemeadowofRunnymede’.109InthearchivesofthekingofScotland,therewasfound,attheendofthethirteenthcentury,a‘letterofLouis,sonofthekingofFrance,concerningtheconfirmationofthecharterofthebaronsofEngland’.Thishasbeeninterpretedasaletter
confirmingMagnaCarta,butonewonderswhetherthatwasthecase.110ItseemsoddforsuchalettertobesenttothekingofScotland.Muchmorelikely,Louis’letterwasaconfirmationofacharterinwhichthebaronsofEnglandofferedhimthethrone.TheCrowlandchroniclerstatesthattheagreementwithLouiswasaffirmedwith
‘conventionsandsecurities’.111Itissurelyinconceivable,insuchanagreement,thatLouiswouldhaveacceptedalltherestrictionsintheCharter,letalonethesecurityclause.ThelongmanifestowhichheissuedonhisarrivalinEnglandsaidnothingabouttheCharterandmerelyopinedthathehadcometo
restorebothchurchandkingdomtotheir‘ancientanddueliberty’.112NochroniclerhasanythingtosayaboutLouis’attitudeeither.Hadhebecomeking,hewouldprobablyhavedonenomorethanissueaCoronationCharterconfirmingancientlibertiesandofferinglawandjusticeinthefuture.
Intheautumnof1215,therefore,ontheonesidewasKingJohn,nowdeterminedtocrushtheCharter.Ontheother,theprospectofanewkingwithnocommitmenttoit.MagnaCartaseemedafailurewithoutafuture.
13
TheRevivaloftheCharter,1216–1225
PrinceLouishadlandedatThanetinKenton21May1216,withalargeFrenchforce.Johnfeltunabletoresisthimandbeatahastyretreat.1Hethusavoidedriskingeverythinginasinglebattle,asKingHaroldhaddonesofatallyin1066,butsignalledhisweaknessinhumiliatingfashion.WithLouisreceivingatriumphant
welcomeinLondon,manyofJohn’sleadingmendeserted.OfthesixteenlaycounsellorswhomhehadnamedatthestartofMagnaCarta,AlanofGallowayandRobertofRopsleyhadalreadydoneso.Theywerefollowed,afterLouis’arrival,byHughdeNeville,JohnfitzHugh,andtheearlsofSalisbury,WarenneandArundel.Ofthe
earlsthatthekinghadnamed,onlyWilliamMarshalremainedloyal.Atsomepoint,atleastseventeenofJohn’shouseholdknightsjoinedtherebels,includingsuchtrustedfiguresasJohnofBassingbourn.Someofthesemenharbouredmaterialgrievancesandpersonalgrudgesagainsttheking.Somewereunderpressure
locallywithpowerfulneighboursintherebelcamp.2Aboveall,especiallyafterLouis’arrival,theycalculatedthatJohnwasfinished.KingAlexandermadethe
samecalculation.BackinOctober1215,withJohnoccupiedinvestingRochestercastle,hehadlaidsiegetoNorhamcastleontheAnglo-
Scottishborder.Hisalliancewiththerebelshadbeensealedby‘thebaronsofEngland’,whichprobablymeantthetwenty-five,concedinghisclaimstothethreenortherncounties.EustacedeVescicametoNorhamandpersonallyinvestedAlexanderwithNorthumberland.HavingtakenthecastleatRochester
attheendofNovember,however,Johngainedrevenge.Hemarchednorth,reachedBerwickinmid-January1216,andthensenttroopstoravagethecountryasfarnorthastheForth.‘WewillchasetheredScottishfoxfromhislair,’heallegedlyremarked,alludingtothecolourofAlexander’shair.WithLouis’arrival
Alexandertookfreshcourage.InAugust1216heseizedCarlisleandthencamesouthhimselftomeetLouisatDover,anddohomageforthenortherncounties.3
MeanwhileLlywelyn,attheheadofaconfederationofWelshrulers,hadconqueredCardiganandCarmarthenanddrivenGwenwynwyn(luredbacktoJohn’sside)from
southernPowys.John,however,wasdefiant.HavingspentmuchofthesummergatheringhisforcesatCorfecastle,inJulyhesetoffonaravagingcampaignthattookhimtotheWelshmarchesandthenacrosstotheeasterncounties.BytheendofSeptember
1216,JohnwasatLincoln.Hebrokeupthebaronial
siegeofthecastle,andthenheadedsouthtoKing’sLynn.On12Octoberpartofhisbaggagetrainwaslost,includingtherelicsofhischapel,whenitwassuckedintothesandsoftheWellstreamwhileattemptingashortcutacrossthisinletoftheWashbeforethetidehadproperlyreceded.4Thelossoftherelicswasthemore
grievousbecauseJohnwasnowdesperatelysickwithdysentery.On15October,inamovingletterfromSleaford,heinformedthepopethathislifewaswhollydespairedof,andbeggedforspiritualaid:
Sincegraceisnotdeniedthoseaskingformercy,webegyoufatherthatyouwillstretchouttousthe
handsofabsolutioninremissionofoursins,thatsupportedbytheworkofyourmercy,Hewhopunishesbeyonddesertsandrewardsbeyonddeserts,willlookonuswiththeeyeofhismercy,anddeemusworthytobeplacedinthenumberoftheelect.5
Somehope,onemightthink,butatleastJohnhadalready
takenstepstoexpiatehisgreatestcrime.On10October,atKing’sLynn,thekinghadgrantedlandforthesiteofareligioushousetobefoundedatAconburyinHerefordshire–forthesoulsofthemurderedMatildadeBriouzeandherson.6Johnwasalsothinkingofhowtosecurewhathecalledthe‘perpetualhereditary
succession’ofhisdynasty.Inhisletterof15October,hethusplacedthekingdomandHenry,hisheir,underpapalprotection.HealsobeggedhisentouragetoensurethatWilliamMarshalbecameregent.YetstillJohnwasonthemove.On15or16OctoberhewascarriedonalitterthetwentymilesfromSleafordtoNewark.Therein
thecastle,inthemiddleofthenightof17–18October,hedied,asagreatstormhowledaroundthetownandmadethecitizensfearforthesafetyoftheirhouses.WhenJohndeSavigny(RalphofCoggeshall’sinformantfromwhomthiscomes)enteredNewarkearlynextmorning,hefoundtheking’sservantsunwillingtotellhimwhathad
happened.Indeed,soSavignyalleged,theyhadfled,leavingtheking’sbodynaked,untiltheconstableofthecastlefoundsomethingtocoverit.Savignyhimself,allowedintoseethecorpse,remainedwithitforaboutanhourandcelebratedMassfortheking’ssoul.7
Johnhadoriginallyintendedtolieinthe
CistercianabbeythathehadfoundedatBeaulieu,butthiswasinanareacontrolledbytherebels.Inhiswill,drawnupinhislastdays,JohnthusaskedinsteadtobeburiedinWorcestercathedral,‘inthechurchofSaintMaryandSaintWulfstan’.Therewasalsoaspiritualreasonforthis.Beaulieuabbeyhadnosaint.Worcester,ontheotherhand,
hadWulfstan,bishopofWorcesterfrom1062to1095.Wulfstan’scanonizationhadtakenplacein1203,afternumerousmiraclesathistomb:in1201morethanadozenpeoplehadbeencuredinoneday.In1207Johnhimselfprayed‘forsometime’besidethetomb,andconferredbenefitsonWorcestercathedral.Ina
reignfullofspiritualdarkness,Wulfstan’scanonizationwasonebrightlight.Surelyhewouldnowintercede,andsecureJohn’sinclusionamongthenumberoftheelect.8AtWorcester,accordingly,Johnwasburied.Whenhistombwasopenedin1797,hewasfoundtobewearingonhisheadwhatwastakenatthetimetobea
monk’scowl.Muchmorelikely,itwasJohn’scapofunction,thecapthatwasplacedontheking’sheadatthecoronationinordertoabsorbandretainforaperiodtheholyoiloftheanointing.9
Johnhadevidentlykeptthismostholyobjectwithhim.Ithadnotdonehimmuchgoodinthislife.Perhapsnowit
wouldhelphiminthelifehereafter.
MAGNACARTA121610
WithJohn’sdeath,wouldhisremainingsupportersgoovertoLouisandbringthewartoanend?Afterall,John’ssonHenrywasonlynineandLouiscontrolledwelloverhalfthekingdom.Nothing
likethathappened.InsteadJohn’ssupportersproceededatoncetoHenry’scoronation(atGloucester,forLouiscontrolledLondonandWestminsterabbey),andpressedtheMarshaltoassumetheregency.Aftersomehesitation,forhewasaroundseventy,heaccepted.Nottobeunderestimated
inexplainingthisconductare
ideasofloyaltyandhonour.TheyrunthroughtheaccountintheHistoryofWilliamMarshalandthepapalandroyallettersofthetime.‘Letyourfidelityandconstancybecommendedforalltimetothepraiseandgloryofyourname’,ranonemissivetothegarrisonsofBedfordandNorthampton.11Therewerealsohardmaterialreasons.
ManyofJohn’scaptainsandcastellanscouldhopefornoequivalentemploymentontheotherside.SomeofhisgreatbaronialsupportershadprivatedisputeswithLouis’partisans.ThustheearlofChester’sclaimstotheearldomofLincolnandthecastleofMountsorrelputhimatoddswithGilbertdeGantandSaerdeQuincy.
TherewerealsoreasonstohopethatLouis’supportersmightthinkagain,nowthattheywerefacednotbythehatedJohnbutbyhisyounginnocentson.‘Thecandleofthechildcalledbackthestarswhichhadbeenscaredbythefather’sthunder,’wroteonepoet.12Louis’Englishfollowersalsofoundthemselvesinconflictwith
hisFrenchentourageoverplaceandpatronage.TheircausewasfurtherdamagedbythearrogantandbrutalconductoftheFrenchsoldiery.Thusawarbeingfought,soLouissaid,tosavetheEnglishfromatyrannicalking,couldnowbeportrayedbyhisopponentsasonefought‘todeliverEnglandfromtheFrench’.13Therewas
oneothercardinalfactorsappingLouis’strength,namelytheattitudeofthepope.Onhisorders,Louisandhisfollowershadallbeenexcommunicated.Asaresult,theycouldhavenoovertsupportfromtheEnglishbishops,noranyotherhighecclesiastic.Louiscouldnotbecrowned,forallhispossessionofWestminster
abbey.Therewasnoonetocrownhim.IngivingpapalsupporttoJohnandhisson,onepersonstoodout.Thiswasthepapallegate,GualaBicchieri,whohadarrivedinEnglandinthespringof1216.Hedisplayedstupendousenergyintheroyalcauseandeventuallyturneditintoacrusade.Thus,astheCrowlandchronicler
shrewdlyobserved,‘thosewhooncecalledthemselvesthearmyofGodandboastedthattheyfoughtforthelibertiesofthechurchandthekingdom,werereputedtobethesonsofBelialandcomparedtoinfidels’.14
Thesituationoftheminoritygovernmentwasthusnothopeless,yetitremainedbleak.Henry’svery
coronationbanquetatGloucesterwasdisturbedbynewsthattheMarshal’scastleatnearbyGoodrichwasunderattack.Totaldefeatwasaveryrealprospect.Theresultwasamomentousdecision,whichchangedthecourseofhistory.TheminoritygovernmentnowacceptedwhatJohnhadrejected:itacceptedMagnaCarta,thus
layingthefoundationsforitssurvival.Theaim,ofcourse,wastotemptrebelsbackintotheyoungking’scamp,byconcedingwhattheyhadinitiallybeenfightingfor.ClearlytheCharter,althoughrejectedbyJohnandsidelinedbyLouis,wasstillthoughttoretainitsattractivepower.
ForthegreatbaronsonHenry’ssidethedecisiontoaccepttheCharterwaseasy.They,justasmuchasanyrebel,wouldbenefitfromits‘baronial’clauses.ForGuala,whowiththeMarshalauthorizedandsealedthedocument,thedecisionrequiredcourageandimagination.Afterall,papalpolicywasnowstoodonits
head,andwithoutanyopportunityofconsultingHonoriusIII,whohadbeenelectedpopeonInnocentIII’sdeathearlierin1216.Butthepopewasalwaysgoodatadjustingtonewrealities,andGualadoubtlesssawandexplainedthepoliticalimperatives,whichjustifiedhisaction.HewouldalsohaveexplainedthatHenry’s
CharterwasdifferentfromJohn’sinomittingitsmostobnoxiousinroadsintoroyalpower.Ineffectingthatomission,GualawasdoubtlessatonewithsomeofJohn’smostruthlessadministrators,notablyPeterdesRochesandWilliamBrewer,whowereamongtheadvisersmentionedbythekingatthestartofthenew
Charter.Butprobablyeveryoneagreedthatsomeofthemostradicaldemandswereimpractical,especiallyinawarsituation.Noneoftheomissionswerereversedandsothedecisionstakennowwereoffundamentalimportancefortheshapeofthefinal,definitiveCharterof1225.
ThenewCharterwaswritteninHenry’sname,andwasauthorizedby,thatis‘givenbythehands’of,GualaandWilliamMarshal(thelatterwithhistitleasregent)atBristolon12Novemberinthefirstyearofthereign,so12November1216.GualaandtheMarshalalsosealedtheCharter,since,asitexplained,thekinghad
noseal.TheCharterprovidedanewlistofcounsellorsonwhoseadvicethekinghadacted,inpartofcoursebecausesomeoftheoldoneshadjoinedtherebels.AfterGuala,therewereelevenbishops,headedbyPeterdesRochesofWinchester,althoughthoseofStDavid’sandBangorweresoobscurethatoneoftheclerks,writing
outanengrossment,didnotknowtheirnames.Thetwenty-fourlaymenwereheadedbyWilliamMarshalandonlysixnameswerepartofthe1215list.15Theearls,apartfromtheMarshalhimself,werethoseofChester,DerbyandAumale,thelastaformerrebelandindeedmemberofthetwenty-five.Thelistwassupposedto
impresstherebelswiththescaleoftheyoungking’ssupport,anditcertainlyincluded,asthe1215Charterdidnot,apowerfulgroupofWelshmarcherbarons.Inawar-tornsituation,theycouldleavetheirlordshipsbrieflytocometoBristol.Runnymedehadbeenadifferentmatter.Thefirstconspicuous
changetothe1215Charter
camerightatthestart.Chapter1stillgavefreedomtothechurch,butomitted1215’sconfirmationofJohn’scharterguaranteeingfreeelections.ArchbishopLangtonwouldhavehatedthatbuthewasanabsentee.AfterhisdepartureforthepapalcourtinOctober1215,hedidnotreturntoEnglanduntil1218.Thedecisionnow
wasGuala’s.Hemusthavejudged,notunreasonably,thatfreedomofelectionsduringthewarmightmeanfreedomtoelectsupportersofLouis.Theonlycompensationwasthatvacantbishopricsandabbeyswerenowgiventhesameprotectionfromexploitationassecularwardships.TheCharteralsoomitted1215’schapteron
wills(27),perhapsbecausetheywereconsideredentirelyamatterforchurchregulation.Themostimportantchange
intheChartercame,however,attheend.Therethesecurityclausewithitstwenty-fivebarons,andtheoathtakenbythecommunityofalltheland,disappearedaltogether.Alsoomittedwasthechapterthat
hadsoughttoremedyJohn’sunjustdisseisins,ifnecessaryafterjudgementsbythetwenty-five,thechapter,thatis,whichhadforcedhimtomakesomanyrestorationsintheperiodafterRunnymede.Thechapteronremedyingunjustfineswenttoo,asdidthatonthegrievancesofKingAlexander.Doubtlesshewasconsideredahopelesscase.
TheonlychapterredressingthewrongsofthepastwhichremainedwasthatontheWelshmendisseisedbyJohn,probablybecausesomewereontheking’sside,orwerehopedtobe.Inthefieldoflocal
government,the1216Charteralsoexcisedanotherchapterofthe1215CharterwhichhadstrippedJohnofsomuch
powerandcausedsomuchdisruption,namelythatwhichsetupthetwelveelectedknightsineachcountywithauthoritytoinvestigateandabolishthemalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials.Outtoowentthestipulationthatroyalofficialsneededtoknowthelawofthekingdom,andthechapterdismissingthekinsmenofGerard
d’Athée.Theyindeedwerenowperformingsterlingserviceinthewar,withEngelarddeCigognéascastellanofWindsor.Apersonofcomparablestatus,soontorisetoalmostcomitalpower,theNorman,FalkesdeBréauté,actuallyfeaturedasoneoftheadvisersofthe1216Charter.
Alongsidethesechanges,thereweresomeothersmade,inpartatleast,todefendtherightsandrevenuesofthecrown.Thusthe1216Charteromittedthestipulationthatinformationaboutmarriagesproposedforheirsneededtobegiventothenextofkin;thisitselfwasaretreatfromtheArticlesoftheBarons,whichhadaskedforsuch
marriagestotakeplacewiththekin’s‘counsel’.The1216Charteralsoomittedaltogetherchaptersinthe1215Charteronscutagesandaids,debtsowedtotheJews,andtheincrementsand(byimplication)profitsexactedfromthecounties.Sotherewasnothingontaxationneedingthecommonconsentofthekingdom,andnothing
correspondinglyontheconstitutionoftheassemblythatmightgiveit.Outaswellwent1215’schapter42,givingfreeentrytoandexitfromthekingdom,notsurprisinglyinthistimeofwar.TheCharterwasquiteopenaboutsomeoftheseomissions.Attheend,itobservedthat,sincesomeofthechapters‘intheearlier
charter’seemed‘weightyanddoubtful’,theyhadbeenputinabeyanceuntilthekingcouldhavefurthercounselaboutthem.Hewouldthendowhateverwasfor‘thecommonutilityofall’.Thesecurityclauseandthetwenty-fivewerenotmentionedhere.Norwerethemissingchapters,thesourceofsomuchcontention,onthe
redressofpastfinesanddisseisins.Evidentlytheirremovalwasnon-negotiable.Butflaggedupweretheissuesofscutagesandaids,debtstotheJews,and,referringheretotheinvestigationofthetwelveknights,theissuesofforestsandforesters,andthecustomsofthecounties.InpartthenewCharterwasthusanoffer
totherebelsandanattempttodrawthemintonegotiation.ItalsorewardedthemenoftheCinquePorts,‘thebarons’astheywerecalled,whoweregivingvitalsupporttothecrown.TheywerenowincludedinthechapterthatconfirmedthelibertiesofLondonandother(unnamed)townsandports.
TheCharterwasdrawnupinaspiritofsurprisingconfidence,giventhegeneralsituation.Thatisseeninthebeautifulwritingoftheonlysurvivingoriginal,preservedatDurhamcathedral.Itcanbeseentoointhetroubletakentomakeawholeseriesofsmallchanges.Thuswidowswerenottoremainincastles;suretieswereto
answerifthedebtorcouldpaybutrefusedtodoso;constablescouldtakecornfromthevillsinwhichtheircastlesweresituatedbutmustpayforitinthreeweeks;thesheriffsandbailiffs,iftheytookhorsesandotherchattels,weretopayforthematstipulatedrates.Theprovisionin1215thataguardianwastoreturnland
stocked‘accordingto…thetimeofthewainage’,whichmeanttheagriculturalseason,wasalteredto‘atleastaccordingtohowhereceivedit’.16EvidentlythedraftersthoughttheCharterwasworththeeffortofthesedetailedchangesandmightlast.The1216Chartercertainly
reachedthenorth,fortheone
originalisintheDurhamcathedralarchives,whilecopiesarefoundinlaterYorkMinstercartularies.17TwosinglesheetcopiesintheFrenchroyalarchivesprobablycamefrommaterialthatLouistookwithhimfromEngland.18Althoughseriouslyweakenedwhenitcametoenforcement,redressofpastgrievancesandthe
reformoflocalgovernment,theessenceofthe1215Charterandmuchofitsdetailremainedintact.The1216ChartermightbemeasuredagainstwhatLouishadtooffer.Thereisnoevidencethatherespondedbyissuingacharterofhisown.ThatfailuremayhaveseemedthemoreimportantashisFrenchentourageandsoldiery
becameincreasinglyunpopular.ThefactofthenewCharter,togetherwithJohn’sdeath,maywellexplainwhytheEnglishrebelbaronsdidnotfightharderwhenthedecisiveconfrontationcameatthebattleofLincolnon20May1217.InthatconflictLouis’Anglo-FrenchforceswereshatteredbyWilliam
Marshal.NotasingleEnglishrebelofanystatuswaskilled,whileforty-sixwerecapturedalongwiththreehundredunnamedknights.ThecaptivesincludedtheearlsofWinchesterandHereford(SaerdeQuincyandHenrydeBohun),RobertfitzWalter,GilbertdeClare(theeldestsonofEarlRichard,whodiedlaterintheyear),Williamde
Mowbray,GilbertdeGant,RobertdeRos,NicholasdeStuteville,RogerdeCressyandHenry,sonofEarlDavid.19GeoffreydeMandevilleandEustacedeVescihadbothdiedthepreviousyear,theonekilledinatournament,theothershotthroughtheheadbyanarrowduringasiegeofBarnardcastle.Thehearthad
beenrippedfromthebaronialparty.LouishimselfmissedthebattleofLincolnsincehewasbesiegingDovercastle.ItslongandgallantdefencebyHubertdeBurghhadbeenamajorreasonforhisdifficulties.HislasthoperesidedinagreatfleetbringinghimreinforcementsfromFrance.Thehopeevaporatedwhen,on24
August1217,thefleetwasdestroyedbydeBurghinaseabattleoffSandwichinKent.
MAGNACARTA1217ANDTHECHARTEROFTHE
FOREST
Louisnowrealizedhemustgiveup.InSeptember1217,undertheTreatyofKingston/Lambeth,he
resignedhisclaimstotheEnglishthrone,butloyallyobtainedthebesttermsthathecouldforhisfollowers.Everyonewastorecoverfreelythelandsthattheyhadheldatthestartofthewar.TherebelsthusdidfarbetterthantheirMontfortiansuccessorsin1266,whohadtobuybacktheirlands.MagnaCartawasalsopartof
thesettlement.Louis’supporterscertainlyneededitnowthathewasnottobetheirking.Accordingly,inNovember1217,HenryIIIissuedanewversionoftheCharter,thistimeaccompaniedbyaquiteseparateCharterregulatingtherunningoftheroyalforest.
IsayNovember1217but,infact,thefoursurvivingengrossmentsofthe1217Chartercompletelylackthe‘givenbythehand’clausenormalattheendofroyalcharters,andthusprovidenoindicationoftheirplaceanddateofissue.Insteadtheysimplyendwiththestatementthat,sincethekinghasnoseal,theyarebeingsealedby
GualaandtheMarshal.20OneofthetwosurvivingengrossmentsoftheForestCharter,thatatLincoln,endsinthesameway.21Themostlikelyexplanationfortheabsenceofthe‘giving’clauseandthusofthedateisthatallfiveoftheseengrossmentsweredrawnupfordistributionsoftheChartersarrangedin1218,anditwas
thoughtconfusingtoincludetheearlierdateoftheoriginalissue.TheNovemberdateisderivedfirstandforemostfromtheothersurvivingengrossmentoftheForestCharter,whichhasalwaysbeenintheepiscopalarchivesatDurham.Althoughnowdamaged,enoughremainstodeducethatitwas‘givenbythehands’–‘datapermanus’
–oftheMarshalandGualaatStPaul’s,London,onadayinNovemberinthesecondyearoftheking’sreign,soNovember1217.22ThenewMagnaCartawasclearlydraftedwiththeForestCharterinmind,forthetwoforestchaptersremainingin1216weremovedacrosstoit.ThepreamblestothetwoChartersalsohaveidentical
wording.Onecanbefairlysure,therefore,thattheysharethesamedateandthatHenry’ssecondMagnaCartabelongstoNovember1217.Justwhatthedatewasin
Novemberismoreproblematic.Virtuallyallmodernauthoritiesgiveitas6November.YettheDurhamForestCharter,theonlyengrossmenttohaveadateat
all,whileitcertainlyindicatesNovember,equallycertainlydoesnotmentionthesixth.Instead,thefirstletterofthedateseems,ifanything,tobea‘Q’.Therestofthenumberisthenlostbut,judgingfromthespaceitoccupied,itwasmostlikely‘Quartodecimo’or‘Quintodecimo’.23This,however,isanimpossibledateforadocumentgivenat
StPaul’s,since,by14–15November,theMarshalhadleftLondonandwasonhiswaytoGloucester.Oneexplanationmightbethat14or15NovemberwasthedayonwhichtheclerkactuallywroteouttheDurhamCharter,althoughthatwasnotchancerypracticefortheChartersof1215.Whateverthecase,thechancellor,
RichardMarsh(ofwhommoreshortly),musthavebeensatisfied,sincehepresumablyreceivedthisengrossmentasbishopofDurham.Wherethendoesthe6Novemberdatecomefrom?TheanswerisnotfromengrossmentsbutfromcopiesofMagnaCartaandtheCharteroftheForest,whichendwiththestatementthat
theyhavebeen‘given’atStPaul’son6November.24ThisprovidesabelievabledatefortheCharterssincethegovernmentcertainlywasinLondononthesixth.Thesecopies,however,areallgivennotbythelegateandtheregentbutbythechancellor,RichardMarsh,bishopofDurham.25Nocopyistcouldhavemadeupthisgiving
clause,anditmustbecontemporary.Whatisgoingon?Marshhadahighopinionofhisstatusaschancellor,andonceupbraidedhisdeputy,RalphdeNeville,withforgettinghistitle.26Hewouldsurelyhavewishedto‘give’the1217Charters.Thecopiesinwhichhisnameappearsmaypossiblyderivefromengrossmentsinwhich
hedidso.Morelikely,however,isthattheydescendfromrejecteddrafts.JustasMarshwaspassedoverin1215as‘giver’,infavouroftheking,so,in1217,hewaspassedoverinfavourofthelegateandtheregent.TheyhadalreadygiventheCharterof1216,thusimbuingitwiththemaximumpossibleauthority.Theydecidedtodo
thesamewiththeChartersof1217.Thatisameasureoftheirimportance.27
The1217Charterdifferedinsignificantwaysfromitspredecessor,largelyinmakingfurtherconcessionstothekingdom.Therewaseveryneedtodoso.Theminoritygovernment,headedbytheMarshal,hadwonthewarbutstillneededtoaffirm
thepeace.Formerrebels,havingrecoveredtheirestates,couldverywellmaketroubleiftheyweredissatisfiedwiththenewconditions.ThefragilepoliticalsituationisreflectedintheprologuetotheCharter,which,incontrasttothoseofboth1215and1216,hadnolengthylistofroyalcounsellors.Theonlypeople
mentionedbynamewereGuala,thearchbishopofYork,thebishopofLondonandWilliamMarshal.Evidently,thedraftersshiedawayfromsimplylisting,asbefore,theking’sownsupporters.Thatwouldhaveseemedalltoopartisan.Equally,itwasnotyetpossibleforloyalistsandformerrebelstojointogether
ascounsellorsorwitnesses.TheunstablesituationwasalsoshownattheendoftheCharter,whereanewchaptersaidthat,by‘thecommoncounselofallourkingdom’,theunauthorizedcastlesbuiltduringthewarweretobedestroyed.The1217Charteralsodid
somethingaboutoneoftheissuesflaggedupin1216,
namelyscutagesandaids.Itwasnotmuch,butatleastchapter44directedthatscutagesshouldbetakenhenceforthasunderHenryII,whichimpliedlessfrequentlyandatlowerratesthanunderJohn.Moreimportantwasanewconcessionintheareaoflocalgovernment,onethatfulfilledtheofferintheCharterof1216tolookagain
atthe‘customsofthecounties’.Quiteprobablytheconcessionwasalsorespondingtoanissueraisedbythetwelveknightsduringtheirinvestigationsandabolitionsin1215.Thuschapter42intheCharterof1217laiddownthatcountycourtswereonlytobeheldonceamonth,oratlongerintervalsifthosewere
customary.Thesheriffswereonlytoholdtheirtourns,theespeciallywell-attendedsessionsofthehundredcourts,twiceayear,atEasterandMichaelmas.TheviewoffrankpledgewasonlytobeheldatMichaelmas,andnomorewastobetakenbythesheriffthanhadbeencustomaryunderHenryII.28
Thechapterwasagreat
victoryforlocalsociety,burdenedasitwasbyfrequentattendanceatcourtsandbyamercementsforfailingtoturnup.Indeed,chapter42coveredthesameissuesasthecharterpurchasedbythemenofDevonin1204.29
ThesevictoriespaledbeforethetriumphoftheentirelynewCharter
governingtheroyalforest,acharterwithwhichMagnaCartawouldthereafteralwaysbelinked.ThekingmostblamedforthevastextensiontotheroyalforestwasHenryII.JohnandRichardhad,ifanything,reduceditsarea–ofcourseinreturnformoney.In1215theUnknownCharterhadcalledforHenry’safforestationstobereversed.
TheArticlesoftheBaronshadbackeddownontheissueandhadonlytargetedtheminimalafforesationsofJohn.MagnaCartahadreintroducedtheissueofHenry’sandRichard’safforestations,butonlyasmattersforattentiononceJohnendedhisprospectivecrusade.The1216Charterleftouttheafforestationsof
HenryandRichardaltogetherandkeptinjustthoseofJohn,althoughraisingattheendtheissueof‘forestsandforesters’asamatterforlaterdiscussion.Now,theForestCharterof1217camebacktoHenryIIwithseemingvengeance.‘Firstofall’,itdeclared,alltheforeststhatHenryIIhadafforestedweretobesurveyedbygoodand
law-worthymen,andthendeforested.Alsotogo,althoughherenoinvestigationswerenecessary,weretheafforestationsofJohnandRichard.Thesestipulationswere
partofaCharter–runningtoseventeenchapters,sosmallerthanMagnaCarta,butstillasubstantial
document–thatmusthaverequiredagreatdealofwork.TheForestCharterof1217broughtback(aschapter2)the1215chapterfromMagnaCarta,omittedin1216,whichexemptedmenlivingoutsidetheforestfromcomingbeforetheforestjustices.Chapter10oftheForestCharteralsoaverredthat‘noone’wastoloselifeorlimbforan
offenceagainsttheprotectedbeastsoftheforest,thusmeetingademandoftheUnknownCharter,oneindeedwhichtheAnonymousthoughthadfeaturedintheCharterofKingJohn.Therangeofforestoffenceswasalsoreducedbyallowingfreemen,havingwoodswithintheforest,toerectmills,makepondsandditches,andcreate
newarableland.TheCharterlimitedthenumberofforestofficials,andregulatedtheiractivities,asfarasstipulatinghowmuchshouldbechargedforcartsgoingthroughtheforest,andhowmanyclawsshouldbecutfromthepawsofdogssoastorenderthemharmlesstothebeastsoftheforest.
Thisattentiontodetailwasseeninchangestothe1217MagnaCarta.Whatwaslargelyanewchapter,preventingriverbanksbeingenclosedotherthantheywereinthetimeofHenryII,wasbroughtinverylogicallyafterthatonthebuildingofbridgesoverrivers.Insomeofthechangesonecansensethehandoftheking’sjudgeswho
weregatheringforthereopeningofthebenchatWestminster.Thusawidow’sdowerwasdefinedasathirdofthelandherhusbandhadheldinhislifetimeunlesslesshadbeenagreedatthetimeofthemarriage.Theburdensonthejudgesthemselveswerereduced,andtheirauthoritywasincreased,inthechaptersaboutthecommon-lawlegal
actions.Thejudgeshadnowtovisiteachcountyonlyonceayear.Theynolongerhadtoholdtheassizesonthedayofthecountycourtandwithfourknightsofthecounty,electedbythecourt.Theyweresimplytoact‘withtheknightsofthecounty’.Iftheycouldnotfinishthebusiness,theyweretohearthecaseslaterontheireyre,insteadof
remainingontohearthemwithsufficientknightsandfreetenants;moreconvenientforthejudges,lessconvenientforjurorsandlitigantsoratleastthoseofthecountyconcerned.Difficultcasesweretobereferredtothejusticesofthebench.Allthisappliedtotheassizesofnoveldisseisinandmortd’ancestor.Thoseof
darreinpresentment(aboutappointmentstochurchlivings)weretobeheardexclusivelyatthebench,sonotlocallyatall.
THESETTLEMENTWITHWALESANDTHEINDEPENDENCEOF
SCOTLAND
The1217Charteromittedthe1216chapteraboutthe
Welsh,soMagnaCartaendedupwithnoreferencetothelawofWales.ThiswasbecausetheminoritygovernmentrealizeditwouldhavetomakeaseparatepeacewithLlywelyn,whichitdid,muchtoLlywelyn’sadvantage,atWorcesterinMarch1218.TherewasalsoaseparatepeacewithKingAlexander,so,unlikethe
Charterof1215,the1217Charteranditssuccessorin1225hadnothingonScotland.AlexandervacatedCarlisle(hisoneconcretegainfromthewar)andcamesouthtoKingHenry’s1217ChristmascourtatNorthampton.There,accordingtothechronicleofMelrose(theonlysource),hedidhomagefortheearldom
ofHuntingdon(heldfromhimbyEarlDavid)andfortheotherlandsthathispredecessorshadheldfromthekingofEngland.30DoubtlessHenryreservedhisrightsoverthekingdom,whileAlexanderreservedhistothenortherncounties,butthekeypointofsettlementwasthis:Alexanderhadnotdonehomageashehadto
Johnin1209,homage,thatis,‘asWilliam,kingofScotland,didhomage’toHenryII.Inotherwords,AlexanderhadnotdonehomageforthekingdomofScotland.HehadescapedthenoosethatJohnhadpreparedforhim.Thecivilwarof1215–17andtheconsequentcollapseofEnglishroyalauthoritythushadmomentous
consequencesforthepoliticalshapeofBritain.IthadensuredthecontinuationofScottishindependence.
THEFINALANDDEFINITIVEMAGNACARTAOF1225
Strugglingtorestorepeaceandordertothekingdom,theminoritygovernmentgavewidepublicitytothe1217Charters.InFebruary1218it
thussentengrossmentstoallthesheriffswithordersthattheybereadinthecountycourt,‘havinggatheredtogetherthebarons,knightsandallthefreetenantsofthecounty’.Thiswastheletterinwhichthefirstreferenceto‘magnacarta’itselfappeared.31ThesheriffswerealsotoseethatthechaptersoftheCharterwere‘inallthings
sworntoandobserved’.Thisechoedtheoathtakenby‘thecommunityofalltheland’tosupporttheCharterof1215.Butwhereasthentheoathhadbeentofightwiththetwenty-fiveagainsttheking,nowitwaslinkedtoasecondoathinwhichtheassembledbarons,knightsandfreetenantsweretoswearfealtytohim.Thattherewastobeanew
monarchywherebyallegiancetothekingwasinextricablylinkedwithallegiancetotheChartercouldnothavebeenmoreclearlydemonstrated.Notsurprisingly,the1217
Charterbecamefarbetterknownthanits1216precursor.Therearefoursurvivingengrossments,probablyallfromthecirculationof1218,as
opposedtoonlyoneengrossmentsurvivingfrom1216.Therearealsoagoodnumberofcopies,althoughofteninaforminwhichthe1217charterisconflatedwiththatof1225.TheForestCharterwasitselfcirculatedagaininApril1218.32ThisdidnotmeanthateitherCharterwouldbeenforced.Therewasanimmediate
struggleovertheForestCharter.This,aswehaveseen,laiddownthattheafforestationsofHenryIIweretobeabolished,oncetheyhadbeenestablishedby‘goodandlaw-worthymen’.Sensingdangerhere,thegovernmentdidnothingtosettheworkofthemeninmotion.Theresultwasthatsomecountiespressedahead
ontheirown,until(inJuly1218)thegovernmentatlastsanctionedofficialsurveysofHenryII’safforestationsby‘twelvelaw-worthyandprudentknights’.When,however,thesurveysindicatedthevastextentofHenry’safforestations,sothatifremovedthekingwouldbeleftwithlittlemorethanhisdemesnewoods,theminority
governmentrefusedtoimplementthem.Instead,itdevelopedtheargumentthattheafforestationsofHenryIImeantonlythosewhichhehadmadeafterhavingrestoredthelossesunderKingStephen.Theresultwasastalemate,althoughonethatgavetheForestCharterallthemorepublicity.
TherecouldalsobeanxietyoverthevalidityoftheChartersthemselves.Theyoungking’ssealhadbeeninauguratedin1218,whichleftaquestionmarkoverChartersauthenticatedmerelywiththesealsoftheregentandthepapallegate.ThefactthattheChartershadtheiroriginsinthecoercionofKingJohnalsocastashadow.
AdramaticexchangeduringagreatcouncilinJanuary1223showsthatthishadnotbeenforgotten.Onthatoccasion,inresponsetoaproposedinquiryintoroyalrights,ArchbishopLangtonandothermagnatesdemandedthatthekingconfirmMagnaCarta.Atthis,WilliamBrewer,doyenofJohn’sexchequer,barkedout‘the
libertieswhichyouseek,sincetheywereviolentlyextorted,oughtnotrightfullytobeobserved’.Langtonrebukedhim:‘William,ifyoulovedtheking,youwouldnotdisturbthepeaceofthekingdom.’Henryhimself,nowfifteen,thenstoodforwardanddeclaredthathewouldindeedobserve‘allthelibertiestowhichwehave
sworn’.33Brewer,however,hadmadeapowerfulpoint.Theking’soral
confirmationoftheChartersin1223setthestageandalsoshowedtheneedforthefinalanddefinitiveChartersthatheissuedtwoyearslater.Inbringingthatabout,acentralrolewasplayedbytwomen,Langtonhimselfandthejusticiar,HubertdeBurgh.
DeBurghhadtakenoverthegovernmentjustbeforetheMarshal’sdeathin1219,graduallysidelininghisdeadlyrival,theking’stutor,PeterdesRoches.Amanonthemake,deBurghwaseagertoascendintotheranksofthehighnobility.Healsobelievedindoinghisjobasjusticiar,whichwastodispensejusticeandrestore
andmaintaintherightsofthecrown.Sucharestoration,herecognized,musttakeplacewithinthecontextofMagnaCarta.Thiswasnotjustbecauseofthefearofrenewedrebellion.DeBurghalsoneededthesupportofformerrebelstostabilizehisregimeandrestoreroyalauthority.Here,througharemarkableturn-around,his
enemiesweretheveryloyalistswhohadhelpedwinthewar.John’soldsheriffsandcastellansnowclaimedthattheycouldnotberemoveduntilthekingcameofage,which,ifthatmeanttwenty-one,wouldnotbeuntil1228.Theyalsoaspiredtoretainalltherevenuesfromtheirlocalofficesandgovernthemalmostastheywished.
SomeofthechiefculpritscamefromtheranksofJohn’sforeignagents,andwerecloselyalliedtoPeterdesRoches.HencethewaythepoliticsoftheminoritycametobeportrayedasastrugglebetweentheEnglishandthealiens,givingagreatboosttoEnglishnationalfeeling.Mostconspicuousamongthe‘evil’foreigners
wasFalkesdeBréauté,theillegitimatesonofaNormanknight.(ThenameFalkes,accordingtoonetale,derivedfromthescythe–‘faux’inFrench–withwhichhehadkilledsomeoneinhisfather’smeadowinNormandy.)Hehadbegunhiscareer,calledsimply‘Falkes’,asa‘poorserjeant’ofKingJohn.Fromthere,articulateandclever,
‘smallofbodybutmostvaliant’,astheAnonymousputit,hehadrisenfast.HenowcontrolledtheearldomofDevonandwassheriffofsixcountiesacrosstheMidlands.34Ifroyalauthoritywastoberestored,anddeBurghwastobesecure,itwasvitaltobreakthepowerofsuchmen.
Havingspenttheyears1216–17innorthernItaly,FranceandFlanders,inMay1218,withhissuspensionfromofficeliftedbythepope,LangtonhadreturnedtoEnglandtotakeuphisdutiesasarchbishopofCanterbury.HewaspassionatelycommittedtotheCharter,andwishedtoplaceitonafirmandunimpeachablefooting,
freefromBrewer’simputations.Yethealsosawtheneedtorecoverroyalpower.Withoutthat,thekingcouldnevermaintainpeaceandprotectchurchandpeople.LangtonagreedwithdeBurghinseeingtheforeignsheriffsandcastellansasthesourceofmuchofthetrouble.Attheendof1223,hehelpeddeBurghbring
abouttheirdismissalaspartofageneralredistributionoflocaloffices.Nextyear,heandhisepiscopalalliesstoodshouldertoshoulderwithdeBurghinputtingdowntherevoltofFalkesdeBréauté.Whilethatwashappening,however,disastertookplaceabroad.KingPhilipAugustus,scourgeoftheAngevindynasty,haddiedin
1223.HissuccessorwashissonLouis,theverypersonwhohadtriedtomakehimselfkingofEngland.LouisnowtookrevengeforhisdefeatbyinvadingwhatremainedofHenryIII’scontinentaldominions.HeconqueredPoitouwithease,andwentontothreatenGascony.OnlyamajoreffortfromEnglandcouldsavethe
situation,andtofinancethatagreattaxwasanecessity.ThiswasthecatalystbehindthefinalanddefinitiveversionofMagnaCarta,whichKingHenryissued,alongwithanewCharteroftheForest,atWestminsteron11February1225.Justasthefinancialdemandsofthecontinentalempiregeneratedthegrievancesthatproduced
thefirstMagnaCartaof1215,sothosedemandsnecessitatedthetaxthatproducedthefinalMagnaCartaof1225.WithoutEngland’sinvolvementonthecontinent,therewouldhavebeennoMagnaCarta.TheMagnaCartaof1225
hadastatusfromthestartfarabovethatenjoyedbyitspredecessors,onewhich
placeditonasecureandinviolablefooting.ThisCharterhadnotbeenforcedupontheking,astheCharteritselfmadeveryclear.Thus,inthepreamble,Henrystatedthathewasmakingtheconcessionsbyhis‘spontaneousandgoodwill’.Thekingcouldsaythat,ashecouldnotin1216and1217,becausehewasnow
seventeen.Alreadyattheendof1223hehadstartedtowitnessroyalletters,andthustakeresponsibilityforgovernmentorders.Asearlyas1218,hissealhadbeeninauguratedanditwasthisthatauthenticatedtheCharterof1225,ascanbeseenfromthesplendidexamplewhichhangsbeneaththeengrossmentpreservedat
Durham.Yetitwasnotsimplytheking’sagethatmadethedifferencetothe1225Charter.Indeed,thereremainedaviewthatHenrywouldnotattainhismajorityuntilhewastwenty-onein1228.In1225hewasstillpreventedfromissuinghisownchartersandmakinggrantsinperpetuity.35The1225MagnaCartawasthus
anexceptiontothiscontinuingrestrictionoftheminority.Thekeyfactorthatelevatedthe1225Charter,removedthetaintofcoercionandprovedHenry’sspontaneitywasdifferent.ItwasthattheCharterwaspurchasedfromthekinginreturnforagrantoftaxation,thetaxation,ofcourse,whichwasneededtorescue
GasconyfromtheFrench.TheCharteritselfmadethepointexplicitly.AsHenrydeclaredinthefinalchapter:
Fortheconcessionandgiftoftheselibertiesandtheotherlibertiescontainedinourcharteroflibertiesoftheforest,thearchbishops,bishops,abbots,priors,earls,barons,knights,freetenants,andallof
ourkingdom,havegivenusafifteenthpartofalltheirmovables.
ThislinkbetweentheCharterandthetaxwasalwaysremembered.36ItmeantMagnaCartahadescapeditsdoubtfuloriginsinthewarsof1215–17.TheCharterof1225wasnewandpure,producednotbycoercionbut
byafreelystruckbargainbetweenkingandkingdom.ArchbishopLangtonwas
thefirstwitnesstothenewCharter.Judgingfromalaterremark,hehadhopedin1225tosecuremorelibertiesforthechurch.ThesemighthaveincludedaconfirmationofJohn’schartergrantingfreeelections.37Herethearchbishopwasunsuccessful.
Langton,nonetheless,gaveeverypossiblesupporttothe1225MagnaCarta.Itwashe,onesuspects,whoensuredthatthebargainfromwhichitsprungwasdescribedintheCharter,sothatitcarriedforalltimetheproofofitsconsensualorigins.Preciselybecauseofthoseorigins,Langtonwasabletodosomethingelse,namelybring
churchandrealmtogetherintheCharter,insteadofkeepingthemseparate,astheyhadbeenin1215.Inthe1215Charter,thefreedomofthechurchhadbeengrantedtoGod,andwasmadequitedistinctfromtheconcessionsmadetothekingdom.Thepointwastoavoidanysuggestionthatthechurch’sfreedomwastheproductof
coercion,whatevermightbethecasewiththelibertiesgrantedtoeveryoneelse.Indeed,itwasonlyinrespectofthelibertiesofthechurchthattheChartermentionedJohn’s‘freeandspontaneouswill’.38InHenryIII’sCharters,thedivisionbetweenchurchandkingdomremained,but,in1225,Langtonnullifiedtheeffect
byintroducinganewpreamblethatbroughtchurchmenandlaymentogetherasbeneficiariesoftheking’sconcessions.AsHenrysaid:Byourspontaneousandgoodwill,wehavegivenandconcededtoarchbishops,bishops,abbots,priors,earls,barons,andallofourkingdom,thesebelow
writtenlibertiestobeheldinourkingdomofEnglandinperpetuity.
Sochurchmenandlaymen,separatewhenitcametotheconcessionsin1215,werenowtogether.Theking’sfreewill,onlyproclaimedwhengrantingthechurch’slibertiesin1215,wasnowproclaimedforthelibertiesofeveryone.Thenewpreambleand
conclusiontotheChartershowedsomethingelseaswellinwhichwemaydetectLangton’sideologyandinfluence.Thiswasanewinclusivity.The1215Charterhadbeengrantedjusttothefreemenofthekingdom.The1225Charterwasgrantedto‘everyone’–‘omnes’–whichmeanttoeveryone,freeandunfreealike.Bythesame
token,itwas‘everyone’whowassaidtohavegrantedthetaxthatsecuredtheconcessions.Thatunfreepeasantshadconsentedtothetaxwas,ofcourse,afiction,buttheycertainlyhadtopayitandthuscouldfeelastakeintheCharter.TheCharterof1225was
alsovalidatedinanewwayatitsend.Withanysuggestion
ofcoercionremoved,itwaspossibletorestoretheking’spromise,omittedin1216,nottoseekanythingtoinvalidatetheCharter.Ifhedid,itwastobeheld‘asnothing’.TheCharterwasalsowitnessedbyallthekingdom’sgreatandgood,whateversidetheyhadtakeninthewar.TheChartersof1215and1216hadmerelylistedtheking’s
partisansashisadvisers.TheCharterof1217hadhardlylistedanyadvisersatall.NoneoftheseChartershadwitnesslists.The1225Charterwasquitedifferent.Itmadenoreferencetotheking’sadvisersatthestart,buthadagreatlistofwitnessesattheend.Sensingtheimportanceandnoveltyofthis,thecopyoftheCharter
madesoonafterwardsatCerneabbeyinDorsetsetoutthewitnesslistinbeautifullyelaboratefashion,andthenwroteouttheplaceanddateofissueincapitalletters.39
ThewitnesslistwasheadedbyLangton,elevenbishopsandtwentyabbots.HubertdeBurgh,asjusticiar,headedthelaymen,followedbynineearlsandtwenty-threeother
magnates.Eightmembersofthetwenty-fivebaronsfromtheCharterof1215–includingRobertfitzWalter,JohndeLacyandRobertdeRos–togetherwithmanyotherformerrebels,includingReginalddeBriouze,brotherofthemurderedWilliam–nowrubbedshoulderswithsuchloyalistsastheearlsofChesterandDerby,William
Brewer,PeterandMatthewfitzHerbert,BriandeLisleandPeterdeMaulay.DoubtlessSaerdeQuincywouldhavebeentheretoo,buthehaddiedoncrusadein1219.TheCharterwasnolongerapartydocument.Thechurch’ssupportfor
theCharterwasveryclearlyseeninthelargenumberofecclesiasticalwitnesses.It
wasalsoseeninsomethingelseofvitalimportancefortheCharter’sfuture.In1215LangtonhadfeltunabletosupportJohn’sCharterbylaunchingsentencesofexcommunicationagainstthosewhotransgressedit.Therehadbeennosentencesineither1216or1217.But1225wasdifferent.Becauseofitsnewvalidity,Langton
andhisfellowbishopsnowpronouncedasentenceagainstallwhocontravenedtheCharter.40Thisbecametheprecursoroffurthersentencespromulgatedin1237and1253,thesecondwithgreatpassionandpublicity.ThechurchwasfullymobilizedbehindMagnaCarta.Thatwasanimportantreasonforthe
centralplaceitobtainedinpubliclife.Thereisjustonecurious
addendumtoallthis.The1215Charterhadbeengivenbythehandoftheking.Thoseof1216and1217hadbeengivenbythehandsofthepapallegateandtheregent.The1225Charterwasgivenbynooneatall.Itjustendsbysayingithasbeen
‘givenatWestminster’.WhywasitnotgivenbyRichardMarshaschancellor?Afterall,therewasnolegateorregentanymore,andnotraditionofchartersbeinggivenbythejusticiar.Why,evenmore,wasitnotgiven,liketheCharterof1215,bytheking?Surelythatwouldhavebefitteditsnewstatus.Ihavenoreadyexplanationfor
this.ItispossiblethatMarshwasabsent,forhedoesnotappearamongtheepiscopalwitnessesoftheCharter.Perhapsthefailuretonamethegiverwasconnectedinsomewaytohisclaimsandsensitivities.Thereisoneotherfeature
ofthe1225Charterthatowesmoretolatereditorsthantoanythinginthecontemporary
record.Thisisitsdivisionintochaptersandnumbering.TheChartersof1217and1225areforthemostpartidenticalapartfromtheirprefacesandconclusions.Yettheformerisconventionallygivenforty-sevenchaptersandthelatteronlythirty-seven.Thereasonisthatseveralchaptersthatappearontheirownin1217are
amalgamatedin1225.Thusthefamouschapters39and40inthe1215Charterappearaschapters35and36in1217andaschapter29in1225.Theconventionalnumberingofthe1216and1217ChartersisactuallythatofBlackstone’sof1759.HewasguidedbythenumberingthathehadalreadygiventotheCharterof1215.Whenhe
cametotheCharterof1225,however,hewaspresentedwithadifficulty,forthishadbeenprintedwithnumberedchaptersintheearlysixteenthcentury.Thenumberofchapterswasthirty-seven,whichwentbacktothenumerationfoundincopiesoftheChartermadeinthelatethirteenthandearlyfourteenthcenturies.Other
copiesofthatdate,however,havenumbersbothhigherandlower.Suchvariationswerehardlysurprising.Sincetheengrossmentshadnowlosttouchwithanychapter-by-chapternegotiations,thecapitalsthatbegannewchaptersnolongerhadthesameemphasisasfoundin1215.Thisallowedcopyiststomaketheirown
judgementsaboutthedivisions.Thussometimes‘29’isasinglechapter,sometimesitconsistsoftwochapters.Blackstone,however,whennumberingthe1225Charter,decidedtostickwiththefirstprintededitionanditsthirty-sevenchapters.Ithasbeenthirty-seveneversince,thusbringingaboutthedisjunction
withthenumberingofthecharterof1217.41
THENATUREOFTHE1225CHARTER
TheCharterof1225,apartfromitsnewpreambleandconclusion,wasvirtuallyidenticaltotheCharterof1217.RogerofWendoverwentfurtheranddeclaredthatitwasidenticaltotheCharter
ofKingJohnin1215.Herehewaswrong.Thereweremanydifferencesbetweenthe1215and1225Charters.DidthesedifferencesendupbymakingthefinalCharter,assumingitwasobeyed,moreorlessrestrictiveonkingship?Thequestioncannotbeansweredinanyclear-cutfashion.
Thegreatestdifferencebetweenthe1215and1225Charterswastheabsenceofthesecurityclauseinthelatter,whichmeantthe1225Charteritselfcontainednoconstitutionalmeansforitsenforcement.Inthatsenseitwasfarweakerthanits1215counterpart.Since,however,suchaclause,ifimplemented,mighthave
destroyedthe1225Charteraltogetherinanewcivilwar,itwasarguablybetteroffwithoutit.Something,moreover,hadbeenintroducedinitsplace–thethreatofexcommunication.ThesamechangewasmadetoHungary’sGoldenBullin1231.42Itremainedtobeseen,however,whetherexcommunicationwouldbe
inanywayeffective.Ifitwas,ithadonesignificantadvantageoverthearrangementsinthesecurityclauseof1215.Theyhadbeendirectedsimplyatthekingandhisministers.Thepenaltyofexcommunication,ontheotherhand,wouldbeincurredbyanyviolatorsofthe1225Charter,andsoequallythreatenedmagnates
andtheirofficials.Outwiththesecurityclausealsowentthechaptersfromthe1215CharterdealingwithJohn’sunjustfinesanddisseisins.Hadsomemeanstoredressthesebeenprovided,theywouldcertainlyhavebeenexploitedbybaronsandbaronialwidowsunderHenryIII.Thereasonnothingwasdonewasalmostcertainly
duetothegovernment’sfearofstirringupdispute.Thosewithgrievanceswerethuslefttopursuethem,withouthelpandencouragementfromtheCharter,throughapetitiontothekingorlegalactionsinthecourts.Forthelocalities,the
omissioninthe1225Charterofchapter25from1215,banningtheincrementsand
profitsthatJohnhaddemandedfromthecounties,wasamajorloss,andonethegovernmentwastoexploit.Ontheotherhand,theCharter’snewchapterontherunningofthecountyandhundredcourts(chapter35in1225andchapter42in1217)offeredsomecompensation,andwasvigorouslydefendedandexploitedbycounty
knights.43DespitetheofferintheCharterof1216,nothinghadcomebackinondebtstotheJews.Consequentlythekingcouldstilldemandtheinterestaswellascapitalwhentheycameintohishands.Hedid,however,laterreaffirmthe1215Charter’sbanoninterestaccruingduringminorities.44Onthefaceofit,therewasalsoa
veryseriousomissioninthefieldoftaxationforitnolongerrequiredthekingdom’scommonconsent.The1225MagnaCartasaidthateveryonehadgiventhetaxinreturnfortheCharter,butfailedtolaydownsuchconsentasapatternforthefuture.AsfarastheCharterwasconcerned,thekingcouldlevytaxationatwill.
Againsttheseomissions,contemporariesmightweightheintroductionoftheForestCharter.Ofthis,too,HenryIIIprovidedanewversionin1225,nowembellishedwithapreambleandconclusionthesameasMagnaCarta’s.IftheForestChartercouldbeenforced,especiallyintheareaofHenryII’safforestations,itpromiseda
verymajordiminutionofroyalpower.Intermsofthesocial
balancewithintheCharter,thechangessince1215had,insomeways,strengthenedtheauthorityoflordsovertheirtenants.Thatisnotsurprising.Thegreatmenoftherealm,duringtheminorityofHenryIII,wereessentiallyincontrolofgovernment.The
earlofChesterhadalreadybeenobligedtoissueacharterpassingdowntohistenantsconcessionssuchasthoseinthe1215Charter.Heandhisfellowsnowwishedtosafeguardtheirpositions.ThenewChartersthuscontinuedtheworkofMagnaCartainprotectingtheinterestsof‘thelordofthefee’.45Intwochapters
introducedin1217,nofreemanwastoalienatelandifitpreventedhimperformingtheservicethatheowedtothelordofthefee;and,ifanyonegavelandtoareligioushouseinsuchawayastodeprivethelordofhisdueservice,thelordofthefeecouldtakepossessionofit.46Thegeneralrunoffreetenantswasdiscriminatedagainstwhen
onlythedemesnecartsofknights(whichwouldhereincludebarons),ladiesandecclesiasticalpersonswereprotectedfromseizurebysheriffsandbailiffs.47Attheendofthe1217Charter,thestipulationin1215thateveryoneshouldpasstheconcessionsdowntotheirownmenwasretained,butnowseemedqualifiedbya
newpassage,whichimmediatelyfollowed:‘savingarchbishops,bishops,abbots,priors,Templars,Hospitallers,earls,barons,andallotherpersons,ecclesiasticalandsecular,thelibertiesandfreecustomswhichtheyhadbefore’.Onewonderswhethertherewasanydebateaboutthis,becauseintheForestCharter
thesavingclausecomesbeforeratherthanafterthepassageaboutthepassingdownoftheconcessions,sonolongerqualifyingit.In1225,moreover,theCharteritselfadoptedtheForestCharter’sorder.DoesonedetecthereLangton’sinfluence?Magnatesalsogainedby
whatwasleftoutofthe1225
Charter.Nothingspecificinthenewregulationsaboutthehundredcourtsshowedthattheyappliedtothehundreds,rapidlyincreasinginnumber,whichwereinprivatehands.48Itwasthesherifforhisbailiffwhowastoholdthetournonlytwiceayear.49
Itwasthesheriffwhowastobecontentwithwhathadbeentakenattheviewof
frankpledgeduringthereignofHenryII.Thiswasnoinnocentandunnoticedomission,for,in1234,HenryIIIsoughttocorrectit.InAugustofthatyearhedrewattentiontotheclauseattheendofMagnaCarta,andwentontosaythat,asaconsequence,‘archbishops,bishops,earls,baronsandourothermagnates’,should
observetheChartertowardstheirownmen.Thekingthengottothepoint,whichwasthatthechapterinMagnaCartalimitingmeetingsofthehundredcourttotwoayearshouldbeobservedinprivatehundredsaswellasinroyalones.Althoughthekingsoonissuedanotherproclamation,explainingthatitwasonlythetournwhichwastobetwicea
year,andthatroutinemeetingsofthehundredshouldbeeverythreeweeks,heagainmadeclearthatthiswastoapplyin‘thecourtsofmagnates’aswellasthoseoftheking.50
GreatlordswerealsobehindtheomissionfromtheHenryIIIChartersofanythingaboutthecommonconsenttotaxation.The1215
Charter,ofcourse,hadsaidthatconsentwasnecessaryforthelevyingofbothscutagesandaids(otherthanaidsdueonthethreecustomaryoccasions).Thekinghadgoodreasontoobjecttothiswhenitcametoscutages,sincehecouldseethedutytopaythem,inplaceofmilitaryservice,asintegraltothetenurialobligationsof
histenants-in-chief.Buttheremovalofthedemandforconsenttoscutages,infavourofjustsayingthattheyshouldbeleviedasunderHenryII,madeitallthemorepossibletoretainsomethingonconsenttoaids.Onecanseewhygreatlordsmightthinkthatwasbothunnecessaryandobjectionable;unnecessarybecause,
especiallyincurrentconditions,theyknewthatitwassimplyimpossibleforakingtoraiseataxwithoutconsent;objectionable,becauseifaidsleviedbythekingwererestrictedandneededconsent,somighttheaidsthatmagnatessoughttolevyontheirowntenants.Achangetothe1216Chartershowsjustthatthinking,and
revealsthebaronialreasonforleavingoutthechapteronconsent.Foroutwithit,asanaturalcorollary,wentthechapterthatpreventedlordstakingmorethanthethreecustomaryaidsfromtheirfreemen.MagnaCartathuscametolackthechapterthathadmostexplicitlyfavouredunder-tenantsintheCharterof1215.
Offsettingthisbalancetippingagainstthem,under-tenantsmadeonesignificantgain.Initschapter3,the1215Charterhadbeenconcernedwiththe‘heirofanysuchone’,referringheretotheheirofthetenant-in-chiefwhosereliefwasregulatedinchapter2.Ithadlaiddownthatsuchheirs,whencomingofage,having
beeninwardship,shouldsucceedtotheirestateswithoutpaymentofarelieforfine.TothischaptertheCharterof1216madeasignificantaddition,wideningthechapter’sscopeinsuchawayastoprotectunder-tenantsfromtheirlords.Thusitnowlaiddownthatthe‘lord’of‘anysuchone’wasnottohavehiswardship
beforetakinghishomage.Theuseof‘lord’hereinsteadof‘we’,thatistheking,wasdeliberateandshowedthatthechapter,despitetheretentionof‘anysuchone’,wasmeanttoapplytolord—tenantrelationsaswellasrelationsbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chief.Ininsistingthatheirsshoulddohomagebeforebeingtaken
intowardship,theaimwastoprotecttheirrightsandensurethattheydidindeedsucceedwhentheycameofage.Thatthiswasdonein1216,inthemiddleofthewar,showshowimportanttheissuewasforknightlyunder-tenants.Itwasanissueoflongstanding,fortheAssizeofNorthamptonof1176hadassertedthatthelordsshouldtakethehomage
ofunderageheirs.Thatlordswereuneasyaboutthenewprovisionin1216isshownbythewaytheyinsertedasavingclause.Theywerenottolosethewardshipiftheheir,whilestillunderage,becameaknight.Thisagainsuggeststheknightlyaudiencetowhichthenewclausewasmeanttoappeal.51
Whenitcametolocalaffairs,itwaspanelsofknightswhoactedasthe‘goodmen’ineachcountyempoweredbytheForestChartertoestablishtheafforestationsofHenryII.Heretheknightsgainedgreatlocalpower,whichtheyusedwithawill.52Theknights,however,bulkedlesslargeinthe1225Charterthaninthat
of1215.Thestipulationthattheking’sjudgesshouldheartheassizeswithfourknightsofthecountywasapoorsubstituteforthejudgeshavingtositwithfourknightselectedinthecountycourt.Therewerealsonolongerthetwelveknightselectedineachcountytoabolishthemalpracticesoftheking’sofficials.Nothingwasdoneto
revivethesegroupsinadifferentformbygivingthemastandingcommissiontohearcomplaintsaboutbreachesoftheCharter.InHenryIII’sCharters,
improvementsweremadetothebenefitofwidows.IftheCharterof1216preventedthemstayingincastleswhiletheirdowerswereassigned,theyweretohaveasuitable
houseinitsplaceand(byanadditionin1217)areasonableshareofthecommongoodsfortheirmaintenance.The1217Charteralsodefineddoweritselfintermsverymuchtotheirbenefit(andalso,ofcourse,tothebenefitofanysecondhusband).Itwastobeathirdof‘alltheland’thatthehusbandhadheldinhis
lifetime(whichmeantduringthelifetimeofhismarriage),unlesslesshadbeenagreedatthetimeofthewedding.Thismeantthatwidowswereentitledtoathirdofthepropertythattheirhusbandshadtakenintothemarriageandalsoathirdofanysubsequentacquisitions.Althoughthismayhaverecognizedthelawas
increasinglypractisedbefore1215,itwasstillvaluabletohaveitdefinedinthe1225Charter,forbothGlanvillandBractonconfineddowertowhatthehusbandheldatthepointofmarriage.53ThiswassomecompensationforwidowsnolongerabletocomplainabouttheunjustfinesexactedfromthembyKingJohn.Sowasthe
inclusionof‘ladies’inthechapter(21in1225)protectingthedemesnecartsofknightsandecclesiasticsfromseizure.Smallbutsignificant
alterationsinthenewChartersweremadetododowntheunfreepeasants.54
Chapter15ofthe1216Chartermadeitclearthatvilleinswereonlyprotected
fromexcessiveamercementswhenimposedbytheking,sonot,therefore,whenimposedbytheirlords.The1217Charter,inafurtherchangetothesamechapter,deprivedtheking’sownvilleinsofanyprotectionunderitsterms.AsfarastheCharterwasconcerned,thekingwasthusable,justlikeanylord,toamercehisvilleinsashe
wished.Therewasalsoatellingchangetochapter39ofthe1215Charter.Thathadprotectedfreemenfromunjustdisseisinwithoutspecifyingthenatureofthepropertyinvolved.Itcouldthusbearguedthatitprotectedafreemanwhoheldlandinvilleinage.The1217Chartermadeclearthiswasnotthecasebynow
statingthatafreemanwasnottobedisseisedofhis‘freetenement’.55Inotherwords,hecouldbedisseisedofanylandowingvilleincustomsandservices.Morepositively,unfreepeasantsmightcertainlyhopetogainfromthenewchapterwhichlimitedthesheriff’sexactionsattheviewoffrankpledgewhenheinspectedthetithing
groups(chapter42in1217,chapter35in1225).However,thechapterfailed,aswehaveseen,tomakeclearthatitappliedtoprivatehundreds.TheForestCharteritselfdidsomethingfortheunfreeindirectingthat‘noone’wastosufferdeathormutilationaspunishmentsforoffencesagainstthebeastsoftheforest.Thatthiswas
deliberatelydesignedtoincludetheunfreeisshownbyitsuseof‘noone’,forelsewhere,withoneexception,thebeneficiariesoftheForestCharterwerefreemen.Thefactthatthechapterwentontospecifyimprisonmentasthepunishment,whentheoffendershadnottheresourcestopay
amercements,showshowpoortheywereexpectedtobe.TheForestCharterhadoneotherchapterofbroadsocialappeal,whenittookoverfromthe1215Charterthestipulationthat‘men’outsidetheforestneednotcomebeforetheforestjustices.Fortherest,thebeneficiariesinchapterafterchapteroftheForestCharter
wentnolowerthanfreetenantsorfreemen.Itwasthusarchbishops,bishops,abbots,priors,earls,barons,knightsandfreetenantswhoweretoenjoytheirwoodsastheyhadexistedatthetimeofHenryII’scoronation.Itwas,however,amoreexclusivegroup,justarchbishops,bishops,earlsandbarons,whohadtheprivilegeof
takingoneortwobeastsastheyrodethroughtheroyalforest,providedtheyblewtheirhornsfirstlestthey‘seemtobedoingitfurtively’.Thetextsofthe1225
MagnaCartaandCharteroftheForestbecamedefinitive.HenryIII,EdwardIandtheirsuccessorsneverissuednewversionsoftheCharters.They
simplyconfirmedthoseof1225.Itisthusthe1225Charters,orwhatisleftofthemaftervariousrepeals,whichareonthestatutebooktoday.56ThemereexistenceoftheChartersdidnot,however,ensureeithertheirenforcementortheircontinuedrelevance.Didtheymakeadifference?Thefinal
chapteraddressesthatquestion.
14
DidMagnaCartaMakea
Difference?
IftheChartersweretomakeadifference,itwasvitalthattheyshouldbewellknown,bothintheirgeneralprinciplesandintheirdetail.1
Heretheywerehelpedbytheconfirmationofthe1225Chartersatintervalsthroughoutthecentury.In1237,inreturnforagrantoftaxation,HenryIIIconfirmedtheliberties‘bothinour
magnacartaandinourcharteroftheforest,notwithstandingthattheforesaidchartersweremadewhenwewereofminorage’.2
ThisremovedanylastdoubtabouttheCharters,becauseHenryhadgrantedthemin1225whilehewasstillundertwenty-one.Thewitnessesin1237includedthreeofJohn’sadvisersinthe1215Charter,
PeterdesRoches,William,earlofWarenne,andHubertdeBurgh,aswellasthesonsofWilliamMarshal,WilliamLongespeeandAlanBasset.Therewerethreesurvivorsofthetwenty-fivebarons,JohndeLacy,RicharddePercyandRicharddeMunfichet,togetherwiththesonsofEustacedeVesciandRobertdeRos.AsHoltremarked,
‘MagnaCartawassecuredwithinagenerationbutonlyjust’.3After1237,HenryIIIconfirmedtheCharters,withgreatsolemnity,in1253and1265,asdidEdwardIin1297and1300.
PROCLAMATIONANDCOPYING
BoththenewversionsoftheCharterandthesubsequent
confirmationswerelinkedtoproclamationsofthecontentsanddistributionsofthetexts.4Astartherehadbeenmadein1218,whenthesheriffsweresentengrossmentsoftheChartersof1217,andtoldtoreadthemintheircountycourts,‘havinggatheredtogetherthebarons,knightsandallfreetenantsofthecounty’.Then,in1225,the
Charterswereagainsenttothecounties,wherethesheriffswereorderedtoreadandproclaimthem.5In1255,followinghisconfirmationoftwoyearsbefore,HenryIIIorderedfurtherproclamationsin‘fullcountycourt’.Tenyearslater,theshort-livedMontfortiangovernmentsentthe1225Charterstothecounties,wheretheywereto
bekeptby‘trustworthymenelectedforthepurpose’andreadtwiceayearinthecountycourt.6In1297,echoingwhathadhappenedin1215,the1225Chartersweresenttoeverycathedral,withordersthattheybereadtwiceayear‘beforethepeople’.Theywerealsosenttojudges,sheriffsandtownofficials,withordersfortheir
publication.In1300thesheriffsweretoreadtheChartersfourtimesayear‘beforethepeopleinfullcountycourt’.7Wedonotknowthelanguageofthesereadings,buttheywereprobablyinFrenchaswellasLatin.The1215CharterhadbeentranslatedatonceintoFrench,andlaterinthecenturyitwastranslated
again.EquallytranslatedweretheChartersof1217and1225.8TherewasalsosomemovetoputtheCharteracrossinEnglish.The1253sentenceofexcommunicationagainstviolatorsoftheCharter,asconfirmedbythepope,wasorderedtobepublishedinFrenchandEnglish.In1300EdwardI,accordingtoaStAlbans
chronicle,ordered‘MagnaCarta’itselftobedeclaimedinWestminsterHall,both‘literally’,sopresumablyinLatin,andthen‘inthelanguageofthecountry[linguapatria]’.9Ofcourse,whateverthe
language,thesereadingscanonlyhavegonesofar.Theywereprobablyone-offratherthanregularevents,sincethe
schemesof1265,1297and1300forseveralreadingsayearalmostcertainlycametonothing.SimondeMontfort’sregimecollapsedwithinfivemonthsofconfirmingMagnaCartaandEdwardIwentbackonhispromises.TheproclamationshelpedraiseawarenessoftheCharters,butcanscarcelyhavegotacrosstheircomplexdetails.Ittook
methirty-nineminutestoreadoutthe1225Charters,soiftheywereproclaimedinmorethanonelanguage,theexercisetookwelloveranhour.Someinthecountycourtmayhavelistenedwithraptattention.Othersprobablywentouttothealehouse.Forgettingthedetailacross,theimportantthingsweretheactualtexts.These
wereavailableincathedralsandelsewhereintheengrossmentsof1215,1216,1217and1225,andintheconfirmationsof1265,1297and1300,allofwhichcontainedthefull1225texts.Judgingfromwhatsurvives,thesetextswerenotcirculatedinequalmeasure.Thereisonlyoneknownengrossmentofthe1216
Charter,thatatDurhamcathedral.Nooriginalconfirmationsfrom1265surviveandonesuspectstheywerenotwidelydistributed,giventhepoliticalsituation.Bycontrast,therearefourengrossmentssurvivingfrom1215,1217and1225,togetherwithfourofthe1297confirmationandfiveorsixofthe1300confirmation.10
AlongsidethesegovernmentaleffortstopublicizetheCharters,therewerealsotheunofficialeffortsofthechurch.In1254eachdiocesewassenttranscriptsofthe1225Charterssothattheycouldbecopiedout.In1279ArchbishopPechamorderedcopiesofMagnaCartatobeputupincathedraland
collegiatechurches‘sothateveryoneenteringthechurchcanplainlyseeitwiththeireyes’.Asasafeguardagainstwearandtear,heevenlaiddownthatthetextsweretoberenewedeachyear.Infact,thecopiesweresoontakendownfromthechurchdoors,EdwardIobjectingtothisindependentinitiative,but
peoplenowknewwheretofindthem.11
FromthesevarioustextsnumerouscopiesoftheChartersweremade,andtheseinturnspawnedfurthercopies.ThesearchisongoingbutIhave,atpresent,recordsofwelloverahundredcopiesoftheJohnorHenryIIIMagnaCartamadeinthecenturyafterRunnymede.12
Overthirtyoftheseareofthe1215Charter.Oftheremainder,fourcomefromthe1216Charter(includingthetwointheFrenchroyalarchives),tenfromthe1217Charter,thirtyfromtheCharterof1225,twentyfromvariousconflationsof1217and1225(ofwhichmoreshortly)andoverthirtyfromtheconfirmationsofEdward
I.13ThisshowsthesuccessofEdwardI’sproclamations,butalsothattheCharterwaswellknowninsomeformbeforethen.Thegreatestrepositoriesweretheunofficiallegalcollectionscalledbymodernhistorians‘statutebooks’,followedbymonasticcartulariesandchronicles.Thatknightsmadetheirownrecordsisshownby
boththe1217ForestCharterandthe1225MagnaCartaappearinginthecartularyoftheNorthamptonshireHototfamily.14
Thisplethoraofmaterialcreatedsomeconfusion.Manycopiesofthe1215Charter,eveninstatutebooks,werenotofthefinal,authorizedtext.Herelaytheoriginofthebeliefthatthe
baronialreliefwasonly100marks,asumthatwaseventuallymadeofficialwhenitfeaturedinthe1225textissuedin1297.15TherewasevenmoreconfusionoverHenryIII’sCharters,forfrequentlycopiedtextswereonesthatconflatedtheversionsof1217and1225.Theconflationstookvariousforms,butoftenhadthe
CharterbeingissuedontheadviceofGualaandtheMarshal,asin1217,whileincludingHenryactingspontaneouslyandofhisgoodwillinreturnforatax,asin1225.ManyconflationsalsohavetheCharterbeinggivenbythehandofthechancellor,RichardMarsh,thuscontainingmaterialapparentlyfromdrafts.16In
origin,theseconflations,arisingfrommisguidedattemptstocombinethetextsof1217and1225intoasingleCharter,weretheproductofconsiderableeditorialwork.TheyshowinterestinMagnaCarta’sdetailandactuallybecamebetterknownthanstraightcopiesofthe1217Charter.Interestinthedetailisalso
showninthewaythechapterswerenumberedandoccasionallyannotatedwithmarginalcommentsindicatingthesubjectmatter.AtCerneabbeyinDorsetinterestwasshowninanotherway.Aclerk,writingoutthe1225MagnaCartaandForestCharter,hadthecleverideaofcombiningthemintoone.Thetextwasthendoctored
furtherbyacolleagueaddinginpassagesfoundinthe1217Charteromittedin1225.17AtStAlbans,whenMatthewParisfinallyobtainedanauthenticcopyofthe1215Charter,hemadedeterminedeffortstocorrectRogerofWendover’sversion,whichwasawondrousconflationofthetextsof1215,1217and1225.18Therewerealso
attemptstobringtheCharteruptodate,themostconspicuousbeingasingle-sheetcopythatcombinedtheChartersof1217and1225,andthensuppliedthedateof11February1252,asopposedto1225,togetherwithafirstwitnesstosuit,namelythearchbishopofCanterbury,BonifaceofSavoy.19
Manycontemporaries,however,werequiteaware,asPariscametobe,thattheChartersofJohnandHenryIIIweredifferentanimals.Thus,instatutebooksandcartularies,John’sChartersometimesprecededHenry’s,andwascalledthecharter,provisionsorstatuteofRunnymede,asagainstHenry’sMagnaCarta.
Copyistsgivenosignthatthe1215Chartermightbeinvalid,andsupersededbytheCharterofHenryIII.PopeInnocentIII’scondemnationofJohn’sCharterwasrarelycopied.20TherearelikewisefewcopiesoftheCharterof1216,withitsobservationthatsomepartsoftheearlierCharterhadbeenomittedas‘doubtful’.Contemporaries
clearlythoughtthe1215Charterwasstilloperative.AttheparliamentofOctober1255,themagnatescomplainedthattheyhadnotbeensummonedaccordingtothetermsofMagnaCarta.ThismusthavebeenareferencetotheCharterof1215,sincethechapterontheformofsummonswasdroppedfromthelater
versions.21Onamoredetailedpoint,adefendantinalegalactionunderEdwardIclaimedthathiscaseshouldbedecidedbythe‘lawoftheMarch’inaccordancewiththe‘statuteofRunnymede’.ThischapterhadbeenpresentintheCharterof1216,butwasomittedthereafter.22
Theabundanceofmaterial,whateveritsaccuracyand
validity,allmadethedetailoftheCharterknown.Itbecamefarmorethanavaguesymbolofgoodgovernment.In1219thewholecountycourtofLincoln,defending‘thecommonlibertyofallthekingdomconcededandsworn’,backedtheformerrebelGilbertdeGantwhenhecomplainedofdisseisin‘withoutjudgement’.This
seemsaclearreferencetowhathadbeenchapter39inthe1215Charter.23Nextyear,thestewardsofthe‘magnates’ofYorkshirerefusedtopayataxongroundsthatechoedthechaptersonconsenttotaxationinthe1215Charter.24Asearlyas1221,adefendantinanEssexcaseoverthesuccessiontoamere
twenty-sevenacresofland,oneThomasCrowe,wasabletomovethelitigationfromthebenchtothejusticesineyreonthegroundsthat‘thekingbyhischarterhasconcededthatassizesofthiskindshouldbetakeninthecountiesandnotoutside’,areferencetochapter13ofthe1217Charter.25Thisappearstobethefirstsuccessful
appealtoMagnaCartainthecourts.In1226knightsinLincolnshirestoutlydefendedtheirinterpretationofthechapterontheholdingofthecountyandhundredcourtsagainsttheactivityofthesheriff.Itwasprobablycontentionsoverthischapterthatledtheking,inthesameyear,tosummonbeforehimfourknightsfromeight
countiestosettledisputeswiththesheriffsoverarticlesintheCharter.Nextyear,fourknightsfromeachcounty,electedinfullcountycourt,wereorderedtobringforwardcomplaintsagainstthesheriff‘onarticlescontainedinthecharterofliberties’.26
Theseindividualexamplescanbeputinawidercontext.Inpioneeringwork,Faith
Thompsonfoundspecificreferencestotwenty-fourofthethirty-sevenchaptersofthe1225Charterinthirtydifferentyearsbetween1221and1306.Thesocialrangeofthoseappealingwasbroad.Itincludedearls,barons,countyknights,freetenants,townsmenandchurchmen.Thompsoncompiledthislistinthe1920sfromthevery
limitedmaterialtheninprint.Acomprehensivetrawlthroughallthesources(especiallytheplearolls)wouldprobablyincreasethereferencesmanytimesover.27
TheCharterwasknownandvaluedfromtoptobottomofsociety.Whentheking’scounciland‘themagnatesofEngland’in1237hadtodecideanunprecedentedcase
aboutthesuccessiontotheearldomofChester,theyturnedto‘thecharterofliberties’forguidance.28TheknightsofWiltshiredepositedthe1225engrossmentoftheChartersenttotheircountyforsafekeepinginLacockabbey.(ItisnowintheBritishLibrary.)Around1300thepeasantsofBockinginEssexappealedtoMagna
Cartaintheircomplaintsagainstthemalpracticesoftheirlord’sbailiffinthemanorialcourt.29
THEIRRELEVANCEOFTHECHARTER
ItwasonethingfortheCharterstobeknown,anotherforthemactuallytoimpactontheoperationsofgovernment.Ontheextentoftheimpact,
contemporariesgaveadepressingverdict.TheycomplainedoverandoveragainthattheCharterswerenotbeingenforced.Yetratherthanfindeffectivewaystoenforcethem,theyturnedtomoreradicalanddetailedschemesofreformwhichsuggestedthattheCharterswereatbestinneedoffundamentalstrengthening,at
worstwerebecomingoutofdate.Indeed,thepoliticsofEnglandinthehundredyearsafter1215couldbeseenasacommentaryontheinadequacyofMagnaCarta.30Oneimmediateproblem
wasthatthenewversionsoftheCharterprovidednomechanismforreversingtheunjustdisseisinsofKingJohn,somethingmadeworse
bythefactthattherestorationsmadein1215hadnovalidity.The1225Charter,byasmalladdition,indicatedthatthechapterforbiddingunjustdisseisinwasinnowayretrospective:nofreemanwastobedisseised‘henceforth’.31Thebestthosewithgrievancescoulddowastobringlegalactionsagainstthecurrent
incumbents,allegingarbitrarydisseisinbyKingJohn.InthiswayHumphreydeBohun,earlofHereford(sonoftheHenrydeBohunofJohn’sreign),eventuallyforcedtheearlofSalisbury’swidowintoacompromiseoverTrowbridge.32Suchactions,however,wererare.NothingmorewasheardoftheQuincyclaimto
MountsorrelorthefitzWalterclaimtoHertford.ThenewChartersequallyprovidednomechanismforoverthrowingJohn’sunjustfinesandamercements.Theseallremainedonthepiperolls.FewhadimitatedJohndeLacy’snimblefootworkin1215whenhesecuredapardonandthentwomonthslaterjoinedtherebellion.The
abbotofStAlbans,inreturnforfourpalfreysworth20marks,didmanagetogetthe300-markforestamercementimposedunderJohn‘bywillratherthanreason’pardoned.33Ontheotherhand,theunpaidStutevillefineof10,000marksprovidedthemeansbywhichHubertdeBurghsecuredholdofKnaresboroughand
Boroughbridge.TheMandevillesandtheirBohunheirsremainedsaddledwithGeoffreydeMandeville’sfinetomarrythecountessofGloucester,althoughtheyhadreapedabsolutelynobenefitfromit.AtleastthekingwaslessenergeticinexactinghishalfofthefinethanwereArchbishopLangtonandhissuccessorswhenitcameto
thehalfgrantedtoCanterbury.34Widowslikewisewereleftowingthesumstheyhadpromisedtoremainsingleandsecuretheirdowers,marriageportionsandinheritances.UnderJohn,Margaret,widowofRobertfitzRoger,hadnotbeguntopayoffherfineof£1000tohaveherinheritanceandbeallowedtostaysingle.Inthe
minorityofHenryIIIshewasmadetopayitoffat100marksayear.35
Forimmediatepoliticalreasons,HenryIIIenteredfullpowerinJanuary1227,whenstillonlynineteen,butitwasnotuntil1234thathefinallyridhimselfofHubertdeBurghandPeterdesRoches,theoverweeningministerswhomhehadinheritedfrom
hisfather.Henry’spersonalrulethereafter,downtoitscollapsein1258,seemedinsomewaysverydifferentfromJohn’s.Henrywasuxoriousandpious.HerebuiltWestminsterabbeyinhonourofhispatronsaint,EdwardtheConfessor.Hewasphysicallylazyandlikedtolingerandluxuriateathisfavouritepalacesinthesouth.
Ifhehadtogonorth,hehurriedbackto‘thedelightandrest’ofWestminster.36Atheart,Henrywishedtobeajustandconsensualking,givingpeacetohispeople,inthesupposedmouldoftheConfessor.Inthisrespecthewasperfectlyfittedtoapost-MagnaCartaage.YetHenry’srulealsoraisedproblemswithwhichthe
Charterdidnotdeal.Henrywas,ascontemporariessaidagainandagain,‘simplex’,meaningessentiallynaive,notsomethingthatcouldeverhavebeensaidaboutKingJohn–asHoltonceremarkedtomewithalaugh!ThiswouldhavematteredlesshadHenry,heredepartingfromhisConfessorianmodel,notalsobeenambitious,ifinan
armchairkindofway.Theresultwasaseriesofill-conceivedpolicyinitiatives,decidedofteninprivate,whichculminatedinthe1250sinanabsurdscheme,concoctedbythepope,toplaceHenry’ssecondsononthethroneofSicily.Thisprojecttotallyalienatedthechurch,whichhadtofindthefunds.Therewasnothingat
allintheCharterthatpreventedthekingsigninguptosuchenterprisesorpursuingwhateverforeignpoliciesheliked.TheCharteralsoplacedno
restrictionsontheking’sabilitytoappointcounsellorsandgivepatronage.ThistoobecameamajorissueasHenry,warmhearted,openhandedandfamilyorientated,
establishedinEnglandboththeSavoyardunclesofhiswife,EleanorofProvence,andhisownPoitevinhalf-brothers,theoffspringofhismother’ssecondmarriageaftershereturnedtoAngoulêmein1218.Theresultswerefactionalstrugglesatcourtbetweenthetwogroups,inwhichnativemagnatesbecameinvolved.37
SincetheCharteraffordednohelpinanyoftheseareas,newschemesofreformemergedthatsoughttogivetoparliaments(asgreatassembliesofthekingdomwereincreasinglybeingcalled)therighttochoosetheking’sministers;theseministerswouldthenexerciseapropercontroloverpatronage,expenditureand
thedispensationofjustice.Suchaprogrammewasalreadyapparentinthe‘PaperConstitution’of1244.Itwasfinallyrealizedinthegreatpoliticalrevolutionof1258whentheProvisionsofOxfordreducedthekingtoacipherandplacedgovernmentinthehandsofamagnatecounciloffifteen,responsibletothreeannualparliaments.
TheCharterseemedleftfarbehind.38
Itseemedleftbehindtoowhenitcametothegrowingnationalismoftheperiodbetween1258and1265,inwhichhostilitytotheking’sforeignrelativesplayedamajorpart.The1215Chartercertainlyexpelledtheforeignmercenaries,whohad‘harmedthekingdom’,and
dismissedsomeofJohn’sforeignservantsfromoffice.Butitwasthereformersof1258whodemandedthattheking’scastlesbeentrustedtomen‘bornofthekingdomofEngland’,anddefined‘disparagement’asmarriage‘tomenwhoarenotofthenationofEngland’.In1263SimondeMontfortaddedtotheProvisionsofOxforda
new‘statute’whichconfinedofficetoEnglishmen,and,withcertainqualifications,expelledforeignersfromthekingdom‘nevertoreturn’.39
ChurchmenhadtheirownreasonstodeemtheCharterinadequate.True,theyappealedtochapter1,whichsetthechurchfree.TheymadegreateffortstoenforcetheChartergenerally.But
theyalsodrewuplongschedulesofcomplaintaboutissuesonwhichtheCharterwassilent.Intwooftheseschedulesfromthe1250s,theCharteronlyappearsinsixofthesixty-sevenclauses.40Itwasnospecifichelpwhen,forexample,thegovernmentchallengedthejurisdictionofchurchcourts,theimmunityofclerksfromcriminal
prosecution,andtheclaimsofvariousbishopsandmonastichousestohavetheamercementsthatwereimposedontheirmenbytheking’sjudges.TheCharterseemed
equallyinadequatewhenitcametoHenry’sruleintheshires.Herechangesatthecentreofgovernmenthadamalignimpactlocally.After
1234,ashecouldperfectlywelldoundertheCharter,Henrylefttheofficeofchiefjusticiarunfilled.After1238henolongerhadachancellorinday-to-daychargeoftheseal.Thesuspensionoftheseofficesimpactedlocallybecausetherewerenolongergreat,identifiableministersatthecentretowhomthosesufferingfromlocalofficials
couldgowiththeircomplaints.Indeed,itwasoftenunclearwhoactuallyheldtheseal.Thisdidnotmattertogreatmen,nativeandforeign,withinthecircleofthecourt.Itmatteredalottothemagnates,knights,freetenants,andchurchmenandtownsmenoutsideit.The‘PaperConstitution’in1244wasawareofthisproblem.
Thefourcounsellorsitimposedonthekingweretohearcomplaintsandhelpthosesufferinginjustices.In1258theProvisionsofOxfordrestoredtheofficeofjusticiarwithaspecificbrief‘toupholdrighttoallpersons’.Thesechangesatthecentre
becameallthemoreseriousasHenry’sgovernmentbegan
topressdownharderonlocalsociety.WithhisincomereducedbyMagnaCarta,andfailingtogetgeneraltaxationfromparliamentafter1237(forwhowouldgivemoneytosuchaking?),Henryhadnoalternativebuttomakemoneyinotherways.Whilehistotalrevenueswerefarsmallerthanthoseofhisfather,hehithardatcertain
targets.Hethusexploitedthedroppingofchapter25ofthe1215Charter.Thishadbannedtheexactionofincrementsbynameandprofitsbyimplicationfromthecounties,thusgravelyrestrictingthemoneywhichcouldbemadefromtherevenuesthatwenttowardsthecountyfarm.41Intheprocess,ithadhopedtomake
thesheriffs,whohadtoraisetheextrasums,lessoppressive.Unrestrictedbythischapter,between1241and1258theincrementsimposedonthecountiessteadilyroseinsize.Againitwaslefttothereformersof1258todealwiththeissue.Theirplanwastogetthesheriffstoaccountforalltheirrevenues,andtogive
themsalaries,whichwastoattemptthesameresultaschapter25butinanotherway.42
MagnaCartawasequallynospecifichelpwhenitcametothekindofpeoplewhoweresheriffs.Eventhestipulationthatofficialsshouldknowthelawofthekingdomhadbeenleftoutofthepost-1215Charters.
Henrytookadvantage.Hissheriffs,accordingtoonescheduleofcomplaint,were‘mencomingfromfarawayandutterstrangersintheircounties’.43Thereformsof1258–9,therefore,laiddownthatthesheriffsshouldbeseniorlocalknights,partlyelectedinthecountycourt.44
Henry’sgovernmentalsobecamemoreoppressive
throughtheamercementsimposedbythejusticesineyre.MagnaCarta,ifobeyed,regulatedthelevelofamercementsandsaidtheiramountsmustbedeterminedbymenoftheneighbourhood,butitwassilentabouttherangeofoffencesforwhichamercementsmightbeimposed.Henry’sjudges,therefore,dreamedupnew
offences,amercingvills,forexample,becausenotallovertheageoftwelvehadcometocoroner’sinquests.Thiswasapracticethathadtobebannedbythereforminglegislationof1259.45
TherewasanothergreatareawhereMagnaCarta’sinadequacywasapparent,asindeedithadbeenfromthestart.Thiswasitsfailureto
protectmenfromoppressionbytheirlords.46OneareaofparticularconcerninHenry’sreignwastherunningofprivatecourts,ofboththehundredandthehonour.47
Withthegrowthofthecommonlaw,magnatescouldnotcompeltenantstolitigateintheircourts,buttheycouldtrytoenforceadutytoattend,imposingheavyamercements
ontenantswhentheyfailedtoturnup.48In1234HenryhadtriedtomaketheChartermorerelevanttoprivatecourts,butitwaslefttothelegislationof1259reallytotackletheissueofattendance.TheProvisionsofWestminster,inthreelengthychaptersatthestart,thuslimitedtheobligationtoattend‘thecourtsof
magnates’andprovidedaremedyforthoseforcedtoattendthemcontrarytoitsterms.Italsoabolishedinroyalcourtsand‘courtsofbarons’thefine‘beaupleder’,afineofferedbeforeproceedingsstarted,bythoseattendingthecourt,toescapebeingpenalizedforomissionsandmistakesingivingevidence.Thecontrastwith
the1217/1225MagnaCarta’sregulationsonthefrequencyofcourts,whichmadenospecificreferencetothoseofmagnates,isstriking.49
The1259legislationalsodidmorethanMagnaCartainprotectingtenantsatthecriticalmomentofsuccession,whentherewasalwaysthedangerthatalordmightseektodenyanew
tenantentryintohisinheritance.The1216Charterhaddonesomethingaboutthisissue,layingdownthatalordmustreceiveatenant’shomagebeforetakinghimandhislandsintowardship.Nowthelegislationof1259madeitpossiblefortenantstogaindamagesfromtheirlordsiftheyrecoveredtheir
inheritancesonlyafterlitigation.50
Thecontrastbetweenthe1215MagnaCartaandthereformsof1258–9inhowrelationsbetweenlordsandmenweretreatedwasstrikinglyapparentintheinquiriestheybothcommissionedintolocalabuses.Theinquirybytheknightscommissionedby
chapter48ofthe1215Charterhadbeenentirelyintotheabusesoftheking’slocalofficials.In1258theequivalentinquiry,byfourknightsineachcounty,wasintothemalpracticesof‘allpersonswhatsoever’.Itwaslinkedtoavisitationofthejusticiarandotherjudges,whoweretohearcomplaintsagainstbothroyaland
magnateofficials.Manycomplaintsagainstthelatterwereindeedbroughtforwardontheseeyres.Bothroyalandmagnateofficialswerealsototakethesameoathtoactjustly.Theleadingreformersevenissuedaspecialcharterpromisingtosubmitthemselvesandtheirbailiffstoinvestigationandcorrection.51
Therewereseveralreasonswhythegrievancesofknightsandunder-tenantsbulkedlargerin1258–9thanin1215,thusmovingtheagendaonbeyondMagnaCarta.SuchgrievanceshadalwaysbeentherebuttheyweresharpenedbytheconditionsofHenryIII’spersonalrule.Hislaxnessandindulgencehadmadeitpossibleforboth
hisforeignrelativesandEnglishmagnatestoexpandtheirlocalrule.Thegrowingarmyofprofessionaladministratorsgavethemthemeanstodoso.52Atthesametime,thegradualweakeningofthetenurialbond,theopportunitiesofferedbythecommonlaw,andtheincreasingroletheyplayedintherunningoflocal
governmentgaveknightsandfreetenantsmoreindependenceandaloudervoice.53Ifknightsin1215protested,astheymaywellhavedone,againstnarrowlybaronialschemesofreformliketheUnknownCharter,thushelpingtomovetheagendaontotheArticlesoftheBarons,theyprotestedfarmorevisiblyin1259.Atthe
Octoberparliamentabodyofknights,describedas‘thecommunityofthebachelryofEngland’,protestedthat‘thebarons’hadgotalltheywantedandhaddonenothingfor‘theutilityoftherepublic’.Theprotesthadaresult,foritpushedthroughtheProvisionsofWestminsterwithitschaptersaboutattendanceatmagnatecourts
andthesuccessionofunder-tenants.54
Therewerealsoideologicaldevelopments.Thefriars,whoarrivedinEnglandinthe1220s,taughtconcernfortheoppressed.Verymuchinthatspirit,SimondeMontfort,inhiswilldrawnupin1259,soughttocompensate‘thepoorpeopleofmyland…namelythecultivators’,
whomhemighthaveoppressed.55Suchsentimentshelptoexplainanotherrespectinwhichthereformsof1258–9contrastedwithMagnaCarta,namelythewaytheyseemedtoreachouttopeasants,freeandunfree.TherewasnoneoftheblatantdiscriminationagainsttheunfreefoundinMagnaCarta.Investigationsafterthefallof
theMontfortianregimeshowpeasantsinthearmies,raidingbandsandgarrisonsoftheperiod.In1265itself,inafamousincidentjustafterthebattleofEvesham,thepeasantsofPeatlingMagnainLeicestershireobstructedroyalistsgoingthroughthevillage,onthegroundsthattheywereacting‘againstthewelfareofthecommunityof
therealmandthebarons’.Evidently,thepeasantsfeltpartofthecommunityoftherealm,andbelievedthatthebaronswereactinginitsinterests.56Therhetoricoftheperiodwasfarmoreinclusivethanithadbeenin1215.57
Theleadingreformersin1259sworethattheirofficialswouldtakenothingunjustlyfrom‘freemanorvillein’.
Likewisethejusticiarsetupbythereformssworetogivejusticeto‘richandpoor,serfandfree’.58Therewasalsosomerealitybehindthesesentiments.Thelegislationof1258–9benefitedpeasants,freeandunfreealike,bylimitingthenumberswhohadtocometocoroners’inquests,restrictingtheincidenceofthe‘murdrum’fineand
abolishingthebeauplederfineinprivatecourts.59Itwastothelegislationofbeaupleder,inalaterform,thatthepeasantsofSwaffhamPriorinCambridgeshireappealedwhenresistingtheexactionsofthepriorofEly.60Instrikingcontrasttowhatseemstohavehappenedin1215,keyreformsin1258
wereproclaimedinEnglishaswellasFrenchandLatin.61
Anothercontrastbetween1215and1258–65layinthequalityofleadership.TherewasnoequivalentintheearlierperiodtoSimondeMontfort.62Atthestartin1258hewasthemostpassionateandcommittedofthereformers.Heupbraidedbackslidersandharpedagain
andagainontheoatheveryonehadtakentosupporttheProvisionsofOxford.Hewastheonlymagnatewhorefusedtoaccepttheking’srecoveryofpowerin1261,insteadretiringtoFrance.HereturnedtoEnglandin1263toplacehimselfattheheadofamovementcallingfortherevivaloftheProvisionsofOxford.Hewasnowthesole
leaderoftheopposition.BetweenhisvictoryatLewesinMay1264andhisdeathatthebattleofEveshaminAugust1265,hewastheeffectiverulerofEngland.Noonehadachievedsuchprominencein1215.Equallynoonewasdriven,asfarasweknow,bysuchasenseofidealisticpurpose.Atfirstsight,Montfortshouldhave
beenthelastpersontoleadamovementagainsttheking,especiallyonewithhostilitytoforeignersatitsheart.HewasayoungersonofthegreatFrenchnoble,alsocalledSimondeMontfort(ofMontfortl’AmauryjustoutsideParis),whohadledtheAlbigensiancrusadeandbeencanvassedasJohn’ssuccessorduringtheplotof
1212.MontfortjuniorhadcometoEnglandin1230.HehadmadegoodthefamilyclaimtotheearldomofLeicesterandmarriedEleanor,HenryIII’ssister.63
Surelyhewouldnowbeamainstayoftheking’sregime.Notabitofit.Montfortwasdrivenintooppositionbymaterialgrievancesandpersonal
slights.Surroundedbyidealisticchurchmen,andrememberingtheheroismofhisfather,healsocametoseethecauseofreformasacrusade.Hebelievedthat‘thecommonenterprise’mustbeaboutmorethantheselfishinterestsofthegreatbarons.Hadtherebeenaleaderlikethatin1215,MagnaCarta
mighthavelookedratherdifferent.Montfortcertainlybelieved
MagnaCartawasimportant.Indeed,duringthegreatparliamentwhichheheldbetweenJanuaryandMarch1265,hemadeHenryIIIconfirmit,andorderedthatitsviolatorsbeseverelypunished.64When,moreover,Montfortdevisedawrit
allowinglegalactionsagainstthelevyingofthebeauplederfineinprivatecourts,hecloakeditintheauthorityoftheCharter,ratherthaninthatofthe1259legislationwhereinfactitappears.65YetMontfort’sregimedepended,ofcourse,notonMagnaCartabutonthefarmoreradicalProvisionsofOxford.Tothemheaddedin1263the
‘statute’againstthealiens.TheextenttowhichhehadgonebeyondtheCharterwasclearwhenitcametothecompositionofhisparliaments.Parliament,asenvisagedintheCharterof1215,wasanassemblycomposedentirelyoftenants-in-chief.Althoughtherewasamovetoincludeknightsfromtheshiresin1254,this
hadonlybeenforthepurposesofgettingataxandinunusualcircumstances.Therewerenocountyrepresentativescalledforinparliamentasenvisagedinthereformsof1258.Allthischangedintherevolutionaryperiodthatfollowed,inlargepartthankstoMontfort’sdriveandvision.66Withhisallies,hesummonedthree
knightsfromeachcountytoabaronialassemblyin1261.InJune1264,afterhisvictoryatLewes,hesummonedfromeachshirefourelectedknightstoparliamenttodiscusstheaffairsoftherealm.Andthen,forhisparliamentof1265hesummonedtwoknightsfromeachcountyandtwoburgessesfromeachofthe
towns.Thiswasthefirsttimethatknightsandburgesseshadbeensummonedtogethertoparliament,theHouseofCommonsinembryo.67HeretooMontforthadlefttheCharterfarbehind.Theinadequacyofthe
Charterwas,therefore,veryapparentbytheendofHenry’sreignin1272.Thereignofhisson,EdwardI(r.
1272–1307),posedasetofnewproblemsforwhichonceagaintheCharterwasoflimitedhelp.From1294,EdwardplacedburdensonhiskingdomasheavyasKingJohn’sinordertosupporthiswarsinFrance,WalesandScotland.HewasmadetoconfirmtheChartersbuthealso,in1297and1300,madeaseriesofnewconcessions
thatbroughtthemuptodate.Onekeyissueconcernedtheking’srightofpriseorcompulsorypurchase.TheCharterhadsomethingonthis,insistingonpromptpaymentforthetakingofcornandotherchattels,andhorsesandcarts.68Butitsaidnothingaboutthescaleofsuchtakings,andtheseEdwardexpandedway
beyondwhatwascustomary.Oneofthenewarticlesin1300,therefore,regulatedpriseindetail,tryingtomakesuregoodswereonlytakenbyauthorizedofficialstosupporttheking’shousehold.69
BREACHESOFMAGNACARTA
IfoneproblemwiththeCharterwasitsirrelevance,anotherwasthatevenwhenitwasrelevant,itwasnotobeyed.Alengthyschedulefrom1264,criticizingHenryIII’srule,thusstartedwithallthewaysinwhichhehadbreachedtheCharter.70FirstupwasHenry’sruthlessexploitationofecclesiasticalvacanciesandhis
manipulationofelections,grievousbreachesofhispromiseintheChartertosetthechurchfree.71AgreatdealofspacewasalsodevotedtoHenry’sdenialofjustice,thusbreachingchapter40ofthe1215Charter,whichbecamepartofchapter29in1225.Suchabusedidnotaffectthegeneralrunofpeopleintheirlitigationagainsteachother
accordingtotheformsofthecommonlaw.ItverymuchaffectedthemwhenupagainstHenry’sfavouritesandtheirfollowers.Thelatterwereprotectedfromlegalactionsandplaced,soitseemed,abovethelaw.Asaresult,theirlocalofficialsfelttheyhadafreerein.‘IfIdoyouwrong,whoistheretodoyouright?’,askedWilliamde
Bussey,stewardoftheking’shalf-brothers.72Thebeneficiarieswerenotjusttheking’sforeignrelatives.TheyalsoincludedgreatEnglishnoblessuchastheking’sbrother,Richard,earlofCornwall,andRicharddeClare,earlofGloucester.Thevictimsweremagnatesoutsidethecharmedcircleofthecourt,togetherwith
knights,freetenantsandlocalcommunities,manyofwhomfinallymadetheircomplaintsin1258–9.73
ThecomplaintthattheCharterswerenotbeingenforcedlocallywasputtoHenryhimselfveryclearlyin1254inaletterfromtheregents,thekingthenbeinginGascony.‘ManycomplainthattheChartersarenotkept
bythesheriffsandyourotherbailiffs.’If,therefore,Henrywantedatax,hemustordertheCharterstobeupheldbythesheriffsandhavethispubliclyproclaimed.74
Contemporarieswerequiteabletoallegeviolationsofspecificchapters.Indefianceofchapter4ofthe1225MagnaCarta,wardshipswerebeingpillaged–thereisno
evidenceinthatcaseoftheirbeingentrustedtotwomenofthefee,astheCharterrequired.Indefianceofchapter18,chattelswerebeingseizedonthedeathoftenants-in-chiefonthepretextofdebtsowedthecrown–thereisnoevidenceoftheprocedurebeingusedbywhichletterspatentwerefirsttoprovetheexistenceofa
debt.Theking’spoweroverwardshipswasincreasedbythedevelopmentoftheofficeofescheator,unmentionedintheCharter,whosebriefwastodealwithlandcomingintothehandsofthecrown.75
OtherallegedbreachesoftheCharterincludedamercementsbeingimposedbyjustices,sheriffs,bailiffsandstewardsattheirwilland
pleasure,thisinsteadofbeingassessedbylocalmenaccordingtothenatureoftheoffence.Accordingtoalegaltract,calledTheMirrorofJustices,writteninLondoninthelatethirteenthcentury,ifassessorswereemployed,thentheysometimeshadtoactinthehousesofmagnatesratherthaninapublicplace.76
Asthecomplainthereshows,
thiswasanothergrievanceagainstprivateaswellasroyalcourts.Indeed,wheninthe1260s,probablyduringtheMontfortianregime,awritwasdrawnupmakingpossiblelegalactionsagainstbreachesoftheamercementschapterintheCharter,itwasdirectedagainstthelordsofprivatecourts.Inthe1270sthebishopofWorcesterwas
accuseddirectlyofbreachingtheCharterwhenimposingamercementsinhishundredcourtofHenburyinGloucestershire.77
Anotherareaoflocaldiscontentconcernedtheforest.In1225thegovernmentatlastacceptedthecounties’interpretationofchapter1oftheForestCharter,andtheresultwas
extensivedeforestation.Then,however,whenHenryIIIassumedfullpowerin1227,someofthedeforestationswerereversed,onthegroundsthatchapter1onlymeanttodeforestwhatHenryIIhadaddedtotheforest,havingrestoredthelossesinStephen’sreign.Thiswasanothergrievanceraisedin1258.Itwasraisedagain
underEdwardI.Between1301and1305hewasforcedtoacceptextensivedeforestationsundertheCharter’sterms,onlythenin1306,likeHenryIII,toreversethem.78
Therewasalsodebateanddiscontentoverthegovernment’streatmentofthenewchapterintroducedin1217(chapter35in1225)on
therunningofthelocalcourts.In1234thekinghadseemedtoacceptthat,underitsterms,thehundredandwapentakecourtsshouldbeheldbythesheriffonlytwiceayear.ThisviewlaybehindtheprotestsoftheLincolnshireknightsin1226againsttheactivitiesoftheirsheriff.Then,however,acoupleofmonthslaterin
1234,thekingchangedhismind.Hehadsomereasonfordoingso,becausethechapteractuallysaidthatitwasthetourn,theespeciallywell-attendedsessionofthehundredandwapentakecourts,whichwastobeheldtwiceayear.Onothersessionsthechapterwassilent.Thekingnowexplainedthattherelevant
chapteroftheCharterhadbeenreadbeforethegreatandgoodofthekingdom.Theyhaddecidedthatjusttwotournsayearwereinsufficientforkeepingthepeace.Betweensuchsessions,thecourtsofhundredandwapentakeandthecourtsofmagnatesshouldmeetonceeverythreeweeks.Thiswaspresentedasa
concession,sinceunderHenryII,sothekingsaid,fortnightlymeetingshadbeencustomary.79Localopinionwashardlyappeased.InLincolnshire,in1237,theCharterwasreadagain,thistimeinthehundredandwapentakecourts,anditwasassertedthattheyshouldonlymeettwiceayear.80
Lincolnshirewasnotalonein
strainingthemeaningoftheCharter.InNorthumberland,in1269,‘thecommunityofthecounty’complainedthatwhereas,‘accordingtothetenorofMagnaCarta’,theyhadbeenfreeofthesheriff’stourn,thesheriff,WilliamHeron,hadheldtwotournsayear,andamercedthosewhodidnotturnup‘athiswill’.YettheCharteractuallysaid
nothingtojustifysuchfreedomfromthetourn,andHeroncouldhavesaidhewasmerelyenforcingthetwoyearlytournsthatitallowed.81
IntheexamplesmentionedaboveatleasttheCharterwasappealedto.Yettherearemanycaseswhereitwasbreachedinsilence,eitherbecauseitwasunknownor
becauseitwasthoughttobeirrelevant.Whenthejusticiar,HughBigod,visitedKentandSurreyin1258–9,heheardcomplaintsabouttheforest,thetourn,amercements,imprisonmentandwardships,allofwhichcouldbeseenasbreachesoftheCharter,yettheCharterwasnotoncementioned.Whileinthehandsofoneoftheking’s
Poitevinhalf-brothers,thewoodsandfishpondsofGeoffreydeLucyhadbeendestroyedandthebuildingsallowedtogotoruin–clearbreachesoftheCharter,butLucydidnotsayso.82
ENFORCEMENT
IfMagnaCartawasbeingbreached,whatcouldonedoaboutit?Theanswerwasnot
nothing,butstillnotenough.Byfarthemoststrikingattemptsatenforcementlayintheecclesiasticalsentencesofexcommunication.Thesehadbegunin1225withthatofArchbishopLangton.Theycontinuedin1237,whenHenry’sconfirmationoftheCharterswaslinkedtoasentencepromulgatedbythearchbishopofCanterbury,
EdmundofAbingdon,oneofLangton’sformerpupils.Thereafterexcommunicationswerepronouncedatthetimeofalltheconfirmations.Easilythebestknownwasthatfulminatedin1253byArchbishopBonifaceofSavoyandthirteenbishopsbeforeagreataudienceinWestminsterHall.Thissentencewasgivenmassive
publicitybythechurch,andwascopiedintonumerouscartulariesandstatutebooks,oftenalongsidetheCharters.83Unfortunately,complaintsthatthesentenceswereignoredwenthandinhandwithcomplaintsaboutbreachesoftheCharter.84Thesentencesweresupposedfirstandforemosttohaveadeterrenteffect.Thekingand
everyoneelse,itwashoped,wouldliveintheirfear,andactaccordingly.Thosewhohadincurredthesentenceshouldseekabsolution,and,ofcourse,behavebetterinthefuture.In1237HenryIIIandhisbarons,‘fearful’thattheyhadindeedfallenunderthesentence,askedforabsolutionfromArchbishopEdmund.Theyweregivenitwiththe
warningnottoviolatetheCharteragainortheywouldrelapseintotheirpreviousexcommunicatedstate.85Theepisodehighlightedthevalueofexcommunication,asopposedtotheoldsecurityclause,inthatitappliedtoeveryonebreachingtheCharter,notjustthekingandhisministers.Thetroublewasthatallthisdependedonthe
transgressorsrecognizingtheirfaultsandactingaccordingly.If,ontheotherhand,theydeniedanymisconduct,nothinghappened.In1253therewasanattempttomaketheproceduremorepointed.Anyonewhodidnotacknowledgetheviolationwastoincurthesentenceofexcommunicationif,once
warned,matterswerenotputrightwithinfifteendays,thisbythejudgementoftheordinary,thatisthebishoporthearchdeacon.Theking,however,refusedtoacceptthisentirelyecclesiasticalprocedureandsaidthecasesweretobereferredtothejudgementofhiscourt.Eitherway,theseschemesseemtohavehadnopracticaleffect.86
TherewerealsovarioussecularavenuesforenforcingtheCharter.Anappealtoitwasverylikelytobeupheldinthecourts,asweseefromThomasCrowe’scaseasearlyas1221.87WhenEdwardI,in1297,enjoinedhisjudgestoallowtheChartersinalltheirpointsinthecasesbeforethem,hewasaffirmingwhathadlongbeen
practice.88InCrowe’scase,theviolationoftheChartercameupinthecourseoftheproceedings,andwasnottheactualoriginoftheaction.ButitwasalsopossibletobeginalegalactionbywritincaseswheretheCharterhadbeenbreached.Oneofthemostsignificantandpopularofsuchwritswasthatavailabletoawidowseeking
her‘reasonabledower’.ThewritdidnotmentionMagnaCarta’sprovisionsondower,butineffectthelitigationwasawayofenforcingthem.89
OtherwritsmadespecificmentionoftheCharter,mostnotablytheonefoundedonthechapteraboutthelevyingofamercements.This,however,onlyappearsinthe1260s,andhardlyledtoa
flowoflitigation,importantthoughtheissuewas.90TheMirrorofJustices,tryingtosolvetheproblemofenforcement,suggestedthatthosedeprivedoflibertiesintheChartershouldrecoverthemwithdamagesbyanactionofnoveldisseisin.Thatmayhavebeenimpractical,butitsuggestssomethingmorewasrequired.91
Anotheravenueforthoseseekingredresswasthroughtheevidencegivenbythetwelvejurorsrepresentingeachhundredduringvisitationsofthejusticesineyre.Severalofthequestionsputtothejuriesbythejudges,withoutmentioningtheCharter,coveredissuesitdealtwith,asforexampleprisesandtheholdingof
pleasofthecrown.BreachesoftheChartercouldalsoberaisedunderquestionsabouttheintroductionofnewcustomsandtheexcessesofthesheriffs.92Giventhepersonnelofthejuriesonhundreds,thiswasawayinwhichfreetenants,includingthosefromthepeasantry,couldventilatetheirgrievances.Theycoulddoso,
moreover,withoutthetimeandexpenseinvolvedinlitigationbywrit.93Thereis,however,verylittleevidencethatthiswasaroutemuchfollowed.Generaleyreswereonlyheldonceeverysevenyearsorso.ThejudgeshardlyencouragedappealstotheCharter,for,intheirarticlesofinquiry,therewasnoquestionexplicitlyonthe
subjectofMagnaCarta.TheonlytimeaquestionrelatingtotheCharterappearedwasduringthereformingeyreof1259.Itwasnotuntil1280thatquestionswereintroducedrelevanttoMagnaCarta’schaptersonamercementsandthetourn.94
Itmustalsohavebeendifficulttocomplainaboutsittingsheriffsandpowerful
magnates.ThecomplaintsagainstthesheriffWilliamHerononlyemergedafterhehadleftoffice.InHeron’scase,moreover,themenofNorthumberlandwentnotdirecttotheeyrebuttotheking.HenryIIIthenorderedthejusticesineyretostageaninquiry.95Acomplainttothekingwasthusanotherwayofinitiatinganactionaboutthe
Charter,butagainthisdoesnotseemtohavebeenapopularprocedure,perhapsbecauseitwasnotadvertisedandencouraged;andbecauseitwasnotaregularprocedure,theking’sresponseremainedamatterofgrace.Inallthis,oneobviousway
ofenforcingMagnaCartainthelocalitieswasnotadopted,
namelythatofsettinguppermanentpanelsofjudgesineachcountywithcommissionstohearcomplaintsaboutbreachesoftheCharter.Thiswouldhavemadeitmucheasierforlowersectionsofsocietytosecurespeedyredress.Theneedforsuchaprocedurewasperfectlyappreciated.WhenWilliamofHorton,amonkof
StAlbansanditslegalexpert,explainedinthe1250swhytheCharterswerenotobserved,hesaiditwasbecause‘specifickeepersarenotappointedtohearthecomplaintsofthecommunity’.Infact,itwasnotuntil1300thatthreeknightswereappointedineachcountytohearsuchcases.96Theydidnotlast
long,sinceEdwardIsoonrenegedonhisconcessions.Anyway,thereformcameseventy-fiveyearstoolate.Hadsuchpanelsbeenintroducedin1225,theymighthavehadarealeffect.Thetruthisthat,whilethekingwasveryreadytoproclaimtheCharters,andsaythateveryonemustobeythem,hewasneverwillingto
setupproperprocedurestoseethatthatactuallyhappened.Tohavedonesowouldhaveriskedcreatingrivalcentresofauthorityintheshires,abitlikethosethreatenedbythetwelveknightsof1215.Notsurprisingly,theonlyoccasionbefore1300whensuchofpanelsofknightswereenvisagedwasduring
theshort-livedreformsof1259,andevenheretherewasconcernabouthowtheirworkmightaffectthesheriffsintheperformanceoftheirduties.97KingJohn’svisionoftheCharterasavaguesymbolofgoodgovernmentwithlimitedpracticalconsequencesseemstohavebeenexactlythatofhissuccessors.BothHenryIII
andEdwardIcouldactuallyhavedonemoretodistributetheiractualtexts.ApartfromtheMontfortianconfirmationof1265,therewasnoofficialdistributionofthetextsbetween1225and1297;hencetheneedfelttoconcoctup-to-dateversionssuchasthatof1252,andtheimportanceofthechurch’sindependentdistributions.To
these,aswehavenoted,KingEdwardactuallyobjectedandin1279orderedcopiesoftheChartertobetakendownfromthechurchdoors.98
IndraggingtheirfeetoverenforcingtheCharter,thekingswere,tosomeextent,atonewiththegreatmagnates.ThelattermightappealtotheCharteriftheyfelttheywerebeingdeniedjustice,butas
forhavingitenforcedagainstthemselves,thatwasquiteadifferentmatter.Thelastthingtheywantedtoseewasapanelofknightsineachcountywhomight,likethoseenvisagedin1259,‘inquireaboutthebailiffsofthegreatmenintheland,andaboutthegreatmenthemselves’.99
HenryIIIrepeatedlydemandedthatmagnates
themselvesobservetheCharter,butitwaslargelytalk,inpartdesignedtodeflecttheaccusationthathewasnotobeyingithimself.Inreality,hewasnotpreparedtoupsethisownofficialsorthegreatmenofthelandbyanyrigorouspolicyofenforcement.Kingandmagnatesseemedengagedin
aconspiracyagainsteveryoneelse.
THETRIUMPHOFMAGNACARTA
WehavepaintedaprettydismalpictureoftheCharterinthefirstyearsofitshistory.Itisfortunatelybutapartialone.TheCharter’simpactinthethirteenthcenturywasactuallyverygreat.Itsarrival
doesmarka‘before’and‘after’inEnglishhistory.Forastart,theeffortsatpublicationandenforcementmeantthatthefactoftheCharterwasenormouslywellknown.Evenforthosewhoknewmerelythefactandnotthedetails,thefactwasmassive,foritembodiedthebasicprincipleoftheCharter.Thekingwasnowsubjectto
thelaw.Thisideahad,ofcourse,alongpedigree,butnowitstruthwasprovedinadocumentofunimpeachableauthorityandoverwhelmingfame.Many,moreover,didknowthedetailoftheCharter.The‘assertivenessandself-confidence’oflocalcommunities‘grewdirectlyfromitsprovisions’.100MagnaCartawas
empowering.Although,moreover,manyofthereformsof1258–9andthelaterlegislationofEdwardIwentfarbeyondMagnaCarta,inarealsensetheywerebuildingonitsfoundations.OnecanseethatinthewayagreatscheduleofcomplaintagainsttheruleofHenryIII,drawnupin1264,madeitsstartingpointthe
breachesoftheCharterbeforegoingontootherabuses.101Insomeareas,theCharter
wasarguablyatleastalittlemoreeffectivethanthecomplaintsmadeout.HenryhimselfwouldhavedeniedthathewasinbreachoftheCharterwhenitcametothechurch.Hewascertainlyguiltlessofkeeping
bishopricsemptysothathecouldtaketheirrevenues,inthemannerofthetwelfth-centurykings.Thelongvacanciesinhistimearosewhenheobjectedtothepersonelected,asKingJohn’scharteracknowledgedhecouldifthegroundswere‘reasonable’,andHenrywouldcertainlyhavesaidtheywerethat.Ifhisofficials
breachedtheCharterintheirruthlessexploitationofvacancies,Henrydidsometimestrytorestrainthem.102UnderEdwardI,therewerenomajordisputesoverepiscopalelections.Indeed,in1279,EdwardacceptedthepapalappointmentoftheFranciscanscholarJohnPechamasarchbishopof
Canterbury,despitehavinglobbiedhardforhischancellor,RobertBurnel.Theking’sconductherecontrastedsharplywiththatofJohnoverArchbishopLangton.103
SomeoftheCharter’smostimportantchapterswereobeyed.Nothingforearlsandbaronswasmoreimportantthanthe£100relief,andby
andlargethatwasthesumchargedafter1216forthoseinheritingwhentheywereoffullage.104SinceJohnhadchargedreliefsofhundreds,sometimesthousandsofpounds,thiswasaremarkablechange,onethathitbothroyalrevenueandroyalpower.TheCharteralsomadea
realdifferencetothewidows
oftenants-in-chief.Thestipulationhere,asin1215,wasthatnowidowshouldbeforcedtoremarryifshewishedtolivewithoutahusband,providedshegavesecuritythatshewouldnotremarrywithouttheking’sconsent.Theimplicationwasthatthemarriagesofwidowswerenolongerintheking’sgift.105Atfirstsight,this
seemstohavehadlittleeffectsincepost-1215governmentrecordsfrequentlytalkofsuchmarriagesasbelongingtotheking.Inthefinerollsbetween1216and1234,moreover,fourteenmenofferedthekingmoneytomarrywidows.Theseoffersarenot,however,allthattheyseem.Inthreecasestheneedforthewidow’sconsentwas
mentioned,inoneithadtobeinwriting.106Inothers,whatwasprobablybeingboughtwastheking’sconsenttoamarriagewhichhadalreadybeenagreedbybothparties,aconsentwhichremainednecessaryundertheCharter.Inothersagain,thekingprobablyacceptedthatthewidowmightrefusethemarriage,andhewassimply
grantinganyfineshemightmaketomarrywhomshewished.In1243thesewerethetermsunderwhichHenryIIIgrantedthemarriageofMargery,countessofWarwick,tohisfavourite,JohndePlessis.107SincetheCharteracknowledgedtheneedfortheking’sconsent,hewaswithinhisrightsindemandingmoneytowaive
theright.WhatwasnolongerallowedwasKingJohn’spracticeofchargingmoneyforpermissiontostaysingle,andherearealchangeisapparent.Inhissixteen-yearreign,therewerefifty-ninefinesmadebywidowsfor,amongotherthings,suchpermission.Inthetwenty-sixyearsbetween1216and1242,thefinerollsreveal
onlyfive.108Thethirteenthcenturywasdistinguishedbymanyfamousnoblewomenwho,profitingfromthetermsoftheCharter,electedtoremainsingle,andenjoyedlongyearsofwidowhood.Onesuchwidow,Isabella,countessofArundel,upbraidedHenryIIItohisfaceaboutbreachesoftheCharter.109Thekingwasalso
lessthanstringentinenforcinghisrighttoconsent.Asfarascanbeseen,therewasnoroutinesystemfortakingsecurityfromwidows.110Henry’sorderin1243thatWarwickcastlebeseizedassecurityfromMargery,countessofWarwick,wasaltogetherexceptional,aswerethepressuresthatmadeherinthe
endmarryJohndePlessis.Indeed,Henryplaintivelyobserved,inissuingtheorderoverWarwickcastle,that‘verymanyladiesofthekingdomhavegotthemselvesmarriedobscurelytowhomsoevertheywished,withoutaskingourpermission,andspurningthesecuritytheyoughttogive’.111
Anotherareainwhichwidowsprofitedwasthatofentryintotheirinheritances,dowersandmarriageportions.MagnaCartadirectedthatthisshouldbefree,andtherearefewexamplesofsuchpaymentsinHenryIII’sfinerolls.WhenAlice,widowofHenrydeNeville,offered100marksin1227tomarryfreely,her
marriageportionanddowerweregivenherwithoutcharge.112Widows,whenlitigatingunderthewritofdowerwehavementioned,likewisegainedfromthenewsectioninthe1217Charterstipulatingthatthedowershouldbeathirdofthelandheldbyahusbandduringhis(married)lifetime,unlessasmallerportionhadbeen
agreedatthetimeofthewedding.Thishelpedlaytorestthelingeringideathatadowerwasonlyduefromthelandthehusbandheldonthedayofthemarriage.Thewidowwasthusentitledtoadowerinherhusband’sacquisitions.TheCharteralsoplayedapartinmakingitpossibleforwidowstoturndownanynominateddower
andhaveinsteadthethirdasdefinedbyMagnaCarta.113
MagnaCartahadactedagainstwomeningeneralbystatingthatnoonewastobearrestedorimprisonedontheaccusationofawomanforthedeathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.Thisrestrictionwasnot,however,designedtolimittheactualoccasionsonwhichwomencouldbring
appeals.Indeed,insofarasitlessenedthepre-trialconsequencesforamanaccusedofkillingsomeoneotherthanahusband,itmayhavehelpedappealsinsuchcasestocontinue.Certainly,asampleofover1,200femaleappealsfoundinplearollsbetween1194and1294,withmostoftheevidencecomingpost-1215,showsthatthe
legalrulerestrictingfemaleappealstothekillingofhusbands,rapeandotherbodilyinjurywasnotautomaticallyenforced.Femaleappealswerealsomadeinlargenumbers,constituting36percentofthewhole.Ofthe126rapeaccusations,onlynineteenresultedinaconviction,butanotherthirty-fiveendedina
settlement.Ingeneral,theoutcomesinfemale-prosecutedcaseswerenotverydifferentfromthoseprosecutedbymen.Thewomenseemtohaveappearedpersonally.Women,therefore,mostlyofpeasantstatus,wereverymuchpublicfiguresinthecourts.Theirpresence,however,diminishedinthecourseof
thecenturyasthenumberofappealsbothbymenandbywomendeclined,leavingprosecutionmuchmoreexclusivelyinthehandsoflocaljuries.Women,ofcourse,didnotsitonjuries.Butatleastthischangewastheby-productofthegeneraldeclineintheappealratherthantheresultofany
particularanimusagainstwomen.114
Whenitcametolegalactionsbeingbroughtagainsthisfavourites,Henrywascertainlypreparedtodenyjustice,aswehavesaid.Buthedidnotsellit.Hisfineandpiperollsarequiteinnocentoftheoffersofmoneyfor‘justice’thatfeatureonthoseofKingJohn.Tothatextent,
Henrydidobeychapter40ofthe1215Charter.Henryalso,perhapsmostimportantofall,obeyedchapter39.Unlikehispredecessors,hedidnotdisseisemenofpropertywithoutjudgement,byactsofwill.115Bythesametoken,hedidnotdemandlargesumsofmoneyforthereturnofsuchpropertiesandtherecoveryofhisgrace.Therewasjustone
periodofhisreignwhenHenrysoughttoemulatetheactionsofhisfather.Thiswasbetween1232and1234when,havingdismissedHubertdeBurgh,hecameunderthespellofPeterdesRoches.Theresultwasacivilwar,desRoches’sdismissalandthesolemnreversalofthedisseisinsthatHenrycommitted.Thebasic
principlesoftheCharterinthisvitalareahadbeenvindicated.116Henryneverattemptedsuchactionsagain.117Hencethetotalcontrastbetweentherevolutionsof1215and1258.In1215thedisseisinscommittedbyJohn,asindeedbyRichardandHenryII,weremajorissues.ManyofJohn’swerereversedinthe
weeksafterMagnaCarta.In1258theofficeofjusticiarwasrevivedwithabrieftogivejusticetoeveryone.Buthischiefbusinesswastodealwithlocalgrievances.Heheardonlyonemajorcaseinwhichadisseisinbythekingwasalleged,andonthathegavenojudgement,inpartbecausetheclaim(Rogerde
Mortimer’stoLechlade)wasfarfromclear-cut.118
Earlsandbaronsalsogainedfromthechapteronamercements,which,theChartersaid,weretobeassessedbytheirpeersinaccordancewiththescaleoftheoffence.Thiswasdesignedtopreventamercementsbeingimposedarbitrarilyeitherbythe
exchequerorbywilloftheking.Ithasbeensaidthechapterwasafailure,butthatisfarfromthecase.119
Bracton,itistrue,saidthatjudgementbypeerscouldmeaneitherjudgementbythebaronsoftheexchequerorjudgementbeforethekinghimself.120Thereisgoodevidence,however,thatinHenry’sreignthelatterwas
thenorm.Theresurvivesfromthe1250sarecordsenttotheexchequerofamercementsimposedonbaronsandothersofequivalentstatus‘beforetheking’–‘coramrege’.Theamercementsinquestionhadarisenfromconvictionsbeforethejusticesineyre,soitlooksasthoughitwasroutineforsuchcasestogoto
thecourtcoramregefortheamercementstobeimposed.121Likewise,in1241,itwasstatedthatbaronswhohadcommittedforestoffenceswereamerced‘beforethelordking’.Inthemajorityofcaseswehavenoinformationastowhatamercementcoramregeinvolved,butitisveryunlikelythatitwassimplyby
willoftheking.Instead,thearmercementswereprobablyassessedbythecourtcoramrege,whichwaspresidedoverbyprofessionaljudgesandcouldbestrengthenedbytheattendanceofabaron’speersifnecessary.Inroutinecases,thismayormaynothavehappened,buttherearesomeveryclearexamplesofabaron’speersintervening
andrestrainingthekingincasesofgreatmoment.In1241acourtcomposedoftwentyearls,barons,magnatesandministersdismissedoutofhandHenry’sclaimthathehadsuffereddamagetothetuneof10,000marksatthehandsofGilbertMarshal,earlofPembroke(theformerregent’sson).Again,in1256,
whenHenrybyhisownwillslappeda£100amercementonthebishopofBath,itwasthenreducedto50marks‘byconsiderationofthepeersofthebishopinthepresenceoftheking’.122Therearealsoreasonsforthinkingthat,inthesameyear,theastronomicalamercementof100,000marks,whichanemotionalHenryinawholly
exceptionalcasewishedtoimposeonRobertdeRos,wasreducedbyacourt,includingRos’speers,to1,000marks.(Roswasasonofthebaronof1215.Hisoffencewasmistreatingtheking’syoungdaughter,wifeofAlexanderIIIofScotland,whilethepairwereinhiscareinEdinburghcastle.)
Apartfromsayingthatamercementsofearlsandbaronsshouldbeassessedbytheirpeers,theCharteralsostipulatedthattheirsizeshouldmatchtheoffence.UnderHenryIII,itwasnotuncommonforlayandecclesiasticalbaronstobeamerced£100foroffencesthatcameunderthebroadheadingofcontemptofcourt.
Thesesumsseemlarge,buttheywereprobablyconsideredcommensuratewithbaronialstatus.Theamountswereoftenleftunpaidorpardoned.123Thescaleofamercementsimposedcoramrege,foundontherecordmentionedabove,werefarmoremodest.Inthetwenty-threecasesrecorded,theyrangedfrom5
marksto£20.Theamercementofearlsandbaronsin1258wasadogthatdidnotbark.Evidentlyitwasnolongeranissue.MagnaCartahaddoneitswork.ThathadanotherimportantconsequenceandoneintendedbytheframersoftheCharter.Becauseearlsandbaronswereconfidentthatamercementswouldbe
reasonableinsize,theynolongerfelttheneedtoofferlargesumsofmoneyfortheking’sbenevolence.124
Earlsandbarons,then,profitedfromtheCharter.Sodidtheking’sknightlytenants-in-chief,sincethe£5reliefforaknight’sfeewasobservedjustasmuchasthe£100relief.Thelackofprotestontheissuessuggests
thatlordsthemselvesobeyedtheCharterwhenitcametoassessingthereliefsandtreatingthewidowsoftheirunder-tenants.Knightsandunder-tenantsalsogainedfromcontinuedexpansionofthecommonlaw,whichtheChartersoughttofacilitate.Thestipulationthatcommonpleasweretobeheldinafixedplace,whichmeant
eithertheeyresorthebenchatWestminster,wascompletelyobeyed.Indeed,theexpansionoverthecenturyoflitigationatthebenchwasabsolutelyphenomenal.125Asforthecommonpleasinthelocalities,thewatered-downchapterinthe1217Charterbywhichjudgesweretotravelonceayearthroughthe
countiestoheartheassizes,withknightsofthecounty,wasneverimplemented.Instead,groupsoffourlocalknights,andlaterindividualjudgeswhoprobablyco-optedknightstositwiththem,werecommissioned,ondemand,tohearindividualassizes.Thesecommissionsusuallycosthalfamarkorso,andwerethusnotascheapas
the6dwrits‘ofcourse’,whichcouldbeginactionsatthegeneraleyre.Essentiallytheywereforspeedingupthejudicialprocess,atacostthatseemedreasonableandwasnotregardedasthesellingofjustice.Thecommissionswereboughtinincreasingnumbers.Inthefinerollfortheregnalyear1256–7,some270werepurchased.Henry
wasmakingthecommonlawavailableinawaythatJohnhadfailedtodo.Indeed,thefinerollof1256–7,intotal,hadaround500offersofmoneytobuywritsthatwouldinitiateorfurthercommon-lawlegalactions.Inthefinerollof1207–8,therewereseventyofthem.126Therolls,moreover,donotrecordatallthepurchaseofthe6d
writs‘ofcourse’,whichwerestillperfectlyavailableandwereboughtinlargenumberswheneyreswereimminent.Magnatescertainlygottheirwayinrespectofthewrit‘precipe’.Herethechapter(24inthe1225Charter)banningitsissueifitunderminedprivatecourtswasobeyed.Indeedthewritdisappeared,butitwasa
victoryoflittlesignificance.AsTheMirrorofJusticesobserved,thereweremanyotherwritsbywhich‘lordslosethecognizanceofmattersconcerningtheirfeesandtheprofitsoftheircourts’.127
Intheareaoftheforest,HenryhadbeenlessdismissiveoftheForestCharterthanhiscritics
claimed.Althoughsomeofthedeforestationsimplementedin1225werereversed,othersstood,andtheresultwasasubstantialreductionintheareaoftheroyalforest.Ineffectaworkingcompromisewasachievedwiththecounties,whichwasnotaltered,despitethegrumbles,in1258.Equally,givenallthe
controversyoverchapter35(inthe1225Charter)ontherunningofthecountyandhundredcourts,itisdifficulttobelievethatthesheriffsdidnottreadmorecarefully.Conceivablymoreresearchintotheirfinancialreturnsmayprovidesomedetailhere.Muchmoresignificantwasthevictoryoflocalsocietywhenitcametothetypeof
personwhoshouldbesheriff.Thedesireofthecountiestohavealocalmanintheofficehadbeenbehindthestipulationinchapter45ofthe1215Charterthatsheriffsandotherofficialsshouldknowandwishtoobey‘thelawofthekingdom’or,astheArticlesoftheBaronsputit,‘thelawoftheland’.Thechapterhadbeenomitted
after1215,aswehaveseen.Thereformsof1258–9,insistingthatthesheriffshouldbealocalknight,hadnotoutlastedtheking’srecoveryofpower.Butthenin1278,EdwardI,inanactofconciliation,removedallthesheriffsandreplacedthemwithknightsfromtheirowncounties.Itwascountyknightswhoweretheusual
sheriffsthereafter.128Withtheintroductioninthenextcenturyofthejusticeofthepeace,localsocietyhadwonitsstruggletoprovidelocalgovernmentwithitspersonnel.The1215Charter,initschapter45,andintheroleitassignedtoelectedknightsineachcountyasjudgesandasreformersof
abuse,hadpointedthewaytothatvictory.TheLondonersknew
MagnaCartawell,andmadecopiesofbothJohn’sandHenry’sCharter.Theymayhavegainedlittlefromitsconfirmationoftheirliberties,whichweresuspendedmanytimesinthethirteenthcentury.129Atleast,however,thechapterremovingfish
weirsfromtherivershadsomeeffect,inpartthroughtheirownefforts.130
Whatoftheunfree?Wasthechangein1225thatsawthekinggrantingtheCharterto‘allmen’,asopposedto‘allfreemen’,justLangtonianrhetoric?Perhapsnotquite.Deathandmutilationseemtohavebeenabolishedaspenaltiesfor
forestoffences,sopeasantsgainedthere.Ifexactionsattheviewoffrankpledgeweremodified,thentheygainedtheretoo.Theymayalsohaveprofitedfromthechapter(14in1225)onamercements,whichsaidthatforvilleins,asforeveryoneelse,theseshouldbeassessedbymenoftheneighbourhood.Onthevisitationsoftheking’s
judges,oreyres,amercementsweregenerallyassessedbyknightsandleadingmenofthehundreds,sobygoodmenoftheneighbourhoodinaccordancewiththeCharter.131Thiswasprobablytheusualprocedurebefore1215,buttheCharteratleastmadeithardertobreach.Thevilleinswere,ofcourse,underthetermsofthe
Charter,onlyprotectedfromexcessiveamercementsimposedbytheking,notbytheirlords(andtheking’svilleins,from1217,notatall).132Butboththeprincipleandpracticeofthechapterspilledoverintomanorialcourts.ItwasinthespiritoftheCharterthatWalterofHenley’sbookontherunningofmanors,writteninthe
secondhalfofthethirteenthcentury,urgedlordstoseethatthose‘fallingintodangeroftheircourts’wereamercedbytheirpeers.Thiswasnotjustapiousaspiration.In1229,onthemanorsofthebishopricofDurham,amercementswereassessedbylocalmen,accordingtothescaleoftheoffence(‘delictum’),andsavinga
freemanhismeansoflivelihood(‘contenementum’),amerchanthismerchandise,andarustichiswainage,whichwasalmostadirectquotefromMagnaCarta.Perhapsagrowthinsuchprocedureshelpsexplaintheevidencethatamercementsinmanorialcourtsdeclinedin
sizeinthelaterthirteenthcentury.133
TherewasalsoanideathatvilleinsmighthavesomeredressagainsttheirlordsifMagnaCarta’schapteronamercementswasbreached.Bracton,inapassagenotfoundinGlanvillorothersources,opinedthatvilleinshadanactionagainsttheirlords‘ifthewrongisan
insufferableone,aswheretheirlordssostripthemthattheirwainagecannotbesavedthem’.134Inthe1260sthewritthatenabledlegalactionstobetakenagainstamercementsinprivatecourtsinbreachofMagnaCartastatedthatvilleinsweretobeamercedsavingtheir‘wainage’.Theimplicationwasthattheactionwasavailabletothem,
althoughunderthestricttermsoftheCharteritshouldnothavebeen.135ItwasthisverychapterinMagnaCartathatthepeasantsofBockinginEssexappealedtoaround1300.Whereaspreviouslytheiramercementshadbeenassessedbytheirpeers,andinaccordancewiththeoffence,nowthelord’sbailiffwasamercingthematwill,twoor
threetimesasmuch,‘againsttheGreatCharterwhichholychurchoughttouphold’.136
Howfartheunfreewereabletotakeconcreteadvantageoftheseopportunitiesisanothermatter.Thereappeartobenoexamplesofvilleinsbringingactionsagainsttheirlordsontheissueofamercements.Thefactthatthepeasantsof
BockingappealedtothechurchtoupholdtheCharterspeaksvolumes.NordidBracton’sviewontheissuegounchallenged.Alaterinterpolationintothetextsaidthat‘wheneverthelordpleaseshecantakeawayfromhisvilleinhiswainageandallhisgoods’.137IntheCharter,itwasonlythefreetenementsthatwereprotected
fromdemandsformorethandueservice.TheauthorofTheMirrorofJusticesobservedthatifthischapter(10in1225)hadcoveredlandheldinvilleinage(ashethoughtitshould),thentherewould‘hardlybeamanintherealmwhohastenantsandwhodoesnottrespassagainstitbyhimselforhisministers’.138
ThebenefitsofMagnaCarta,therefore,werefarfromspreadevenlyacrosssociety,yetallsectionsofsociety(apartfromtheJews)hadsomestakeinit.Everyone,moreover,wasaffectedinsomewaybythemomentouschangeinkingshipthattheCharter’sletterandspirithelpedbringabout.Thekindofarbitrary,
indeedtyrannicalruleseenunderKingJohnhaddisappeared.Inthefinerollof1207–8thereweretwelveoffersofmoney,totallingsome£5,580,toescapetheking’srancourandrecoverhisbenevolence.InHenryIII’sfinerollfor1256–7,thereisonlyone(of£500),anditwasquiteuntypical.InalltherollsofHenry’s
personalrulebetween1236and1258thereareonlyfourmoresuchfineswithatotalvalueof£1,673.Therewasequallynoequivalentintherollsbetween1236and1258ofthefinessocommonunderJohntorecoverlandseizedintotheking’shands.Therearethirteenoftheseinthefinerollof1207–8alone.Thiswasallpartofagigantic
declineinroyalrevenuegenerallyfromfinesofferingmoneytothekingforconcessionsandfavours.In1207–8Johnwasofferedsome£22,000.In1256–7theamountofferedHenryIIIwasaround£4,000.TheaveragepromisedJohnintherollsof1199–1200,1204–5,1207–8and1213–4was£26,500.UnderHenry,between1234
and1242,itwas£4,000.139
Althoughthesefiguresaresubjecttoallkindsofqualificationsanddistortions(in1241–2therewasonefineforawardshipof£6,666),takenasawholetheyillustrate,ingraphicfashion,thecollapseoftheking’sabilitytoextractmoneybyarbitrarymeans.Ofcourse,asHenrywaswellaware,there
remainedways,withinthelawoftheland,inwhichhecouldseizepropertyinordertoenforcethepaymentofdebts,but,whenitcametohisleadingmagnates,herarelyresortedtothem.Hewasmuchmorelikelytosetreasonabletermsforrepayment.Henry’sindulgentpersonalitywasafactorinthisextraordinarycontrast
withthereignofhisfather,buttherewasmoretoitthanthat.Fineincomedidnotrecoverunderthehard-drivingEdwardI.Intherollof1304–5thetotalofferedhimwas£1,121withthirty-eight‘reasonablereliefs’,whichwerepresumablyleviedaccordingtothetermsofMagnaCarta.Kingshipseemedtotallydifferentfrom
whatithadbeenonehundredyearsbefore.140Itseemeddifferentinanotherway.Duringhispersonalrule,Henrytooknotasinglehostage.Therewasoneother
consequenceoftheCharterthatwasfeltbyallsectionsofsociety.Thiswastheemergenceofthetax-basedparliamentarystate.Because
theletterandspiritoftheCharter,comingontopofthedeclineineasymoneyfromroyallands,stoppedupsomanysourcesofroyalincome,thepost-1215kingsdesperatelyneededgeneraltaxationtofillthegap.YetheretheCharterkickedinagain,becauseitlaiddownthattaxationcouldonlybeleviedwiththecommon
consentofthekingdom,whichcametomeantheconsentofparliament.True,thechapteronconsentwasleftoutofthepost-1215Charters,butthemagnatesstillbelieveditwasvalid.Theengrossmentsofthe1215Charter,andthenumerouscopiesofitthatcirculated,helpedtoconfirmthisbelief.HenryIIIfounditimpossible
toraisetaxationwithoutconsent.Theepisodein1220,whenthestewardsoftheYorkshiremagnatesclaimedthattheirlordshadnotbeenconsultedoveratax,madethepoint.Thelackofconsultationwasprobablytrue,althoughmorebytheincompetenceoftheminoritygovernmentthanbydesign.141
Henry,inlinewiththe1215
Charter,latersoughtconsentforscutages,andevenforthecustomaryaidsthattheCharterpermitted.142TheonlytimethatEdwardItriedtolevyataxwithoutconsent(in1297)hefacedanearrevolt.Hewasforcedtoagreethathewouldlevytaxationonly‘withthecommonassentofallthekingdom’.143Ingeneral,Edwardgained
consentbytimelyconcessionsandreformoftherealm.Hecouldletthecountieshavetheirknightlysheriffs,andacceptaminimalincomefromfines,becausethismadethegrantingoftaxationbyparliamentallthemorelikely.TheconcessionEdwardmadein1290,inordertosecurethemostlucrativetaxofthereign,was
theexpulsionoftheJewsfromEngland.Indirectly,therefore,inreinforcingtheneedforconsent,andtheconsequentneedforconcessions,MagnaCartacontributedtothefateoftheonesectionofsocietythathadgainednothingfromitsterms.144
Theparliamentof1290wasattendedbyknights
representingthecountiesandburgessesthetowns.Montfort’sparliamentof1265hadsetapatternincreasinglyfollowedthereafter.BytheendofEdward’sreignin1307theknightsandburgesseswereclosetobeingafixture.MagnaCartain1215hadenvisagedconsenttotaxationbeinggivenbyanassembly
merelyoftenants-in-cheif.Hereitlookedtothepastbutgaveapointertothefuturesincemanyofthelessertenants-in-chiefsummonedgenerallybythesheriffswouldhavebeenofknightlystatus.TheCharteralsoprotectedtheprivilegesofLondonandothertowns,andrecognizedtheroleoftheknightsindispensingjustice
andreformingabusesinthelocalities.In1215itselfMagnaCartahardlyseemedtohaveafuture.Itwassupposedtolastforever,‘inperpetuity’,butwithinlittlemorethanamonthofthemeetingatRunnymede,Johnhaddecidedtoabandonit.Hisbaronialopponentseffectivelydidthesamewhen,laterintheyear,they
offeredthethronetoPrinceLouis,eldestsonofthekingofFrance.MagnaCarta,however,
survived.Itdidsobecauseitassertedonefundamentalandtreasuredprinciple,thatoftheruleoflaw.Italso,initsindividualchapters,respondedtorealgrievancesandoffered,atleastinsomecases,whatseemedeffective
solutions.InthethirteenthcenturytheCharterwashardlyofequalbenefittoallsectionsofsociety.YetsocietychangedwhileMagnaCartaremained,sothatintheendtheprincipleoftheruleoflawshieldedeverybody.Alreadyby1300thosefromtoptobottomofEnglishsocietysawtheCharterasaprotectionagainstarbitrary
rule.MagnaCartawassetonthelongjourneythatwouldtakeitaroundtheworld.Itwouldindeedlast‘inperpetuity’.
Notes
1MagnaCarta:TheDocuments
1.ThefouroriginalsoftheChartervaryslightlyintheirwordlength,aswillbeevidentfromthenotestotheLatintextinchapter2.
2.Forlanguagesinthisperiod,seech.6ofClanchy,MemorytoWrittenRecord.
3.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’;BLHarleyMS409,fo.48v,referringheretotheCharterofHenryIII.
4.Seebelow,pp.78–86.5.Anonymous,pp.129,158;
Gillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.34–6;Marshal,line13,159.
6.WalterMap,pp.476–7;Galbraith,‘Literacy’,pp.213–15.
7.Rishanger,p.405;Thompson,MagnaCarta,pp.147–50;fortheviewthattheCharterwasproclaimedearlierinEnglish,seeClanchy,MemorytoWrittenRecord,pp.220–21,andseebelow,pp.136–7.
8.F,p.137.9.Crowland,p.221;Coggeshall,
p.172;Dunstable,p.43;Wendover,p.589.
10.TheprintedtextoftheletterisRLC,pp.377–8,fromTNAC54,19,m.11d.SeeWhite,‘ThenameMagnaCarta’.A
secondcopyoftheorderontheduplicatechancerycloserollfollowsthecorrectedversion.TheorderwasaddressedtothesheriffofYorkshirebutprobablywenttoallthesheriffs.
11.RLC,p.73b.12.Wendover,iii,pp.91–2.13.RLC,ii,p.73.14.CChR,pp.225–5;SR,p.28.15.Paris,iii,p.382.16.CR1251–3,p.482;Paris,vi,
pp.249–50;Paris,v,p.375;Dunstable,p.189.
17.Burton,p.321;DBM,pp.320–21.
18.IllustratedinPrestwich,EdwardI,plate20.
19.Wendover,Flores,ii,pp.119–34;Paris,pp.589–694.ForallthisseeHolt,‘TheStAlbanschoniclers’.
20.Paris,vi,p.523.21.Collins,‘Documents’,pp.235,
237–8.Acopyofthe1215CharterinaregisterofCanterburycathedralwasdescribedas‘carta[ofKingJohn]magnaDeRonnemed’:
CanterburyCathedralArchives,RegisterE,fo.46v.
22.FH,ii,pp.153,182,220,384–5,409.
23.Thompson,MagnaCarta,pp.166,182,187,197.
24.TNAE164/2,fos.ccxxxiiii–ccxxxvii.
25.Collins,‘Documents’,pp.249–52andplate13;Holt,MC,pp.491–2.
26.ThiswasnoticedbyBlackstone,GreatCharter,p.22notei.
27.ForamuchfullerdiscussionofthedateofMagnaCarta,seebelow,pp.361–6.
28.Coggeshall,p.172.29.FormeasurementsseeCollins,
‘Documents’,p.267,andVincent,TheMagnaCarta,pp.56–9.
30.Fox,‘Originals’,p.323.31.Fox,‘Originals’,p.333and
note2.32.Forthedebate,seeHolt,
‘SalisburyMagnaCarta’,andHolt,MC,p.442.IamgratefultoTeresaWebberfor
confirmingthatthehandoftheSalisburyCharterisperfectlycompatiblewith1215.Itishardtointerpretthepassageinwhich‘dupplicata’appearsonthebackoftheSalisburyCharter.Idonotthinkitissignificant.
33.SeeFox,‘Originals’,p.330,forhiscomments,havingcollatedthefouroriginals.
34.SeeCollins,‘Documents’,pp.270–73.
35.Collins,‘Documents’,p.272.
36.Fox,‘Originals’,p.334;Collins,‘Documents’,p.272.
37.Collins,‘Documents’,pp.264–5;RA,p.137.
38.ForWyems,seeCalendarofInnerTempleRecords,ii,pp.30,96,121,136,referencesthatcomefromPaulBrand.
39.Collins,‘Documents’,p.260.40.BLCottonCharterXIII31b,
whichhasatranscriptionoftheChartermadein1731afterthefirewiththeletterssuppliedfromCiiindicatedinred.Fox,‘Originals’,p.323,
saysthattwenty-sevenlettershadtobesupplied,buteighteenofthesecomeinacorrectionatthefootoftheCharter,wheretheyrepeatthemaintextsoastoindicatewherethecorrectionshouldgo.Seebelow,p.58n.
41.Prescott,‘RestorationoftheCottonlibrary’,atnote134.
42.ForDeringandtheCanterburyarchives,seeVincent,ed.,NormanCharters,pp.101–2.
43.CanterburyCathedralArchives,RegisterE,fos.
46v–49v.44.SeeSharpe,‘Chartersof
liberties’,pp.37–8.45.Baldwin,‘MasterStephen,
Langton’,pp.838–46.46.FortheArticlesandwhat
follows,seeCollins,‘Documents’,pp.234–43.
47.Holt,MC,pp.242–7,429–32;F,p.129.
48.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’.49.Galbraith,‘AdraftofMagna
Carta’.50.Seebelow,pp.345–7.Ihave
setouttheevidenceinfullin
‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’onthewebsiteoftheMagnaCartaProject:http://magnacarta.cmp.uea.ac.uk
51.Holt,MC,pp.445–6.52.SocietyofAntiquariesof
London,MS60,fos.225v–228v.
53.Thesearelistedanddiscussed,Ihopewithothersfoundaftergoingtopress,in‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’,onthewebsiteoftheMagnaCartaProject.
2TheChapters,ContentsandTextofMagnaCarta
1.CambridgeUniversityLibraryEe.2.19,fos.1–5.Thisvolumeisastatutebook.
2.SC,pp.300–302.3.RLP,p.148.4.SeeHelmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,
pp.323–4.5.Blackstone,GreatCharter,pp.
10–24.6.SR,pp.9–13.J.C.Fox’s
unpublishedcollationinBLAdd.MSS41178,pp.10–18,
againstwhichIhavecheckedmyown,usesalltheengrossmentsbutnotthecopyinthebishops’letter.
7.SR,pp.9–13.8.Inmanymedievalhandsitis
hardtodistinguishbetween‘c’and‘t’.Whentheycanbedistinguished,thelettersoftenappeartobeinterchangeable.TheStatutesoftheRealmtextoftheLincolnCharterhas‘t’muchmorefrequentlythat‘c’.Itissometimeshardtobesure,butIthinkthisiscorrect,
andmytextlargelyfollowsthatoftheStatues,andsohas‘iuditium’and‘iustitia’,butalso‘justiciarius’.Theotherengrossmentsseemtouse‘c’moreoften.Scribeswerealsoinconsistentintheiruseof‘i’and‘j’,andhereIhavefollowedwhatisinthetext.IamgratefultoJuliaCrickforhelpwiththeCharter’spaleography.
9.F,betweenpp.128and129.IamgratefultoSimonLuterbacherofBloomsbury
andSuzanneIrvineofBonhamsforsendingmephotographsofprintsofthePineengravingthatcameupforsaleattheirauctionhouses.Bothfetchedthousandsofpounds.
10.TNAE164/2,fos.ccxxxiiii–ccxxxvii.
11.Holt,MC,pp.448–73.
3KingJohnandtheSourcesforHisReign
1.The‘movability’ofconflicts
acrosstheAngevindominionsisamajorthemeinVeach,LordshipinFourRealms.
2.Power,NormanFrontier,pp.414–15.
3.ItakethesedetailsfromGillingham,RichardI,p.324,asplendidbiography.
4.Tewkesbury,p.84.5.V.Green,BodyofKingJohn,
p.4.Alessauthoritativeaccountgivestheheightasfivefeetfiveinches:Poole,DomesdayBooktoMagnaCarta,p.486note2.
6.Gervase,ii,p.92;Paris,p.561.
7.ForGerald,seeBartlett,GeraldofWales.
8.GeraldofWales,pp.202–5,236–7.
9.Howden,iii,p.198.10.Howden,iv,pp.5,16,60,81.11.FortheInterdict,seebelow,
pp.198–9.ForthecontemporaryhistoriansofJohn’sreign,seeGransden,HistoricalWritinginEngland,ch.15.
12.Coggeshall,pp.102–10;Carpenter,‘Coggeshall’.
13.StAugustine’sCanterbury,pp.137–57.Cheney,HubertWalter,pp.85–6.TheStAugustine’saccount(pp.155–6)saysthatJohnonlytookapalfreyforthesettlement,nottherestofthe200marksonoffer.Butthepiperollshowshedidtakethemoney:PR1203,pp.103–4;PR1207,p.33.
14.Coggeshall,pp.101,93.
15.Gervase,ii,pp.92–3.GervaseaddedthatanyreputationforsoftnesswassoonbeliedbyJohn’slaterconduct,thinkinghereofhisattackonthechurch.
16.Seebelow,pp.198–9.17.Forwhatfollows,seeAdamof
Eynsham,pp.137–44,188.18.JocelinofBrakelond,p.116.19.Forthechronicleofwhichthe
Anonymous’saccountispart,seeFedorenko,‘Thethirteenth-centuryChroniquedeNormandie’.
20.RLC,p.208b.21.Anonymous,p.105.Iam
usingthetranslationinGillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.37–8.
22.Anonymous,pp.114–15,119.23.Fordiscussions,seePowicke,
LossofNormandy,pp.315–22;Legge,‘WilliamtheMarshalandArthurofBrittany’.
24.Margam,p.27.25.Coggeshall,pp.139–41,145.
TheBriouzeswerepatronsofMargam.
26.F,p.140.27.Wendover,pp.523–4.28.Anonymous,pp.114–15.I
owethetranslationtoCristianIspir.Wendover,p.531,Waverley,p.265,andMargam,p.30(lessexplicitly),placethemurderatWindsor.
29.TheseepisodesarediscussedinGillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.34–6.
30.TheAnonymousplacesthesceneatWindsor,butJohn’s
itineraryshowsitmusthavebeenattheTower.
31.Anonymous,pp.139–41.32.Anonymous,pp.143–4.33.AsobservedbyGillingham,
‘Anonymous’,p.35.34.Crouch,WilliamMarshal,is
anothersplendidbiography.35.Marshal,lines13,267–70.36.Marshal,lines13,927–35,
14,473–84.37.Forthecontexthere,see
below,p.203.38.Marshal,lines12,507–12;
Legge,‘WilliamtheMarshal
andArthurofBrittany’.39.Margam,p.26.40.Marshal,lines13,801–8.41.Marshal,lines13,787–800.42.Marshal,lines13,191–214.43.Whenin1207Geoffrey,
archbishopofYork,fellattheking’sfeetbeggingforhisgrace,Johngrovelledinhisturn:‘look,Iamdoingasmuchforyouasyouareforme’.Here,however,Johnhadpickedhistargetwell,sinceifanyonedeservedridiculeit
washishalf-brotherGeoffrey.SeeGervase,ii,pp.lix–lx.
44.Marshal,lines13,188,13,227–32.TherearemanyreferencestoBassingbourninChurch,HouseholdKnights.
45.Marshal,lines12,437–530.46.Marshal,lines12,580–84.47.Coggeshall,p.144.48.Coggeshall,pp.165,170,175,
181–2.49.Coggeshall,p.184.50.CristianIspirispreparinga
neweditionofthechronicleaspartofadoctoralthesis.
51.Crowland,pp.203,207,210,215,232.IowetoNicholasVincentthesuggestionthatCrowland’ssourceforMariuswasLucan’sPharsalia(BookII).
52.Crowland,Spalding,pp.196–211.
53.Wendover,p.527;Dunstable,p.34;LambethPalaceLibraryMS371,fo.56.WendoverwasprobablyrightinsayingthatGeoffreywasarrestedbytheknightWilliamTalbot.Dunstablehasthearrestbeing
madebytheearlofSalisbury,andTalbotwasinhisservice;seeChurch,HouseholdKnights,pp.33–4.
54.Paris,pp.667–9.55.Foreditedandtranslatedtexts
ofbothworks,seeDialogusandGlanvill.Ihavenot,inthissectionontherecordsources,discussedthevastcorpusofprivatecharters,bothprintedandunprinted,thatareacentralsourceforthesocialstructuresofboththetwelfthandthirteenth
centuries.Holtmadeextensiveuseofthetwelve-volumeEarlyYorkshireCharters.
56.Marshal,lines13625–32;RLC,p.111;RLP,p.33;Galbraith,Studies,p.125.
57.RCh,pp.92b–93;RLC,pp.174,176,177,182b;RLP,pp.126b,127,133.
58.PR1208,p.139.59.Paris,GA,p.228.60.RLC,pp.99,179.61.RLC,pp.175b,154b;RLP,p.
105b.
62.RLC,p.132;Crouch,WilliamMarshal,pp.108–9.
63.D.M.Stenton,‘KingJohn’,especiallypp.89–94.
64.D.M.Stenton,‘KingJohn’,p.97.
65.RLJ,p.110.66.DI,pp.250,253.67.DI,p.248.68.DI,pp.241,243;RLJ,pp.95–
6;PR1204,p.xxxvi.69.IowethispointtoKatherine
Harvey,‘Anun-christianking?’.Moregenerally,seeWebster,‘KingJohn’spiety’.
70.Seebelow,pp.205–6.71.Church,HouseholdKnights,
pp.37–8.72.DI,p.234.73.RF,p.275;Holt,KingJohn,p.
88.74.WilliamleBreton,p.110.75.RLC,p.105.76.Norgate,JohnLackland,p.2.77.Marshal,lines18,078–87.78.ForIsabella,seeVincent,
‘John’sJezebel’.79.Anonymous,pp.180–81.For
Eleanor,seeWilkinson,EleanordeMontfort.
80.Wendover,p.489.81.Paris,p.563.82.RLC,pp.177,180b;RLP,p.
124b.83.Delisle,‘Mémoire’,pp.525–6;
Vincent,‘John’sJezebel’,p.211.
84.Anonymous,pp.104–5.IhaveusedthetranslationinGillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.39–40.
85.Vincent,‘John’sJezebel’,p.198.
86.Brown,‘Royalcastle-building’,p.60;Colvin,
King’sWorks,ii,pp.617–19.87.RLP,p.138b.88.SeeAshbee,‘“Gloriette”in
Corfecastle’.
4MagnaCartaandSociety:Women,Peasants,Jews,theTownsandtheChurch
1.IamgratefultoAlexandraSapoznikforcommentingonadraftofthischapter.
2.Dunstable,p.43.
3.SeeMasschaele,‘Englisheconomy’.Forgeneralsurveys,seeBolton,MedievalEnglishEconomy;MillerandHatcher,MedievalEngland:RuralSocietyandEconomicChange,andtheirMedievalEngland:Towns,CommerceandCrafts;Dyer,MakingaLivingintheMiddleAges.
4.MillerandHatcher,MedievalEngland:Towns,CommerceandCrafts,p.278.
5.M.Allen,‘VolumeoftheEnglishcurrency’;Britnell,
CommercialisationofEnglishSociety;Letters,GazetteerofMarketsandFairs.
6.Latimer,‘Earlythirteenth-centuryprices’,pp.42,69,70.
7.Coggeshall,p.151.8.Margam,pp.25,26;Osney,p.
50.9.Thisisthehypothesis
advancedinLatimer,‘TheEnglishinflationreconsidered’.
10.SeeBolton,‘TheEnglisheconomyintheearlythirteenthcentury’;and,more
generally,hisMoneyintheMedievalEnglishEconomy,pp.149–52.
11.P.D.A.Harvey,‘Englishinflation’,p.14.Harveywasherereferringparticularlytotheinflationwhichhesituatedgenerallyintheperiod1180–1220.
12.Latimer,‘Earlythirteenth-centuryprices’,p.61.
13.SeeMaddicott,‘OathofMarlborough’,p.299note84,whotakesalowestimateofthreemillion.
14.SeeAppendixI.15.SeeWilkinson,Womenin
Thirteenth-CenturyLincolnshire,pp.2–3.
16.Bracton,ii,pp.31,281.ItwasoncethoughtthattheworkentitledinmoderneditionsBractonontheLawsandCustomsofEnglandwaswrittenbyajudgeofHenryIII’s,HenrydeBracton,writinginthe1250s.However,S.E.ThorneandPaulBrandhavearguedpersuasivelythatthework
wasproducedinthe1220sand1230sbythelegalcirclearoundanearlierjudge,WilliamofRaleigh.Bractonbecamepartofthiscircle,andaddedtothetextafter1240,buthedidnotcomposeit.SeeBrand,‘ThedateandauthorshipofBracton’.
17.Swanson,JohnofWales,pp.125–6.
18.WalterMap,pp.304–5.19.CIM,no.2063;
NorthumberlandAssizeRolls,p.98.
20.Tenants-in-chiefandunder-tenantsarediscussedinthenextchapter.
21.Seebelow,pp.415,428,452.22.Glanvill,p.85.23.Holt,MC,pp.452–3,ch.7.I
amgratefulfortheadviceofPaulBrand,DanielHadasandAliceRioonthispoint.
24.ForhowthechapterwasrevisedatRunnymede,seebelow,pp.346–7.
25.Waugh,Lordship,p.159.26.Holt,MC,p.53.
27.PR1214,p.175;RCh,p.203;Holt,MC,pp.199–200.HersonwasRogerdeCressy,herfirsthusbandhavingbeenHughdeCressy:Harper-Bill,ed.,BlythburghCartulary,i,p.7.
28.Paris,v,pp.336–7;Annesley,‘Isabella,countessofArundel’.
29.Marshal,lines16,491–6;RLP,199b;Wilkinson,‘Womenassheriffs’.
30.Seebelow,pp.353–4.31.Glanvill,pp.173–6.
32.Meekings,SurreyEyre,pp.123–5.
33.Meekings,WiltshireEyre,pp.88–90.
34.Kosminsky,AgrarianHistory,pp.203–6,p.xivnote1;King,England,p.50;Hatcher,‘Englishserfdomandvilleinage’,p.7;Bailey,MedievalSuffolk,p.50.Kosminsky’scounties,theonlyonesforwhichthe1279surveysurvivesinwholeorpart,wereHuntingdonshire,Cambridgeshire,
Bedfordshire,Buckinghamshire,OxfordshireandWarwickshire.Forthesurvey,seeRaban,ASecondDomesday?
35.Kosminsky,AgrarianHistory,pp.91,205.
36.Bracton,ii,p.89;Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,p.3.
37.Forwhatisstillagoodintroduction,seeTitow,EnglishRuralSociety,ch.3.Therearedetailedcalculations
ofpeasantstandardsoflivinginDyer,StandardsofLiving,ch.5.
38.Dyer,StandardsofLiving,pp.126–7.
39.SeeJankenandSapoznik,‘Spadecultivation’.
40.Tait,‘StudiesinMagnaCarta’.41.Hyams,King,Lordsand
Peasants,pp.143–4.42.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,
p.359,ch.20.43.Intheconventional
numbering,thiswaschapter
16inthe1217Charterandchapter14inthatof1225.
44.Harrison,Bridges,pp.35–6.45.Forthegrievanceoverbridge
buildingwasaggravatedunderJohn;seebelow,pp.205–6.
46.Forfurtherdiscussion,seebelow,p.457.
47.See,forexample,Hyams,‘Originsofapeasantlandmarket’;P.D.A.Harvey,ed.,PeasantLandMarket.
48.IowethiscollectionofnamestoAbigailStevenson’s
doctoralthesis,‘Lordship,landholdingandlocalsociety’.
49.RichardsonandSayles,LawandLegislation,pp.137–9;andmoregenerally,Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.151–60.
50.Dialogus,pp.150–53;Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.261–5andch.9.Lordsdid,however,getthelandsofunfreepeasantswhentheywereconvictedofacrime,sothestipulationinchapter32of
theCharterwouldonlyhaveappliedtolandheldfreely.HenrySummersonhaskindlyadvisedmeonthispoint.
51.FortheJews,seeRichardson,EnglishJewry;Mundill,England’sJewishSolution;Huscroft,Expulsion.
52.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.183–4,93–7.
53.RLP,p.33;andRCh,p.93.54.Ihavebeenmuchhelpedin
thissectionbySummerson’scommentaryonchapter13.
55.BodleianLibraryRawlinsonC641,fos.21v–29.
56.GestaStephani,p.3.57.Keene,‘MedievalLondon’,p.
107.58.Howden,GR,ii,pp.213–14;
BrookeandKeir,London,pp.45–7;Ramsay,AngevinEmpire,pp.313–14,317.ForLondon’srulersandprivilegesinthetwelfthcentury,seeReynolds,‘RulersofLondon’;theremayhavebeenacommunebefore1191(p.348).
59.RLC,p.64;Round,CommuneofLondon,pp.237–42;‘Londonmunicipalcollection’,pp.507–8;Reynolds,‘RulersofLondon’,p.350;LondonMetropolitanArchivesCOL/CH/01/010(RCh,p.207).Londonwasdividedupintotwenty-fourwards,eachunderanalderman.Thereisdebateastowhetherthe‘barons’weresynonymouswiththealdermen.
60.Ballard,BritishBoroughCharters,pp.xxvi–xxxiii.SC,pp.259–62,305–12,hasausefulselectionofcharters.Seeingeneral,Reynolds,EnglishMedievalTowns,andMillerandHatcher,MedievalEngland:Towns,CommerceandCrafts.
61.EHD1189–1327,p.881.62.ForJohn’scustoms,which
seemaone-offinitiativenotrelatedspecificallytowool,seePR1203,pp.xii–xiii;PR
1204,pp.218–20;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.838.
63.JohnofWallingford,p.131.64.Masschaele,‘English
economy’,p.158.65.Goddard,Coventry,p.78.66.BassetCharters,no.125.67.Dialogus,pp.162–3.68.EHD1189–1327,p.353,ch.
6.69.GestaStephani,pp.3–4.70.Howden,GR,ii,pp.213–14.71.‘Londonmunicipalcollection,
p.726.72.SLI,p.166.
73.ThomasofMarlborough,pp.76–479.
74.Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,p.333.
75.Seebelow,pp.332–5,342–52.
5MagnaCartaandSociety:Earls,Barons,Knightsand
FreeTenants1.Bracton,ii,p.232.2.EHD1042–1189,p.970;
Keefe,FeudalAssessments,pp.154–88.
3.Sanders,FeudalMilitaryService,ch.3;Prestwich,ArmiesandWarfare,ch.3.
4.M.Morris,BigodEarls,p.2.5.TheyoungearlofWarwick
andtheearlofDevonalsoremainedloyalbutwerenotpoliticallyveryactive.
6.Maddicott,‘“Aninfinitemultitude”’,p.28,althoughtheseestimatesincludeminorbaronsnotreceivingpersonalsummonsestoparliament.
7.Painter,Studies,pp.170–71,174;PR1212,pp.3–4;
Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,p.43;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.839;BuildingAccounts,p.12.TheLacyfigureexcludeslandsinCheshireitself.
8.EHD1042–1189,pp.977–9.9.RLP,p.180b.10.Faulkner,‘Transformation’.11.SeethecourtofthefitzGuy
family:BassetCharters,no.163,notedbyCrouch,EnglishAristocracy,pp.175,289note46.
12.Holt,Northerners,ch.4.
13.Carpenter,‘Wasthereacrisis?’,p.355;Faulkner,‘Transformation’,pp.12–13.
14.CR1254–6,p.293.15.Crowland,Spalding,pp.170–
71.16.SeeCoss,TheKnight,ch.2;
Faulkner,‘Transformation’.Forthedebateastowhetherthechangewasrelatedtoasocialandeconomiccrisisoftheknightlyclass,seeCoss,OriginsoftheEnglishGentry,ch.4.Coss’sbookisthekey
workfortheemergenceofthelatemedievalgentry.
17.MR1208,p.143,no.130;fortheceremony,seeCoss,Lordship,KnighthoodandLocality,pp.248–53.
18.Paris,GA,pp.225–6.Forknightsasbaronialstewards,seeCoss,‘Knighthoodandtheearlythirteenth-centurycountycourt’.
19.Forwhatfollows,seeHolt,MC,pp.62–7,andMaddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.48–9.
20.CRR,iii,pp.129–30.
21.RF,pp.369–70.22.PR1208,p.103;PR1210,p.
75.23.Forexample,CFR1228–9,no.
261.24.CRR,vii,pp.158–9;RLC,p.
181.25.White,Self-Governmentatthe
King’sCommand.26.Holtalsoprefers‘county’to
‘countycourt’inch.18.27.RLP,p.180b.28.Seebelow,pp.382–3.29.Forwhatfollows,seeCoss,
‘Knighthoodandtheearly
thirteenth-centurycountycourt’.Cossherequestionstheargumentthatthecourtwasdominatedbythebaronsofthecountythroughtheirlegalexperts,stewardsandbailiffs,forwhichseePalmer,CountyCourts,p.88,andchs.4and5.
30.CRR,vi,pp.173,228–31;vii,p.24;x,pp.344–6.
31.CRR,xii,nos.2142,2312;Holt,MC,pp.391–3;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.33–4,49.
32.RL,pp.101–4.33.Carpenter,‘Sheriffsof
Oxfordshire’,pp.181–7.34.Forfreemen,chapters15,16,
20,27,30,34,39;forearlsandbarons,chapters2and21.
35.Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’.
36.PollockandMaitland,HistoryofEnglishLaw,i,pp.291–6.
37.Kosminsky,AgrarianHistory,pp.259–60.Thelandholdingsofjurorsonhundreds,includingthoseofBlackbournhundred,arestudiedin
Stevenson,‘Lordship,landholdingandlocalsociety’.SeealsoAsaji,AngevinEmpire,ch.7,Stewart,ed.,1263SurreyEyre,ch.10,andMasschaelle,Jury,StateandSociety,ch.5.Masschaele’sconclusion(pp.195–6)fromastudyofthepersonnelofvariousjuriesfromthelatethirteenthandearlyfourteenthcenturies,isthattheywere‘sociallyintegratedbodies’,drawingtogetherpeasantvillagers,
membersofthegentry,andsometimesevenknightsandhigherlords.
38.Forprovisionforyoungersons,seeThomas,Vassals,p.129.
39.Maddicott,‘OathofMarlborough’;SC,pp.276–7.Forserjeantsintherebellionof1215,seebelowp.307.Theseserjeantsaredistinctfromtheserjeantswhowereprofessionalsoldiers.
40.Chapter3andseechapter4oftheUnknownCharter.
41.AlexanderandBinski,eds.,AgeofChivalry,nos.141,454.
42.Holt,Northerners,p.110.43.PR1209,pp.130–31,21;
Anonymous,p.145;Holt,Northerners,pp.172–3.
44.Seebelow,pp.344–5.45.Dialogus,pp.144–5,174–5,
180–81;BF,p.144.46.RCh,p.170;bothcitedby
Summerson,ch.21,wheremoreevidenceisassembled.
47.Marshal,line13,383.
48.Maddicott,‘“Aninfinitemultitude”’,pp.21–2,showsthatevensomeofthosewhodidreceivepersonalsummonsesmightbemenofsmallsubstance.
49.BF,pp.223,224,227,121,183,195;CFR1220–21,nos.70–72.
50.RCh,p.103;seeStewart-Parker,‘TheBassets’.
51.OnlytheheirsofThomasBassetwouldlaterbechargedabaronialrelief:CFR1219–
20,no.165;1220–21,nos.70–72;1232–3,no.8.
52.Holt,Northerners,pp.55–7;McKenna,‘BekeringsofLincolnshire’.Simon’sheirwaschargedabaronialrelief:CFR1219–20,no.91;PR1219,p.129.
53.TheholdingsofseveralareanalysedinHolt,Northerners,pp.55–7.
54.SeeCrouch,EnglishAristocracy,p.61.
55.Forexample,LAR,nos.173,1031,1082;Summerson,ch.
21.56.Forthelaterhistoryofthis
chapter,seebelow,pp.453–5.57.Maddicott,Parliament,p.80
andch.2.58.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,
pp.388–9.59.CR1231–4,pp.592–3.60.EHD1042–1189,pp.969–70.61.SeeparticularlyHolt,‘Feudal
societyandthefamilyIV:theheiressandthealien’.
62.Carpenter,‘Secondcentury’,pp.47–54;Golob,‘FerrersearlsofDerby’,ch.5.
63.Carpenter,‘Secondcentury’,p.66.Forknightsfollowingtheirlords,seeHolt,Northerners,pp.33–53;butseethequalificationsinThomas,Vassals,pp.44–7.
64.Marshal,lines13,532–44.65.Forfurtherdiscussion,see
below,pp.217–8.66.Glanvill,p.84;Hudson,
OxfordHistory,p.809.67.RLC,p.215b.68.CRR,vi,pp.135–6;Holt,MC,
p.313.Foranexample(whichIowetoChristineHavelock),
Lincs.Worcs.Eyre,nos.36,804.
69.Dialogus,pp.126–7.70.Crouch,WilliamMarshal,pp.
137–42,161–8.71.Carpenter,‘Sheriffsof
Oxfordshire’,chs.2and6;CRR,v,p.210.
72.RL,pp.20–22.73.EHD1189–1327,p.353,ch.6
(the1236StatuteofMertononmarriage);p.403,ch.21(the1275StatuteofWestminsteronwardships).
74.PeterdeBrusCharter,pp.92–4;RF,p.109;PR1207,pp.67,70;Holt,MC,pp.67–70,wheretheinterpretationisfarmoreconsensual.Foranotherinterpretation,seeThomas,Vassals,pp.203–5.
75.MagnaCartaofCheshire,pp.101–9.
76.IamindebtedtothediscussionofaidsinPainter,Studies,pp.141–7.
77.SeethecaseofJohndeLacy:RF,pp.494–5.
78.PR1209,pp.139,21.
79.CRR,v,p.39.Foranearlierexampleofthethreecustomaryaidsattheleveloftheunder-tenantin1183–4,seeF.M.Stenton,FirstCentury,pp.173–4,276–7.
80.Glanvill,pp.111–12.Additionalaidsarealsocontemplatedinthecharterfrom1183–4citedinF.M.Stenton,FirstCentury,pp.173–4,276–7.
81.Summerson,chapter15,givesadifferentinterpretationofthischapter.
82.See,forexample,JocelinofBrakelond,pp.65–7;CRR,vi,p.79.
83.DBM,pp.274–5,ch.4(amanifestoof1264);forthelegislationonprivatecourtsin1259,seeDBM,pp.138–41,chs.1–3,anddiscussioninBrand,Kings,BaronsandJustices,ch.2.
84.ERW,pp.63,lv;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.53–4.
85.Anonymous,p.150;Hudson,OxfordHistory,pp.850–51.
86.Carpenter,Minority,pp.387–8.
87.Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’,p.545.
88.TNAE401/1566,r.3;forthePirnhowsseeM.Morris,BigodEarls,pp.62,64,69;P.Brown,Sibton,pp.84–7.
89.Seebelow,pp.425–6.90.SC,p.118,chs.2and4.91.Painter,Studies,pp.146–7;
MagnaCartaofCheshire,p.105,ch.10.
92.EHD1189–1327,p.403(ch.21)andseep.417,ch.5.
93.SC,pp.179–80.94.Seebelow,p.427.95.RollsWar.,no.406.96.Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,p.
49;seebelow,p.426.97.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.
126–34,hasanilluminatingdiscussionofMagnaCartaandlesserlandholders.
98.Lawman,p.310;seebelow,pp.255–6.
99.RLC,p.132;SC,p.282.
6MagnaCartaandtheStructureofRoyal
Government1.F,p.75.2.Carpenter,Minority,p.12;
Guala,no.140b.3.Nelson,PoliticsandRitual,
pp.378,384–5;MissaleadusumEcclesieWestmonasteriensis,ii,columns683–4.
4.FortheorderatRichard’scoronation,seeHowden,GR,ii,pp.80–83.Fora
descriptionanddiscussionofAngevincoronations,seeAurell,ThePlantagenetEmpire,pp.110–19.
5.LettersofGrosseteste,pp.368–9.
6.Howden,GR,ii,pp.81–2.ThequotationisfromRogerofHowden’sdescriptionofRichard’scoronation.
7.Theevidenceisnotconclusive,butRichardsonarguedthisclauseofthecoronationoathwasintroducedin1154withthe
accessionofHenryII:Richardson,‘Thecoronation’,pp.153–61.
8.WalterMap,pp.3–4,24–5,500–501.
9.Forthehousehold,seeChurch,Constitutio,textandintroduction.
10.Seebelow,p.362.11.Fortheappearanceoftheterm,
seeChurch,Constitutio,p.linote64.
12.ThesefigureswillbeupdatedbytheMagnaCartaProject.
13.RLC,pp.175,177,214–214b;andseeChaplais,RoyalDocuments,pp.16–18.
14.Foraspiritedand(Ihope)amusingdebateaboutwhentherollsstarted,seeCarpenter,‘OriginsoftheEnglishchanceryrolls’,challengingandchallengedbyVincent,‘“Why1199?”’,andinhisRecords,AdministrationandAristocraticSociety,pp.xvi–xviii.
15.RLC,p.196b;RLP,p.137b;Galbraith,Studies,p.80.
16.Church,Constitutio,pp.206–7.
17.DI,p.259.18.Foraviewthatseesthe
wardrobegainingmoreindependencefromthechamberlaterinthereign,seeKaye,‘Servingthemanthatruled’,pp.60–62.
19.RLJ,pp.109–71;DI,pp.231–69.Thatthisisexpenditureoutofthewardrobeisshownbythemarginalannotationat
p.237.Itispossiblethatletters,notfoundonthecloserolls,werewrittenbychamber-wardrobeclerksandsealedbythesmallseal.Itmay,however,beamistaketomakeanyhardandfastdistinctionbetweenchamberandchanceryclerks.SeeTout,Chapters,i,pp.158–69.
20.RLJ,pp.114,118,128,138,145,155,162,170.
21.RLJ,p.231.Thismoneywasinloanstotheknightsandserjeantsinthearmy.See
Church,‘The1210campaigninIreland’.
22.Carpenter,‘Householdrolls’,pp.33–41.Thesefiguresincludethecostsofthestablesandfeedingpaupers.
23.RLC,p.157.IhaveliftedthesedetailsfromAmbler‘ChristmasatthecourtofKingJohn’:http://magnacarta.research.blogspot.co.uk/2013/12/christmas-at-court-of-king-john.html.
24.Carpenter,‘Householdrolls’,pp.29–30;UnderEdwardItheissuegainedanew
dimensionbytheuseofpurveyancetosupplyroyalarmies:Prestwich,EdwardI,407–10.
25.Coggeshall,p.97;Kantorowicz,LaudesRegiae,pp.174–7.
26.DI,p.237.27.RLJ,pp.110,170.28.ForJohn’sitinerary,see
below,pp.204–6.29.DI,pp.245,255,261.30.Theroleofthestewardis
discussedinKaye,‘Servingthemanthatruled’,ch.4.
31.SeeChurch,HouseholdKnights,and‘Theknightsofthehousehold:aquestionofnumbers’.
32.Paris,GA,pp.227–8.33.Seeabove,pp.84–5.34.SeeWest,Justiciarshipin
England.35.AdamofEynsham,pp.101–9;
ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.38–9.
36.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.75–6,80,143,206,388;Anonymous,pp.145,149;CR
1242–7,p.242.Seeabove,pp.142–3.
37.PipeRoll31HenryI,ed.J.A.Green;andseeHagger,‘Apiperollfor25Henry’.
38.Seeabove,p.88.39.Seeabove,pp.119–20.40.Dialogus,pp.90–91.41.Forthetaxof1207,seebelow,
p.210.Foraratherconfusingdiscussionofaids,seeBracton,ii,p.116.
42.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,pp.840–41,847.Thepercentagesarenotoftotalrevenuebutof
the£19,728actuallypaidintotheexchequer,leavingoutlocalexpenditure.
43.Dialogus,p.70.44.Dialogus,pp.69–70.45.Dialogus,p.116.46.TheexceptionswereCheshire,
undertheearlofChester,andDurhamunderitsbishop.JohnmadeRobertdeVieuxponthereditarysheriffofWestmorland.
47.Crowland,p.222.48.Newburgh,p.331.
49.Brown,‘Alistofcastles’,p.90.
50.Brown,‘Royalcastle-building’,p.30,citingRLC,i,p.6b.
51.Therevisedversionbecamechapter19inthe1225Charter.
52.Fortheforest,seeSPF,withanexcellentintroductionbyG.J.Turner;Young,RoyalForests;andCrook,‘Foresteyre’.
53.Bazeley,‘ExtentoftheEnglishforest’.
54.CR1231–4,pp.588–9.55.Forthischapter,seeClanchy,
‘MagnaCartaandthecommonpleas’.
56.Gallagher,ed.,SuffolkEyre,pp.xiv–xvi.
57.RCh,p.93b.58.Cam,TheHundredandthe
HundredRolls,pp.124–8.59.Seeabove,pp.106–7.60.Theintellectualand
institutionalchangesinthetwelfthcenturythatledtotheabolitionoftheordealare
exploredinBartlett,TrialbyFireandWater.
61.Fortheprocedure,seeMeekings,WiltshireEyre,p.108.
62.Brand,MakingoftheCommonLaw,pp.453–4;ERW,p.1;Hudson,Formation,p.239.IhaveadaptedhereawritforIreland.
63.Hudson,OxfordHistory,partIII,givesacomprehensiveaccountofthesedevelopments.
64.Glanvill,pp.137,148.
65.MR1199,p.xlixandnote1(Richardson’sintroduction).
66.Glanvill,p.28.SeeHudson,OxfordHistory,p.534.
67.Forthewritofrightbywhichlegalactionsinthelord’scourtovertenurehadtobecommenced,seeGlanvill,pp.137,148.
68.Foradiscussionofhonorialcourts,seeHudson,OxfordHistory,pp.556–61.
69.Crouch,EnglishAristocracy,p.169;Thomas,Vassals,pp.72–3.
70.Forthishypothesis,seeMilsom,LegalFramework,ch.1.
71.ThisisfromGarnierdePont-Sainte-Maxence’sLifeofBecket.Thefalseoathreferredtowasonesecuredbytheplaintiffaffirmingthathehadnotreceivedjusticeinhislord’scourt:Hudson,OxfordHistory,p.512,citingEnglishLawsuits,ii,p.431.
72.Forwhatfollows,seeCam,TheHundredandthe
HundredRolls,pp.137–45andAppendixIV.
73.Golob,‘FerrersearlsofDerby’,pp.224–5;RCh,p.108b;RH,ii,pp.30,291,297;CRR,xix,no.1188;BassetCharters,no.199.
74.Clanchy,‘Thefranchiseofreturnofwrits’,andmoregenerally,Cam,TheHundredandtheHundredRolls.
75.Foragoodexampleofsuchliberties,seeJohn’scharterstoNorthamptonandLincoln,RCh,pp.45,56.
76.Forthisperspective,seeCrouch,EnglishAristocracy,pp.167–9,wherechs.9and10discussseigneurialjusticeandlibertiesasawhole.TheimportanceoflibertiesemergespowerfullyinStringer,‘States,libertiesandcommunities’,andHolfordandStringer,eds.BorderLibertiesandLoyalties.
77.SeeCam,‘Theking’sgovernmentasadministeredbythegreaterabbotsofEastAnglia’.
78.Sutherland,QuoWarranto.79.Vincent,‘Arollofknights’.80.PR1214,p.153;RLJ,p.177;
PR1215,pp.81,94.81.Sanders,FeudalMilitary
Service,ch.4;Prestwich,ArmiesandWarfare,pp.63,68–71.
82.ForthishypothesisandthedetailsoftheIrishcampaign,seeChurch,‘The1210campaign’,andalsoHolt,inPR1215,p.80.
83.Church,‘EarliestEnglishmusterroll’.
7TheRuleoftheKing:JohnandHisPredecessors
1.Coggeshall,p.170.2.SC,pp.117–19;J.A.Green,
‘Charterofliberties’;Sharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’.
3.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.853;Green,‘Earliestsurvivingpiperoll’.
4.Keefe,‘HenryIIandtheearls’,pp.191–221,andatp.214.Holtmissedthisarticle.
5.Foranaccountoftherevolt,seeCarpenter,Strugglefor
Mastery,pp.223–7.6.Vincent,‘DidHenryIIhavea
policytowardstheearls?’,p.5.
7.Cokayne,CompletePeerage,vii,pp.672–5.
8.Brown,‘Alistofcastles’,p.90.
9.TheArticlesputotherarrangementsinplaceshouldJohnenjoythecrusader’srespite.Seebelow,pp.316,347–8.ForHenry’sdisseisins,seeHolt,MC,pp.82,90–91,
104–5,135–6,andSummerson,ch.39.
10.F,p.129.11.Young,RoyalForests,p.39.12.Young,RoyalForests,p.21.13.Langton’ssealwasdeveloped
fromthatofHubertWalter:Binski,Becket’sCrown,pp.40,64,withpp.36–40and62–5forbothmen.
14.Coggeshall,pp.91,97;foramodernassessment,seeTurner,‘RichardandEnglishepiscopalelections’.
15.Newburgh,pp.305–6.
16.Barratt,‘EnglishrevenueofRichard’,p.637;Ramsay,Revenues,p.191.
17.Howden,iii,pp.210–11,225;Mitchell,Taxation,p.607;Maddicott,Parliament,p.123;Gillingham,RichardI,p.248note94.
18.Barratt,‘EnglishrevenueofRichard’,p.649.
19.F,p.129.20.Crook,‘Foresteyre’,p.70;
Waugh,LordshipofEngland,p.159.
21.PR1191–2,p.98;PR1190,p.21.
22.PR1196,pp.248–9;PR1197,p.61;PR1198,pp.213–14;Gillingham,RichardI,p.262.
23.PR1190,p.101;MR1199,p.86;PR1196,p.138.
24.Coggeshall,pp.91–3,97.25.Coggeshall,p.93;Carpenter,
‘Coggeshall’,p.1,219.26.Howden,iv,p.88.27.F,pp.75–6.28.Coggeshall,pp.107–10;
Carpenter,‘Coggeshall’,p.1220.
29.SC,pp.283–4;fordiscussion,seeK.Harvey,EpiscopalAppointments,pp.19–28.
30.Coggeshall,pp.112–13.31.Carpenter,‘Coggeshall’,pp.
1228–9.FullerlightwillbeshedonCoggeshallhereinaforthcomingpaperbyJamesWilloughby.
32.Fortheendofthequarrel,seebelow,pp.279–80.
33.Coggeshall,p.101.34.Powicke,LossofNormandy,
p.326.35.Norgate,JohnLackland,p.86.
36.Crouch,‘NormansandAnglo-Normans’,pp.62–3.
37.Forrevenues,seethedetailedcalculationsandcomparisonsinBarratt,‘RevenuesofJohnandPhilipAugustus’,especiallyatpp.81–5.
38.ForPhilip’sgains,seePower,NormanFrontier,pp.414–15.
39.ForadescriptionofbothGisorsandChateauGaillard,seeCarpenter,StruggleforMastery,pp.253,262.
40.Stevenson,‘EnglandandNormandy’,p.202.
41.Seebelow,pp.234–5.42.FortheactionsoftheNorman
barons,seePower,‘KingJohnandtheNormanaristocracy’,andNormanFrontier,pp.438–45.
43.DD,no.206.Forthelastseneschal,WilliamleGros,seeVincent,‘ChippingSodbury’.
44.Power,NormanFrontier,pp.448–53.
45.Moore,‘LossofNormandy’,p.1090.Muchofwhatfollowscomesfromthis
article,whichdrawsonMoore’sworkwithDanielPowerfor‘TheLandsoftheNormans’project.
46.Forthedetailinwhatfollows,seeKanter,‘Peripateticandsedentarykingship’,especiallypp.12–17.Church,‘Someaspectsoftheroyalitinerary’,reflectsonthe‘chaoticscramble’involvedinsuchanitinerary.
47.Holt,MagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment,ch.6;
Warren,KingJohn,pp.278–85.
48.Holt,Northerners,pp.196–7.49.Muchofwhatfollowsistaken
fromSummerson,ch.23.50.PR1214,p.69.51.Seeabove,p.99.52.Forwhatfollows,seeBarratt,
‘RevenueofJohn’.53.Forthewaylatertallageswere
veryfullypaid,seeStacey,‘1240–1260:awatershed?’,p.139.
54.Jolliffe,‘Chamberandcastletreasuries’,pp.133–5;
Gillingham,‘CoerdeLionincaptivity’,p.78;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.855,withdetailedcalculationsofincomeinrealtermsonp.853.
55.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,pp.848–51.
56.Harris,‘KingJohnandthesheriffs’farms’,p.533.Forthefarms,seeabove,p.168.
57.Harris,‘KingJohnandthesheriffs’farms’,atp.542;Holt,Northerners,p.154.
58.Forthisview,seeHolt,MC,p.337.
59.Itwasthusmerelyasaconvenientwayofpresentingtheaccountsthat,inthepiperolls,acustodialsheriffansweredfirstforthefarmandincrementandthentheprofitaboveit(whichmightvaryfromyeartoyear).Forthedetailedlistsofalltheirrevenue,whichcustodialsheriffslaterpresented(andmaywellhavepresentedinJohn’sreign),seeCassidy,
‘Badsheriffs,custodialsheriffs’.
60.Crowland,p.215;chapters28,30,31,38.Seeabove,pp.180–1
61.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,pp.846,849;PR1210,pp.xv–xvi.
62.Fordiscussionoftheword,seeHudson,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.104,109–10,althoughthesuggestionhereismyown.
63.Faulkner,‘Knights’,p.4;Summerson,ch.20.
64.CerneCartulary,pp.195–6,206.
65.Forthefiguresthatfollow,seeCrook,‘Foresteyre’,pp.72–80;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.846.
66.RF,p.365;PR1206,p.73;Summerson,ch.20.
67.Holt,Northerners,p.159.68.Clasby,‘TheabbotofSt
Albans’.69.RLP,p.73;RF,p.459;
Mitchell,Taxation,pp.84–92.70.Barratt’sguess(‘Revenueof
John’,p.839)is£15,000.
71.PR1208,p.72.72.PR1208,p.169;PR1211,p.
135;PR1214,p.81.FormuchofthisandwhatfollowsIamindebtedtoSummerson,ch.13.
73.Stacey,‘EnglishJews’,p.42.74.£40,000isthefiguregivenina
casebeforetheJewishexchequerin1219:CPREJ,p.4.Chroniclersgivethefigureof£44,000;Richardson,EnglishJewry,pp.168–72;Mitchell,Taxation,pp.105–6;Holt,Northerners,pp.167–8;
foranexplanationofthediscrepancy,seeStacey,‘EnglishJews’,p.43note10.
75.Wendover,p.537;RLP,p.102b;RLC,p.459;Mitchell,Taxation,p.106note64;CFR1222–3,no.183.
76.TNAE401/1564;RF,p.588;PR1216–25,pp.179–80.
77.PR1211,p.61;PR1212,p.109.IowethepointabouttheforfeituretoaKing’sCollegeLondonMAessaybyElizabethHolsgroveonGant’sdebts.
78.F,p.51;RCh,p.93.PaulBrandpointedouttomethiscontrast.
79.TheArticlesandtheCharterbroadenedtheprotectiontoincludeunder-tenants;seeabove,p.321.
80.NointerestwastakenwhileJewishdebtswereintheking’shands.
81.TNAE163/1/8B,m.4.82.Holt,MC,pp.335–6andnote
180.Idonotthinkthatthelaterlegislationcitedprovesthemeaningofthechapterin
thissense:CR1234–7,pp.214,338(the1236StatuteofMerton).
83.RLP,p.132.Earlsandbaronswerenottobesummoned,butJohnmayhaveintendedtomakeseparateconcessionstothem.
84.RF,pp.483–4,494–5.85.RF,p.372;Holt,Northerners,
pp.52n,75,190.86.PR1211,p.63;citedby
Tilley,‘MagnaCartaandthehonourofWallingford’.
87.PR1212,pp.3–4.
88.PR1209,pp.64,108;PR1210,pp.97,273;PR1211,p.68;RLC,p.168.
89.PR1212,p.37.90.Waugh,Lordship,p.159;RF,
pp.430,432;PR1208,p.100–1.
91.Keefe,FeudalAssessments,p.30;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.847.
92.PR1211,p.2;PR1212,pp.179,172–3;M.Morris,BigodEarls,p.15.
93.Howden,iv,p.152.Johnseemslargelytobeaffirming
andenforcingtheproceduresoutlinedinDialogus,pp.173–9.
94.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.851.
95.PR1208,p.5;PR1209,p.42;PR1210,p.45,wherejust£20remainsunpaid.ThedebtsoftheearlofClarehavebeenexploredinaKing’sCollegeLondonMAessaybyJacobNinan.
96.PR1208,p.143;PR1209,p.129;PR1210,p.151;PR1211,p.46.
97.PR1201,p.157;PR1208,p.145;PR1209,pp.130–31;PR1210,p.152;PR1211,p.53;Holt,Northerners,pp.170–72.
98.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.127–30,andseeabove,p.139.
99.MR1208,pp.19,23–68;forsuretiesbeingdistrained,seeMR1208,pp.23and63.
100.RLC,pp.61,67b;RF,p.348;PR1205,pp.146,147,169.
101.PR1214,pp.52,118.102.RLC,pp.61,67b.
103.CFR1224–34,vii(figuresfromPaulDryburghandBethHartland).Ihavecalculatedthe1207–8figuremyself.Thefinerollsarelostbetween1208and1213.
104.MR1208,pp.211–12.105.Holt,Northerners,p.34.106.Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,
clause34’,p.545.107.Hudson,OxfordHistory,pp.
559–60;Hurnard,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’;Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’;Glanvill,p.5;Bracton,ii,p.
300;PR1204,pp.xxii–xxxiii(LadyStenton’sintroduction);PR1214,pp.xxv,238.
108.Clanchy,‘MagnaCartaandthecommonpleas’,pp.227–32.
109.SC,p.282.110.Manyofthecasesmentioned
below,togetherwithothersunmentioned,arediscussedindetailinHenrySummerson’scommentaryonchapter40.SummersonalsohashereafascinatingaccountofJohn’s
quarrelwiththeWelshmarcherbaronFulkfitzWarin.
111.Holt,MC,pp.150–55,bringstogethernumerousexamples.
112.PR1211,p.177;PR1208,p.89;Holt,MC,pp.149,153.Gant’sofferwasalsoforwritstobeginhisactions.
113.PR1209,p.80;PR1210,p.39;PR1201,p.157;PR1199,p.56;Anonymous,p.145.
114.Holt,Northerners,p.22;Holt,MC,pp.148–9.
115.PR1207,p.74;Holt,MC,p.154.
116.RF,p.46;Holt,MC,p.152.117.CRR,i,p.382;D.M.Stenton,
‘KingJohn’,p.93.118.RF,p.178.Forwhatfollows
seeHolt’sch.5,‘Justiceandjurisdiction’,inhisMC.
119.CRR,iv,p.99;vi,pp.133–4,270.TheCaldbeckandfitzWaltercasesreferredtobelowareanalysedinSummerson,ch.40.FortheSay,Mandevillecase,seeTurner,Judges,ch.16.
120.Marshal,lines13,159–256.121.PR1208,p.89.
122.RLC,pp.33b,189b;Stringer,EarlDavid,p.51.Forthe‘thirdpenny’andearlsingeneral,seeCrouch,EnglishAristocracy,pp.40–48.
123.PR1195,p.226;PR1204,p.34;PR1208,pp.31,134;RLP,p.122b;RLC,pp.173,216;PR1214,p.11;CRR,vii,pp.110–11.
124.Turner,‘Exerciseoftheking’swill’,pp.281–2,287;Holt,‘CasusRegis’,pp.320–21.WilliamdePercywasawardof,andthusbackedby,
John’sgreatservantWilliamBrewer.Richard’sclaimagainstWilliam,hisnephew,mirroredJohn’sclaimtothethroneagainsthisnephewArthur.Richardmayconsequentlyhavefeltheshouldhavealltheinheritance.
125.Wendover,p.523.126.RLP,p.94b;RLC,p.213.127.Marshal,lines13,271–6,
13,362–8,13,377–421,14,319–88,14,445–86,14,526–78,14,708–23.
128.RF,pp.389,447–57.IoweknowledgeoftheRogerfitzAdamcasetoThamarMacIver.
129.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.849.
130.RF,p.398.131.LAR,nos.1031,1082;
Summerson,ch.21.132.PR1207,p.74;RF,p.413;
PR1199,p.288.ForEustaceseebelow,p.276.
133.RF,p.372.Thefineincludedfourpalfreys,aridinghorseworthaboutfivemarkseach.
134.PR1212,pp.144–5.135.Summerson,ch.39.136.RLC,pp.16,31.137.RLC,p.136b;CRR,xi,no.
416;Holt,MC,pp.202–3.138.CRR,xi,no.1195.139.CRR,vi,pp.320,344;RLC,
p.215;CRR,xii,no.2646;Holt,MC,pp.206–7;Turner,KingandhisCourts,pp.162–3.
140.Seebelow,pp.388,389,435.141.SeeVincent,‘Arollof
knights’.142.PR1207,pp.47–8.
143.RLC,i,pp.216b,217;Tilley,‘MagnaCartaandthehonourofWallingford’.
144.Stringer,EarlDavid,p.50;RLC,pp.216b–217.
145.RF,p.373.FitzRoscelinwasatenantofCressy’smotherandhersecondhusband,RobertfitzRoger:P.Brown,Sibton,pp.90–93.
146.CRR,iii,pp.129–30.ThisistheRichardRevelcasementionedabove,pp.132–3.
147.Seebelow,pp.347–8.
148.SeeYoung,MakingoftheNevilleFamily.
149.Crouch,WilliamMarshall,pp.137,141,163,195.
150.Wendover,pp.532–3.151.Carpenter,‘Sheriffsof
Oxfordshire’,ch.6.152.Marshal,lines14,433–46,
14,463–8,16,821–4,18,301–8.
153.S.Lloyd,EnglishSocietyandtheCrusade,p.100.
154.Forwhatfollows,seeTurner,EnglishJudiciary,ch.4.
155.PR1210,p.75;Carpenter,Minority,pp.296–7.ForfitzPeterandBrewer,seeTurner,MenRaisedfromtheDust,chs.3and4.
156.Vincent,DesRoches,pp.22–6.
157.PoliticalSongs,p.10;Clanchy,EnglandanditsRulers,p.129.
158.Vincent,DesRoches,pp.27,33.
159.Forallofthem,seeVincent,‘Who’swhoinMagnaCartaclause50?’
160.PR1208,p.72.161.PCCG,p.xviiandnotes1and
2(Maitland’sintroduction).162.ASL,no.6.163.PCCG,no.154.164.PCCG,p.xiv(Maitland’s
introduction).165.Vincent,‘Who’swhoin
MagnaCartaclause50?’,pp.239,246.
166.ThereisatleastsomeconnectionbetweenaleadingmemberofGerard’sgroup,thesheriffofNottingham,PhilipMarc,andthenotorious
sheriffofNottinghamintheRobinHoodlegends,asDavidCrookhasshown.ThemostplausiblecandidatefortherealRobinHood,oneRobertofWetherby(inYorkshire),wascertainlyaliveinJohn’sreign.In1225hewaseventuallyruntogroundandbeheaded,hisbodybeingsuspendedfromachainforalltosee.ThepersonresponsibleforthiswasEustaceofLowdham.EustacehadbeenPhilipMarc’sdeputyas
sheriffofNottingham.Forallthis,seeCrook,‘SheriffofNottingham’.
167.Church,HouseholdKnights,p.88note83.
168.RLC,pp.18b,32b.ForAlanBassetandhisfamily,seeStewart-Parker,‘TheBassets’.
169.RLC,p.87.170.WalterMap,pp.478–9.171.SeeChurch,‘Therewardsof
royalservice’.172.Carpenter,‘Godfreyof
Crowcombe’.
173.Carpenter,Minority,p.34;Holden,‘Balanceofpatronage’,pp.82–5;RCh,p.53;Cokayne,CompletePeerage,iv,pp.194–5;vi,pp.457–8.
174.Carpenter,‘ThestruggletocontrolthePeak’.
175.HeappearsthroughoutVincent,DesRoches.
176.Anonymous,p.180.177.PR1214,p.94.178.PR1212,pp.157–8;Vincent,
‘HughdeNeville’;LostLetters,pp.113–15.
179.RF,pp.382,386;PR1207,p.149;RLP,74b;Tout,Chapters,i,p.161.
180.RCh,p.191.ThereisnoevidenceforthenatureofMaulay’soffence.
181.Guisborough,p.144.182.Prestwich,EdwardI,p.422.183.Waverley,p.258;RLP,p.72;
Summerson,ch.14;Maddicott,Parliament,pp.125–6;Mitchell,Taxation,pp.84–92.
184.Crowland,p.203.
185.Articles,ch.44;MagnaCarta,chs.56and57.Seebelow,pp.347–8.
186.AWR,no.576;Davies,Conquest,p.294.
187.Wendover,p.534.188.Fordifferentpracticesacross
Britain,seeGillingham,‘KillingandmutilatingintheBritishIsles’.
189.AWR,no.233;Smith,‘MagnaCarta’.
190.GestaAnnalia,p.277;Bower,pp.448–9.
191.Duncan,‘JohnkingofEngland’,pp.260–61.
192.Iplantogiveamuchfulleraccountofthetreatyandtheeventsof1209onafutureoccasion.TeresaWebberhaskindlyadvisedmeaboutthedateofthehand.DauvitBrounandAliceTaylorhavemademanyhelpfulsuggestionsabouttheinterpretationoftheletter.
193.Howden,iv,p.141.194.Howden,GR,i,p.95;ASR,
no.1.
195.Melrose,fo.28v;seeBrounandHarrison,ChronicleofMelrose,p.131.
196.Forthissource,seeBroun,‘GestaAnnalia’,andDuncan,‘Melrose’,p.170.
197.Duncan,‘JohnkingofEngland’,p.270.
198.RRS,no.488;Bower,pp.455,621.Intheeventonlyhalfofthe15,000markswerepaid:Duncan,‘JohnkingofEngland’,p.270.
199.Forthesituationin1212,seeTaylor,‘RobertdeLondres’,
pp.113–14.200.RRS,no.305;ASR,no.4;
Bower,pp.468–9.201.SAEC,p.330.202.Taylor,‘RobertdeLondres’,
pp.110–14.203.Stringer,‘Peripheryandcore’,
pp.85–6.204.Seebelow,p.353.205.Forfurtherdiscussion,see
below,pp.318,352–3.206.F,p.91.207.ForIreland,seeDuffy,‘John
andIreland’.IamgratefultoColinVeachforallowingme
toseeanadvancecopyofhis‘KingJohnandroyalcontrolinIreland’,fromwhichsomeofwhatfollowscomes.
208.Holt,Northerners,p.186.209.RF,p.99;PR1207,p.38.210.Duffy,‘JohnandIreland’,pp.
240–42.211.Wendover,pp.523–4.212.Anonymous,pp.111–12;
Crouch,‘Complaint’,p.174note10.
213.Seeabove,p.81.214.Holden,LordsoftheCentral
Marches,pp.177–80.
215.Crouch,‘Complaint’,pp.168–79.
216.AsHolt,Northerners,p.185.217.Forthecustomofoutlawry,
andwhetherJohnobservedit,seebelow,pp.281–2.
8StandardsofJudgement1.Fortheideaofthekingdom,
seeReynolds,KingdomsandCommunities,ch.8.
2.Chapters42,18,61,35.3.Chapters42,45,12,14.
4.Preambleandchapters51,61and42.
5.Chapters1,60.6.Dunstable,p.43.7.CR1254–6,pp.194–5.8.Holt,MC,448–73,has‘realm’
throughout.EHD1189–1327,pp.316–24,alternatesbetween‘realm’and‘kingdom’.
9.BLHarleian458,fo.4.10.TrinityCollegeCambridge,O.
76,fos.6–11;SpaldingGentlemen’sSocietyM.J.13,fos.140–43,forimagesof
whichIamgratefultoCristianIspir.
11.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,pp.356–64;BLAdd.MSS32085,fos.102–106v.
12.Chapters61,39,55.13.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,
p.361.14.Chapters1,63,33,41,50.15.Chapters56,59.16.Seeabove,p.201.17.AdamofEynsham,pp.114–
15.18.Akeyworkonnational
identityinthecenturyanda
halfaftertheNormanConquestisThomas,EnglishandNormans.
19.Marshal,lines5,215,16,204–14,15,616–20,16,140–46,15,564–5.
20.ThisisstressedinHolt,KingJohn,pp.107–9.Foramoredetaileddiscussion,seeThomas,EnglishandNormans,pp.337–43.
21.Newburgh,i,pp.304–5.22.Melrose,fo.31v;Brounand
Harrison,ChronicleofMelrose,pp.131–4.
23.Crowland,p.232.24.Chapters39,42,45,55,56.25.Glanvill,p.3.26.Chapters2,13,41,60,23,25,
46.27.Chapters40,52,53,57.28.Chapters19,39,52,55,56,
57,59.29.Glanvill,p.107;Bracton,ii,p.
228.30.Nelson,‘Badkingship’,pp.1–
26.31.Ullmann,Principles,pp.162–
3.32.FulbertofChartres,no.51.
33.FulbertofChartres,p.90note1.
34.IowethistoAliceTaylor’sforthcomingworkonhomage.
35.Nelson,PoliticsandRitual,pp.151–3,369–70.
36.Wendover,Flores,ii,p.81;Coggeshall,p.167.
37.Stafford,‘ThelawsofCnut’,pp.177–9,190;EHD500–1042,pp.428–30,chs.69–83.
38.Holt,MC,pp.475–6;Sharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’,p.47,whereallthemanytextsareanalysed.
39.ForthetenurialstructuresintroducedbytheConquest,seeGarnett,ConqueredEngland.
40.DD,p.2;LHP,pp.134–5,ch.31,p.7.
41.SeeHudson,‘HenryIandcounsel’.
42.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.4,31–6,159–60,192–3.
43.Chapters2,4,11.44.Lawman,pp.411,xvi–xxiv
(theintroductionbyRosamondAllen).Ithinkitunlikelythattheworkhad
anythingtodowiththeFleming,WilliamdeFrise.Insomeeditions‘Lawman’isdescribedas‘Layamon’.
45.Inwhatfollows,IhavedrawnonideasinAshe,‘WilliamMarshal,LancelotandArthur’.
46.Lawman,pp.254–6,282–4,309–10;R.Allen,‘EorlesandBeornes:contextualisingLawman’s“Brut”’.
47.Ashe,‘WilliamMarshal,LancelotandArthur’,pp.24–
5;GeoffreyofMonmouth,p.212.
48.Marshal,lines6,941–3,6,987–8.
49.ForJohn’sfailuresofcourtliness,seeGillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.40–41,andCrouch,‘Baronialparanoia’,pp.49–50.
50.Gervase,ii,pp.92–3.51.Marshal,lines10,273–88.52.Carpenter,‘FromKingJohnto
thefirstEnglishduke’,pp.29–36.Forthetheoryand
practiceofwarfare,seeStrickland,WarandChivalry.
53.Dialogus,pp.116–17;Marshal,lines10,271–88.
54.DeZuluetaandStein,TeachingofRomanLawinEngland.
55.JohnofSalisbury,pp.25,28–9,190–93(III,15;IV,1;VIII,17).
56.Waverley,p.282;Crowland,p.225;Margam,p.27;Melrose,fo.31v.
57.ForLangton,seePowicke,StephenLangton;Baldwin,
MastersandPrinces,i,pp.25–31;Baldwin,‘MasterStephenLangton’;D’Avray,‘MagnaCarta’;Vincent,‘StephenLangton’.
58.C&S,p.34,ch.52;Baldwin,MastersandPrinces,i,pp.191–2.
59.Carpenter,Minority,pp.263–5.
60.d’Avray,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.426–7.
61.d’Avray,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.426–9,436–8.ForcommentonDeuteronomy,seealso
JohnofSalisbury,p.36(IV,4).
62.Buc,L’AmbiguïtéduLivre,pp.281–2.TheglossisonISamuel10:25.IfollowBucintranslating‘scriptura’as‘charter’.
63.F,p.75.64.Glanvill,p.108;seeDialogus,
pp.144,180,wherethe£5feeisonlyforafeeheldfromthekingaspartofanescheat.
65.Dialogus,p.144.66.Glanvill,pp.82–3.
67.SC,pp.179–80,ch.4;Glanvill,pp.58–69.
68.Glanvill,pp.118–19;Dialogus,pp.161–83.
69.Glanvill,pp.111–12.70.Glanvill,p.114andnotec;
Dialogus,pp.168–9;Hudson,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.104,108–10.
71.F,p.51(areferenceIowetoPaulBrand);RLC,p.132;seeabove,p.213.
72.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.80–81.
73.Gervase,ii,pp.96–7;SC,p.277.
74.Foradiscussion,seeVanCaenegem,RoyalWrits,pp.373–9;fordower,Glanvill,p.69.
75.Dialogus,pp.6–9,219–20.76.Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.
311–55;andforacritique,Hudson,‘MagnaCarta’.
77.D’Avray,MedievalMarriage,pp.124–9;EHD500–1042,p.429;Dialogus,pp.180–1.WalterMap,pp.508–9.
78.Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.317–19,andHudson,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.104–7.IhavebeenhelpedbyAdrienneShowering’scommentaryonthischapterinaKingsCollegeLondonMAEssay.FortheinfluenceoftheiuscommuneonGlanvill,seeVanCaenegem,RoyalWrits,pp.373–9.
79.Glanvill,p.114.80.CodexJustinianus,8.16.7pr;
Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,p.328.IamgratefultoAlice
RioforhelpingmeinterpretthepassageintheCodex.
81.Theiuscommunemayalsohaveinfluencedthestipulationaboutinterestondebtnotaccruinginminorities:Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.320–21.
82.Howden,GR,ii,pp.213–14;Maddicott,Parliament,pp.119–20.
83.Howden,iii,p.136.84.PR1198,p.222.Thisisthe
fineofWilliamdeNovoMercato.
85.Seeabove,pp.132–3.86.Ballard,BritishBorough
Charters,pp.xxvi–xxxiii,197–201,214–16,220–32;SC,pp.305–10.
87.Seeabove,p.148.88.PeterdeBrusCharter,pp.92–
4;seeabove,pp.146–7.89.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.
118–19,121;Holt,MC,pp.93–5,118–19.
90.LHP,pp.102–3,ch.8,1b,p.317,notetoch.8,Ib;Holt,MC,p.94.
91.MGL,i,pp.147–51.
92.SC,p.277;J.E.Morris,WelshWars,p.229note1;CWR,p.336.ForadiscussionofAngevinideology,seeAurell,PlantagenetEmpire,pp.83–162.
93.RCh,pp.133–4;CorrespondanceAdministrativeno.2,022.IowethisreferencetoanMAessaybyAnaisWaag.ForthetheoryofnecessityandotherRomanlawideas,seeHarriss,King,ParliamentandPublicFinance,pp.21–4.
94.WalterMap,pp.508–9;RL,p.20;CRR,v,pp.202–4;Turner,EnglishJudiciary,pp.7and170.IowethepointaboutGuestlingtoHudson,OxfordHistory,pp.846–7.
95.Dialogus,pp.2–3.96.Dialogus,pp.4–5,20–21,74–
5,164–5.97.Vacarius,pp.296,12,lx,
cxlviii.98.Glanvill,p.2;Dialogus,p.5.99.RollsoftheKing’sCourt,p.
50;Howden,iii,p.242;Dialogus,p.169.
100.Mason,‘Hero’sinvincibleweapon’,pp.131–2;seeabove,p.97.
101.M.Allen,MintsandMoney,pp.54–5,63;Eaglen,AbbeyandMint,plates6–21.
102.RLP,p.135b.103.Glanvill,p.108;Dialogus,pp.
144–5,180–81.104.For1205,Gervase,ii,pp.97–
8.105.Bisson,CrisisoftheTwelfth
Century,pp.521,527.106.Crouch,‘Complaint’,p.170;
Marshal,lines13,229–32.
107.PR1216–25,p.10.108.BLCottonJuliusDii,fo.128
(acartularyofStAugustine’s,Canterbury).
109.Marshal,lines15,873–88;Gillingham,‘Anonymous’,p.37.
110.Seebelow,pp.299–300.111.PR1210,p.120.Notethe
otherpunitivefineshere.112.SeeGarnett,‘Theoriginsof
thecrown’.113.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.
163,117.
114.FortheJews,seeabove,pp.115–7.
115.RCh,pp.133–4;addressedtoIreland,butechoingappealsmadeinEngland.
116.SC,p.277;RLP,pp.72–3.TheseexamplesandothersarebroughttogetherinSummerson,ch.12.
117.Wendover,pp.538–9.118.RLP,p.76.119.Gesetze,pp.655–6,citedby
Harriss,King,ParliamentandPublicFinance,p.9.
120.RLP,p.76.
121.D.M.Stenton,‘KingJohn’,passim.
122.StAugustine’sCanterbury,pp.148–9.
123.Holt,MC,p.107;Holt,Northerners,p.192.
124.SeeHolt,MC,pp.327–31,forhisdiscussionofchapter39.
125.RLP,p.141.126.Marshal,lines13,150–13,154.127.Forsomeofwhatfollows,see
Holt,MC,pp.76–8;Vincent,‘Englishliberties’,pp.244–6.
128.Altamira,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.230–31,andthereference
theregiven.129.Bisson,‘An“Unknown
Charter”forCatalonia’,pp.199–212,quotationsatpp.202and211–12.
130.StatuteofPamiers,columns625–35,chs.i,xv,xvii,xxviii,xxix,xxxi,xxxiii,xliii–v,andcolumn634.
131.Theeventsof1212beginthenextchapter.
9Resistance,1212–1215
1.Gervase,ii,pp.96–9;RLP,p.55.SeeMaddicott,Parliament,pp.142–3.
2.AWR,no.235.3.RLC,p.165b.4.Dunstable,p.33.5.RLP,p.94.6.Anonymous,p.115(on
fitzWalter).7.Anonymous,p.119.The
evidenceiscarefullyreviewedinNorgate,JohnLackland,289–93.ThereisagoodaccountoffitzWalterby
MatthewStricklandintheODNB.
8.Furness,p.521;Norgate,JohnLackland,pp.289–93.ThestorywasspeciallyinsertedintoachroniclebeingcopiedoutatFurnessabbey.Accordingtoit,VescyplacedacommonwomaninJohn’sbed.Johnthenbrokeherfinger,thinkingitwasVescy’swife.
9.PR1203,pp.201,204,214;PR1207,p.74;PR1211,p.34;CRR,v,pp.58–9;vi,pp.
135–6;RLC,pp.99,215b,216b.
10.AlexanderandBinski,eds.,AgeofChivalry,no.454.
11.RLP,pp.17,144b;PR1209,p.190.ForfitzWalter’sclaimtoHertford(inrightofhiswife),seeSummerson,ch.40.
12.Anonymous,pp.117–18;translationbyMatthewStricklandinhis‘RobertfitzWalter’.
13.Paris,GA,pp.220–21,226–7.14.Wendover,p.534.15.RCh,pp.192,197.
16.BF,pp.52–228.Vincent,‘Englishliberties’,pp.251–2,recognizestheimportanceofthisinquiry.
17.Seebelow,pp.398–400.18.JohnofSalisbury,pp.15,
206–13(III,15;VIII,20,21);fordiscussion,seeVanLaarhoven,‘Thoushallnotslayatyrant’,p.328.Aurell,PlantagenetEmpire,pp.70–71.
19.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.175–6.
20.Bémont,SimondeMontfort,p.341;Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,pp.31–2.
21.Cheney,‘Allegeddeposition’.22.Powicke,StephenLangton,p.
97;Fryde,WhyMagnaCarta?,p.100;Vincent,‘StephenLangton’,pp.82–7,withafullanalysisofbiblicalreferences.
23.SLI,pp.128–9.24.Cheney,‘Allegeddeposition’,
p.102.25.Brut,pp.194–5.26.Seeabove,pp.272–3.
27.F,p.108.28.RLP,p.97;Holt,Northerners,
pp.85–6.29.RLC,p.132.Johnmay,
however,havemadeconcessionstoearlsandbaronsonanindividualbasis.
30.Crowland,pp.207,214–15.31.F,p.104.32.Thisistheepisodementioned
above,p.81.33.Wendover,p.550.34.Rowlands,‘KingJohn’,p.
270.
35.Forallthis,seeCarpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,pp.1057–60.
36.SLI,p.189andnotes4and5;RBE,ii,p.772.
37.F,p.126.38.Coggeshall,p.170.39.RLC,122,pp.216b–217;RLP,
p.94b;Stringer,EarlDavid,pp.50,285note141.
40.RLP,p.99.41.BNB,ii,p.666;RLC,p.165b.
FortheoutlawryoffitzWalterandBriouze(evidenceislackingforVescy),see
Summerson,ch.39.Theneedforindictmentbythe‘famapatrie’comesfromajudgementgivenin1234byWilliamofRaleigh.Whetherinanoutlawryprocesstherewas‘judgementbypeers’dependedonwhowaspresentatthefinalcountycourtwhentheoutlawrywaspronounced.Chapter39couldbereadasrequiringabaronialpresenceifthepersonbeingoutlawedwasabaron.
42.Holt,MC,pp.190–91.
43.PR1214,pp.11,31,81,93,120,175,andxiii–xxiv(PatriciaBarnes’sintroduction);RLP,p.129b;RCh,p.203;Holt,MC,pp.199–200;RLC,p.386b;PR1218,p.93;RF,p.528.
44.Holt,MC,pp.206–7,495.45.Turner,‘Mandeville
inheritance’,pp.294–8.46.Dunstable,p.45;Crowland,p.
225;John’slettersaboutthemarriagearetheonlyplaceswherehestylesGeoffreyEarl
ofEssex:RLC,p.162b;RLP,p.109b.
47.F,pp.104–7;RCh,p.186.Forthediplomacyof1212–13,seeVincent,‘Arollofknights’.
48.Wendover,pp.551–2;Crowland,p.212;Coggeshall,p.167.
49.Dunstable,pp.40,38;Coggeshall,p.167;SC,p.282.
50.Vincent,‘Englishliberties’,p.257.
51.JamesofAragon,pp.24–5.
52.Coggeshall,p.168.53.RLC,p.202.Holt,
Northerners,pp.98–100,analysesthearmy.
54.RLP,p.118b.55.Thereisafineaccountofthe
campaigninRamsay,AngevinEmpire,pp.451–65.
56.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.839;PR1214,p.91.Thepiperollfor1213islost.SeeBarratt,‘The1213piperoll’.
57.PR1214,p.95;PR1219,pp.205–6;F,p.126;Holt,Northerners,pp.100–102.
58.RLC,p.213;Vincent,DesRoches,pp.107–13;Holt,KingJohn,p.91.
59.CRR,vii,pp.158–9;F,p.89;Holt,MC,pp.61,66.
60.Coggeshall,p.168.61.SLI,p.203.62.RLC,pp.192b,198b,199,
214;Anonymous,pp.150–51.63.SLI,pp.194,213;RLP,p.
138b.64.SLI,p.165;F,p.126;
Coggeshall,p.167.Crouch,‘Baronialparanoia’,pp.58–9,
bringsouttheimportanceofcorporateactionin1212.
65.Brut,p.201.66.SouthwarkandMerton,p.49.67.Wendover,pp.582–3.68.Holt,MC,pp.406–11,
criticizingR.M.ThomsoninElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.189–92,andGransden,CustomaryofBury,p.xxvnote5.Myargumentdiffersfromallthree.
69.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.112–13,112note1.
70.ForwhatfollowsseeElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.110–29.Forthissourceseeabove,p.78
71.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.128–9,saidalittlelaterinproceedings.
72.RLC,p.174.Intheevent,thevisittoRochestertookplaceaftertheBurymeeting.AgapintheitineraryofafewdaysleavesopenwhetherJohnwentontoCanterburyandDover.
73.RLC,pp.175–7;RLP,p.123.
74.FitzWalterandMandevilleatteston2November;RCh,p.202,RLP,p.123.
75.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.126–7.ThequotationwasfromDeuteronomy7:19.
76.RLP,p.123.Norfolk’ssonhadmarriedtheMarshal’seldestdaughter.
77.Norgate,JohnLackland,p.192.
78.SC,pp.283–4;RCh,p.202b.Foranuanceddiscussionofthecharter,whichbringsoutitsadvantagesforJohn,see
Harvey,EpiscopalAppointments,pp.18–24.
79.RLC,p.179.80.CMS,p.201;Southwarkand
Merton,p.49.81.CRR,vii,p.315;Sanders,
EnglishBaronies,pp.16,53;Harper-Bill,ed.,BlythburghCartulary,i,p.7;Holt,Northerners,p.12;RF,p.417.
82.Wendover,p.584;SLI,p.194.83.CRR,vii,p.315;RLP,p.
126b;RCh,pp.203–5.Ros
wasalsoaguarantorofthelettersofconduct.
84.DD,pp.28–30;Crowland,pp.217–18.
85.SLI,pp.198–201.86.DD,pp.28–30.87.Gervase,ii,p.109.88.Tyerman,Englandandthe
Crusades,pp.134–5;S.Lloyd,EnglishSocietyandtheCrusade,pp.163–5.
89.SLI,pp.202–4,212–13,217.90.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.
162–5;RLC,p.193b.ForJohn’sprotestaboutthe
electionmadeatEly,seeRLP,pp.132b–133.
91.RLC,p.197b;Kantorowicz,LaudesRegiae,p.217.
92.Crowland,p.219.93.Landon,Itinerary,pp.185–6.94.SLI,pp.196–7.Iagreewith
Holt’sargumentsthatthiswaswhatInnocentdescribedlaterasthe‘triplexformapacis’:MagnaCarta,pp.413–17.
95.SLI,pp.202,214.96.Wendover,pp.585–6;
Crowland,pp.219,225;RLC,p.189b;Holden,Lordsofthe
CentralMarches,pp.178–9.IagreewithHoltindoubtingWendover’slistofwhowasatStamford.
97.Wendover,p.586.98.Whatfollowsallcomesfrom
John’slettertothepopeof29May:F,p.129;seealsoSLI,pp.214–15.
99.SLI,pp.196–7.100.SouthwarkandMerton,p.49.101.Bracton,ii,p.237.102.Forthe‘diffidatio’,see
Strickland,WarandChivalry,pp.231–5,andGillingham,
‘Introductionofchivalry’,pp.223–4.Fortheoriesofresistancebetween1215and1399andtheeventsof1215–7,seeValente,TheoryandPracticeofRevolt,pp.12–67
103.Seeabove,p.257.104.RCh,p.209b;RLP,p.141;F,
p.129;SLI,p.215.105.RLP,p.141.106.RLC,p.204.107.RLP,p.135;RLC,p.198b.108.RCh,p.207.Thecharter
survivesinthemunicipalarchives:London
MetropolitanArchives,COL/CH01/010.
109.SouthwarkandMerton,p.49;Crowland,p.220;RLP,p.137b.
110.Crowland,p.220.111.Paris,HA,ii,p.156.112.PR1214,p.93;RLP,p.129b.113.RLP,p.135;RLC,p.198b.114.RLP,p.145;Smith,‘Treatyof
Lambeth’,p.577note11.115.Holt,Northerners,p.110;
Powicke,StephenLangton,pp.207–13.
116.Crowland,p.220.
117.ForwhatfollowsIamindebtedtoStringer,‘AlexanderII:thewarof1215–1217’,and‘Alan,sonofRoland,lordofGalloway’,pp.85–9,althoughmyemphasisisslightlydifferent.
118.RLC,p.189b;RLP,p.144.Foradifferentview,seeStringer,EarlDavid,pp.51–2and51note154.
119.Gervase,ii,p.111;RLC,p.216b.David’slegitimatesonwasonlyachild.
120.Crowland,p.220;Dunstable,p.43.
121.RLP,p.132b;Holden,LordsoftheCentralMarches,pp.187–8.
122.Dunstable,p.43;Crowland,p.220;Brut,p.90;AC,p.70;J.E.Lloyd,HistoryofWales,ii,pp.642–4.Latimer,‘Rebellion’,pointsoutthattherewererebelsamongsttheWelshmarcherbarons,quiteapartfromGilesdeBriouze,bishopofHereford.
123.RLC,pp.181,197;Latimer,‘Rebellion’.
124.Wendover,p.585.125.RLC,p.200.126.Faulkner,‘Knights’,pp.7–8;
RLP,p.137b;CRR,vi,p.360.127.Seebelow,p.382–5.128.Thereturnsarefor
Herefordshire(CACW,no.1);RutlandandLeicestershire(F,p.144);Shropshire,andStaffordshire(Eyton,Shropshire,x,pp.326–7);andGloucestershire.Thislast(TNAXBox2705)was
discoveredbyAdrianJobsonandisdiscussedinhisforthcoming‘RebellioninGloucestershire’.
129.F,p.144;CRR,vi,p.131;v,p.38;vii,p.240.
130.Holt,Northerners,pp.43–4;butseeThomas,Vassals,pp.45–6;CACW,no.1.
131.Coggeshall,p.171.132.Carpenter,‘Sheriffsof
Oxfordshire’,pp.42–6.133.PR1215,p.10;PR1211,p.
14;P.Brown,Sibton,pp.90–93;seeabove,p.226.
134.SeeRLC,pp.260,417b,622b;BF,p.962.
135.Faulkner,‘Knights’,pp.2,8.136.HototEstateRecords,p.32.137.Crouch,EnglishAristocracy,
pp.17–18.138.CRR,vi,p.231;Lapsley,
‘Buzones’,pp.80–83;PCCG,no.154.
139.Holt,Northerners,p.47;RLP,pp.132b,134b,135b;RLC,pp.216b,217;Tilley,‘MagnaCartaandthehonourofWallingford’.
140.IamgratefultoAdrianJobsonforallowingmetoseesomeofthepreliminaryconclusionsinhisforthcoming‘RebellioninGloucestershire’.
141.Seeabove,pp.135–7.142.Wendover,p.585;seebelow,
p.441.143.PR1215,p.10.144.RLP,pp.135b–136;
Crowland,pp.220–21.145.Holt,Northerners,pp.105–6.146.Gervase,ii,p.109;MR1208,
p.129;RLP,p.138b.
147.Carpenter,Minority,p.48.148.RLP,p.136b.149.RLP,pp.138b,142.150.F,p.129.151.RLP,pp.142–3.
10TheDevelopmentoftheOppositionProgramme
1.Wendover,p.550;Coggeshall,pp.167,170;seealsoDD,no.19.
2.Wendover,pp.552,582–6;Brut,pp.200–201.
3.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.
156–203.4.Chapter8inthe1100charter
andchapter9intheArticles.5.Chapters2,4and11.6.Seeabove,p.258–9.7.Fortherootsofthisusage,see
Holt,‘MagnaCarta1215–1217’,pp.293–6,andHolt,MC,pp.518–22.
8.Seeabove,p.272–3.9.Sharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’,
pp.18–20,37–8,46–7,53–4.10.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.
166–7.11.Wendover,pp.552–4.
12.Coggeshall,p.170;Crowland,pp.217–18;Anonymous,pp.145–6;Brut,p.201.
13.IfollowLiebermannhere,seeSharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’,pp.45–6.
14.ForexampleinBLCottonClaudiusDii,fos.68v,70v.SeeKer,‘Libercustumarum’,forthissource.IamgratefultoHughDohertyforinformationaboutcopiesofHenryII’scharter.
15.Holt,MC,p.224.16.Chapters11,10,6.
17.Forthedocument,seeabove,p.17.ItisprintedinHolt,MC,pp.427–8.
18.Crowland,p.218.19.Chapter5intheUnknown
Charterandchapter7inthe1100Charter.
20.Chapters4,6,3.21.Holt,MC,p.419.22.Chapters2,5,7,11.Chapter
10givestheforestprivilegesto‘knights’.
23.Wendover,p.586.24.Iowethispointto
Summerson’scommentaryon
chapter20.25.Smith,‘MagnaCarta’.26.Underthetermsofchapter25,
judgementwouldbebythetwenty-fiveifthedisseisinwasbyJohn.Itwastobebyjudgementofthecomplainant’speersintheking’scourtifitwasbyHenryIIorRichard.JohnwouldpresumablyhavearguedthatitwasHenryIIwhohaddeprivedthekingofScotsofthenortherncounties.IfJohnwastohavethedelayenjoyed
byothercrusaders,thenjudgementwastobebyLangtonandthebishopsSeebelow,p.552n.20.
27.Sharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’,p.44.
28.Gesetze,pp.656–6.29.Gesetze,pp.656–7;Bisson,
‘An“UnknownCharter”forCatalonia’,pp.211–12.
30.Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,p.157.
31.Burton,p.471;DBM,nos.3,11;Brand,Kings,BaronsandJustices,pp.43–53.For
knightshavingtheirownagendas,seeMaddicott,Parliament,pp.220–24.
32.Forafulleranalysisofwhatfollows,seeabove,pp.147–54.
33.F,p.89;RLC,p.131;SC,p.254,ch.20;Hunnisett,MedievalCoroner,p.151.
34.Seeabove,p.133.35.Seebelow,p.439–40.36.Thereisnochangeofinkat
thesepoints,however.37.Thismaybeanotherchapter,
however,putinafterthe
joiningupofLondon.38.Holt,‘ThemakingofMagna
Carta’,pp.219,224.39.Cheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’,
p.285.ThedetailwasthetimeJohnwastohavetoputrightanybreachesoftheCharter.
40.Galbraith,‘Runnymede’,p.308.
41.Melrose,fo.31v.IowethetranslationtoDauvitBroun.Forthedateofthisportionofthechronicle,seeBrounand
Harrison,ChronicleofMelrose,pp.131–4.
42.Anonymous,p.150;Wendover,p.603.
43.Holt,MC,pp.499–500.44.Forthe1258oath,seeHey,
‘Theoathsof1258’.45.Altamira,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.
239–40.46.Turner,KingandhisCourts,
pp.241–3.47.RCh,p.45.48.CMS,p.3.Althoughthe
Londonchroniclewherethisappearswaswritteninthe
1250s,itwasherecopyingfromwhatwasacontemporarylistofsheriffs.IamindebtedforthispointtoIanStone,whoispreparinganeweditionofArnoldfitzThedmar’sLondonchronicle.
49.RLC,p.64;SC,p.312;Round,CommuneofLondon,pp.237–42;‘Londonmunicipalcollection’,pp.507–8;Summerson,ch.13.
50.Gervase,ii,pp.96–7.
51.ThomasofMarlborough,pp.438–41;seealsoGransden,‘Ademocraticmovement’.
52.Hyams,RancorandReconciliation,pp.11,65,67,80;andforlaterandinaEuropeancontextseeBrunner,LandandLordship,pp.36,43,63,66,81–7,90.
53.Riley-Smith,FeudalNobility,pp.156–9.
54.Enchiridion,pp.134–43,withthe‘resistance’passagebetweenpp.142and143.
55.Rady,‘Rightofresistance’,arguesthatthechiefconcernwasnottobeaccusedofinfidelityandthuscutofffromroyalpatronage.
56.Gervase,ii,pp.97–8.57.Bracton,ii,pp.33,110;iii,p.
43;iv,pp.158–9;Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.40–41;Brand,‘Dateandauthorship’.
58.RLC,pp.200,244;RLP,p.138;Turner,‘SimonofPattishall’,pp.212–13.
59.Forwhatfollows,seeVincent,‘Twenty-fivebarons’.
60.Ihavearguedforthisview,whilesettingoutthewholedebate,inmy‘ArchbishopLangton’.SeeHolt,MC,pp.268–70,280–87.
61.Seeabove,p.259.62.ASL,pp.12–13.63.Wendover,pp.554,585.64.Itwasinthiseven-handed
spiritthatheseemstohaveofferedtoexcommunicatethebarons,ifJohnsenthisforeignmercenarieshomeandthebaronsthenrefusedtolaydowntheirarms:F,p.129;
Carpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,p.1046note21.OnewonderswhetherJohn’sorderon13March,tellingtheforcessummonedfromPoitouthattheycouldgohome,followedarequestfromLangtonrelatedtoanofferalongtheselines:RLP,pp.130–130b.
65.Althoughunnamed,hewouldalsohavebeeninvolvedwiththegrievancesoftheWelshunderchapter44.
66.Forthemeaningoftheclause(25),seeCarpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,p.1046note17.Seealson.20tochapter11below.
67.Baldwin,‘MasterStephenLangton’,pp.817–19.
68.SLI,pp.201–2.69.RLC,p.146.70.LambethPalaceLibraryMS
1212,fo.111.ThethreewereWilliamofEynsford,WilliamdeRosandRichardofGraveney.Seebelow,p.384.
71.Iamusingherethetitleofch.8inReynolds,KingdomsandCommunities.FordiscussionseealsoMaddicott,Parliament,pp.139–47
72.Dialogus,pp.152–3;Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.260–62;Turner,EnglishJudiciary,p.262;seeabove,p.193.
73.Baldwin,MastersandPrinces,p.166.
74.Reynolds,KingdomsandCommunities,pp.268–9.
75.Seeabove,p.111–12.
76.Reynolds,KingdomsandCommunities,pp.268–9.Seeabove,pp.151–2.
77.EHD1189–1327,pp.496–7.78.Paris,GA,pp.225–9.79.Holt,Northerners,pp.59–60.
11Runnymede1.RLP,pp.142b–143.2.Holt,MC,pp.249–50,givesa
gooddescriptionofthetopography.
3.Forwhatfollows,ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.168–73.
4.Coggeshall,p.172.5.SeeHolt,MC,p.476.6.RLP,p.143.7.Holt,MC,pp.244–8.8.Forwhatfollows,seeHoyt,
RoyalDemesne,pp.144–5.9.SeeArticles,chapter15.10.Forthecopiesandhowthey
containelementsofdrafts,seeabove,pp.19–22.Theyarefullydiscussedinmy‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.
11.Galbraith,‘AdraftofMagnaCarta’,p.348;andseeabovep.19–20.
12.PeterboroughDeanandChapterMS1,ondepositatCambridgeUniversityLibrary,fos.7v–74.
13.SocietyofAntiquaries,London,MS60,fo.226;CartulariesofPeterboroughAbbey,p.6;andseeabove,p.20.Thecartularyisknownasthe‘BlackBook’ofPeterborough.
14.BodleianLibrary,Oxford,MSLat.Hist.a.1(P);Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,p.74.HereandinthePeterboroughcopy
‘consiliumnostrum’evidentlymeans‘ourcouncil’ratherthan‘ourcounsel’.Seeabove,p.166.IntheBodleiancopy’sversionofchapter48,themalpracticesrevealedbytheinvestigationoftheknightsaretobe‘corrected’–‘emendentur’.ThisisareadingfromtheArticlesoftheBarons,notMagnaCarta,sothecopyclearlyhaselementsofadraft.
15.AnothercopyoftheCharter,thatinalatethirteenth-
centurystatutebook,omitstheneedforconsentinchapter12altogether:TNAE164/9,fo.45.
16.Contrastchapters25and37.17.Thisvariantappearsinthe
copyoftheCharterinthePeterboroughcartularymentionedabove,inthecopyinthelatethirteenth-centurystatutebookthatGalbraithfoundintheHuntingtonLibraryinCalifornia(Galbraith,‘AdraftofMagnaCarta’)andinanumberof
othercopies.Galbraithdatedthestatutebooktobefore1290.
18.Seeabove,p.224.19.CPR1247–58,p.637,fora
parallelin1258.20.Theinterpretationgivenhere
ofchapter25oftheArticlesis,asHoltputsit(MC,p.286andnote102),‘theobviousconstructionoftheLatin’.IfitwasintendedsimplytomeanthatLangtonandthebishopsweretodecidewhetherJohnshouldhavethe‘term’
enjoyedbyothercrusaders,itwasbadlydrafted.SeealsoCarpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,p.1046andnote17,andforLangtonandtheArticlesseeabove,pp.332–5.
21.SeeHelmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.348–9,andBrundage,MedievalCanonLawandtheCrusader,pp.172–4.
22.Smith,‘MagnaCarta’,p.359.InthelightofSmith’spaper,Holtalteredwhathehadwrittenbetweenhisfirstandsecondeditions:contrastMC
(1965),p.193,andMC(1992),p.288.Ithinkhisfirstformulationisnearerthetruth.
23.Smith,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.361–2,345–6.Seebelow,p.393.
24.Chapter59;Smith,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.349,359.
25.SLI,p.215.26.Duggan,Becket,p.44.Iowe
thispointtoNicholasVincent.27.Ambler,‘Kingshipand
tyranny’,p.127,andher‘Peacemakersandpartisans’,pp.140–66.
28.SC,pp.117–18,158;Bisson,‘An“UnknownCharter”forCatalonia’,p.211.
29.RLP,p.100;LambethPalaceLibraryMS1212,fos.12v,107(areferenceIowetoNicholasVincent).
30.Seeabove,p.317.31.Seeabove,pp.106–7.32.Turner,EnglishJudiciary,pp.
168–71.33.Klerman,‘Womanprosecutors
inthirteenth-centuryEngland’,pp.295–6;Wilkinson,Womenin
Thirteenth-CenturyLincolnshire,pp.144–9.In1202overseventyappealsweremadebywomenbeforethejusticesinLincolnshire:LAR.pp.lvi,342andseenos.630,673,690,847.
34.Seeabove,pp.111–12.35.Davis,‘Anunknowncharterof
liberties’,p.723,thusthoughttheclauseshowedtheauthorwasof‘humbleextraction’.
36.Anonymous,p.150.37.Thisisprintedasa
continuationofchapter37.
38.APS,pp.111–12;Duncan,‘JohnkingofEngland’,p.271.Seeabove,p.121.
39.Forafullerdiscussion,seeabove,p.120.ForfitzWalter’smilitaryrole,see‘Londonmunicipalcollection’,p.485.
40.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,p.361,ch.45.
41.SeeCarpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.
42.Inchapter9.43.PaulBrandhaskindly
commentedonthedraftingof
chapter39.44.ItwasHenrySummersonwho
pointedthischangeouttome.45.SarumMissal,pp.220–21;
MagdalenCollegeOxfordMS168,fos.90–92(Powicke,StephenLangton,p.176).IammostgratefultoDavidD’Avrayforsendingmeacommentaryonthesermon.ForLangton’ssermons,seeRoberts,SermonsofStephenLangton.
46.SeeCarpenter,‘ThedatingandmakingofMagnaCarta’.
47.Holt,MC,pp.250–55;Cheney,‘TheeveofMagnaCarta’,pp.330,332–3,andCheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’,p.280.
48.RCh,pp.202–9.49.Galbraith,‘AdraftofMagna
Carta’.50.Holt,MC,pp.248–9,and
Holt,‘ThemakingofMagnaCarta’,p.230.
51.RCh,p.210b.52.Thesecondcopyretainingthe
popeisinalatethirteenth-centurystatutebook:TNAE
164/9,fo.47.Thethird,whichIhaveonlyveryrecentlydiscovered,isinacopyofthebeginningandendofthe1215Charterfoundinthelatefourteenth-centuryRegisterofWilliamCheriton,priorofLlanthonyGloucester:TNAC115/78,fos.123–123v.(IamgratefultoJessicaNelsonforlocatingthisreference.)AsintheHuntingtoncopy,theCharterhereisgivenbyJohnatWindsoron15JuneratherthanatRunnymede.The
omittedtextmakesitimpossibletoknowwhethertheCheritonandHuntingtoncopieswerethesameinotherways.
53.Wendover,p.603;Anonymous,p.150.
54.DBM,pp.90–91,103,113.55.Coggeshall,pp.139–40,146,
154–6.56.Vincent,ed.,EpiscopalActa:
Winchester,p.130.57.Paris,vi,p.65.Hubertseems
inerrorinrememberingthatEarlFerrerswasalsothere.
58.IfollowhereHolt,MC,pp.481–3,withthetextatpp.490–91.
59.Holt,MC,p.263.60.RLP,p.180b;Rowlands,‘Text
anddistribution’,p.1429.61.RLP,p.181.62.RLP,p.150.63.Anonymous,p.150.64.Crowland,p.222.65.RLP,pp.180b,143b.66.ForHenryIIIdevelopingthis
argument,seeCarpenter,Minority,pp.387–8.
67.Crowland,p.221;Paris,HA,ii,p.159.
68.RCh,p.210b.
12TheEnforcementandFailureoftheCharter
1.BassetCharters,no.238.2.RLP,p.144;forthedeparture
ofsomeoftheFlemings,seeAnonymous,p.151.
3.Enchiridion,p.142.4.RLP,p.180b;Rowlands,‘Writ
forpublication’,p.1429.5.Coggeshall,p.172.
6.RLC,pp.377–377b.7.RLP,pp.144–5.8.RLP,pp.146b,148b,149b–
150;RLC,pp.218–218b.9.Fox,‘Originals’,p.333and
note2.10.RLP,p.180b;Holt,MC,pp.
494–5.11.Seebelow,note34.12.Dunstable,p.43;Rowlands,
‘Writforpublication’,p.1428.
13.Forhiscareer,seeVincent,‘ElyasofDereham’.
14.Collins,‘Documents’,p.238.
15.ActaHughofWells,p.4.IowethisreferencetoHuwRidgeway.Seealsoabove,p.230.
16.RL,pp.20–22.17.Fortheroleofthechurchin
disseminatingnews,seeMaddicott,‘Politicsandthepeople’,pp.8–9.
18.Crowland,p.222.19.Burton,pp.321–2.20.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,
p.351.Seeabove,p.19.21.ButseeClanchy,Memoryto
WrittenRecord,pp.220–21.
22.Carpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’;DBM,p.96.IowethereferencetoBylandtoSophieAmbler.
23.Seebelow,p.432.24.Anonymous,pp.149–50.25.BLAdd.MSS32085,fos.
102–106v.26.Cheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’.27.Cheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’;
Holt,MC,pp.478–80.Inthelegalvolume(BLHarleian746,f.74),theorderistheearlsofClare,Aumale,Essex,Winchester,Hereford,
Norfolk,andOxford,WilliamMarshaljunior,RobertfitzWalter,GilbertdeClare,EustacedeVescy,themayorofLondon,WilliamdeMowbray,GeoffreydeSay,RogerdeMontbegon,WilliamofHuntingfield,RobertdeRos,JohndeLacy,Williamd’Aubigné,RicharddePercy,WilliamMalet,JohnfitzRobert,WilliamdeLanvallei,HughBigod,andRicharddeMunfichet.
28.Strickland,‘EnforcersofMagnaCarta’;Powicke,StephenLangton,pp.207–13;Holt,Northerners,p.110.Painter,ReignofJohn,pp.288–90,givesageographicalanalysisoftheleadersoftherevolt.
29.Cheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’,p.307;Holt,MC,pp.478–80.
30.Wendover,pp.605–6.31.RLP,p.143b.32.Forthesurvivaloftheletterto
thesheriffofGloucestershire,whichwaswitnessedon20
June,not19June,seeRowlands,‘Textanddistribution’.ThismaywellhavebeentheletterforEngelard,sincehewassheriffofbothGloucestershireandHerefordshire.TheletterisnowinthearchivesofHerefordcathedral.
33.RCh,p.210.TherecipientsofthelettersareanalysedinRowlands,‘Textanddistribution’,pp.1424–6.
34.Aroyalletterof27June,discussedbelow,whichwas
senttoallthesheriffs,wasissuedfollowingajudgementwithwhichLangtonwasassociated,soitisnotunlikelythatDerehamwasatcourtatthistime,andthenreceivedthetwelve19Juneletters,aswellashisfirstbatchoffourCharters.Hemayalsohavereceivedthe27JuneletterforHampshire,sinceoneofthe19Juneletterswascertainlyforthatcounty.Itisthe27JuneletterforHampshire,translatedintoFrench,which
iscopied,alongsidetheFrenchtranslationoftheCharter,inthecartularyofPontAudemar.Onesuspects,therefore,thatthetranslationlikewisewasmadefromtheCharterconnectedwithHampshire,andthusfromtheCharter(iftheargumentsadvancedabovearecorrect)senttoWinchestercathedralfortheWinchesterdiocese.
35.LambethPalaceLibraryMS1213,fo.94.
36.RLC,p.216b.
37.Seeabove,pp.334–5.TherearemanyreferencestotheEynsford,RosandGraveneyfamiliesinduBoulay,LordshipofCanterbury.
38.RLJ,pp.179,180,182,207,210,211,217,219.
39.BF,pp.687,239,242;CRR,iv,pp.21,97;v,pp.8,113,191,213,273.
40.DuBoulay,LordshipofCanterbury,p.107;forthelong-runningdisputebetweenBecketandHenryIIovertheoverlordshipofRos’sseven
fees,seeBarlow,Becket,pp.83,89,136,193,196,213.
41.PR1212,p.15.42.Barlow,Becket,pp.93–4,111;
Warren,HenryII,pp.457–8,478note1.
43.RLC,pp.234,235b,237b,295,325;Gervase,ii,p.110.Inthe1220s,probablythroughtheinfluenceofHubertdeBurgh,Eynsfordbecamebrieflyastewardoftheroyalhousehold.
44.Forelectionsinthecountycourt,seeabove,pp.133–4.
45.RLP,p.145b;Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,p.364.ThewritsenttoKentiscopiedinLambethPalaceLibraryMS1213,fo.195.
46.Crowland,p.222;Coggeshall,p.173;Wendover,p.606.
47.Seebelow,pp.448–9.48.F,p.134.49.Crowland,p.222;PR1215,p.
10.50.RLP,pp.143b–145b;RLC,pp.
215–18;thefiguresherecomefromHolt,MC,pp.360–61.
51.RLC,p.215.
52.RLC,p.218.53.RLC,p.216b;RCh,pp.29,
186b;Stringer,EarlDavid,pp.49–50.
54.RLP,p.17b;PR1209,p.190.55.RLC,p.216b.56.RLC,pp.216b,217;forother
‘ifs’,seeRLC,pp.215b,216.57.RLC,p.215.Ithinkthisletter
doesimplythatSalisburywasnotpresentatRunnymede,despiteJohnputtinghimdownintheCharterasoneofhiscounsellors.Anonymous,p.149,suggeststhesame,but
seeHolt,‘MakingofMagnaCarta’,pp.237–8.
58.RLC,pp.216,216b.59.Holt,MC,p.490;Crowland,
p.221,whoseviewwasthatGeoffreyhadnoclaimsavethathisfather,GeoffreyfitzPeter,enjoyedcustodyoftheTowerasJohn’sjusticiar.
60.RLP,p.139b;RLC,p.215;Holt,MC,pp.431–2.
61.Tilley,‘MagnaCartaandthehonourofWallingford’.
62.Holt,MC,pp.499–500(discoveredbyH.G.
Richardson).63.Wendover,p.606(wherethe
councilwastomeetatWestminster,whichismostunlikely);Melrose,fo.31v;Coggeshall,p.172.
64.RLC,pp.215,339b,614b;RLP,pp.43b,44,106,122;MR1208,p.138,no.70.
65.RLC,p.221b.66.Smith,‘TreatyofLambeth’,p.
577note11;RLP,p.145.67.RLC,p.223.68.RLP,p.149.Theplaceofthe
letterisgivenasbetween
NewburyandAbingdon.ItisveryunusualforJohn’sinstrumentsnottobedatedtoaspecificplace.
69.Richardson,‘MorrowoftheGreatCharter’and‘MorrowoftheGreatCharter:addendum’.ForHolt’scritique,seeMC,pp.484–9,whichgoesmuchtoofar,inmyview,inreducingtheimportanceofthecouncil.
70.PR1215,p.10.71.RLP,p.149.72.RLC,pp.221b,222b.
73.RLP,p.141;Crowland,p.225;Dunstable,p.45.
74.RLP,pp.149b–50.75.RLP,p.151;Painter,Reignof
John,p.332.76.RLP,p.150;Smith,‘Magna
Carta’,pp.361–2,345–6.LlywelynhadstillnotobtainedthereleaseofallhishostagesasrequiredbytheCharter:RLP,p.151.DuringthecouncilenvoyswereprobablyalsoreceivedfromKingAlexander,sincehisletterofcredenceforthem
(RLP,p.150)wasenrolledjustbeforetheletterofconductfortheWelshrulers.
77.F,p.134(RLC,p.269).Seeabove,p.387.
78.RCh,pp.213–15.79.Anonymous,p.151;
Gillingham,‘Anonymous’,p.43;Wendover,p.611.
80.RLP,pp.150–50b.81.Holt,MC,pp.499–500,from
Richardson,‘MorrowoftheGreatCharter’,p.443.
82.Melrose,fo.31v.83.RLP,pp.150–150b.
84.SLI,pp.217–19.85.SLI,p.217note1.86.Anonymous,pp.151–2.87.RLP,pp.147,148;
Anonymous,p.151.88.RLP,pp.144–50;Jenkinson,
‘JewelslostintheWash’,pp.163–4.
89.RLC,p.218.90.RLP,pp.152b,153b.91.Crowland,pp.222–3;RLP,p.
153.92.SLI,pp.207–9;Thebull
‘Miramurplurimum’,pp.91–2.
93.Crowland,p.224;SouthwarkandMerton,p.50;Coggeshall,p.173.
94.Thebull‘Miramurplurimum’,pp.90–93.
95.Crowland,pp.224–5;RLP,pp.154b,155.
96.F,p.75.97.Crowland,pp.224–5;
Coggeshall,p.176;F,p.140.98.F,p.104.99.Southern,‘England’sfirst
entryintoEurope’,pp.147–9;see,however,Holt,‘MagnaCarta,1215–1217’,pp.292–3.
100.SLI,pp.212–16.101.Norgate,JohnLackland,p.
248.102.Baldwin,Mastersand
Princes,i,p.166;Carpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,p.1042.
103.ThewholestoryistoldinRowlands,‘KingJohn’.
104.Coggeshall,pp.174–5;RLC,p.228;RLP,pp.138,181;Wendover,p.606.
105.RLP,pp.154b–155.106.Galbraith,Studiesinthe
PublicRecords,pp.136,161–
2.107.F,pp.136,137;Holt,
Northerners,p.1.108.Holt,MC,pp.499–500,from
adiscoverybyH.G.Richardson.
109.Smith,‘TreatyofLambeth’,p.577note15.
110.APS,p.108;Petit-Dutaillis,LouisVIII,pp.115–18.
111.Crowland,pp.225–6.112.F,p.140.
13TheRevivaloftheCharter,1216–1225
1.Forthemilitaryevents,seeMcGlynn,BloodCriesAfar.
2.Church,HouseholdKnights,pp.104–8.
3.APS,pp.108,110,112;Melrose,fo.33;Coggeshall,p.183;Anonymous,p.179;Stringer,‘AlexanderII:thewarof1215–1217’.ThesourceforJohn’sremarkisParis,p.642.
4.Warren,KingJohn,pp.278–85;Holt,‘KingJohn’sdisasterintheWash’.
5.Guala,no.140b.6.RLP,p.199;CChR,p.172.7.Coggeshall,pp.183–4.
CoggeshallwasadaughterhouseofSavigny.
8.F,p.192;Church,‘KingJohn’stestament’,pp.516–17;Worcester,pp.391–2,395.ForawidercontextseeDraper,‘KingJohnandStWulfstan’,andMason,‘StWulfstan’sstaff’.
9.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.435–6.
10.LatintextsandtranslationsoftheChartersof1216,1217and1225,andoftheForestChartersof1217and1225,areinSR,pp.14–27,andtranslationsinEHD1189–1327,pp.327–49.TextandtranslationswillappearinduecourseonthewebsiteoftheMagnaCartaProject.
11.PR1216–25,p.22.ForwhatfollowsseeCarpenter,Minority,pp.31–5.
12.PoliticalSongs,p.22.13.PR1215,p.14;Carpenter,
Minority,p.29.14.Crowland,p.236;Guala,pp.
xli–ii(Vincent’sintroduction).
15.ApartfromtheMarshal,theywereHubertdeBurgh,nowwithhistitleofjusticiar,MatthewfitzHerbert,JohnMarshal,AlanBassetandPhilipd’Aubigné.
16.Thechangehadsomesignificancewhenitcametodecidingwhohadtherightto
thecropsandstockatthepointthewardshipended.
17.SeeCarpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.Aspeciallywordedengrossmentofthe1216Charter,knownfromanowdestroyedcopy,wassenttoIreland.ItiscollatedwiththeDurhamengrossmentisSR,pp.14–16.ThecopyinanAbingdoncartularly(Abingdon,ii,p.283,no.C355)turnsouttobetheCharterof1217.
18.Layettes,pp.434–7;Guala,p.29.
19.Gervase,ii,p.111.20.Allfourareillustratedin
Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,pp.61–4.
21.RA,pp.148–9,andplateXIX.22.SR,p.16.23.IllustratedinVincent,The
MagnaCarta,p.75,andinanengravinginSR.
24.Carpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.TherearenoknowncopiesoftheForestCharterorMagnaCartawitha14or15
Novemberdate.Manyhavenodateatall.
25.Lawlor,‘AnunnoticedCharter’,p.525;Guala,pp.30–31;thecharterswithMarshasthegiverareusuallyhybridscombiningelementsfrom1217and1225.
26.RL,pp.180–81.FromthetimeofhisappointmentasbishopofDurhamin1217,downtohisdeathin1226,Marshwaslargelyatitularchancellor(thoughtakingtherevenuesof
office),andtheworkwasdonebyNeville.
27.Ihavenot,however,discoveredacopyofthe1217MagnaCartawherethe‘givers’areGualaandtheMarshalasopposedtoMarsh,butonemaycometolight.SeeCarpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.
28.Forthetournandfrankpledge,seeabove,pp.178–80.
29.F,p.89.Seeabove,p.133.30.Melrose,fo.36.
31.RLC,p.377b;seeabove,pp.4–5.TheenrolledletteristothesheriffofYorkshirebutitprobablywenttotheothersheriffsaswell.
32.RLC,p.378;Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,pp.61–4.
33.Wendover,pp.75–6;Carpenter,Minority,pp.295–7.
34.Norgate,Minority,pp.225–6;Anonymous,p.173;RLC,p.139b.
35.Carpenter,Minority,p.389,explainswhy,intheevent,
HenryenteredfullpowerinJanuary1227actuallybeforehewastwenty-one.
36.Forexamplein1264,DBM,pp.268–9.
37.C&S,p.162.38.Seeabove,pp.349–51.39.Carpenter,‘Cerneabbey
MagnaCarta’.TheabbotofCernewasoneofthewitnesses.Fortheassemblythatgrantedthetax,seeMaddicott,Parliament,pp.106–8.
40.C&S,pp.137–8,206–7.
41.Blackstone,GreatCharter,pp.27–59;Thompson,MagnaCarta,p.148.
42.Enchiridion,p.142.43.Seebelow,p.445.44.Inthe1236StatuteofMerton:
CR1234–7,p.338.45.Seeabove,pp.151–2.46.Chapters32and36in1225,
andchapters39and43in1217.
47.Chapter21in1225andchapter26in1217.Theuseof‘knights’inasensewhichwouldseemtoincludebarons
isalsofoundinchapter10oftheUnknownCharter.
48.Seeabove,pp.185–6.49.Allfoursurviving
engrossmentsofthe1217Charterhave‘orhisbailiff’–‘ballivussuus’.However,theDurhamandLacockabbeyengrossmentsofthe1225Charteromitthe‘suus’,whereastheothertworetainit.Idonotthinkthisissignificant.
50.CR1231–4,pp.592–3,588–9;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.
49–50.51.Anotherchangethatmight
seemtobuckthebaronialtrendwasthatmadetoMagnaCarta1215’schapter28(19in1225)abouttheseizureofcornandotherchattelswithoutpaymentbyconstablesandbaliffs.From1216theconstablesandbaliffswerenolongerspecifiedasthoseoftheking.
52.Carpenter,Minority,pp.90–91,168–9.
53.Glanvill,p.59;Bracton,ii,p.265;Biancalana,‘Widowsatcommonlaw’,pp.277–84;Loengard,‘WhatdidMagnaCartameantowidows?’,pp.148–9,andher‘RationabilisDos’,pp.66–8.
54.Forwhatfollows,seeabove,pp.111–13.
55.Chapters16and35in1217,chapters14and29in1225.
56.See‘MagnaCartarepeals’.
14DidMagnaCartaMakeaDifference?
1.IamgratefultoPaulBrandforcommentingonadraftofthechapter.
2.SR,p.28;CChR,pp.225–6.3.Holt,MC,p.394.4.Poole,‘Publicationof
Charters’,pp.451–2,touchesbrieflyonthissubject.Forarecentdiscussionofthedisseminationofinformation,seeMaddicott,‘Politicsandthepeople’.
5.RLC,p.377b;RLC,ii,pp.70,73b;Wendover,pp.91–2;Crowland,p.256;Carpenter,Minority,pp.73–4,383–4.
6.CR1254–6,pp.194–5;DBM,pp.312–15.
7.EHD1189–1327,pp.485–8,496–7.
8.Carpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.
9.Burton,p.322;Rishanger,p.405.ForproclamationsinEnglishin1258,seeDBM,pp.116–23;EHD1189–1327,pp.367–70.
10.Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,pp.49–71.
11.Burton,p.322;C&S,p.851;CCR1272–9,p.582;Maddicott,‘Politicsandthepeople’,p.9;Thompson,FirstCentury,pp.96–7.
12.SeeCarpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.Iplantheretoupdatethefiguresgivenbelow.IammostgratefultoPaulBrandandSusanReynoldsforsharingtheirknowledgeofcopieswithme.
13.MostoftheseareaccompaniedbytheForestCharter.
14.HototEstateRecords,pp.14,32.
15.Reynolds,‘MagnaCarta1297’.
16.Carpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’;Lawlor,‘AnunnoticedCharter’.Foraprintedexample,Guisborough,pp.162–79.
17.Carpenter,‘CerneabbeyMagnaCarta’.
18.Holt,‘StAlbanschroniclers’;Reynolds,‘MagnaCarta
1297’,p.241andnote54;Carpenter,‘MatthewParisandtheChronicaMajora’,p.7note43.
19.SR,pp.28–31;Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,p.78.
20.ItwascopiedatStAlbans,however:Wendover,pp.616–20.
21.Paris,v,pp.520–21;Maddicott,Parliament,pp.198–9.
22.Thompson,FirstCentury,p.65.
23.RL,pp.20–22;Carpenter,Minority,pp.73–4,102–3.
24.RL,pp.151–2;Carpenter,Minority,pp.210–11.
25.CRR,x,p.7.Forreferencestowhatmayormaynotbethesameman,seeRLC,p.333;CRR,viii,pp.179,236,254;CRR,xi,no.1019.
26.CRR,xi,nos.2142,2312;RLC,ii,pp.153–4,212–13;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.33–4.
27.Thompson,FirstCentury,ch.4,withthefiguresonp.64.
ThesubjectwillbeexploredmorefullybyPaulBrandinaforthcomingpaper.
28.CRR,xvi,no.136C.29.Nichols,‘Anearlyfourteenth-
centurypetition’;RaziandSmith,eds.,MedievalSociety,pp.179–80;foranotherexampleofknowledgeoftheCharteratthepeasantlevel,seeThompson,MagnaCarta,p.71.
30.Forwhatfollows,seeThompson,FirstCentury,ch.4;Holt,MC,ch.11;
Carpenter,Minority,ch.12;andmostespeciallyMaddicott,‘MagnaCarta’.
31.The‘henceforth’isonlyfoundintheDurhamengrossment.
32.CRR,xii,no.2646;xiv,no.751;forlitigationintheminorityingeneral,seeCarpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.26–9.
33.CFR1231–2,no.94;Clasby,‘TheabbotofStAlbans’;CChR,pp.99–100.
34.Carpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,pp.1062–4;andfor
fitzAlan,CFR1256–7,no.934.
35.PR1219,p.43;PR1222,p.168(asMargaretdeCressy).ThesubjectofwhathappenedtothefinesmadebywidowsunderJohnhasbeenexploredbyAbigailArmstronginaKing’sCollegeLondonMAessay.
36.Paris,iv,p.385.ForHenry’sitinerary,seeKanter,‘Peripateticandsedentarykingship’,pp.22–6.
37.Ridgeway,‘TheLordEdward’,‘HenryIIIandthe“aliens”’andhis‘Foreignfavourites’.
38.EHD1189–1327,pp.359–67;DBM,pp.96–113.
39.DBM,p.81,chs.4–6;Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.14.
40.Carpenter,‘MagnaCarta1253’,p.182.
41.Seeabove,p.208.42.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,
pp.171–4;Cassidy,‘Badsheriffs,custodialsheriffs’.In
factthesalaryplanneverreallyfunctioned,andthesolutionfrom1259wastoreducethesizeoftheincrements.
43.DBM,pp.275–7.44.DBM,pp.108–9,155.Forthe
sheriffsoftheperiodofreform,seeRidgeway,‘Sheriffsofthebaronialregime’.
45.DBM,pp.146–7,ch.21;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.47–8;Brand,Kings,BaronsandJustices,pp.81–2.
46.Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.48–61,andfortheweaknessofHenry’srulethatallowedsuchoppression,seeCarpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.5.
47.Seeabove,pp.185–6.48.Brand,Kings,Baronsand
Justices,pp.43–53.49.DBM,pp.138–43;Brand,
Kings,BaronsandJustices,pp.42–53,87–90,295–301;seeabove,p.426.
50.DBM,pp.142–5,chs.9and10;Brand,Kings,Barons,and
Justices,pp.54–7.51.DBM,pp.99,115,131–7,
160–63;SpecialEyre,pp.lii–lxiii(AndrewHershey’sintroduction.)
52.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.5.
53.Forthesechanges,seeabove,pp.129–37,144–5.
54.Burton,p.471.55.Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,
p.176.56.SCWR,p.43;Carpenter,Reign
ofHenryIII,pp.309and325–39,forwhatfollows.
57.Thereformsof1258–9didnothing,however,tooverturnthelegaldisabilitiesofvilleinage.See,forexample,thecaseofthevilleinsofBamptoninOxfordshireinSCWR,p.106.
58.DBM,pp.134–5;FH,ii,pp.426–7.
59.Brand,Kings,BaronsandJustices,pp.77–82,87–90.
60.RH,ii,p.485.61.DBM,pp.116–19;EHD
1189–1327,pp.367–8.
62.Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,istheclassicbiography.
63.EleanorisbroughtaliveforthefirsttimeinWilkinson,EleanordeMontfort.
64.DBM,pp.312–13;SR,tableofcontentsXV;Ambler,‘MagnaCarta1265’.
65.CR1264–8,p.100.66.Forthewayhisepiscopal
supportersjustifiedtherevolution,seeAmbler,‘TheMontfortianbishops’.Jobson,FirstEnglishRevolution,
providesanexcellentnarrativeoftheperiod.
67.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.210–18andch.5.
68.Chapters19and21in1225;efochapters28and30in1215.
69.EHD1189–1327,nos.74and85,ch.2.
70.DBM,no.36C.71.Forhowfairtheaccusations
were,seeHowell,RegalianRight,p.145,andHarvey,EpiscopalAppointments,pp.76–88.
72.Paris,v,p.738;Hershey,‘WilliamdeBussey’.
73.DBM,pp.270–5;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.54–61;Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.30–6,98–106;Moore,‘Thorringtondispute’;SpecialEyre,pp.liv–lxiii.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.2,questionsHolt’shypothesisthatbaroniallitigationwentthroughmoresmoothlyafter1215.
74.RL,ii,p.102.
75.DBM,pp.108–9,ch.18;pp.270–71,ch.2;C&S,p.543,ch.24;Waugh,‘Originsofthearticlesoftheescheator’;Thompson,MagnaCarta,p.19.Forexamplesofprocedureotherthanbyletterspatent,seeCFR1270–71,no.408;CFR1271–2,nos.123,136.
76.Mirror,p.178.ForthequestionofdateandauthorshipseeMaitland’sbeautifullywrittenintroduction.TheMirrorofJusticesisanimaginative
workandnoguidetopreciselaw,butitcanmakeinterestingandacuteobservations.
77.ERW,pp.lv,63;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.53–4;RH,i,p.169.
78.Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.36–40;DBM,pp.80–81,no.9;Prestwich,EdwardI,pp.518–19,534–7,548.
79.CR1231–4,pp.592–3,588–9.80.CRR,xvi,nos.31,46,112.81.NorthumberlandPleas,pp.
163–4;Cassidy,‘William
Heron’.SeealsoDBM,pp.126–9,ch.16,whereagainthecharterismisinterpreted.
82.SpecialEyre,pp.xlix,li,lii,lv,lvii,lix,andnos.56,74,76,129(fortheLucywardship),152,173,312,340.
83.ExamplesarebroughttogetherbyJuliaBarrowinHerefordActa,pp.43–7.
84.EHD1189–1327,p.359.85.LettersofGrosseteste,pp.
253–4.86.F,pp.289–90;Carpenter,
‘MagnaCarta1253’.New
lightwillbethrownonthissubjectbyFelicityHill’sdoctoralthesisonexcommunicationandMagnaCarta.
87.Thompson,FirstCentury,p.64.
88.EHD1189–1327,p.485,ch.1.
89.ERW,p.363;forwritsavailable,seealsoThompson,MagnaCarta,pp.42–51.
90.ERW,lv,p.63;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.53–4;
Thompson,MagnaCarta,pp.44–6.
91.Mirror,p.176.92.Cam,StudiesintheHundred
Rolls,pp.20–22,92–100.93.Forthedifficultiesof
procedurebywrit,seeHershey,‘Justiceandbureaucracy’.
94.DBM,pp.162–3,ch.7;Cam,StudiesintheHundredRolls,p.96,ch.20,p.98,ch.11.
95.NorthumberlandAssizeRolls,pp.163–4.
96.Paris,GA,p.340;EHD1189–1327,p.497.
97.DBM,pp.150–55,chs.5and20.
98.CCR1272–9,p.582.99.DBM,pp.150–51,ch.6.100.Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,p.
33,hereaboutLincolnshire.101.DBM,no.37C;Stacey,
‘Crusades,Crusaders’,pp.138–42.
102.Howell,RegalianRight,pp.142–6,wheretheemphasisisontheexploitation.
103.Harvey,EpiscopalAppointments,pp.97–8,andmoregenerallypp.76–99;Huscroft,‘RobertBurnel’,pp.85–6.
104.Forsignificantearlyexamples,seeCarpenter,Minority,pp.63,191,197,204.ThereareoccasionalexceptionsthatIhopetowriteaboutelsewhere.Theyaresometimesexplainedbytheheirbuyinghimselfoutofaperiodofwardshiporpurchasingtheking’sstockin
themanor.TherewereoccasionswhenHenryIIIleviedscutageat3marksafee,thesamerateasin1214,andthuscouldbedeemedtobeinbreachofthe1217/1225Charter’sstipulationthatscutageshouldbetakenasunderHenryII.Howeverhesecuredconsentforsuchlevies:Mitchell,Taxation,pp.186,191,232,248note90,285note142.
105.Waugh,LordshipofEngland,p.86.
106.CFR1218–19,no.367.107.CPR1232–47,p.352.108.Waugh,LordshipofEngland,
pp.159–60,wherethedeclineinthenumberandvalueoffinesforpermissiontomarryfreelyisalsosetout.SeediscussioninRay,‘Theladyisnotforturning’;Annesley,‘TheimpactofMagnaCartaonwidows’;Carpenter,‘HubertdeBurgh,MatildadeMowbray’.
109.Carpenter,StruggleforMastery,pp.420–21;Paris,v,
p.336;Annesley,‘IsabellacountessofArundel’.
110.Theeventualpracticewassimplytotakeanoathfromthewidownottomarrywithouttheking’slicence:CFR1255–6,no.627;Waugh,LordshipofEngland,pp.116–7.
111.Coss,TheLady,pp.121–3;CR1242–7,p.61.Between1236and1258thefinerollshaveadozenfinesimposedforhavingmarriedwomenwithouttheking’slicence.
112.CFR1226–7,no.125.113.Biancalana,‘Widowsat
commonlaw’,pp.284–8,313–16;Loengard,‘WhatdidMagnaCartameantowidows?’,pp.149–50.
114.Klerman,‘Womenprosecutorsinthirteenth-centuryEngland’;Stewart,ed.,1263SurreyEyre,p.cx;Klerman,‘Settlementanddeclineofprivateprosecution’.
115.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.79–80.
116.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.38–42.
117.Thedisseisinsconsequentonthereformsin1236totherunningofroyalmanorswerequicklyreversed:Stacey,Politics,Policy,pp.101–3.SeealsoCarpenter,‘RobertdeRos’.
118.Carpenter,‘RogerMortimer’.119.Forwhatfollows,seeHolt,
MC,pp.332–3;Harcourt,‘Amercementofbarons’;Carpenter,‘RobertdeRos’,pp.7–9.
120.Bracton,ii,p.330.121.PROE370/1/6,m.2.Iam
gratefultoPaulDryburghandJessicaNelsonfortranscribingthisforme.
122.CRR,vi,pp.289–90;CFR1255–6,no.657.
123.Carpenter,‘MagnaCarta1253’,p.186.
124.Holt,MC,pp.332–3;Bracton,ii,pp.330;Carpenter,‘RobertdeRos’and‘MagnaCarta1253’.
125.Brand,OriginsoftheLegalProfession,p.24.
126.Musson,‘Localadministrationofjustice’;Kanter,‘Thefourknights’system’;CFR1256–7;RF,pp.371–464.
127.Mirror,p.179;Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’,pp.543–4;Thompson,MagnaCarta,pp.49–51.
128.Carpenter,Minority,pp.392–3;Maddicott,‘EdwardIandthelessonsofbaronialreform’,pp.26–7.
129.Williams,FromCommunetoCapital,pp.207–8,255–60.
130.MGL,i,pp.500–502;JohnofWallingford,p.131;Thompson,FirstCentury,p.39.
131.Meekings,WiltshireEyre,pp.108–9;Fleta,pp.103–4.
132.Forwhatfollows,seeHyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.143–5.
133.WalterofHenley,pp.310–11;Poole,FromDomesdayBooktoMagnaCarta,p.476note2;RaziandSmith,eds.,MedievalSociety,p.49;SPMC,p.44.
134.Bracton,ii,p.34;Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,p.143.
135.ERW,pp.lv,63;butseeFleta,p.103.
136.Nichols,‘Earlyfourteenth-centurypetition’,p.306.SincetheCharteractuallyhadamercements,otherthanforearlsandbarons,assessedbythemenoftheneighbourhood,ratherthanexplicitlybypeers,thepeasantsmayalsohavebeeninfluencedherebytheStatute
ofWestminsterof1275,whichstipulatedjudgementbypeersforeveryoneincludingvilleins:EHD1181–1827,p.399,ch.6.
137.Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.144–5.
138.Mirror,p.177,andseep.79.139.Ihavecalculatedthe1207–8
and1256–7figuresmyself.TheotherfigureswerecalculatedbyBethHartlandandPaulDryburgh,‘Developmentofthefinerolls’,194–5:seeCFR1224–
34,pp.vii–ix;CFR1234–42,pp.xii–xiii.Forthefinestorecovertheking’sgraceandbenevolencebetween1236and1258,seeCFR1235–6,no.152;CFR1250–1,nos.359,822;CFR1256–7,no.894;CFR1257–8,no.37.Ihavenotincludedthedozenfinesforhavingmarriedwomen(mostlywidows)withouttheking’slicence.Theirtotalvaluewasonly£746.Thelargestwasthe500marksimposedonJohnde
GreyforhavingmarriedthewidowofPaulinusPeyvr:CFR1250–1,no.1213.The£500finein1257wasmadebyJohndeBalliol.ForHenry’streatmentofhimandRobertdeRos,oneofthefewoccasionswhenheactedlikeKingJohn,seeCarpenter,‘RobertdeRos’.ForthegeneralnatureofHenryIII’spersonalruleseeCarpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.5.
140.Carpenter,‘Englishroyalchancery’,pp.54–5.
141.Carpenter,Minority,pp.206,210–11.
142.Mitchell,Taxation,pp.186,191,208–9,241–2,253–4.
143.EHD1189–1327,p.486,ch.6.
144.Stacey,‘Parliamentarynegotiation’.
GlossaryofTerms1.Ihavefoundparticularly
helpfulJohnHudson’sGlossaryinhisFormationof
theEnglishCommonLaw,pp.240–48.
Bibliography
ThisBibliographyislargelybutnotexclusivelyconfinedtoprimaryandsecondarysourcescitedintheendnotes.ItsrelationshiptotheformofcitationintheendnotesisexplainedintheNoteontheTextonp.15.IamgratefultoChristopherTilleyfora
greatdealofhelpwiththeBibliography’sconstruction.
UNPRINTEDPRIMARYSOURCES
Fullreferencestounprintedprimarysourcesaregivenintheendnotes,whereBLstandsfortheBritishLibraryandTNAforTheNationalArchivesatKew.
PRINTEDPRIMARYSOURCES
Abingdon TwoCartulariesofAbingdonAbbeyG.Lambrick,2vols.(OxfordHistoricalSociety,newseries,32–3,1990–91).
AC AnnalesCambriaeLondon,1860).
ActaHughofWells TheActaofHughofed.D.M.Smith(LincolnRecordSociety,88,2000).
AdamofEynsham TheLifeofStHughofLincolnFarmer,2vols.(London,1962).Allreferencesaretovolume2.
Anonymous HistoiredesDucsdeNormandieetdesRoisd’Angleterreed.F.Michel(Paris,1840).Thisvolumecontainsthe
chronicleoftheAnonymousofBéthune.APS ActsoftheParliamentsofScotland.Volume1:
MCXXIV–MCCCCXXIII(Edinburgh,1814).
ArticlesoftheBarons
LatintextandEnglishtranslationin,respectively,Holt,MagnaCarta,pp.432–440and6,ascitedbelow.
ASL ActaStephaniLangtonCantuariensisArchiepiscopi1207–1228,ed.K.Major(CanterburyandYorkSociety,50,1950).
ASR Anglo-ScottishRelations1174–1328(Oxford,1965).
AWR TheActsofWelshRulers,1120–1283theassistanceofC.Insley(Cardiff,2005).
BassetCharters TheBassetCharters,c.1120to1250(PipeRollSociety,newseries,50,1989–91).
BF LiberFeodorum:TheBookofFeescommonlycalledTestadeNevill,3vols.,withcontinuouspagination1920–31).
BNB Bracton’sNoteBook1887).
Bower ScotichroniconbyWalterBowerinLatinandEnglish4,ed.D.J.Corner,A.B.Scott,W.W.ScottandD.E.R.Watt(Aberdeen,1989).
Bracton BractondeLegibusetConsuetudinibusAngliae:BractonontheLawsandCustomsofEnglandtranslatedwithrevisionsandnotesby(Cambridge,Mass.,1968–77).
Brut BrutYTywysogyonorTheChronicleofthePrinces:RedBookofHergestVersion
BuildingAccounts BuildingAccountsofKingHenryIII(Oxford,1971).
Burton ‘AnnalesdeBurton’,inLuard,5vols.(RollsSeries,London,1864–9),vol.1.
CACW CalendarofAnciented.J.G.Edwards(Cardiff,1935).
CalendarofInnerTempleRecords
ACalendaroftheInnerTempleRecordsInderwickandR.A.Roberts,5vols.(London,1896–1937).
CartulariesofPeterborough
TheCartulariesandRegistersofPeterboroughAbbeyJ.D.Martin(NorthamptonshireRecordSociety,28,1978).
AbbeyCCR1272–9 CalendarofCloseRollsCChR CalendarofCharterRollsPreservedinthePublicRecord
Office.VolumeI:HenryIII1226–1257
CerneCartulary ‘TheCartularyofCerneAbbey’,DorsetNaturalHistoryandAntiquarianFieldClub(1908),pp.195–207.
CFR CalendaroftheFineRollsoftheReignofHenryIIIavailablebothontheHenryIIIFineRollsProject’swebsite(http://www.finerollshenry3.org.ukCalendaroftheFineRollsoftheReignofHenryIII,1216–1242,3vols.,ed.P.DryburghandB.Hartland,technicaleditorsA.Ciula,J.M.VieiraandT.Lopez(Woodbridge,2007–9).
Church,Constitutio ConstitutioDomusRegis,DispositionoftheKing’sHousehold,ed.S.D.Church(Oxford,2007),publishedwithRichardFitzNigelDialogueoftheExchequer
CIM CalendarofInquisitionsMiscellaneousPreservedinthePublicRecordOffice
CMS DeAntiquisLegibusLiber:CronicaMaiorumetVicecomitumLondoniarumSociety,1846).
CodexJustinianus http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/justinian/codex8.htmlCoggeshall RaduphideCoggeshallChronicon
Stevenson(RollsSeries,London,1875).CoronationCharterofHenryI
LatintextandEnglishtranslationsinR.Sharpe,‘ChartersofLibertiesandRoyalProclamations’:
http://actswilliam2henry1.files.wordpress.com/2013/10/h1-a-liberties-2013–1.pdf
CorrespondanceAdministrativeCPR
CorrespondanceAdministratived’AlfonsedePoitiersA.Molinier(Paris,1894).
CalendarofPatentRollspreservedinthePublicRecordOffice:HenryIII1232–1272
CPREJ CalendarofthePleaRollsoftheExchequeroftheJewspreservedinthePublicRecordOffice(JewishHistoricalSociety,1,1905).
CR CloseRollsoftheReignofHenryIIIpreservedinthePublicRecordOffice:1227–12721902–38).
Crouch, D.Crouch,ed.,‘ThecomplaintofKingJohnagainst
‘Complaint’WilliamdeBriouze(J.S.Loengard,ed.,John(Woodbridge,2010),pp.168–79.
Crowland MemorialefratrisWalterideCoventriavols.(RollsSeries,London,1872–3).Allreferencesaretovolume2.
Crowland,Spalding
D.M.Stenton,ConquestandtheGreatCharter215,whereCrowlandabbey’saccountofitsdisputewithSpaldingprioryistranslated.
CRR CuriaRegisRollspreservedinthePublicRecordOffice:RichardI–1250
C&S Councils&SynodswithotherdocumentsrelatingtotheEnglishChurch.VolumeII:1205–1313,
continuouspagination,Cheney(Oxford,1964).
CWR CalendarofVariousChanceryRolls…WelshRolls,1277–1326(London,1912).
DBM DocumentsoftheBaronialMovementofReformandRebellion,1258–1267(Oxford,1973).
DD DiplomaticDocumentspreservedinthePublicRecordOffice,1101–1272
DI DocumentsIllustrativeandFourteenthCenturies
Dialogus RichardfitzNigel,DialogusdeScaccario,TheDialogueoftheExchequer,ed.E.Amt(Oxford,2007).
Dunstable ‘AnnalesPrioratusdeDunstapliaMonastici,5vols.,ed.H.R.Luard(RollsSeries,London,1864–9),vol.3.
EarlyYorkshireCharters
EarlyYorkshireCharters(Edinburgh,1914–16);vols.4–12,ed.C.T.Clay(YorkshireArchaeologicalSociety,RecordSeries,extraseries,1–10,1935–65).
EHD500–1042 EnglishHistoricalDocuments,500–1042Whitelock(London,1968).
EHD1042–1189 EnglishHistoricalDocuments,1042–1189DouglasandG.W.Greenaway(London,1953).
EHD1189–1327 EnglishHistoricalDocuments,Rothwell(London,1975).
ElectionofAbbot TheChronicleoftheElectionofHugh,AbbotofBurySt
Hugh EdmundsandLaterBishopofEly(Oxford,1974).
Enchiridion EnchiridionFontiumHistoriaeHungarorumHenrik(Budapest,1902),withthetextsofHungary’sGoldenBullbetweenpp.134and143.
EnglishLawsuits EnglishLawsuitsfromWilliamItovanCaenegem,2vols.(SeldenSociety106–7,1990–91).
ERW EarlyRegistersofWrits(SeldenSociety,87,1970).
F Foedera,Conventiones,LitteraeetcujuscumquegenerisActaPublica,ed.T.Rymer,newedn,vol.1,pt.i,ed.A.ClarkandF.Holbrooke(London,1816).
FH FloresHistoriarumLondon,1890).
Fleta Fleta,vol.2,ed.H.G.RichardsonandG.O.Sayles(SeldenSociety,72,1953).
ForestCharterof,1217and1225
LatintextandEnglishtranslationinrespectively20–2,26–7,andcitedbelow;Latintextof1225CharteralsoinHolt,MagnaCarta,pp.
FulbertofChartres TheLettersandPoemsofFulbertofChartresBehrends(Oxford,1976).
Furness ChroniclesoftheReignsofStephen,HenryIIandRichardI,ed.R.Howlett,2vols.withcontinuouspagination(RollsSeries,London,1884–5).Volume2containsthecontinuationofWilliamofNewburghmadeatStanleyandFurnessabbeys.
Geoffreyof GeoffreyofMonmouth,
Monmouth translatedbyL.Thorpe(Harmondsworth,1966).GeraldofWales ExpugnatioHibernica,TheConquestofIreland,by
GiraldusCambrensis(Dublin,1978).
Gervase TheHistoricalWorksofGervaseofCanterburyStubbs,2vols.(RollsSeries,London,1879–80).
Gesetze DieGesetzederAngelsachsen(Halle,1903).
GestaAnnalia JohannisdeFordun,ChronicaGentisScotorumSkene(Edinburgh,1871).
GestaStephani GestaStephaniGlanvill TractatusdeLegibusetConsuetudinibusRegniAngliequi
Glanvillavocatur
Guala TheLettersandChartersofCardinalGualaBicchieri,PapalLegateinEngland,1216–1218(CanterburyandYorkSociety,83,1996).
Guisborough TheChronicleofWalterofGuisborough(CamdenSociety,89,1957).
Holt,‘Vernacular-FrenchText’
J.C.Holt,‘AVernacular-FrenchtextofMagnaCarta1215’,EnglishHistoricalReviewreprintedinhis(Woodbridge,1985),pp.239–58.
HototEstateRecords
EstateRecordsoftheHototFamilyNorthamptonshireMiscellanySociety,32,1982).
Howden ChronicaMagistriRogerideHouedenevols.(RollsSeries,London,1868–71).
Howden,GR GestaRegisHenriciSecundietGestaRegisRicardiBenedictiabbatisLondon,1867).
JamesofAragon TheBookofDeedsofJamesofAragon:ATranslationoftheMedievalCatalan‘LlibredelsFets’H.Buffery(Aldershot,2003).
JocelinofBrakelond
TheChronicleofJocelinofBrakelond(London,1951).
JohnofSalisbury JohnofSalisbury,CourtiersandtheFootprintsofPhilosopherstranslatedbyC.J.Nederman(Cambridge,1990).
JohnofWallingford
BartholomaeideCotton,Historia,AnglicanaLuard(RollsSeries,London,1859).
LAR TheEarliestLincolnshireAssizeRolls
M.StentonLincolnRecordSociety,22,1926)Lawman Lawman–BrutLayettes LayettesduTrésordesChartres
DelabordeandE.Berger,5vols.(Paris,1863–1909).LHP LegesHenriciPrimiLettersofGrosseteste
TheLettersofRobertGrosseteste,BishopofLincolnF.A.C.MantelloandJ.Goering(Toronto,2010).
Lincs.Worcs.Eyre RollsoftheJusticesinEyreforLincolnshire,1218–19,andWorcestershire,1221Society,53,1934).
‘Londonmunicipalcollection’
‘ALondonmunicipalcollectionfromthereignofJohn’,ed.M.Bateson,480–511,707–30.
LostLetters LostLettersofMedievalLife:EnglishSociety,1200–1250ed.M.CarlinandD.Crouch(Philadelphia,2013).
MagnaCarta1216,1217and1225
LatintextsandEnglishtranslationinrespectively14–19,22–5,andbelow;Latintextofthe1225CharteralsoinHolt,Carta,pp.501–7
MagnaCartaofCheshire
TheChartularyorRegisteroftheAbbeyofStWerburghChester,ed.J.Tait,part1(ChethamSociety,newseries,79,1920),pp.101–9.
Margam ‘AnnalesdeMargam(Monastici,5vols.,ed.H.R.Luard(RollsSeries,London,1864–9),vol.1.
Marshal HistoryofWilliamMarshalandD.Crouch,3vols.(Anglo-NormanTextSociety,
OccasionalPublicationMissalaEcclesieWestmonasteriensis
MissalaadUsumEcclesieWestmonasteriensisWickhamLegg,3vols.(HenryBradshawSociety,1,5,12,1891,1897,1913).
Mirror TheMirrorofJusticesintroductionbyF.W.Maitland(SeldenSociety,7,1893).
Melrose D.BrounandJ.Harrison,Abbey.AStratigraphicEdition.andFacsimileEditionCitationsaretothefoliosofthefacsimileeditionprovidedasaCDwiththisvolume.
MGL MunimentaGildhallaeLondoniensisvols.(RollsSeries,London,1859–62).
MR1199 TheMemorandaRollfortheMichaelmastermofthefirstyearofthereignofKingJohn,1199–1200,Richardson(PipeRollSociety,newseries,59,1943).
MR1208 TheMemorandaRollforthetenthyearofthereignofKingJohn,1207–8newseries,69,1956).
Newburgh ThechronicleofWilliamofNewburghintheReignsofStephen,HenryIIandRichardIHowlett,2vols.,continuouspagination(RollsSeries,London,1884–9).
NorthumberlandAssizeRolls
ThreeEarlyAssizeRollsforNorthumberland(SurteesSociety,88,1891).
O’Brien,God’sPeace
B.R.O’Brien,ofEdwardtheConfessor
textoftheLegesEdwardiConfessorisand203.
Osney ‘AnnalesMonasteriideOseneia’,invols.,ed.H.R.Luard(RollsSeries,4.
Paris MatthaeiParisiensis,monachiSanctiAlbaniChronicaMajora,ed.H.R.Luard,7vols.(RollsSeries,London,1872–83).Unlessstated,allreferencesaretovolume2.
Paris,GA GestaAbbatumMonasteriiSanctiAlbani3vols.(RollsSeries,London,1867–9).Allreferencesaretovolume1,wherethesectiononJohn’sreignisbyMatthewParis.
Paris,HA MatthaeiParisiensis,monachiSanctiAlbani,HistoriaAnglorum,ed.F.Madden,3vols.(RollsSeries,London,
1866–9).PatentRolls PatentRollsofHenryIIIpreservedinthePublicRecord
Office,1216–1232PCCG PleasoftheCrownfortheCountyofGloucester,before
theAbbotofReadingandhisFellowsJusticesItinerant,intheFifthYearoftheReigntheYearofGrace12211884).
PeterdeBrusCharter
CartulariumPrioratusdeGyseburnvolumenprimumW.Brown(SurteesSociety,86,1889),pp.92–4.
PipeRoll31HenryI
TheGreatRollofthePipefortheThirtyFirstYearoftheReignofKingHenryIMichaelmas1130(PipeRollSociety,newseries57,2012).
PoliticalSongs ThePoliticalSongsofEngland,fromthereignofJohnto
thatofEdwardII
withaneweditioneditedbyP.Coss(CamdenSocietyClassicreprints,1996).
PR PipeRoll.CitationstopiperollsaretovolumespublishedbythePipeRollSociety.Theyearinthecitationisthatwhichappearsonthecoverofeachvolume.
PR1215 PipeRoll17John18John,ed.J.C.Holt(PipeRollSociety,newseries,37,1961).
RA TheRegistrumAntiquissimumoftheCathedralChurchofLincoln,vol.1,ed.C.W.Foster(LincolnRecordSociety,27,1931).
RBE TheRedBookoftheExchequerSeries,London,1896).
RCh RotuliChartaruminTurriLondinensiasservati
DuffusHardy(RecordCommission,London,1837).ThisvolumeprintsthecharterrollsofJohn’sreign.
Regesta RegestaRegumAnglo-Normannorum,1066–1154III:1135–54,ed.H.A.CronneandR.H.C.Davis(Oxford,1968).
RF RotulideOblatisetFinibusinTurriLondinensiasservati,TemporeRegisJohannisCommission,London,1835).ThisvolumeprintsthefinerollsofJohn’sreign.
RH RotuliHundredorumLondon,1812,1818).
Rishanger WillelmiRishangerChronicaetAnnales(RollsSeries,London,1865).
RL RoyalandotherHistoricalLettersillustrativeoftheReign
ofHenryIII,ed.W.W.Shirley,2vols.(RollsSeries,
London,1862,1866).Allreferencesaretovolume1,unlessstated.
RLC RotuliLitterarumasservati,ed.T.DuffusHardy,2vols.(RecordCommission,London,1833–4).Allreferences,unlessstated,aretovolume1,whichprintsthecloserollsforJohn’sreign.
RLJ RotulideLiberateacdeMisisetPraestitis,RegnanteJohanne,ed.T.DuffusHardy(RecordCommission,London,1844).
RLP RotuliLitterarumPatentiuminTurriLondinensiasservatied.T.DuffusHardy(RecordCommission,London,1835).ThisvolumeprintsthepatentrollsofKingJohn.
RollsoftheKing’s RollsoftheKing’sCourtintheReignofKingRichardthe
Court First,1194–119514,1891).
RollsWar. RollsoftheJusticesinEyrebeingtherollsofpleasandassizesforGloucestershire,WarwickshireandStaffordshire,1221–1222Society,59,1940).
RRS RegestaRegumScottorumI,KingofScots,1165–1214collaborationofW.W.Scott(Edinburgh,1971).
SAEC ScottishAnnalsfromEnglishChroniclersed.A.O.Anderson,2ndedn(Stamford,1991).
SarumMissal TheSarumMissalinEnglishSC SelectChartersandOtherIllustrationsofEnglish
ConstitutionalHistoryfromtheEarliestTimestotheReign
ofEdwardtheFirstthroughoutbyH.W.C.Davis(Oxford,1921).
SCWR SelectCasesofProcedurewithoutWritRichardsonandG.O.Sayles(SeldenSociety,60,1941).
SLI SelectedLettersofPopeInnocentIIIconcerningEngland(1198–1216),ed.C.(London,1953).
SouthwarkandMerton
‘TheAnnalsofSouthwarkandMerton’,ed.M.Tyson(SussexArchaeologicalCollections36,1925),pp.24–57.
SpecialEyre The1258–9SpecialEyreofSurreyandKentHershey(SurreyRecordSociety,38,2004).
SPF SelectPleasoftheForest13,1899).
SPMC SelectPleasinManorialF.W.Maitland(SeldenSociety,2,1888).
SR TheStatutesoftheRealm.PrintedbycommandofhisMajestyGeorgetheThirdinpursuanceofanaddressoftheHouseofCommonsofGreatBritain;volumethefirst(London,1810).
StAugustine’sCanterbury
WilliamThorne’sChronicleofSaintAugustine’sAbbeyCanterbury,trans.A.H.Davis(Oxford,1934).ThisEnglishtranslationiscollatedwiththeLatintextprintedinHistoriaeAnglicanaeScriptoresX(London,1652).
StatuteofPamiers HistoireGénéraledeLanguedoc,avecdesnotesetlespiècesjustificativesVaissete(Toulouse,1879),columns625–35.
Tewkesbury ‘AnnalesMonasteriideTheokesberia’,inMonastici,ed.H.R.Luard,5vols.(London,vol.1.
Thebull‘Miramurplurimum’
F.M.Powicke,‘Thebull“Miramurplurimum”andalettertoArchbishopStephenLangton,5September1215’,EnglishHistoricalReview
ThomasofMarlborough
ThomasofMarlborough,HistoryoftheAbbeyofEveshamed.J.SayersandL.Watkiss(Oxford,2003).LiberPauperumofVacariusSociety,43,
WalterofHenley WalterofHenleyandOtherTreatisesofEstateManagementandAccounting1971).
WalterMap WalterMap,DeNugisCurialium,Courtiers’Trifles
M.R.James,revisedbyC.N.L.BrookeandR.A.B.Mynors(Oxford,1983).
Waverley ‘AnnalesMonasteriideWaverleia,AnnalesMonasticiLondon,1864–69),
Wendover Wendover’schronicle(his‘FlowersofHistory’)isusuallycitedherefromtheearliestsurvivingtext,whichisthatfound,withParis’sadditions,inMatthewParis’sMajora:MatthaeiParisiensis,monachiSanctiAlbaniChronicaMajoraLondon,1872–83).Unlessstated,allreferencesaretovolume2.
WendoverFlores TheFlowersofHistorybyRogerdeWendoverHewlett,3vols.(RollsSeries,London,1886–9).
WilliamleBreton GestaPhilippiAugustiFrancorumRegisauctoreGuillelmoArmorico,ipsiusRegisCapellanodesHistoriensdesGaulesetdelaFranceTomeDix-Septième,nouvelleédition,ed.L.Delisle(Paris,1878),pp.62–116.
Winchester ‘AnnalesdeMonasteriideWintonia,519–1277’,inAnnalesMonasticiLondon,1864–9),vol.1.
Worcester ‘AnnalesPrioratusdeWigornia,Monastici,ed.H.R.Luard,5vols.(RollsSeries,London,1864–9),vol.4.
SECONDARYSOURCES
Alexander,J.andBinski,P.,eds.,AgeofChivalry:ArtinPlantagenetEngland,1200–1400(London,1988).
Allen,M.,MintsandMoneyinMedievalEngland(Cambridge,2012).
Allen,M.,‘ThevolumeoftheEnglishcurrency,1158–1470’,NewEconomicHistoryReview,54(2001),pp.595–611.
Allen,R.,‘EorlesandBeornes:contextualisingLawman’s“Brut”’,Arthuriana,8(1998),pp.4–22.
Altamira,R.,‘MagnaCartaandSpanishmedievaljurisprudence’,inH.E.Malden,ed.,MagnaCartaCommemorationEssays(London,1917),pp.227–43.
Ambler,S.,‘TheMontfortianbishopsandthejustificationofconciliargovernmentin1264’,HistoricalResearch,85(2012),pp.193–209.
Ambler,S.,‘Peacemakersandpartisans:bishopsandpoliticalreforminEngland1213–1268’
(UniversityofLondon,doctoralthesis,2012).
Ambler,S.,‘ChristmasatthecourtofKingJohn’,MagnaCartaProject,blogpostedon9December2013:http://magnacartaresearch.blogspot.co.uk/2013/12/christmas-at-court-of-king-john.html.
Ambler,S.,‘Onkingshipandtyranny:Grosseteste’smemorandumanditsplaceintheBaronialReformMovement’,Thirteenth-CenturyEngland,14(2013),pp.115–28.
Ambler,S.,‘MagnaCarta:itsconfirmationatSimondeMontfort’sparliamentof1265’,forthcoming.
Annesley,S.,‘TheimpactofMagnaCartaonwidows:evidencefromthefinerolls,1216–1225’,HenryIIIFineRollsProject,FineoftheMonthforNovember2007:http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/content/month/fm-11-2007.html.
Annesley,S.,‘IsabellacountessofArundel’sconfrontationwithKingHenryIII’,HenryIIIFine
RollsProject,FineoftheMonthforAugust2009:http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/content/month/fm-08-2009.html.
Annesley,S.,‘CountessesintheageofMagnaCarta’(UniversityofLondon,doctoralthesis,2011)
Asaji,K.,TheAngevinEmpireandtheCommunityoftheRealminEngland(Osaka,2010).
Ashbee,J.,‘“Gloriette”inCortecastle,1260’,HenryIIIFineRollsProject,FineoftheMonthforJuly2011,HenryIIIFine
RollsProject:http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/content/month/fm-07-2011.html.
Ashe,L.,‘WilliamMarshal,LancelotandArthur:ChivalryandKingship’,inAnglo-NormanStudies,30(2008),pp.19–40.
Aurell,M.,ThePlantagenetEmpire,1154–1224,translatedfromtheFrenchbyDavidCrouch(Harlow,2007).
Bailey,M.,TheEnglishManorc.1200–c.1500(Manchester,2002).
Bailey,M.,MedievalSuffolk:AnEconomicandSocialHistory,1200–1500(Woodbridge,2007).
Baldwin,J.W.,Masters,PrincesandMerchants:TheSocialViewsofPetertheChanterandHisCircle,2vols.(Princeton,1970).
Baldwin,J.W.,TheGovernmentofPhilipAugustus:FoundationsofFrenchRoyalPowerintheMiddleAges(Berkeley,1986).
Baldwin,J.W.,‘MasterStephenLangton,futurearchbishopofCanterbury:theParisschools
andMagnaCarta’,EnglishHistoricalReview,123(2008),pp.811–46.
Ballard,A.,BritishBoroughCharters,1042–1216(Cambridge,1913).
Barlow,F.,ThomasBecket(London,1987).
Barratt,N.,‘TherevenueofKingJohn’,EnglishHistoricalReview,111(1996),pp.835–55.
Barratt,N.,‘TherevenuesofJohnandPhilipAugustus’,inS.D.Church,ed.,KingJohn:New
Interpretations(Woodbridge,1999),pp.75–99.
Barratt,N.,‘TheEnglishrevenueofRichardI’,EnglishHistoricalReview,116(2001),pp.635–56.
Barratt,N.,‘The1213piperollandexchequerauthorityattheendofJohn’sreign’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,12(2009),pp.31–44.
Barron,C.,LondonintheLaterMiddleAges:GovernmentandPeople,1200–1500(Oxford,2004).
Barrow,J.,ed.,EnglishEpiscopalActa35:Hereford1234–1275(Oxford,2009).
Bartlett,R.,GeraldofWales:1146–1223(Oxford,1982).
Bartlett,R.,TrialbyFireandWater:TheMedievalJudicialOrdeal(Oxford,1986).
Bartlett,R.,EnglandundertheNormanandAngevinKings,1075–1225(Oxford,2000).
Bazeley,M.,‘TheextentoftheEnglishforestinthethirteenthcentury’,Transactionsofthe
RoyalHistoricalSociety,4thseries,4(1921),pp.140–72.
Bémont,C.,SimondeMontfort,ComtedeLeicester(Paris,1884).
Biancalana,J.,‘Widowsatcommonlaw:thedevelopmentofcommonlawdower’,TheIrishJurist,newseries,23(1988),pp.255–329.
Binski,P.,Becket’sCrown:ArtandImaginationinGothicEngland,1170–1350(NewHaven,2004).
Bisson,T.N.,TheCrisisoftheTwelfthCentury:Power,LordshipandtheOriginsofEuropeanGovernment(Princeton,2009).
Bisson,T.N.,‘An“UnknownCharter”forCatalonia(A.D.1205)’,inhisMedievalFranceandherNeighbours:StudiesinEarlyInstitutionalHistory(London,1989),pp.199–212.
Blackstone,W.,TheGreatCharterandtheCharteroftheForest,withotherauthenticinstruments(Oxford,1759).
Bolton,J.L.,TheMedievalEnglishEconomy,1150–1300(London,1980),withasecondedition(1985).
Bolton,J.L.,MoneyintheMedievalEnglishEconomy,973–1489(Manchester,2012).
Bolton,J.L.,‘TheEnglisheconomyintheearlythirteenthcentury’,inS.D.Church,ed.,KingJohn:NewInterpretations(Woodbridge,2009),pp.27–40.
Borrie,M.,‘WhatbecameofMagnaCarta?’,BritishLibraryJournal,2(1976),pp.1–7.
Brand,P.,TheMakingoftheCommonLaw(London,1992).
Brand,P.,TheOriginsoftheEnglishLegalProfession(Oxford,1992).
Brand,P.,Kings,BaronsandJustices:TheMakingandEnforcementofLegislationinThirteenth-CenturyEngland(Cambridge,2003).
Brand,P.,‘ThedateandauthorshipofBracton:aresponse’,JournalofLegalHistory,31(2010),pp.217–44.
Britnell,R.H.,TheCommercialisationofEnglishSociety,1000–1500(Cambridge,1993).
Brooke,C.N.L.,assistedbyG.Keir,London800–1216:TheShapingofaCity(London,1975).
Broun,D.,‘AnewlookatGestaAnnaliaattributedtoJohnofFordun’,inB.E.Crawford,ed.,Church,ChronicleandLearninginMedievalandEarlyRenaissanceScotland(Edinburgh1999),pp.9–30.
Broun,D.,andJ.Harrison,TheChronicleofMelroseAbbey.AStratigraphicEdition.VolumeI:IntroductionandFacsimileEdition(ScottishHistorySociety,2007).
Brown,P.,SibtonAbbeyCartulariesandCharters,partI(SuffolkRecordsSociety,1985).
Brown,R.A.,‘Royalcastle-buildinginEngland,1154–1216’,inhisCastles,ConquestandCharters:CollectedPapers(Woodbridge,1989),pp.19–64,reprintedfromEnglish
HistoricalReview,70(1955),pp.353–98.
Brown,R.A.,‘Alistofcastles,1154–1216’,inhisCastles,ConquestandCharters:CollectedPapers(Woodbridge,1989),pp.90–121,reprintedfromEnglishHistoricalReview,74(1959),pp.249–80.
Brundage,J.A.,MedievalCanonLawandtheCrusader(Madison,1969).
Brunner,O.,LandandLordship:StructuresofGovernanceinMedievalAustria,trans.from
4thednbyH.KaminskyandJ.VanHornMelton(Philadelphia,1992).
Buc,P.,L’AmbiguïtéduLivre:Prince,pouvoir,etpeupledanslescommentairesdelaBibleaumoyenâge(Paris,1994).
Burt,C.,‘PoliticalideasanddialogueinEnglandinthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,13(2011),pp.1–10.
Cam,H.M.,StudiesintheHundredRolls:SomeAspectsof
Thirteenth-CenturyAdministration(Oxford,1921).
Cam,H.M.,TheHundredandtheHundredRolls(London,1930).
Cam.H.M.,‘Theking’sgovernmentasadministeredbythegreaterabbotsofEastAnglia’inherLibertiesandCommunitiesinMedievalEngland(Cambridge,1944),pp.183–204.
Carpenter,D.A.,TheMinorityofHenryIII(London,1990).
Carpenter,D.A.,TheReignofHenryIII(London,1996).
Carpenter,D.A.,StruggleforMastery:Britain1066–1284,paperbackedition(London,2004).
Carpenter,D.A.,‘SheriffsofOxfordshireandtheirsubordinates,1194–1236:astudyinpolitics,patronageandsociety(UniversityofOxford,doctoralthesis,1973).
Carpenter,D.A.,‘ThedeclineofthecurialsheriffinEngland,1194–1258’,inhisReignofHenryIII,pp.151–82,reprinted
fromEnglishHistoricalReview,91(1976),pp.1–32.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘Wasthereacrisisoftheknightlyclassinthethirteenthcentury?TheOxfordshireevidence’,inhisReignofHenryIII,pp.349–80,reprintedfromEnglishHistoricalReview,95(1980),pp.721–52.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘FromKingJohntothefirstEnglishduke’,inR.SmithandJ.S.Moore,eds.,TheHouseofLords:AThousand
YearsofTradition(London,1994),pp.28–43.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘ThedatingandmakingofMagnaCarta’,inhisReignofHenryIII(London,1996),pp.1–16.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘JusticeandjurisdictionunderKingJohnandKingHenryIII’,inhisReignofHenryIII(London,1996),pp.17–44.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘AbbotRalphofCoggeshall’saccountofthelastyearsofKingRichardandthefirstyearsofKingJohn’,
EnglishHistoricalReview,113(1998),pp.1210–30.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘Anobleinpolitics:RogerMortimerintheperiodofbaronialreformandrebellion,1258–1265’,ined.A.J.Duggan,NoblesandNobilityinMedievalEurope(Woodbridge,2000),pp.183–204.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘ThesecondcenturyofEnglishfeudalism’,Past&Present168(2000),pp.30–71.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘TheEnglishroyalchanceryinthethirteenthcentury’,ined.A.Jobson,EnglishGovernmentintheThirteenthCentury(Woodbridge,2004),pp.49–70.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘ThehouseholdrollsofKingHenryIIIofEngland(1216–72)’,HistoricalResearch,80(2006),pp.22–46.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘ThecareerofGodfreyofCrowcombe:householdknightofKingJohnandstewardofKingHenryIII’,ineds.C.Given-Wilson,A.J.
KettleandL.Scales,War,GovernmentandAristocracyintheBritishIsles,c.1150–1500:EssaysinHonourofMichaelPrestwich(Woodbridge,2008),pp.26–54.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘HubertdeBurgh,MatildadeMowbray,andMagnaCarta’sprotectionofwidows’,HenryIIIFineRollsProject,FineoftheMonthforMarch2008:http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/content/month/fm-03-2008.html.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘ThestruggletocontrolthePeak:anunknownletterpatentfromJanuary1217’,inFoundationsofMedievalScholarship:RecordsEditedinHonourofDavidCrook,eds.P.BrandandS.Cunningham(York,2008),pp.35–50.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘Intestimoniumfactorumbrevium:theoriginsoftheEnglishchanceryrolls’,ined.N.Vincentt,Records,AdministrationandAristocraticSocietyintheAnglo-Norman
Realm(Woodbridge,2009),pp.1–28.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘ArchbishopLangtonandMagnaCarta:hiscontribution,hisdoubtsandhishypocrisy’,EnglishHistoricalReview,126(2011),pp.1041–65.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘ThevisetvoluntasofKingHenryIII:thedownfallandpunishmentofRobertdeRos’,HenryIIIFineRollsProject,FineoftheMonthforAugust2012:
http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/redist/pdf/fm-08-2012.pdf.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘Chronologyandtruth:MatthewParisandtheChronicaMajora’,a‘relatedpaper’placedonthewebsiteoftheHenryIIIFineRollsProject(2013):http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/redist/pdf/Chronologyandtruth3.pdf
Carpenter,D.A.,‘MagnaCarta1253:theambitionsofthechurchandthedivisionswithintherealm’,HistoricalResearch,86(2013),pp.179–90.
Carpenter,D.A.,‘TheCerneabbeyMagnaCarta’,MagnaCartaProject,FeatureoftheMonth,April2014:http://magnacartaresearch.org/read/feature_of_the_month/Apr_2014
Carpenter,D.A.‘CopiesofMagnaCartainthecenturyafter1215’tobefoundonthewebsiteoftheMagnaCartaProject:http://magnacarta.cmp.uea.ac.uk.
Cassidy,R.,‘WilliamHeron,hammerofthepoor,persecutorofthereligious,1246–1258’,NorthernHistory,50(2013),pp.9–19.
Cassidy,R.,‘Badsheriffs,custodialsheriffs,andcontrolofthecounties’,forthcominginThirteenthCenturyEngland,15.
Chaplais,P.,EnglishRoyalDocuments,KingJohn–HenryVI,1199–1461(Oxford,1971).
Cheney,C.R.,HubertWalter(London,1967).
Cheney,C.R.,PopeInnocentIIIandEngland(Stuttgart,1976).
Cheney,C.R.,‘TheallegeddepositionofKingJohn’,inR.W.Hunt,W.A.PantinandR.W.Southern,eds.,Studiesin
MedievalHistorypresentedtoFrederickMauricePowicke(Oxford,1948),pp.100–116.
Cheney,C.R.,‘TheeveofMagnaCarta’,BulletinoftheJohnRylandsLibrary,38(1955–6),pp.310–41.
Cheney,C.R.,‘Thetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’,BulletinoftheJohnRylandsLibrary,50(1967–8),pp.280–307.
Church,S.D.,TheHouseholdKnightsofKingJohn(Cambridge,1999).
Church,S.D.,ed.,KingJohn:NewInterpretations(Woodbridge,1999).
Church,S.D.,‘Aquestionofnumbers:theknightsofthehouseholdofKingJohn’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,4(1992),pp.151–65.
Church,S.D.,‘TheearliestEnglishmusterroll,18/19December1215’,HistoricalResearch,67(1994),pp.1–17.
Church,S.D.,‘TherewardsofroyalserviceinthehouseholdofKingJohn:adissenting
opinion’,EnglishHistoricalReview,110(1995),pp.277–302.
Church,S.D.,‘The1210campaigninIreland:evidenceforamilitaryrevolution?’,Anglo-NormanStudies,20(1998),pp.45–57.
Church,S.D.,‘Someaspectsoftheroyalitineraryinthetwelfthcentury’,inThirteenthCenturyEngland,11(2007),pp.31–45.
Church,S.D.,‘KingJohn’stestamentandthelastdaysofhis
reign’,EnglishHistoricalReview,125(2010),pp.505–28.
Clanchy,M.T.,EnglandanditsRulers,1066–1272;secondeditionwithanEpilogueonEdwardI(1272–1307)(Oxford,1998).
Clanchy,M.T.,FromMemorytoWrittenRecord:England1066–1307,2ndedn(Oxford,1993).Thereisnowathirdedition(2012).
Clanchy,M.T.,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’,EnglishHistoricalReview,79(1964),pp.542–8.
Clanchy,M.T.,‘Thefranchiseofreturnofwrits’,TransactionsoftheRoyalHistoricalSociety,5thseries,17(1967),pp.59–82.
Clanchy,M.T.,‘MagnaCartaandthecommonpleas’,inH.Mayr-HartingandR.I.Moore,eds.,StudiesinMedievalHistorypresentedtoR.H.C.Davis(London,1985),pp.219–32.
Clasby,M.,‘TheabbotofStAlbans,theroyalwillandMagnaCarta’,HenryIIIFineRollsProject,FineoftheMonthforSeptember2009:
http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/content/month/fm-09-2009.html.
Cokayne,G.E.,CompletePeerageofEngland,Scotland,IrelandandGreatBritainandtheUnitedKingdom,ed.V.Gibbsetal.,12vols.in13(London,1912–59).
Collins,A.J.,‘ThedocumentsoftheGreatCharterof1215’,ProceedingsoftheBritishAcademy,34(1948),pp.233–79.
Colvin,H.M.,ed.,TheHistoryoftheKing’sWorks:TheMiddle
Ages,2vols.(London,1963).Coss,P.R.,Lordship,knighthoodandlocality:astudyinEnglishsociety,c.1180–c.1280:(Cambridge,1991).
Coss,P.R.,TheKnightinMedievalEngland,1000–1400(Stroud,1993).
Coss,P.R.,TheLadyinMedievalEngland(Stroud,1998).
Coss,P.R.,TheOriginsoftheEnglishGentry(Cambridge,2003).
Coss,P.R.,‘Knighthoodandtheearlythirteenth-centurycounty
court’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,2(1988),pp.45–58.
Crook,D.,RecordsoftheGeneralEyre(London,1982).
Crook,D.,‘ThesheriffofNottinghamandRobinHood:thegenesisofthelegend?’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,2(1988),pp.59–68.
Crook,D.,‘TheforesteyreinthereignofKingJohn’,inJ.S.Loengard,ed.,MagnaCartaandtheEnglandofKingJohn(Woodbridge,2010),pp.63–82.
Crouch,D.,WilliamMarshal:Court,CareerandChivalryintheAngevinEmpire,1147–1219(London,1990).Thereisasecondedition,WilliamMarshal:Knighthood,WarandChivalry(London,2002).
Crouch,D.,TheImageofAristocracyinBritain,1000–1300(London,1992).
Crouch,D.,TheBirthofNobility:ConstructingAristocracyinEnglandandFrance,900–1300(Harlow,2005).
Crouch,D.,TheEnglishAristocracy,1070–1272:ASocialTransformation(NewHaven,2011).
Crouch,D.,‘NormansandAnglo-Normans:adividedaristocracy?’inD.BatesandA.Curry,eds.,EnglandandNormandyintheMiddleAges(London,1994),pp.51–67.
Crouch,D.,‘BaronialparanoiainKingJohn’sreign’,inJ.S.Loengard,ed.,MagnaCartaandtheEnglandofKingJohn(Woodbridge,2010),pp.45–62.
Danziger,D.andGillingham,J.,1215:TheYearofMagnaCarta(London,2003).
Davies,R.R.,Conquest,CoexistenceandChange:Wales1063–1415(Oxford,1987).
Davis,G.R.C.,Breay,C.,Harrison,J.andSmith,D.M.,MedievalCartulariesofGreatBritainandIreland(London,2010).
Davis,H.W.C.,‘Anunknowncharterofliberties’,EnglishHistoricalReview,20(1905),pp.719–26.
D’Avray,D.,MedievalMarriage:SymbolismandSociety(Oxford,2005).
D’Avray,D.,‘MagnaCarta:itsbackgroundinStephenLangton’sacademicbiblicalexegesisanditsepiscopalreception’,StudiMedievalii,3rdseries,xxxviii(1997),pp.425–38.
Delisle,L.,‘MémoiresurunelettreinéditeadresséeàlareineBlanche’,Bibliothèquedel’ÉcoledesChartes,17(1856),pp.513–55.
DeZulueta,F.andStein,P.,TheTeachingofRomanLawinEnglandaround1200(SeldenSociety,supplementaryseries,8,1990).
Draper,P.,‘KingJohnandWulfstan’,JournalofMedievalHistory,10(1984),pp.41–50.
DuBoulay,F.R.H.,TheLordshipofCanterbury:AnEssayonMedievalSociety(London,1966).
Duby,G.,LeDimanchedeBouvines27Juillet1214(Paris,1985).
Duffy,S.,‘JohnandIreland:theoriginsofEngland’sIrishproblem’,inS.D.Church,ed.,KingJohn:NewInterpretations(Woodbridge,1999),pp.221–45.
Duggan,A.,ThomasBecket(London,2005).
Duncan,A.A.M.,‘JohnkingofEnglandandthekingoftheScots’,inS.D.Church,ed.,KingJohn:NewInterpretations(Woodbridge,1999),pp.247–71.
Duncan,A.A.M.,‘SourcesandusesofthechronicleofMelrose’,inS.Taylor,ed.,Kings,ClericsandChroniclesinScotland,500–1297(Dublin,2000),pp.147–85.
Dyer,C.,StandardsofLivinginthelaterMiddleAges:SocialChangeinEngland,c.1200–1520(Cambridge,1989).
Dyer,C.,MakingaLivingintheMiddleAges:ThePeopleofBritain,850–1520(London,2002).
Eaglen,R.J.,TheAbbeyandMintofBuryStEdmund’sto1279(London,2006).
Edwards,J.B.,‘TheEnglishroyalchamberandchanceryinthereignofKingJohn’(UniversityofCambridge,doctoralthesis,1974).
Eyton,R.W.,AntiquitiesofShropshire,12vols.(London,1854–60).Faulkner,K.,‘Thetransformationofknighthoodinearlythirteenth-centuryEngland’,EnglishHistoricalReview,111(1996),pp.1–23.
Faulkner,K.,‘TheknightsintheMagnaCartacivilwar’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,8(2001),pp.1–12.
Fedorenko,G.,‘Thethirteenth-centuryChroniquedeNormandie’,Anglo-NormanStudies,35(2013),pp.163–80.
Fox,J.C.,‘TheoriginalsoftheGreatCharter’,EnglishHistoricalReview,39(1924),pp.321–36.
Fryde,N.,WhyMagnaCarta?AngevinEnglandRevisited(London,2001).
Galbraith,V.H.,StudiesinthePublicRecords(London,1948).
Galbraith,V.H.,‘TheliteracyofthemedievalEnglishkings’,ProceedingsoftheBritishAcademy,21(1935),pp.201–37.
Galbraith,V.H.,‘Runnymederevisited’,ProceedingsoftheAmericanPhilosophicalSociety,110(1966),pp.307–17.
Galbraith,V.H.,‘AdraftofMagnaCarta(1215)’,ProceedingsoftheBritish
Academy,53(1967),pp.345–60.
Gallagher,E.J.,ed.,TheCivilPleasoftheSuffolkEyreof1240(SuffolkRecordsSociety,52,2009).
Garnett,G.,ConqueredEngland:Kingship,Succession,andTenure,1066–1166(Oxford,2007).Gillingham,J.,RichardI(London,1999).
Garnett,G.,‘Theoriginsofthecrown’,inJ.Hudson,ed.,TheHistoryofEnglishLaw:CenteuaryEssayson‘Pollock
andMaitland’(Oxford,1996),pp.171–214.
Gillingham,J.,TheEnglishintheTwelfthCentury:Imperialism,NationalIdentityandPoliticalValues(Woodbridge,2000).
Gillingham,J.,TheAngevinEmpire,2ndedn(London,2001).
Gillingham,J.,‘1066andtheintroductionofchivalryintoEngland’,inhisTheEnglishintheTwelfthCentury,pp.209–32,reprintedfromG.GarnettandJ.Hudson,eds.,Lawand
GovernmentinMedievalEnglandandNormandy.EssaysinHonourofSirJamesHolt(Cambridge,1994),pp.31–55.
Gillingham,J.,‘KillingandmutilatingpoliticalenemiesintheBritishIslesfromthelatetwelfthtotheearlyfourteenthcentury:acomparativestudy’,inB.Smith,ed.,BritainandIreland,900–1300(Cambridge,1999),pp.113–34.
Gillingham,J.,‘TheAnonymousofBéthune,KingJohnandMagnaCarta’,inJ.S.Loengard,
ed.,MagnaCartaandtheEnglandofKingJohn(Woodbridge,2010),pp.27–44.
Gillingham,J.,‘CoeurdeLionincaptivity’,QuaestionesMediiAeviNovae,18(2013),pp.59–83.
Gillingham,J.,‘John(1167–1216)’,TheOxfordDictionaryofNationalBiography:http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/14841
Goddard,R.,LordshipandMedievalUrbanisation:Coventry1043–1355(Woodbridge,2004).
Golob,P.E.,‘TheFerrersearlsofDerby:astudyintheHonourofTutbury1066–1279’(UniversityofCambridge,doctoralthesis,1984).
Gransden,A.,HistoricalWritinginEngland,c.550–c.1307(London,1974).
Gransden,A.,ed.,TheCustomaryoftheAbbeyofBuryStEdmunds(HenryBradshawSociety,99,1973).
Gransden,A.,‘AdemocraticmovementintheabbeyofBuryStEdmundsinthelatetwelfth
andearlythirteenthcenturies’,JournalofEcclesiasticalHistory,26(1975),pp.25–39.
Green,J.A.,‘“ALastingMemorial”:thecharteroflibertiesofHenryI’,inM.T.FlanaganandJ.A.Green,eds.,ChartersandCharterScholarshipinBritainandIreland(Basingstoke,2005),pp.53–68.
Green,V.,AnAccountoftheDiscoveryoftheBodyofKingJohn(LondonandWorcester,1797).
Hagger,M.,‘Apiperollfor25HenryI’,EnglishHistoricalReview,122(2007),pp.133–40.
Harcourt,L.W.,‘Theamercementofbaronsbytheirpeers’,EnglishHistoricalReview,22(1907),pp.732–40.
Harper-Bill,C.,ed.,BlythburghPrioryCartulary,2vols.(SuffolkRecordsSociety,1980–81).
Harris,B.E.,‘KingJohnandthesheriffs’farms’,EnglishHistoricalReview,79(1964),pp.532–42.
Harrison,D.,TheBridgesofMedievalEngland:TransportandSociety,400–1800(Oxford,2004).
Harriss,G.L.,King,ParliamentandPublicFinanceinMedievalEnglandto1369(Oxford,1975).
Hartland,B.andDryburgh,P.,‘Thedevelopmentofthefinerolls’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,12(2009),pp.193–205.
Harvey,K.,EpiscopalAppointmentsinEngland,c.1214–1344:FromEpiscopal
ElectiontoPapalProvision(London,2014).
Harvey,K.,‘Anun-christianking?KingJohnandtheLentenfast’,MagnaCartaProject,blogpostedon12March2014:http://magnacartaresearch.blogspot.co.uk/2014/03/an-un-christian-king-king-john-and.html.
Harvey,P.D.A.,ed.,ThePeasantLandMarketinMedievalEngland(Oxford,1984).
Harvey,P.D.A.,‘TheEnglishinflationof1180–1220’,Past&Present,61(1973),pp.3–30.
Hatcher,J.,‘Englishserfdomandvilleinage:towardsareassessment’,Past&Present,90(1981),pp.3–39.
Helmholz,R.H.,‘MagnaCartaandtheiuscommune’,UniversityofChicagoLawReview,66(1999),pp.297–371.
Hershey,A.H.,‘Justiceandbureaucracy:theEnglishroyalwritand“1258”’,EnglishHistoricalReview,113(1998),pp.829–51.
Hershey,A.H.,‘TheriseandfallofWilliamdeBussey,amid
thirteenth-centurysteward’,NottinghamMedievalStudies,44(2000),pp.104–22.
Hey,J.,‘Twooathsofthecommunityin1258’,HistoricalResearch(forthcoming).
Hilton,R.H.,AMedievalSociety:theWestMidlandsattheendofthethirteenthcentury(Cambridge,1983).
Holden,B.W.,LordsoftheCentralMarches:EnglishAristocracyandFrontierSociety,1087–1265(Oxford,2008).
Holden,B.W.,‘Thebalanceofpatronage:KingJohnandtheearlofSalisbury’,HaskinsSocietyJournal,8(1996),pp.79–89.
Holden,B.W.,‘KingJohn,theBraosesandtheCelticfringe,1207–1216’,Albion,33(2001),pp.1–23.
Holford,M.L.andStringer,K.J.,eds.,BorderLibertiesandLoyalties:North-EastEngland,c.1200–c.1400(Edinburgh,2010).
Holt,J.C.,TheNortherners:AStudyintheReignofKingJohn(Oxford,1961).
Holt,J.C.,MagnaCarta(Cambridge,1965);2ndedn(Cambridge,1992).Unlessstated,allreferencesaretothesecondedition.ItiscitedthroughoutasHolt,MC.
Holt,J.C.,MagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment(London,1985).
Holt,J.C.,ColonialEngland,1066–1215(London,1997).Chapters11to13ofthisvolume
haveHolt’sRoyalHistoricalSocietylecturesonfeudalsocietyandthefamily,deliveredbetween1983and1985.
Holt,J.C.,‘ThemakingofMagnaCarta’,inhisMagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment,pp.217–38,reprintedfromEnglishHistoricalReview,72(1957),pp.401–22.
Holt,J.C.,KingJohn(HistoricalAssociationpamphlet,1963),reprintedinhisMagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment,pp.
85–110,fromwherethepagereferencescome.
Holt,J.C.,‘TheStAlbanschroniclersandMagnaCarta’,inhisMagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment,pp.268–88,reprintedfromTransactionsoftheRoyalHistoricalSociety,5thseries,14(1964),pp.67–88.
Holt.,J.C.,‘FeudalsocietyandthefamilyIV:theheiressandthealien’,TransactionsoftheRoyalHistoricalSociety,5thseries,35(1985),pp.1–28,reprintedinhisColonialEngland,pp.245–70.
Holt,J.C.,‘KingJohn’sdisasterintheWash’,inhisMagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment,pp.111–22.
Holt,J.C.,‘TheSalisburyMagnaCarta’,inhisMagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment,pp.259–64.
Holt,J.C.,‘TheCasusRegis:thelawandpoliticsofsuccessioninthePlantagenetdominions,1185–1247’,inhisColonialEngland,pp.307–26.
Holt,J.C.,‘MagnaCarta,1215–1217:thelegalandsocial
context’,inhisColonialEngland,pp.291–306.
Howell,M.E.,RegalianRightinMedievalEngland(London,1962).
Hoyt,R.S.,TheRoyalDemesneinEnglishConstitutionalHistory:1066–1272(Ithaca,NY,1950).
Hudson,J.,TheFormationoftheEnglishCommonLaw:LawandSocietyfromtheNormanConquesttoMagnaCarta(London,1996).
Hudson,J.,TheOxfordHistoryoftheLawsofEngland.VolumeII:
871–1216(Oxford,2012).Hudson,J.,‘HenryIandcounsel’,inJ.R.MaddicottandD.M.Palliser,eds.,TheMedievalState:EssaysPresentedtoJamesCampbell(London,2000),pp.109–26.
Hudson,J.,‘MagnaCarta,theiuscommune,andEnglishcommonlaw’,inJ.S.Loengard,ed.,MagnaCartaandtheEnglandofKingJohn(Woodbridge,2010),pp.99–119.
Hunnisett,R.F.,TheMedievalCoroner(Cambridge,1961).
Hurnard,N.D.,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’,inR.W.Hunt,W.A.PantinandR.W.Southern,eds.,StudiesinMedievalHistoryPresentedtoFrederickMauricePowicke(Oxford,1948),pp.157–79.
Huscroft,R.,Expulsion:England’sJewishSolution(Stroud,2006).
Huscroft,R.,‘ThepoliticalcareerandpersonallifeofRobertBurnel,chancellorofEdwardI’(UniversityofLondon,doctoralthesis,2000).
Hyams,P.R.,King,LordsandPeasantsinMedievalEngland:TheCommonLawofVilleinageintheTwelfthandThirteenthCenturies(Oxford,1980).
Hyams,P.R.,RancorandReconciliationinMedievalEngland:WronganditsRedressfromtheTenthtoThirteenthCenturies(Ithaca,NY,andLondon,2003).
Hyams,P.R.,‘TheoriginsofapeasantlandmarketinEngland’,JournalofEconomicHistory,23(1970),pp.18–31.
Janken,J.andSapoznik,A.,‘Spadecultivationandtheintensificationoflanduse,1000–1300:writtensources,archaeologyandimages’,forthcoming.
Jenkinson,H.,‘ThejewelslostintheWash’,History8(1923),pp.161–8.
Jobson,A.,ed.,EnglishGovernmentintheThirteenthCentury(Woodbridge,2004).
Jobson,A.,TheFirstEnglishRevolution:SimondeMontfort,
HenryIIIandtheBarons’Wars(London,2012).
Jobson,A.,‘RebellioninGloucestershire,1215–1217:newevidence’,forthcoming.
Johns,S.,Noblewomen,AristocracyandPowerintheTwelfth-CenturyAnglo-NormanRealm(Manchester,2003).
Jolliffe,J.E.A.,AngevinKingship,2ndedn(London,1963).
Jolliffe,J.E.A.,‘ThechamberandcastletreasuriesunderKingJohn’,inR.W.Hunt,W.A.PantinandR.W.Southern,eds.,
StudiesinMedievalHistoryPresentedtoFrederickMauricePowicke(Oxford,1948),pp.117–42.
Kanter,J.,‘Thefourknights’systemandtheevidenceforitsuseinthefinerolls’,HenryIIIFineRollsProject,FineoftheMonthforMarch2007:http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/content/month/fm-03-2007.html.
Kanter,J.,‘Peripateticandsedentarykingship:theitinerariesofJohnandHenry
III’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,13(2011),pp.11–26.
Kantorowicz,E.H.,LaudesRegiae:AStudyinLiturgicalAcclamationsandMedievalRulerWorship(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1946).
Kaye,H.,‘Servingthemanthatruled:aspectsofthedomesticarrangementsofthecourtofKingJohn,1199–1216’(UniversityofEastAnglia,doctoralthesis,2013).
Keefe,T.K.,FeudalAssessmentsandthePoliticalCommunity
underHenryIIandHisSons(Berkeley,1983).
Keefe,T.K.,‘KingHenryIIandtheearls:thepiperollevidence’,Albion,13(1981),pp.191–222.
Keefe,T.K.,‘Proffersforheirsandheiressesinthepiperolls:someobservationsonindebtednessintheyearsbeforeMagnaCarta(1180–1212)’,HaskinsSocietyJournal,5(1996),pp.99–109.
Keene,D.,‘MedievalLondonanditsregion’,LondonJournal,14(1989),pp.99–111.
Keene,D.,‘Londonfromthepost-Romanperiodto1300’,inD.M.Palliser,ed.,TheCambridgeUrbanHistoryofBritain.VolumeI:600–1540(Cambridge,2000),pp.187–216.
Kellett,A.,‘KingJohninKnaresborough:thefirstknownroyalMaundy,YorkshireArchaeologicalJournal,62(1990),pp.69–90.
Ker,N.R.,‘LibercustumarumandothermanuscriptsformerlyatGuildhall’,Guildhall
Miscellany,vol.1,no.3(London,1954).
King,E.,England1175–1425(London,1979).
Kitchen,C.,‘Authenticimagesormanipulations?PrintedfacsimilesofarchivaldocumentsinEnglandto1885’,ArchivesetBibliothèquesdeBelgique(numérospécial91,2vols.,Brussels,2010),ii,pp.365–96.
Klerman,D.,‘Settlementanddeclineofprivateprosecutioninthirteenth-centuryEngland’,
LawandHistoryReview,19(2001),pp.1–65.
Klerman,D.,‘Womenprosecutorsinthirteenth-centuryEngland’,YaleJournalofLaw&theHumanities,14(2002),pp.271–318.
Kosminsky,E.A.,StudiesintheAgrarianHistoryofEnglandintheThirteenthCentury(Oxford,1956).
LaMonte,J.L.,FeudalMonarchyintheLatinKingdomofJerusalem,1100–1291(Cambridge,1932).
Landon,L.,ItineraryofKingRichardI(PipeRollSociety,newseries,13,1935).
Lapsley,G.T.,‘Buzones’,inhisCrown,CommunityandParliament(Oxford,1951),pp.63–110,reprintedfromEnglishHistoricalReview,47(1932),pp.177–93.
Latimer,P.,‘Earlythirteenth-centuryprices’,inS.D.Church,ed.,KingJohn:NewInterpretations(Woodbridge,1999),pp.41–73.
Latimer,P.,‘TheEnglishinflationof1180–1220reconsidered’,Past&Present,171(2001),pp.3–29.
Latimer,P.,‘Rebellioninsouth-westernEnglandandtheWelshmarches’,HistoricalResearch,80(2007),pp.185–224.
Lawlor,H.J.,‘AnunnoticedCharterofHenryIII,1217’,EnglishHistoricalReview,22(1907),pp.514–18.
Legge,M.D.,‘WilliamtheMarshalandArthurofBrittany’,
HistoricalResearch,55(1982),pp.18–24.
Letters,S.,withM.Fernandes,D.KeeneandO.Myhill,GazetteerofMarketsandFairsinEnglandandWalesto1516,2vols.(ListandIndexSociety,specialseries,32,33,2003),onlineathttp://www.history.ac.uk/cmh/gaz/gazweb2.html
Lloyd,J.E.,AHistoryofWalesfromtheEarliestTimestotheEdwardianConquest,2vols.(London,1911).
Lloyd,S.,EnglishSocietyandtheCrusade,1216–1307(Oxford,
1988).Loengard,J.S.,ed.,MagnaCartaandtheEnglandofKingJohn(Woodbridge,2010).
Loengard,J.S.,‘RationabilisDosandthewidow’s“fairshare”intheearlierthirteenthcentury’,inS.S.Walker,ed.,WifeandWidowinMedievalEngland(AnnArbor,1993),pp.59–80.
Loengard,J.S.,‘WhatdidMagnaCartameantowidows?’,inJ.S.Loengard,ed.,MagnaCartaandtheEnglandofKingJohn,pp.134–50.
McGlynn,S.,BloodCriesAfar:TheForgottenInvasionofEngland,1216(Stroud,2011).
McKechnieW.S.,MagnaCarta:aCommentaryontheGreatCharterofKingJohn(Glasgow,1905);secondedition(1914).
McKenna,C.,‘ThedeBeckeringsofLincolnshire:acasestudyofknightsinthelatetwelfthandearlythirteenthcenturies’(King’sCollegeLondon,MAdissertation,2013).
Maddicott,J.R.,SimondeMontfort(Cambridge,1994).
Maddicott,J.R.,TheOriginsoftheEnglishParliament(Oxford,2010).
Maddicott,J.R.,‘MagnaCartaandthelocalcommunity,1215–1259’,Past&Present,102(1984),pp.25–65.
Maddicott,J.R.,‘EdwardIandthelessonsofbaronialreform:localgovernment1258–80’,inThirteenthCenturyEngland,1(1986),pp.1–30.
Maddicott,J.R.,‘“Aninfinitemultitudeofnobles”:quality,quantityandpoliticsinthepre-
reformparliamentsofHenryIII’,inThirteenthCenturyEngland,7(1999),pp.17–46.
Maddicott,J.R.,‘TheoathofMarlborough,1209:fear,governmentandpopularallegianceinthereignofKingJohn’,EnglishHistoricalReview,126(2011),pp.281–318.
Maddicott,J.R.,‘Politicsandthepeopleinthirteenth-centuryEngland’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,14(2013),pp.1–14.
‘MagnaCartarepeals’:http://www.legislation.gov.uk/aep/Edw1cc1929/25/9/contents
Malden,H.E.,ed.,MagnaCartaCommemorationEssays(RoyalHistoricalSociety,London,1917).
Mason,E.,‘StWulfstan’sstaffanditsuses’,MediumÆvum,53(1984),pp.157–79.
Mason,E.,‘Thehero’sinvincibleweapon:anaspectofAngevinpropaganda’,inC.Harper-BillandR.Harvey,eds.,TheIdealsandPracticeofMedieval
KnighthoodIII(Woodbridge,1990),pp.121–37.
Masschaele,J.,Jury,StateandSocietyinMedievalEngland(Basingstoke,2008).
Masschaele,J.,‘TheEnglisheconomyintheageofMagnaCarta’,inJ.S.Loengard,ed.,MagnaCartaandtheEnglandofKingJohn(Woodbridge,2010),pp.151–67.
Meekings,C.A.F.,CrownPleasoftheWiltshireEyre,1249(WiltshireArchaeologicaland
NaturalHistorySociety,RecordsBranch,16,1960).
Meekings,C.A.F.,The1235SurreyEyre.VolumeI:Introduction(SurreyRecordSociety,31,1979).
Miller,E.andHatcher,J.,MedievalEngland:RuralSocietyandEconomicChange,1086–1348(London,1978).Miller,E.andHatcher,J.,MedievalEngland:Towns,CommerceandCrafts,1086–1348(London,1995).
Milsom,S.F.C.,TheLegalFrameworkofEnglishFeudalism:TheMaitlandLecturesgivenin1972(Cambridge,1976).
Mitchell,S.K.,StudiesinTaxationunderJohnandHenryIII(NewHaven,1914).
Moore,A.K.,‘ThelossofNormandyandtheinventionofTerreNormannorum,1204’,EnglishHistoricalReview,125(2010),pp.1,071–1,109.
Moore,A.K.,‘TheThorringtondispute:acasestudyinHenry
III’sinterventionwithjudicialprocess’,HenryIIIFineRollsProject,FineoftheMonthforJuly2009:http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/content/month/fm-07-2009.html.
Morris,J.E.,TheWelshWarsofEdwardtheFirst(Oxford,1901).
Morris,M.,TheBigodEarlsofNorfolkintheThirteenthCentury(Woodbridge,2005).
Mundill,R.,England’sJewishSolution:Experimentand
Expulsion,1262–1290(Cambridge,1998).
Musson,A.,‘Thelocaladministrationofjustice:are-appraisalofthe“fourknights”system’,inA.Jobson,ed.,EnglishGovernmentintheThirteenthCentury(Woodbridge,2004),pp.97–110.
Nelson,J.L.,PoliticsandRitualinEarlyMedievalEurope(London,1986).
Nelson,J.L.,‘BadkingshipintheearlierMiddleAges’,Haskins
SocietyJournal,8(1999),pp.1–26.
Nichols,J.F.,‘Anearlyfourteenth-centurypetitionfromthetenantsofBockingtotheirmanoriallord’,EconomicHistoryReview,2(1930)pp.300–7).
Norgate,K.,JohnLackland(London,1902).
Norgate,K.,TheMinorityofHenrytheThird(London,1912).
O’Brien,B.R.,God’sPeaceandKing’sPeace:theLawsof
EdwardtheConfessor(Philadelphia,1999).
ODNB:H.C.G.MatthewandB.Harrison,eds.,TheOxfordDictionaryofNationalBiography,60vols.(Oxford,2004),withtheonlineeditionathttp://www.oxforddnb.com.Biographiesofalltheleadingactorsin1215maybefoundhere.Painter,S.,StudiesintheHistoryoftheEnglishFeudalBarony(Baltimore,1943).
Painter,S.,TheReignofKingJohn(Baltimore,1949).
Palliser,D.M.,ed.,TheCambridgeUrbanHistoryofBritain.VolumeI:600–1540(Cambridge,2000).
Pallister,A.,MagnaCarta:TheHeritageofLiberty(Oxford,1971).
Palmer,R.C.,TheCountyCourtsofMedievalEngland(Princeton,1982).
Petit-Dutaillis,C.,ÉtudesurlavieetlerègnedeLouisVIII,1187–1226(Paris,1894).
Pollock,F.andMaitland,F.W.,TheHistoryofEnglishLaw,2nd
edn,2vols.(Cambridge,1968).Poole,A.L.,FromDomesdayBooktoMagnaCarta,1087–1216(Oxford,1951).
Poole,R.L.,‘ThepublicationofGreatChartersbytheEnglishKings’,EnglishHistoricalReview,28(1913),pp.444–53.
Post,G.,StudiesinMedievalLegalThought:PublicLawandtheState,1100–1322(Princeton,1964).
Power,D.J.,TheNormanFrontierintheTwelfthandEarly
ThirteenthCenturies(Cambridge,2004).
Power,D.J.,‘KingJohnandtheNormanaristocracy’,inS.D.Church,ed.,KingJohn:NewInterpretations(Woodbridge,1999),pp.117–36.
Powicke,F.M.,StephenLangton(Oxford,1928).
Powicke,F.M.,TheLossofNormandy(1189–1204):StudiesintheHistoryoftheAngevinEmpire,2ndedn(Manchester,1961).
Powicke,F.M.,‘Perjudicumpariumvelperlegemterrae’,inH.E.Malden,ed.,MagnaCartaCommemorationEssays(London,1917),pp.96–121.
Prescott,A.‘“Theirpresentmiserablestateofcremation”:therestorationoftheCottonlibrary’,http://www.uky.edu/~kiernan/eBeo_archives/articles90s/ajp-pms.htm.
Prestwich,M.,EdwardI(London,1988).
Prestwich,M.,ArmiesandWarfareintheMiddleAges:The
EnglishExperience(NewHavenandLondon,1996).
Raban,S.,ASecondDomesday?TheHundredRollsof1279–80(Oxford,2004).
Rady,M.,‘TherightofresistanceinHungary’,http://www.academia.edu/3683922/The_Right_of_Resistance_in_Hungary._A_Lecture(2013).
Ramsay,J.H.,TheAngevinEmpire(London,1903).
Ramsay,J.H.,AHistoryoftheRevenuesoftheKingsofEngland(Oxford,1925).
Ray,M.,‘Theladyisnotforturning:MargaretdeRedvers’finenottobecompelledtomarry’,HenryIIIFineRollsProject,FineoftheMonthforDecember2006:http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/content/month/fm-12-2006.html.
Razi,Z.andSmith,R.,eds.,MedievalSocietyandtheManorCourt(Oxford,1996).Reynolds,S.,AnIntroductiontotheHistoryofEnglishMedievalTowns(Oxford,1977).
Reynolds,S.,KingdomsandCommunitiesinWesternEurope,900–1300(Oxford,1984).
Reynolds,S.,FiefsandVassals:TheMedievalEvidenceReinterpreted(Oxford,1994).
Reynolds,S.,‘TherulersofLondoninthetwelfthcentury’,History,57(1972),pp.337–57.
Reynolds,S.,‘MagnaCarta1297andthelegaluseofliteracy’,BulletinoftheInstituteofHistoricalResearch,62(1989),pp.233–44.
Richardson,H.G.,TheEnglishJewryunderAngevinKings(London,1960).
Richardson,H.G.,‘ThemorrowoftheGreatCharter’,BulletinoftheJohnRylandsLibrary,28(1944),pp.422–43.
Richardson,H.G.,‘ThemorrowoftheGreatCharter:anaddendum’,BulletinoftheJohnRylandsLibrary,29(1945),pp.184–200.
Richardson,H.G.,‘ThecoronationinmedievalEngland’,Traditio,16(1960),pp.111–202.
Richardson,H.G.andG.O.Sayles,TheGovernanceofMedievalEnglandfromtheConquesttoMagnaCarta(Edinburgh,1964).
Richardson,H.G.andG.O.Sayles,LawandLegislationfromAethelberhttoMagnaCarta(Edinburgh,1966).
Ridgeway,H.W.,‘TheLordEdwardandtheProvisionsofOxford(1258):astudyinfaction’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,1(1986),pp.89–99.
Ridgeway,H.W.,‘KingHenryIIIandthe“aliens”1236–1272’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,2(1988),pp.81–92.
Ridgeway,H.W.,‘ForeignfavouritesandHenryIII’sproblemsofpatronage,1247–1258’,EnglishHistoricalReview,109(1989),pp.590–610.
Ridgeway,H.,‘Midthirteenth-centuryreformersandthelocalities:thesheriffsofthebaronialregime’,inP.Fleming,A.GrossandJ.R.Lander,eds.
RegionalismandRevision:TheCrownanditsProvincesinEngland1250–1650,(London,1998),pp.59–86.
Riley-Smith,J.,TheFeudalNobilityoftheKingdomofJerusalem,1174–1277(London,1973).
Roberts,P.B.,StudiesintheSermonsofStephenLangton(Toronto,1968).
Round,J.H.,TheCommuneofLondon,andOtherStudies(Westminster,1899).
Rowlands,I.W.,‘KingJohn,StephenLangtonandRochestercastle,1213–1215’,inStudiesinMedievalHistoryPresentedtoR.A.Brown,ed.C.Harper-Bill,C.J.HoldsworthandJ.L.Nelson(Woodbridge,1989),pp.267–80.
Rowlands,I.W.,‘ThetextanddistributionofthewritforthepublicationofMagnaCarta,1215’,EnglishHistoricalReview,124(2009),pp.1422–31.
Sanders,I.J.,FeudalMilitaryServiceinEngland:AStudyoftheConstitutionalandMilitaryPowersofthe‘Barones’inMediaevalEngland(London,1956).
Sanders,I.J.,EnglishBaronies:AStudyoftheirOriginandDescent,1086–1327(Oxford,1960).
Saul,N.,‘MagnaCartaandBritishvalues’,HistoryToday:TheBlog,posted16June2014:http://www.historytoday.com/blog/2014/06/magna-Carta-and-british-values.
Sharpe,R.,‘Chartersoflibertiesandroyalproclamations’,http://actswilliam2henry1.files.wordpress.com/2013/10/h1-a-liberties-2013-1.pdf.
Smith,J.B.,‘TheTreatyofLambeth,1217’,EnglishHistoricalReview,94(1979),pp.562–79.
Smith,J.B.,‘MagnaCartaandthechartersoftheWelshPrinces’,EnglishHistoricalReview,99(1984),pp.344–362.
Southern,R.W.,‘England’sfirstentryintoEurope’,inhis
MedievalHumanismandOtherStudies(Oxford,1970).
Stacey,R.C.,Politics,PolicyandFinanceunderHenryIII,1216–1245(Oxford,1987).
Stacey,R.C.,‘1240–1260:awatershedinAnglo-Jewishrelations’,HistoricalResearch,61(1988),pp.135–50.
Stacey,R.C.,‘Crusades,crusadersandthebaronialgravaminaof1263–1264’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,3(1991),pp.137–50.
Stacey,R.C.,‘Parliamentarynegotiationandtheexpulsionof
theJewsfromEngland’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,6(1997),pp.77–102.
Stacey,R.C.,‘TheEnglishJewsunderHenryIII’,ch.2ofJewsinMedievalBritain,ed.P.Skinner(Woodbridge,2003).
Stafford,P.,‘ThelawsofCnutandthehistoryofAnglo-Saxonroyalpromises’,Anglo-SaxonEngland,10(1982),pp.173–90.
Stenton,D.M.,‘KingJohnandthecourtsofjustice’,ch.4ofherEnglishJusticebetweenthe
NormanConquestandtheGreatCharter(London,1965).
Stenton,F.M.,TheFirstCenturyofEnglishFeudalism,1066–1166,2ndedn(Oxford,1961).
Stevenson,A.,‘FromDomesdayBooktotheHundredRolls:lordship,landholdingandlocalsocietyinEngland,1066–1280’(UniversityofLondon,doctoralthesis,2014).
Stevenson,W.B.,‘EnglandandNormandy,1204–59’,2vols.(UniversityofLeeds,doctoralthesis,1976).
Stewart,S.,ed.,The1263SurreyEyre(SurreyRecordSociety,40,2006).
Stewart-Parker,W.J.,‘TheBassetsofHighWycombe:politics,lordship,localityandcultureinthethirteenthcentury’(UniversityofLondon,doctoralthesis,2013).
Strickland,M.,WarandChivalry:TheConductandPerceptionofWarinEnglandandNormandy,1066–1217(Cambridge,1996).
Strickland,M.,‘Incoronamregiaminiuriam:thebarons’
warandthelegalstatusofrebellion,1264–1266’,inP.Andersen,M.Münster-SwendsenandH.Vogt,eds.,LawandPowerintheMiddleAges(Copenhagen,2008),pp.171–98.
Strickland,M.‘TheenforcersofMagnaCarta(act.1215–1216)’,TheOxfordDictionaryofNationalBiography:http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/theme/93691
Strickland,M.,‘Fitzwalter,Robert(d.1235)’,TheOxfordDictionaryofNational
Biography:http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/9648
Stringer,K.J.,EarlDavidofHuntingdon,1152–1219:AStudyinAnglo-ScottishHistory(Edinburgh,1985).
Stringer,K.J.,‘Peripheryandcoreinthirteenth-centuryScotland:Alan,sonofRoland,lordofGallowayandconstableofScotland’,inMedievalScotland:Crown,LordshipandCommunity:EssaysPresentedtoG.W.S.Barrow,ed.A.Grant
andK.J.Stringer,eds.,(Edinburgh,1993),pp.82–113.
Stringer,K.J,‘Kingship,conflictandstatemakinginthereignofAlexanderII:thewarof1215–1217anditscontext’,inR.D.Oram,ed.,TheReignofAlexanderII1214–1249(LeidenandBoston,2005),pp.99–156.
Stringer,K.J.,‘States,libertiesandcommunitiesinmedievalBritainandIreland(c.1100–1400)’,inM.Prestwich,ed.,LibertiesandIdentitiesintheMedievalBritish
Isles(Woodbridge,2008),pp.5–36.
Summerson,H.,commentariesonthechaptersofthe1215MagnaCartatobefoundonthewebsiteoftheMagnaCartaProject:http://magnacArta.cmp.uea.ac.uk
Sutherland,D.W.,QuoWarrantoProceedingsintheReignofEdwardI(1278–1294)(Oxford,1963).
Swanson,J.,JohnofWales:AStudyoftheWorksandIdeasofaThirteenth-CenturyFriar(Cambridge,1989).
Tait,J.,‘StudiesinMagnaCarta:waynagiumandcontenementum’,EnglishHistoricalReview,27(1912),pp.720–28.
Taylor,A.,‘RobertdeLondres,illegitimatesonofWilliam,kingofScots’,HaskinsSocietyJournal,19(2008),pp.99–119.
‘TheLandsoftheNormansinEngland(1204–1244)’,projectwebsite:http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/normans/
Thomas,H.M.,Vassals,Heiresses,Crusaders,and
Thugs:TheGentryofAngevinYorkshire,1154–1216(Philadelphia,1993).
Thomas,H.M.,TheEnglishandtheNormans:EthnicHostility,AssimilationandIdentity1066–c.1220(Oxford,2003).
Thompson,F.,TheFirstCenturyofMagnaCarta:WhyitPersistedasaDocument(Minneapolis,1925).
Thompson,F.,MagnaCarta:ItsRoleintheMakingoftheEnglishConstitution,1300–1629(Minneapolis,1948).
Tilley,C.D.,‘ThehonourofWallingford,1066–1300’(UniversityofLondon,doctoralthesis,2012).
Tilley,C.D.,‘MagnaCartaandthehonourofWallingford’,HistoricalResearch,forthcoming.Titow,J.Z.,EnglishRuralSociety,1200–1350(London,1969).
Tout,T.F.,ChaptersintheAdministrativeHistoryofMediaevalEngland:TheWardrobe,theChamber,andthe
SmallSeals,6vols.(Manchester,1920–33).
Turner,R.V.,TheKingandhisCourts:TheRoleofJohnandHenryIIIintheAdministrationofJustice,1199–1240(Ithaca,NY,1968).
Turner,R.V.,TheEnglishJudiciaryintheAgeofGlanvillandBracton,c.1176–1239(Cambridge,1985).
Turner,R.V.,MenRaisedfromtheDust:AdministrativeServiceandUpwardMobilityinAngevinEngland(Philadelphia,1988).
Turner,R.V.,Judges,AdministratorsandtheCommonLawinAngevinEngland(London,1994).
Turner,R.V.,KingJohn(London,1994).
Turner,R.V.,MagnaCartathroughtheAges(Harlow,2003).
Turner,R.V.,‘Theexerciseoftheking’swillininheritanceofbaronies:theexampleofKingJohnandWilliamBriwerre’,inhisJudges,AdministratorsandtheCommonLaw,pp.269–88.
Turner,R.V.,‘TheMandevilleinheritance,1189–1236’,inhisJudges,AdministratorsandtheCommonLaw,pp.289–306.
Turner,R.V.,‘SimonofPattishall,earlycommonlawjudgefromNorthamptonshire’,inhisJudges,AdministratorsandtheCommonLaw,pp.199–214.
Turner,R.V.,‘RichardLionheartandEnglishepiscopalelections’,Albion,29(1997),pp.1–13.
Tyerman,C.,EnglandandtheCrusades,1095–1588(Chicago,1988).Ullmann,W.,Principles
ofGovernmentandPoliticsintheMiddleAges(London,1961).
VanCaenegem,R.C.,RoyalWritsinEnglandfromtheConquesttoGlanvill:StudiesintheEarlyHistoryoftheCommonLaw(SeldenSociety,77,1959).
VanLaarhoven,J.,‘Thoushaltnotslayatyrant!Theso-calledtheoryofJohnofSalisbury’,inM.Wilks,ed.,TheWorldofJohnofSalisbury(Oxford,1984),pp.319–41.
Valente,C.,TheTheoryandPracticeofRevoltinMedievalEngland(Farnhan,2003).
Veach,C.,LordshipinFourRealms:TheLacyFamily,1166–1241(Manchester,2014).
Veach,C.,‘KingJohnandroyalcontrolinIreland’,forthcominginEnglishHistoricalReview.
Vincent,N.,PeterdesRoches:AnAlieninEnglishPolitics,1205–1238(Cambridge,1996).
Vincent,N.,TheMagnaCarta(Sotheby’s,NY,2007).
Vincent,N.,ABriefHistoryofBritain,1066–1485(London,2011).
Vincent,N.,MagnaCarta:AVeryShortIntroduction(Oxford2012).
Vincent,N.,ed.,EnglishEpiscopalActa9:Winchester1205–1238(Oxford,1994).
Vincent,N.,‘HughdeNevilleandhisprisoners’,Archives,88(1992),pp.190–7.
Vincent,N.,ed.,Records,AdministrationandAristocratic
SocietyintheAnglo-NormanRealm(Woodbridge,2009).
Vincent,N.,ed.,NormanChartersfromEnglishSources:Antiquaries,ArchivesandtheRediscoveryoftheAnglo-NormanPast(PipeRollSociety,newseries,59,2013).
Vincent,N.,‘Arollofknightssummonedtocampaignin1213’,HistoricalResearch,66(1993),pp.89–97.
Vincent,N.,‘TheboroughofChippingSodburyandthefatmenofFrance(1130–1270)’,
TransactionsoftheBristolandGloucestershireArchaeologicalSociety,116(1998),pp.141–59.
Vincent,N.,‘IsabellaofAngoulême:John’sJezebel’,inKingJohn:NewInterpretations,ed.S.D.Church(Woodbridge,1999),pp.165–219.
Vincent,N.,‘WarinandHenryfitzGerald,theking’schamberlains:theoriginsofthefitzGeraldsrevisited’,Anglo-NormanStudies,21(1999),pp.233–60.
Vincent,N.,‘MasterElyasofDereham(d.1245):areassessment’,inC.M.BarronandJ.M.Stratford,eds.,TheChurchandLearninginLaterMedievalSociety:EssaysinHonourofR.B.Dobson(Stamford,2002),pp.128–59.
Vincent,N.,‘Who’swhoinMagnacartaclause50?’,inLeMédiévisteetlaMonographieFamiliale:sources,méthodesetproblématiques,ed.M.Aurell(Turnhout,2004),pp.235–64.
Vincent,N.,‘“Why1199?”BureaucracyandenrolmentunderJohnandhiscontemporaries’,inA.Jobson,ed.,EnglishGovernmentintheThirteenthCentury(Woodbridge,2004),pp.17–48.
Vincent,N.,‘DidHenryIIhaveapolicytowardstheearls?’,inWar,GovernmentandAristocracyintheBritishIsles,c.1150–1500:EssaysinHonourofMichaelPrestwich,ed.C.Given-Wilson,A.KettleandL.
Scales(Woodbridge,2008),pp.1–25.
Vincent,N.,‘StephenLangton,archbishopofCanterbury’,ined.L.-J.Bataillon,N.Bériou,G.DahanandR.Quinto,ÉtienneLangton,Prédicateur,Bibliste,Théologien(Turnhout,2010),pp.51–123.
Vincent,N.,‘Englishliberties,MagnaCarta(1215)andtheSpanishconnection’,in1212–1214:EltrienioquehizoaEuropa.ActasdelaXXXVIISemanadeEstudiosMedievales
deEstella,19al23deJuliode2010(Pamplona,2011),pp.243–61.
Vincent,N.,‘Thetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta:anAugustinianecho?’,ined.P.DaltonandD.Luscombe,RulershipandRebellionintheAnglo-NormanWorld,c.1066–c.1216:EssaysinHonourofProfessorEdmundKing(Farnham,2014).
Warren,W.L.,KingJohn(London,1961).
Warren,W.L.,HenryII(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1973).
Warren,W.L.,‘Painter’sKingJohn–fortyyearson’,HaskinsSocietyJournal,1(1989),pp.1–10.
Waugh,S.L.,TheLordshipofEngland:RoyalWardshipsandMarriagesinEnglishSocietyandPolitics,1217–1327(Princeton,1988).
Waugh,S.L.,‘Tenuretocontract:lordshipandclientageinthirteenth-centuryEngland’,
EnglishHistoricalReview,101(1986),pp.811–39.
Waugh,S.L.,‘Theoriginsandearlydevelopmentofthearticlesoftheescheator’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,5(1995),pp.89–114.
Webster,P.,‘KingJohn’spiety’(UniversityofCambridge,doctoralthesis,2007).
Weiler,B.,‘SymbolismandpoliticsinthereignofHenryIII’,ThirteenthCenturyEngland,9(2003),pp.15–42.
West,F.J.,TheJusticiarshipinEngland,1066–1232(Cambridge,1966).
White,A.B.,Self-GovernmentattheKing’sCommand(Minneapolis,1933).
White,A.B.,‘ThenameMagnaCarta’,EnglishHistoricalReview,30(1915),pp.472–5,and32(1917),pp.554–5.
Wild,B.L.,ed.,TheWardrobeAccountsofHenryIII(PipeRollSociety,newseries,68,2012).
Wilkinson,L.J.,WomeninThirteenth-CenturyLincolnshire
(Woodbridge,2007).Wilkinson,L.J.,EleanordeMontfort:ARebelCountessinMedievalEngland(London,2012).
Wilkinson,L.J.,‘Womenassheriffsinearlythirteenth-centuryEngland’,inA.Jobson,ed.,EnglishGovernmentintheThirteenthCentury(Woodbridge,2004),pp.111–24.
Williams,G.A.,MedievalLondon:FromCommunetoCapital(London,1963).
Young,C.R.,TheRoyalForestsofMedievalEngland(Philadelphia,1979).
Young,C.R.,ThemakingoftheNevillefamilyinEngland,1166–1400(Woodbridge,1996).
GlossaryofTerms
ThisGlossaryprovidesbriefdefinitionsoftermsfoundinMagnaCartaandelsewhereinthisbook.Itmakesnoclaimstocatchallthesensesinwhichthetermscouldbeused.1Unlessstated,
referencestothechaptersofMagnaCartaaretothoseintheCharterof1215.
advowsonTherightofnominatingaclerictoanecclesiasticalbenefice,mostfrequentlyaparish.Therightwaspossessedbymanylaylordsofmanors,aswellasbishops,monasteriesandcathedralchapters.
afforestationThebringingofanareawithintheboundsoftheroyalforest,thussubjectingitto
royalforestlaw.Seeassart,purpresture,waste.
aid(i)Apaymentdemandedbyalord(includingtheking)fromhistenantsbyknightservice.MagnaCartasoughttolimitsuchaidstothreecustomaryoccasions.(ii)Ataxleviedbythekingonthekingdom.Seeknightservice.
amercementAfinancialpenaltyforfallingintothemercyofthekingoralordthroughthecommittalofsomeoffence.Usuallytheresultofconviction
beforeacourt.Whatwouldnowbecalleda‘fine’.
AngevinempireThetotalityoftheterritoryundertheAngevinkings.GreatlyreducedbyJohn’slossofNormandyandAnjouin1204.
AngevinsAtermusedbyhistorianstocoverkingsHenryII(r.1154–89),RichardI(r.1189–99)andJohn(r.1199–1216).DerivedfromHenryIIbeingthesonofGeoffreyofAnjou(‘Angevin’meaning‘relatingtoAnjou’).
appealAnaccusationbroughtincourtbyoneindividualagainstanother,usuallyofviolenceortheft.
assartTheclearingofanareawithintheroyalforestandthussubjecttoroyalforestlawsoastocreatenewarableland.Itwasapunishableoffencetocreateanassartwithouttheking’slicence.
assize(i)Legislation,so‘theAssizeofNorthampton’.(ii)Alegalactionlikethosenamedinchapter18ofMagnaCarta.Seedarreinpresentment,grand
assize,mortd’ancestor,noveldisseisinandrecognition.
bailiffAlocalofficial.bailiwickAlocalareasubjecttotheauthorityofanofficial,soacountyorhundred.
baronInMagnaCartaalordwhoholdsabaronyfromthekingandowesareliefof£100.Seerelief.Canalsobeusedmorelooselytomeanagreatman.
baronyTheestateheldbyabaronfromthekingandforwhichheowes,inMagnaCarta,areliefof£100.The‘baronyofanearl’
hadthesamestructure(seefee)asthebaronyofabaron.
beauplederAfineleviedatthestartofasessionofacourtbythepresidingofficialsonthoseattending,inorderforthelattertoescapepenalizationformistakesingivingevidenceandotherproceduralerrors.
benchThecentralcourtheldbytheking’sjudges,usuallyatWestminster.Itheardmostlycivilpleasaccordingtotheproceduresofthecommonlaw.Latercalledthecourtof
commonpleasorthecommonbench.
BractonTheshorttitleforagreatbookonthelawsandcustomsofEngland.Thoughtoncetohavebeenwritteninthe1250sbythejudgeHenrydeBracton.Nowlargelyacceptedthatitwaswritteninthe1220sand1230sbythelegalcirclearoundthejudgeWilliamofRaleigh,Bractonhimselfsimplymakinglateradditionstothetext.
burgageAformoftenurefortownpropertyinreturnforrent,with
freedomofalienation.chamberAnofficetravellingwiththekingwhoseofficialsreceived,storedanddisbursedhismoney.
chanceryAnoffice,mostlytravellingwiththeking,whoseclerkswroteandsealedtheking’scharters,lettersandwrits.Theheadwasthechancellor,althoughhecouldbeanabsentee.Thechanceryrollsweretherollsonwhichthechanceryrecordeditsoutput,witheachrollcoveringone
regnalyear.Seealsolettersclose,letterspatentandwrit.
chattelsMovableproperty,especiallycornandanimals.
chiefjusticiarTheking’schiefminister;inchargeofgovernmentduringtheking’sabsencefromthekingdom.Sometimesjustcalled‘thejusticiar’.TherewasalsoachiefjusticiarinIreland.
clerksClerkswereboththoseordainedasbishops,priestsanddeacons,andthosewhoweretonsuredbutremainedinminor
orders,oftenwithlittleimmediateintentionofproceedingtothepriesthood.Manyoftheclerksworkingforthekingfellintothelattercategory.
commonlaw,common-lawlitigationSeethenextentry.
commonpleasCivillitigationintheking’scourtsthatfollowedstandardprocedurescommontothewholekingdom.Suchlitigationformedacentralelementinthecommonlaw.‘Commonpleas’and‘common-
lawlitigation’arelargelysynonymousterms.Seedarreinpresentment,grandassize,mortd’ancestorandnoveldisseisin.
commontermofcrusadersTheperiodwithinwhichacrusaderenjoyedvariousprivilegesandprotections.
coramregeThistranslatesliterallyas‘inthepresenceoftheking’.Thetermforthejudicialcourtthattravelledwiththeking,latercalledthecourtofking’sbench.
cottarAnunfreepeasantsmallholder.
countyThechieflocalgovernmentdivisionofthekingdom.Theboundariesofthemedievalcountiesremainedlargelyunchangeduntil1974.Therewerethirty-eightcountiesin1215.InLatin,‘comitatus’isboththewordforcountyandcountycourt.Inchapter18ofMagnaCarta‘comitatus’isusedinbothsenses.
countyfarmThefixedannualpaymentforwhichthesheriffofacountyansweredeachyearattheexchequer.Thefarmsby
John’sreignhadremainedmuchthesameformanyyearsandhenceinMagnaCarta’schapter25aredescribedas‘ancient’.Thefarmwasderivedfromamercementsimposedinthecountyandhundredcourts,fromtraditionalpayments(suchas‘sheriff’said’),fromthedemesnemanorsofthekinginthesheriff’shands,andfromanysubsidiaryfarmsofhundreds,wapentakesandridings.Seealsodemesnemanor,incrementandprofit.
darreinpresentmentAcommon-lawlegalaction,or‘assize’,todeterminewhohadtherighttonominatetoachurchliving,thelivingbeingusuallyaparish.Theverdictwasgivenbyajuryoffreemenfromtheneighbourhoodofthepropertyindispute.Seeadvowsonandrecognition.
deforestationThetakingofareasoutoftheroyalforestandfreeingthemfromroyalforestlaw.
demesnemanorAmanorinalord’shands,ratherthanheldfromhimbyatenant.Theking’sdemesnemanorsreferredtoinchapter25ofMagnaCartahadoftenbeeninhishandssinceDomesdayBook.
DialogusdeScaccarioThegreatbookwrittenontheworkingsoftheexchequerbyHenryII’streasurer,RichardfitzNigel.Itwasbegunin1177andfinishedsometimeinthe1180s.
diffidatioTheformalactinwhichallegiancetoalordisrenounced
andthelorddefied.disparagementTheoffencegivenwhenanindividualwasmarriedtosomeoneoflowersocialstatus.
disseisinDispossession,usuallyappliedtodispossessionofland,butcouldalsobeofrights.
distrainToforcesomeonetodosomething,usuallybytheseizureofchattelsandland.Thecorrespondingnounis‘distraint’.
distressTocompelandconstrainsomeonetodosomethingby
force.Hasmuchthesamemeaningas‘todistrain’.
dowerTheportionofherhusband’slandsthatawidowisentitledtoafterhisdeath.Onthewidow’sdeaththedowerrevertstoherhusband’sheir.
earlTheEnglishtermfortheLatin‘comes’andtheFrench‘count’.Alargelyhonorarytitleofhighstatus,oftenbutnotalwaysattachedtoacounty.
ellAunitofmeasurementof45inches.
engrossmentAnauthorizedoriginalofadocumentasopposedtoalatercopy.Toengrossistowriteoutsuchadocument.
escheatLandthathascomeintotheking’shands,oftenthroughthefailureofheirsorforfeiture.
escheatorTheroyalofficialwhoadministeredlandthathadcomeintotheking’shandsviaanescheatorwardship.Seewardship.
exchequerThecentralinstitutionofroyalgovernment,usually
sittingatWestminster,whichexactedandauditedtheking’sannualrevenue.SeealsopiperollandDialogusdeScaccario.
eyreAvisitationoftheking’sjusticesinthelocalities,hence‘justicesineyre’.Seealsoitinerantjustices.A‘generaleyre’isatermgivenbyhistoriansforavisitationinwhichpanelsofjudges,empoweredtohear‘allpleas’(sobothcriminalandcivil)andinvestigateroyalrightsandlocal
abuses,weresentthroughthewholecountry.
fairAlargeannualgatheringfortradeheldatafixeddateeachyear,asopposedtoamarket,whichwasusuallyweekly.Newmarketsandfairsneededtobelicensedbytheking.
faithfulmanInMagnaCarta,amanwhohasswornanoathoffealty,thatisloyalty,totheking.Alladultmales,freeandunfree,wereobligedtotakesuchanoath.
farmAfixedannualpaymentowedforacounty,hundred,wapentake,town,manor,forestorotherbailiwick.Seecountyfarm.
feeAnestatethatwasheldbyknightservicefromthekingorotherlord.Thefeeofanearlorabaroncomprisedbothhisdemesnemanorsandthelandsheldfromhimbyhisowntenants.Itmightequallybecalledhis‘barony’or‘honour’.Asingleknight’sfeewasanestateforwhichtheserviceof
oneknightwasowed.Seeholdinglandfromalord,honourandknightservice.
feefarmAformoflandtenureinreturnforrent.
felonyAseriouscrime.fineAnofferofmoneyacceptedbythekinginreturnforaconcessionorfavour.‘Offer’hasthesamemeaning
finerollAroll,oneforeachregnalyear,onwhichthechanceryrecordedthefinesmadewiththeking.Acopywassenttothe
exchequersothatitknewwhatmoneytocollect.
forestTheroyalforestwastheareasubjecttotheking’sforestlaw.
frankpledgeThe‘frankpledge’or‘tithing’wasagroupofadultmales(soagedtwelveandover),oftentenortwelvestrong,whoweresworntokeeptheking’speaceandguaranteethegoodconductoftheirfellows.AlladultmalesofunfreestatussouthoftheHumberweresupposedtobeinsuchgroups.
The‘viewoffrankpledge’wastheinspectionmadebythesherifforbailiffatthehundredorwapentakecourttocheckthattheunfreewereintheirgroups.Thefinancialexactionsimposedattheviewwereveryunpopular.Chapter42ofthe1217Charter(chapter35intheCharterof1225)stipulatedthattheviewshouldonlybeheldonceayear,attheMichaelmastourn.Seetourn.
freemanAnymanwhowasnotlegallyunfree.Seevillein.
freetenantAfreemanwhoheldafreetenement.
freetenementLandheldfreelyfromalord,soinreturnforknightserviceorrent,asopposedtobeingheldbyunfreeservices.Seeknightserviceandlabourservices.
givenbythehandWordsthatappearattheendofroyalchartersandmean‘authorizedby’.The‘giver’wasthepersonwhohadauthorizedthecharter’swritingout(engrossment)andsealing.
GlanvillTheshorttitleforthegreatbookonthelawsandcustomsofEnglandthatexplainedtheformsoftheearlycommon-lawlegalactions.Itwasprobablywrittenbetween1187and1189.AlthoughitgoesbythenameofHenryII’schiefjusticiar,RanulfdeGlanvill,heisnotthoughttohavebeentheauthor,althoughtheworkwasprobablyproducedinhislegalcircle.
grandassizeAcommon-lawlegalactiontodeterminetheultimate
righttoproperty.Theverdictwasgivenbytwelveknightschosenbyfouroftheirfellows.
haubergetAtypeofcloth.heriotApayment(usuallyofhorsesandmilitaryequipment)duetoalordonthedeathofoneofhismen.
holdinglandfromalordAnindividualwho‘held’landfromalordwasinpossessionofthelandasthelord’stenant,andowedhimservicesaccordingtothetermsofthetenure.See
knightservice,tenant-in-chiefandunder-tenant.
homageTheceremonyinwhichanewtenantbyknightservicebecamethemanofhislord,creatingamutualbondofloyalty.Seeknightservice.
honourAbaron’sestatecomprisingbothhisdemesnemanorsandthelandsheldfromhimbyhistenants.Seefee.
honorialcourtAcourtheldbyabaronorotherlordforhistenantsbyknightservice.Ithadjurisdictionoverpossessionof
thefeesheldbythetenantsandoverservicesowedthelord.
hundredAnadministrativesubdivisionofacounty,withitsowncourtthatmetfortnightlyunderHenryII.Insomepartsofthecountry,notablyYorkshire,Lincolnshire,NottinghamshireandDerbyshire,thesubdivisionswerecalledwapentakesratherthanhundreds.Therewerearound630hundredsandwapentakesinthethirteenthcentury.Agoodproportionofthemwereinprivatehandsand
thusrunbyalord,andhisbailiffsratherthanbythesheriff.Seejuryofpresentment.
hundredjurorsTwelvemen,drawnfromtheleadingfreemenofthehundredorwapentake,whosatonthejuryofpresentmentthatgaveevidencetothejusticesineyre.Similarjuriesalsogaveevidencebeforenumerousothergovernmentinquiries.Seejuryofpresentment.
incrementAfixedannualpaymentmadeadditionaltoafarm.In
MagnaCarta’schapter25theincrementisthatowedbythesheriffoverandabovethe‘ancient’farmofhiscounty.Seecountyfarm.
itinerantjusticesJusticesofthekingonavisitationtohearpleasinthecounties.Thesameasjusticesineyre.Seeeyre.
juryofpresentmentAjuryoftwelvefreemenrepresentingthehundredorwapentake,whichcamebeforethejusticesofthegeneraleyreandansweredaseriesofquestionsaboutcrime
androyalrightssincethelastvisitation.Ineffectajuryofaccusationwhenitcametothosewhohadcommittedacrime.Seeeyre.
justicesineyreSeeeyreanditinerantjustices.
justiciarSeechiefjusticiar.knight(i)Someonewhohasgonethroughaformalceremonymakinghimaknightbybeinggirdedwiththeswordofknighthood.Thegirdingcouldbeperformedbythekingoragreatlord.Knighthoodwasnot
hereditary.(ii)Someonewho,withoutnecessarilyhavinggonethroughtheceremony,isregardedanddescribedasaknightforthepurposesofsittingonjuriesandperformingotherjudicialtasks.Kings,earlsandbaronsweregirdedwiththeswordofknighthood.However,theverygreatmajorityofknightsinboththeabovecategoriesweremenoflesserwealthandstatus,andwereunder-tenants,holdingtheirlandfromearlsandbaronsinreturn
forknightservice,althoughsomeweretenants-in-chiefholdingdirectlyfromtheking.Seeknightservice.
knightserviceAformoftenureinwhichatenantdoeshomagetohislordforthelandheholdsfromhimandhastoprovideinreturntheserviceofanumberofknights.Thelordalsoexpectscounsel,moneypaymentsintheformreliefandaid,andhasrightsoverwardshipsandthemarriagesofheirsandwidows.Tenants-in-chief–earls,barons
andknights–heldfromthekingbyknightserviceandthushadtheobligationtoprovideknightsfortheking’sarmy.Knightlyunder-tenantshadanobligationtoprovideknightsfortheiroverlordswhenthekingsummonedanarmy,andalso,morearguably,whentheiroverlordswereinrebellion.Inpractice,however,suchmilitaryobligationswereoftendischargedbyamoneypayment.Seescutage.Forthelord,itwasoftenhisrighttorelief,andhis
controloverwardshipsandmarriages,thatwerethemostvaluedaspectsoftenurebyknightservice.Seeaid,reliefandwardship.
labourservicesTheservicesowedbyanunfreepeasanttohislordinreturnforhisland.Theyinvolvedprovidingagriculturallabourtothelord,oftenonaweeklybasis.Theobligationtoperformsuchserviceswasitselfaproofofunfreedom.Seealsomerchet.
layfeeLandthatowessecularservices,soknightserviceorrent.
letterscloseLettersoftheking,issuedbythechancery,andclosedbybeingfoldedandtiedup,withadabofwaxfromthesealacrossthefold.Theusualvehicleforadministrativeorders.Recordedbythechanceryonthecloserolls.Seealsochanceryandwrit.
letterspatentLettersoftheking,issuedbythechancery,thatwereleftopenor‘patent’with
thesealhangingdownbeneath.Usedforproclamationsandthemakingofappointments.Recordedbythechanceryonthepatentrolls.
liberty(i)Aprivilegeconferredbytheking.(ii)Anexemptareaofjurisdictionsuchasaprivatehundred.Seehundred.
libertyofelectionsThechurch’srightfreelytoelectbishopsandheadsofreligioushouses.
magnateAgeneraltermforgreatlord.
MarchofWalesTheborderareabetweenEnglandandWalesproper.
markAtermoffinancialaccount:twothirdsofapound;160pennies.
marriageportionInLatinmaritagium.Thepropertyassignedtoawomanbyhernatalfamilyonhermarriage.Itwascontrolledbythehusbandduringmarriage.Afterthewife’sdeathitwouldusuallypasstoherheir,althoughthiswould
dependonthetermsoftheinitialgift.
merchetApaymentmadebyanunfreepeasanttohislordforpermissiontogivehisdaughterinmarriage.Themakingofsuchapaymentwasevidenceofunfreedom.
mortd’ancestorAcommon-lawlegalaction,or‘assize’,bywhichfreetenantscouldobtaintheirinheritancesonthedeathofancestorsofwhomtheyaretheheirs.Theverdictwasgivenbyajuryoftwelvefreemenfromthe
neighbourhoodofthepropertyindispute.Seerecognition.
murdrumfineAfinepaidbylocalcommunitieswhentheycouldnotprovethevilleinstatusofsomeonedeadbyotherthannaturalcauses.
noveldisseisinAcommon-lawlegalaction,or‘assize’,bywhichfreetenantscouldrecoverpropertyofwhichtheyhadrecentlybeendisseised(dispossessed)unjustlyandwithoutjudgement.Theverdictwasgivenbyajuryoftwelve
freemenfromtheneighbourhoodofthepropertyindispute.Seerecognition.
offerSeefine.ordinaryAnecclesiasticalofficial.Thedeputyofabishoporabishophimself.
peersSocialequals.pennyThesilverpenny(inLatin‘denarius’)wastheonlycoinincirculation.Therewere12inashilling,160inamarkand240inapound.
pilgrimageInMagnaCarta‘pilgrimage’means‘crusade’.
Therewasnowordfor‘crusade’assuch.However,thosewhohadtakenthecrossweredescribedas‘crucesignati’,meaning‘mensignedbythecross’.
piperollTheannualrollonwhichtheexchequerrecordeditsannualauditoftherevenueduethecrown.Itwasorganizedincountysections.
pleasofthecrownSeriouscrimesthatonlythekingcantryandpunish.Theycomprisedtreason,homicide,affray,premeditated
assault,burglary,rape,serioustheftandarson.
poundAtermoffinancialaccount;240penniesinapound;20shillingsinapound.Amarkisatwothirdsofapound.
precipeSeewritofprecipe.priseTheking’srighttotakegoodsbycompulsorypurchase.Paymentmightinfactbedelayed,ifmadeatall.Alsocalled‘purveyance’.
profitThetermforthevariablerevenueaccountedforeachyearattheexchequerbyasheriff
overandabovethecountyfarmandanyincrement.Asheriffresponsiblefor‘profit’wasdescribedasa‘custodian’,andwasineffectaccountingforalltherevenuehereceived.Seecountyfarmandincrement.
purprestureAnencroachmentonanareasubjecttoroyalforestlawbythemakingofanenclosure,erectingabuilding,ordoinganyotherwork.Apunishableoffence.
purveyanceSeeprise.
puttolawTosubjectapersontoalegalprocedureleadingtotrial,andalsotheproceduresofthetrialitself.
quarterAmeasureofcapacity,sometimestheequivalentof36litres.
recognitionAcommonlegalaction,orassize,likethosementionedinMagnaCarta’schapter18,culminatinginaverdictgivenbyajuryfromtheneighbourhoodofthepropertyindispute.Themenofthejuryare‘recognitors’.
reliefApaymentmadebyatenant-in-chieftothekingorbyanunder-tenant,holdingbyknightservice,toatenant-in-chiefinordertogainpossessionofhislandedinheritance.
ridingAlocalgovernmentdivisioninYorkshireandLincolnshire.
russetAtypeofcloth.scutageAmoneypaymentowedbyatenant-in-chiefinplaceofsendinghisquotaofknightstotheking,assessedonthenumberofknightsheowed.Atenant-in-
chiefwouldendeavourtorecoupthescutageheowedthekingfromhisowntenantsbyknightservice.
seisinPossession,usuallyofland.Toputsomeone‘inseisin’istoputtheminpossession.
serjeantAprofessionalsoldierormilitarilyactivelandholderbelowtherankofknight;latersometimessynonymouswith‘esquire’.
serjeantyAformoftenureinreturnforperformingdutiestotheking(suchasprovidinga
serjeantforhisarmy)orgivinghimobjects.Theobjects,intheexampleofa‘smallserjeanty’giveninchapter37ofMagnaCarta,areknivesandarrows.
sheriffTheking’schieflocalgovernmentagent;inchargeofacounty;appointedanddismissedbytheking.
shillingAtermoffinancialaccount.Therewere12penniesinashillingand20shillingsinapound.
socageAformoffreetenureinreturnforrent.Thelordhadno
rightsofwardshipoverlandheldinsocage.Seewardship.
sokemanApeasantwhoholdshislandlargelyorexclusivelyinreturnforamoneyrent.Ifheoweslabourservices,theyarerelativelylight.Manybutfarfromallsokemenwereconsideredfreemen.
statutebookAnunofficialcollectionoflegislationandlegaltexts,commonfromthesecondhalfofthethirteenthcentury.
suretyApersonwhoguaranteesthepaymentofadebtowedbyanotherperson.
takethecrossTheactofundertakingtogoonacrusade.
tallageAtaxleviedattheking’spleasureonhistownsanddemesnemanors.Seedemesnemanor.
tenant-in-chiefAtenantwhoholdshislanddirectly,so‘inchief’,fromthekinginreturnforknightservice.Hemightbeanearl,abaronoraknight.Seeknightservice.
tenementAland-holding.tithingSeefrankpledge.tournAsessionofthehundredorwapentakecourtatwhichthefullestpossibleattendancewasdemandedbythesherifforbailiff.ThetournwaslimitedtosessionsatEasterandMichaelmasbychapter42ofthe1217Charter(chapter35inthe1225Charter).Seealsofrankpledge.
under-tenantAtenantwhoholdshislandfromatenant-in-chiefasopposedtotheking.Anunder-
tenantcouldholdbyrentorbyknightservice.Tenantscouldalsoholdlandfromunder-tenants,thuscreatingachainoftenure.Seeknightserviceandtenant-in-chief.
vacantabbeyThestateofanabbeybetweenthedeathofoneabbotandtheappointmentofanother.Duringthisperiodthekingwasentitledtotherevenuesoftheabbot.Hewasalsoentitledtotherevenuesofabishopricduringtheequivalentinterval.
viewoffrankpledgeSeefrankpledge.
villAvillageorsmalltown.villeinApeasantwhowaslegallyunfree.Landheldinvilleinagewaslandforwhichcustomsandservicescharacteristicofunfreetenurewereowed.Seelabourservicesandmerchet.
virgateAnareaofland,oftenbetween24and30acres,butcouldbesmaller.
wainage(i)InMagnaCarta’schapter20avillein’smeansoflivelihood,sohiscropsunder
cultivation(tillage),seedcorn,ploughsandploughteams.(ii)Inchapter5(a)thesameitemsasabovebutthistimebelongingtothepersoninwardship,and(b)thetimeoftheagriculturalseason.
wapentakeThesubdivisionofacounty,equivalenttoahundred,foundinYorkshire,Lincolnshire,Nottinghamshire,DerbyshireandLeicestershire.Seehundred.
wardrobeThewardrobe,whichtravelledwiththeking,was
wherehestoredgoods,cashandpreciousobjects.Thechamberoftenstoredthemoneyitreceivedinthewardrobe.Seechamber.
wardshipWhenatenant-in-chiefdied,thekinghadthecustody,orwardship,ofhisestateduringtheminorityoftheheir.Healsohadtherighttomarryofftheheir.Atenant-in-chiefhadthesamerightsofwardshipandmarriageoverhisowntenantsbyknightservice.Seeknightservice.
warrantTheking’sobligationtowarrantlandheldbyanother,referredtoinchapters52and57ofMagnaCarta,meanthisobligationtodefendtheholder’srighttothelandinanylawsuit.Itarosebecausethelandwasheldbygrantoftheking.
warrensAreaswherethehuntingoffoxesandhareswasforbidden,sonotjustthedeerandboarprotectedbyroyalforestlaw.
wasteThefellingoftreesandotherdestructioninareassubject
toroyalforestlaw.Apunishableoffence.
writInitsformawritwasaletterclose.Theterm‘writ’wasusedtodescribelettersclosethatdealtwithmattersconnectedwiththejudicialprocess.Seelettersclose.
writ‘ofcourse’Astandardformwritautomaticallyavailableatsmallcost(probably6d)toinitiatecommon-lawlegalactionssuchasthegrandassize,noveldisseisinandmortd’ancestor.Seegrandassize,
mortd’ancestorandnoveldisseisin.
writofinquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbsAwritsecuringatrialbyjuryforsomeoneaccusedofacrimeforwhichthepenaltymightbelossoflifeorlimbs.
writofliberateInthiscasenotalettercloseconnectedwiththelaw,butoneaddressedtotheexchequerorderingittodisbursemoney.
writofprecipe‘Precipe’means‘command’.Thewrit,referredtoinchapter34ofMagnaCarta,
commandedtherestorationoflandonpainofthecasebeingtransferredtotheking’scourt.
MapoftheEnglishCounties
AppendixIKingJohn’sletterannouncingthetermsofthe1209TreatyofNorham
In1209KingJohnforcedwhathistorianscalltheTreatyofNorhamonWilliamtheLion,kingofScots.Hithertothecontentofthetreatyhasonlybeenknownfromtheaccountsofchroniclers.Theresurvives,however,inacartularyofStAugustine’sabbey,Canterbury,acopyofKingJohn’sletterannouncingwhatareevidentlythetermsofthetreaty.Ihavediscussedthesignificanceoftheletterbetweenpp.238and241above.Ihopealsotocommentonitinaforthcomingarticle.HereI
simplyprovideatranscriptionoftheLatintextaccompaniedbyatranslation.
TheStAugustine’scartularycontainingJohn’sletterisnowpreservedatTheNationalArchives:TNAE164/27.Theletterisbetweenfolios137and137v.Thecartularyhasmaterialarrangedroughlychronologicallydownto1323.ItalsocontainsachroniclecoveringtheyearsAD1to1324,whileacontinuationdownto1332isclearlyanaddition.It
wouldseem,therefore,thatthecartularyisaworkofthemid-1320s.*Thehandinwhichtheletteriswritteniscompatiblewiththatdate.†Alongsidechartersbearingonthepropertiesandrightsoftheabbey,thecartularyalsohassomedocumentsofapublicnature.The1209letterisprecededbyaletterofKingJohnabouttheliftingoftheInterdict.‡ItisfollowedbyacopyofthemanifestothatPrinceLouisissuedonhisarrivalinEnglandin1216.Thisisalso
foundinotherStAugustine’scartularies.§ThetextofJohn’sletterisas
follows.Ihaveretainedthecapitalizationoftheoriginal,butnotthepunctuation.Thedivisionintoparagraphsismyown,theoriginaltextbeingcontinuous.¶
Omnibusdeifidelibusadquoslittereistepervenerint,J.deigratiaetc.salutem.
SciatisquoditaconvenitinternosetDominumWillelmumregem
Scocie,scilicetquodAlexanderfiliuseiusfecitnobishomagiumsicutidemW.rexScociefecithomagiumDominoH.regiAngliepatrinostronectuncrecedetprefatusW.rexScociedehomagioquodnobisfecitquamdiuvixerit.
PretereaidemW.rexScocietradiditnobisduasfiliassuas,scilicetMargaretamprimogenitamfiliamsuametaliamYsabellamitaquodHenricusprimogenitusnosterdesponsabitpredictamMargaretam
quandoipseerit*ixvelxannorumvelantea.
EtexquoeamdesponsaveritnosinfraannumvelbieniumproximummaritabimuspredictamYsabellamadgratiametadhonoremnostrametpredictiregisScocie.
Etsihumanitercontigeritde(eademMargareta)†H.filionostroantequamducatinuxorempredictamMargaretam,Ricardusfiliusnosteripsamdesponsabit.Et
sihumanitercontigeritdeeademMargaretaantequamdesponsetur,predictaYsabellapredictomodomaritabiturHenricofilionostrovelRicardofilionostrosihumanitercontigeritdeeodemH.filionostroantequamipsamdesponsaverit.
EtsihumanitercontigeritdeW.regeScocie,nosetfiliinostrietnostrierimusauxiliantespredictoAlexandrofiliosuotanquamhomininostroadipsumtenenduminterrasuaetindignitatibussuis.
EodemmodoeruntidemrexScocieetfiliussuusetsuiauxiliantesfilionostrotanquamdominosuosidenobishumanitercontigerit.
EtnosetidemrexScocieetfiliinostriiuvabimusnosadinvicemdumvixerimus.
EtsalveremanebunteidemregiScocieetfiliosuoomneslibertatesetdignitatessuiettotumclamiumquodidemrexScocieinNorthumberland’,Westmerland’et
Cumberland’habuitetomnesaliequereleetclamia.
Etomniamalainternosmotacessabuntinperpetuumperhacconventionem.
ToallGod’sfaithfulpeople,towhomtheselettersarrive,JohnbythegraceofGodetc.,greeting.
YouaretoknowthatithasbeenagreedbetweenusandlordWilliam,kingofScotland,inthisfashion,namelythatAlexanderhissonhasdoneushomageas
William,kingofScotland,didhomagetothelordHenry,kingofEngland,ourfather;nornowwillWilliam,kingofScotland,withdrawfromthehomagewhichhehasdoneusaslongashelives.
Moreover,William,kingofScotland,hashandedushistwodaughters,namelyMargaret,hisfirst-borndaughter,andIsabella,theother,sothatHenry,oureldestson,willmarrytheforesaidMargaretwhenhewillbenineortenyearsoldorbefore.
Andwhenhehasmarriedher,we,withinthenextyearortwoyears,willmarryofftheforesaidIsabellaatourpleasureandtoourhonourandtothatoftheforesaidkingofScotland.
AndifHenryoursondiesbeforehemarriestheforesaidMargaret,Richardoursonwillmarryher.AndifMargaretdiesbeforesheismarried,theforesaidIsabellaistobemarriedinthesamewaytoHenryourson,ortoRichardour
sonifHenryoursondiesbeforehemarriesher.
AndifWilliam,kingofScotland,dies,weandoursonsandourmenwillaidtheforesaidAlexander,hisson,asourman,inmaintaininghiminhislandandhisdignities.
Inthesameway,thekingofScotlandandhissonandhismenwillaidoursonastheirlordifwedie.
AndweandthesamekingofScotlandandoursonswillhelp
eachotherforaslongaswelive.
AndtherewillremainsavedtothekingofScotlandandhissonallhislibertiesanddignitiesandallclaimwhichthesamekingofScotlandhadinNorthumberland,WestmorlandandCumberlandandallothersuitsandclaims.
Andallillsmovedbetweenuswillceaseinperpetuitybythisagreement.
AppendixIITheCanterburyMagnaCarta
TheengrossmentofMagnaCartapreservedintheBritishLibraryandknownasCiwasgiventoSirRobertCottonin1630bySirEdwardDering.Itwas,atthetime
ofthegift,withDeringatDovercastle,wherehewaslieutenant.IhavesaidinChapter1thatinthelatethirteenthcenturyCiresidedinthearchivesofCanterburycathedral.*Theevidenceisasfollows.PreservedtothisdayinthecathedralarchivesisagreatregisterofCanterburycathedralpriory.ItisnowlabelledRegisterE.Apartfromlateradditions,RegisterEwasprobablyfinishedintheearly1290s.Thehandappearsmuchthesamedowntoadocumentdated7August1291.
Anotherdocumentdated14June1294,bycontrast,seemsalateraddition,asdoesmaterialfromthereignofEdwardII.†RegisterEischieflyconcernedwithchartersmakingconcessionstothepriory,butitalsohassomepublicdocuments,andbetweenfolios46Vand48vthereisacopyofthe1215MagnaCarta:‘cartaeiusdem[KingJohn]magnaDeRonnemed’.‡AcollationofRegisterE’sMagnaCartawithCi,asdisplayedinJohnPine’sengravingof1733,strongly
suggeststhattheonewascopiedfromtheother.ThisisbecausecertainmistakesintheRegisterEcopyoftheCharterarereadilyexplicableifthescribewascopyingfromCi,onemistake,thatexplainedunderitem3below,beingespeciallytelling.
1.Inhiscopyofchapter37oftheCharter,theRegisterscribeomittedthewordsinsquarebracketsfromthefollowingpassage:‘nonhabebimuscustodiam[heredisnecterresuequeestdefeodoalterius
occasioneilliusfeodifirmevelsocagiivelburgagiinechabebimuscustodiam]illiusfeodifirme…’.ThetextofCioffersanexplanationofwhathappenedhere,since,ifthescribehadpausedafterthefirst‘custodiam’,hiseyecouldeasilyhaveskippedonto‘illiusfeodifirme’because,inCi,the‘custodiam’before‘illiusfeodifirme’–‘custodiamilliusfeodifirme’–isatthestartofthenextline.
2.Inchapter52,theRegisterscribehaswritten‘catallis’(chattels)ratherthanthe‘castellis’(castles),foundcorrectlyintheLincoln,SalisburyandCiiengrossments.InCi,however,the‘ca’comesattheendoftheline,andthenextlinecontinueswith‘stallis’.The‘s’and‘t’,moreover,areruntogether,makingittheeasierforacopyisttoread‘catallis’.
3.Inchapter53,thecorrecttextoftheCharterread:
EundemautemrespectumhabebimuseteodemmododeiusticiaexhibendadeforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestisquasHenricuspaternostervelRicardusfraternosterafforestaverunt…
TheRegisterscribe,however,hererepeatshimselfsothetextruns:
Eundemautemrespectumhabebimuset
eodemmododeiusticiaexibendaDeforestisetafforestandisvelremansurisforestis.EundemautemrespectumhabebimuseteodemmododeiusticiaexhibendadeforestisdeafforestandisquasHenricuspaternoster…*
WhathashappenedhereseemsclearbyreferencetoCi.Therethetextjustruns:
Eundemautemrespectumhabebimus[*]deforestisdeafforestandis[*]quasHenricusPaternoster…
However,asmallsignjustaboveandbeforethe‘Eundem’,intheshapeofalinewithadiamond-likeshapedhead,indicatesthattwopassagesneedtobeinsertedintothetext.Ihaveindicatedtheplaceswheretheybelongedby[*]intheabovequotation.Thetwomissing
passagesarefoundatthebottomofCi,wherethesignreappears:
EundemautemRespectumhabebimuseteodemmododeJusticiaexhibendaDeforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis.
Hereonlythenon-underlinedwordsweremeanttobeinserted.Theunderlinedoneswerethoseinthetextprecedingtheplaceswheretheinsertionsweretogo,andwerethusincludedasfindingaids.
WhentheRegisterscribegottothissectionofCi,hecorrectlynotedthat,after‘habebimus’,heneededtobringupintohismaintextwhatwasatthebottomofCi,butinsteadofstoppingat‘exhibenda’hewentontocopythewholeofwhatfollowed–‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’–leavingouttheunderliningbutincludingthecapital‘D’in‘De’.Intheprocesshemanagedtowrite‘etafforestandis’ratherthan‘deafforestandis’.*Thescribehad,
therefore,beenalerted,byneithertheunderliningnorthecapitalin‘De’,tothefactthat‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’wasseparatefrom‘Eundemautemrespectumhabebimuseteodemmododeiusticiaexhibenda’,andwastheretodealwiththesecondomission.Thescribe’sonlyexcusewasthatatthebottomofCithe‘deiusticiaexhibenda’and‘Deforestisdeafforestandis…’didrunonwithonlyasinglelettergapbetweenthem.Havingmadehismistake,at
leastthescribeimmediatelyrecognizeditassuch,andsoughttoputmattersright.Inactualfact,hadhebeenmoreastute,hewouldhaveseenthathecouldhaveleftwellaloneandgonestraightonto‘quasHenricus…’Apartfromthecapital‘D’inthe‘De’,thepassageatthebottomofCi–‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’–withthe‘Deforestisdeafforestandis’indicatingwhere‘velremansurisforestis’shouldgo,wasexactlyhowtheCharterdidcontinue,with‘deforestis
deafforestandis’followingonimmediatelyfrom‘deiusticiaexhibenda’.Failingtoappreciatethis,thescribedecidedhismistakeneededremedy.However,perhapsunwillingtospoilthelookofhistext,orperhapsjustnotbothered,hedidnotcrossoutwhathehadwritten,orwriteanewversionoveranerasure.Instead,heleftthepassageinplace,andstartedthechapteralloveragain–‘Eundemautemrespectum…’,thuscreatingthecuriousrepetitionwehavementioned.Eventhen,thescribe
didnotgetthetextquiteright,becausethistimehefailedtoincludethe‘velremansurisforestis’ofthesecondinsertion.
4.Onesmallfinalpointrelatesnottoanymistakebuttothespellingof‘Runnymede’attheendoftheCharter.IntheRegistercopyitappearsas‘Runingmed’,justasinCi,andalsoasintheSalisburyengrossment.Cii,ontheotherhand,has‘Ronimed’andLincoln‘Runimed’.*
Thereare,therefore,goodgroundsforthinkingthatCiwasinthearchivesofCanterburycathedralinthelatethirteenthcentury,whenthecopyinRegisterEwasmadefromit.†Itsappearancein1630withDeringatDovercastleiseasilyexplained,giventhedocumentsheisknowntohavepurloinedfromCanterburycathedral.Ci’spresenceatDoverhasaccordinglynothingtodowithanyconnectionwiththeCinquePorts,asissometimessupposed.Chapter12setsoutthereasonsfor
thinkingthatCiwas,infact,theChartersenttotheCanterburydiocesein1215.‡Probablyitwaskeptfromthestartatthecathedral.Itcanhenceforthbeknownas‘theCanterburyMagnaCarta’.
THEBEGINNING
Lettheconversationbegin...
FollowthePenguinTwitter.com@penguinukbooks
Keepup-to-datewithallourstoriesYouTube.com/penguinbooks
Pin‘PenguinBooks’toyourPinterest
Like‘PenguinBooks’onFacebook.com/penguinbooks
ListentoPenguinatSoundCloud.com/penguin-books
Findoutmoreabouttheauthoranddiscovermorestorieslikethisat
Penguin.co.uk
PENGUINCLASSICSPublishedbythePenguinGroupPenguinBooksLtd,80Strand,LondonWC2R0RL,EnglandPenguinGroup(USA)Inc.,375HudsonStreet,NewYork,NewYork10014,USAPenguinGroup(Canada),90EglintonAvenueEast,Suite700,Toronto,Ontario,CanadaM4P2Y3(adivisionofPearsonPenguinCanadaInc.)PenguinIreland,25StStephen’sGreen,Dublin2,Ireland(a
divisionofPenguinBooksLtd)PenguinGroup(Australia),707CollinsStreet,Melbourne,Victoria3008,Australia(adivisionofPearsonAustraliaGroupPtyLtd)PenguinBooksIndiaPvtLtd,11CommunityCentre,PanchsheelPark,NewDelhi–110017,IndiaPenguinGroup(NZ),67ApolloDrive,Rosedale,Auckland0632,NewZealand(adivisionofPearsonNewZealandLtd)PenguinBooks(SouthAfrica)(Pty)Ltd,BlockD,RosebankOfficePark,181JanSmuts
Avenue,ParktownNorth,Gauteng2193,SouthAfrica
PenguinBooksLtd,RegisteredOffices:80Strand,LondonWC2R0RL,England
www.penguin.com
ThiseditionfirstpublishedbyPenguinClassics2015
Commentarycopyright©DavidCarpenter,2015
Theimageonthecovershowsanengravingmadein1733oftheoriginalofMagnaCarta,once
preserved,asthisbookdemonstratesforthefirsttime,atCanterburycathedral.Theshieldsinthemargins,suppliedbytheengraver,JohnPine,depictthecoatsofarmsofthebaronsappointedin1215toenforcetheCharter.TheCanterburyMagnaCarta,muchdamagedsince1733,isnowintheBritishLibrary:CottonCharterxiii.31a.TheengravingshownisoneintheBritishMuseum:1861,0513.331
Photograph©TheTrusteesoftheBritishMuseum.
Allrightsreserved
Themoralrightoftheauthorofthecommentaryhasbeenasserted
ISBN:978-0-141-96846-9
*ThefontsizedowntothispointreflectsthelargelettersandcapitalsoftheLincolnCharter’sfirstline.
†Canterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyomit‘et’.Salisburyhasit.
‡InCanterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copy,thenameofPeterfitzHerbertprecedesthatofHubertdeBurgh.SalisburyisasLincoln.
*TheLincolnhandgetsslightlysmallerfromthispointonwardsuntiltheendoftheCharter.
†Lincolndoesnothavealargecapitalforthe‘C’in‘Concessimus’,butIhavefollowedtheotherengrossments,whichdo.
*CanterburyandCiihave‘nobisrespondeant’.
†Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyinsert‘tamen’here.
‡Anemphatic‘V’onlyappearsinLincolnandthebishops’copy.
*Lincolnhas‘et’here.
*Salisburyhas‘aliterassidendo’.
†Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘lococerto’.
‡Salisburyhereomits‘et’andhas‘De’ratherthan‘de’.
*OnlySalisburycouldbereadasstartinganewchapterhere.CanterburyandCiihave‘et’.
†Canterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyhave‘judiciasufficienter’.SalisburyisasLincoln.
‡Salisburyherehas‘Nulla’ratherthan‘Nec’.
§Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyomit
‘et’.¶Canterbury,CiiandSalisburyallhave‘WapentakiietTrethingi’.Thebishops’copyfollowsLincoln.
*Salisburyomits‘nostras’.†Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘fuerit’.
‡Ciiandthebishops’copyhave‘Et’here.
§Salisburyhas‘capiet’,hereandelsewherepreferringthefutureindicativetothepresentsubjunctivefoundintheotherengrossments
andthebishops’copy:Fox,‘Originals’,p.330.
¶Salisburyplaces‘inde’after‘reddat’.
**Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhavehere‘exercitu’.Salisburyalsoplaces‘fuerit’after‘exercitu’.
††Salisburyhas‘capiet’.
*Salisburyrunsstraightonherewith‘nec’.
†Salisburyhas‘illius’.‡Salisburyomits‘de’.§Canterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyinsert‘de’before‘Medewaye’.SalisburyisasLincoln.
¶Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyput‘possit’after‘amittere’.
**Salisburyomits‘mensura’.
*Alltheengrossmentsandthebishops’copystartanewchapterhere.
†Salisburyhas‘vel’.‡Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘de’here.
§Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyadd‘et’here.
*Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyread‘nobisaliudservitium’.
†Ciihas‘Et’here.‡Salisburyinserts‘vel’here.
*Above‘deleantur’inCanterburythereisasignintheformofalinewithadiamond-likeshapeattheendthatrefersdowntothefootoftheCharterwherewefindthesamesignfollowedby‘deleanturpereosdemitaquodnoshocsciamuspriusvelJusticiariusnostersiinAnglianonfuerimus’,the
passage‘pereosdem…fuerimus’havingbeenomittedinthetext.Theunderliningofpassagessoastodrawattentiontothemwascommonpractice,andwashereemployedtohelpmarktheplacewheretheinsertionshouldgo.Thepassage‘pereosdem…fuerimus’isalsoaddedatthefootof
Cii,havinglikewisebeenomittedfromthetext,althoughthe‘per’seemsnowlostasisanysignof‘deleantur’.
†CanterburyandCii(inthepassagetheyaddatthebottom)andSalisburyandthebishops’copyplace‘prius’after‘sciamus’.
‡Salisburyinserts‘nos’here.
§Atyesandthenamesthatfollowarespeltinavarietyofdifferentways.
¶Ciihas‘PetrumetGionemetAndream’.
**Lincolnandthebishops’copyhave‘et’here.Canterbury,SalisburyandCiihave‘Et’,althoughonlyinthelasttwodoesitsuggestanewchapterorsubsectionofachapter.
††Canterburyhas‘castallis’.‡‡Salisburyhas‘fiet’.
*InCanterbury,thereisanothersignintheformofalinewithadiamond-likeshapeattheendabove‘Eundem’.ItrefersdowntothefootoftheCharterwherewefindthesamesignfollowedby‘EundemautemRespectumhabebimus,eteodemmododeJusticiaexhibenda’,‘et…exhibenda’havingbeen
omittedfromthetext.Thesamepassage‘Eundem…exhibenda’appearsatthefootofCii,wherethereisthesameomission.
†AtthefootofCanterbury,inthePineengraving,wefind‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’,‘velremansurisforestis’havingbeenomittedfromthetext.
Indrawingattentiontotheomission,Canterburyreliesonthesignatthestartofthechapterbefore‘Eundem’(seenoteabove).‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’alsoappearsatthefootofCii,‘velremansurisforestis’havinglikewisebeenomittedfromthetext.InCanterbury‘Deforestis
deaffore’wasactuallydestroyedbythefireof1731andwassuppliedinthePineengravingbyreferencetoCii;seeBLCottonCharterXIII31b;andabove,pp.15–16.
*HereandelsewhereSalisburyrenders‘vigintiquinque’as‘xxv’.Italsoplaces‘eisdem’after‘xxv’.
†Salisburyhas‘substituentur’.
‡InCanterbury,above‘suorum’,thereisasign—..thatrefersdowntotheright-handfootofthedocumentwherewefindmarkedoutbyasimilar
sign‘pariumsuoruminAngliavelinWallia’,‘inAngliavelinWallia’havingbeenomittedfromthetext.
§Salisburyhas‘Walensis’andomits‘velelongatus’.
¶Salisburyhas‘Wallie’.
*Salisburyhas‘eius’not‘ipsius’.
†Canterburyhas‘concessissimus’.Salisbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyareasLincoln.
‡Salisburyplaces‘observent’after‘quantumadsepertinet’.
§Salisburyhas‘firmaetintegra’.
¶Above‘gaudere’inCanterbury,thereisasign∴referringdowntotheright-handfootoftheCharter,wherewefindmarkedoutbyasimilarsign‘gaudereinperpetuum’,‘inperpetuum’havingbeenomittedfromthetext.InthePineengraving,‘gaudere’isnothereunderlined.Salisbury
alsohas‘gaudereinperpetuum’asopposedto‘inperpetuumgaudere’.
**‘eligant’appearsinCanterbury,Salisbury,Ciiandthebishops’copy.
††‘accedant’appearsinCanterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copy.SalisburyisasLincoln.
*Salisburyadds‘et’here.†Salisburyhas‘justiciariisnostris’.
‡Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyalladd‘illam’after‘causam’.
§‘illis’isomittedinCanterburyandSalisbury.
¶Acapital‘S’marksoutthe‘Scilicet’inSalisbury.
**Salisburyhas‘predictis’before‘xxv’(itsrendering
of‘vigintiquinque’).Thebishops’copyabsurdlyreads‘voluerint’ratherthan‘noluerint’.
††Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘predictis’here.
‡‡Thebishops’copyhas‘possint’.
§§‘illis’ratherthan‘predictis’appearsinthebishops’copy.
*Thebishops’copyhas‘vel’not‘et’.
†Lincolndoesnotbeginanewsectionhere.
‡Thebishops’copyhas‘huius’not‘eiusdem’.
§SalisburyomitsHenry,archbishopofDublin.
¶Salisburyhas‘illa’.
*Salisburyomits‘et’andhas‘omnes’after‘concessiones’.
†Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘observabuntur’.
‡InLincolnthewordsfrom‘Quintodecimo’arespacedoutsoastofillthewholeofthelastline.Ciihas‘Decimoseptimo’.
*OnthebackoftheLincolnCharter,inthebottomleft-andthebottomright-handcorners,thewordLINCOLNIAappearsincapitallettersprobablyinthesamehandasthatwhichwrotethebodyoftheCharter.Alsowrittenonthebackinacontemporaryhandis‘ConcordiainterRegem
JohannemetBaronesperconcessionemlibertatumecclesieetregnianglie’,‘TheConcordbetweenKingJohnandtheBaronsinreturnfortheconcessionofthelibertiesofthechurchandthekingdomofEngland’.
*Forthecartulary,seeDavis,Breay,HarrisonandSmith,MedievalCartularies,p.41,no.195.
†IamgratefultoTeresaWebberforadviceaboutthehand.
‡Ihopetocommentonthisonalateroccasion.
§ItisprintedinF,p.140,fromtheStAugustine’s
cartularyBLCottonJuliusDii.
¶IamgratefultoHenrySummersonforhelpwithboththetranscriptionandthetranslationoftheletter.
*Agapofaboutfourcharactershasbeenleftbetween‘erit’and‘ix’.
†ThewordsIhaveputwithinbracketsareunderlinedfordeletion.
*Seeabove,p.16.†CanterburyCathedralArchives,RegisterE,fos.56–59v.ThereisthesamebreakinRegisterA,atfos.152–153v.WhatarenowRegistersAtoDbeganlifeasacontemporaryduplicateofRegisterE.Theduplicatewasbrokenupintoseparatevolumes,aftertheinsertionofalarge
amountoflatermaterial.SomematerialwasalsolostintheprocessandRegistersAtoDhavenocopyofthe1215MagnaCarta.ForalltheCanterburyregisters,seeDavis,Breay,HarrisonandSmith,MedievalCartularies,pp.36–40,withEasno.168andAtoDasnos.169–72.Iam
mostgratefultoCressidaWilliams,theCanterburycathedralandcityarchivist,forsendingmeimagesofthefoliosinRegisterEcontainingthecopyofMagnaCarta.
‡‘cartaeiusdem’referstothechartercopiednext,abovewhichisJohn’scharterconcedingthechurchfreedomofelections.Iam
citingherethepencilnumberingofthefolios.
*The‘exibenda’and‘exhibenda’isasperthescribe.
*Inthepassage‘[Deforestisdeaffore]standisvelremansurisforestis’atthebottomofCi,thesectionIhaveputbetweensquarebracketswasdamagedbythefireof1731,andwassuppliedinthePineengravingbyreferencetoCii,theotherengrossmentpossessedbytheBritishMuseum,wherethesame
omissioninthetextwascorrectedinthesamewaywith‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’appearingatthebottomofthedocument.(BLCottonCharterXIII31brecordsthedamageinthefireandthenumberoflettersthathadtobesuppliedbyreferencetoCii.Seealso
above,p.15–16andnote40.)IfIamrightinthinkingthatEwasindeedcopiedfromCi,thenEconfirmsthatthesectionatCi’sfootdidindeedstart‘Deforestis’.E’s‘etafforestandis’,ratherthan‘deafforestandis’,avariantthatmakesnosense,wouldseemsimplytobeacarelessmistake.
*CiiisalsoseparatedfromCiandtheRegistercopybyhavingthepeopleinchapter50listedinadifferentorder,with‘Andream[deCancellis]’comingfourthratherthansecond.EdoesnotrepeatCanterbury’smistaken‘concessissimus’inchapter60,havingcorrectly‘concessimus’.
†Thereisanearliercopyofthe1215ChartermadeatCanterburycathedralpriory.Thisisfoundamongamiscellaneouscollectionofmaterial,relatedtothepriory,whichwaswrittenupduringthearchbishopricofRobertKilwardby(1273–8).Thefoliosweresubsequentlyboundupwithlater
materialtoformwhatisnowBLGalbaEiii.(SeeDavis,Breay,HarrisonandSmith,MedievalCartularies,no.182.)ThecopyoftheCharterisfoundbetweenfos.72vand80.ItseemslikelythatittoowascopiedfromCi,butsincethescribeavoidedthesametellingmistakes,thereisnomeans
ofproof.Itisworthnoting,however,thattheGalbacopy,likeCiandRegisterE,has‘Runingmed’.
‡Seeabove,pp.373–9.