MADHHAB AHL AL-BAYT IN NUSANTARA: THE PAST AND PRESENT Umar Faruk Assegaf The presence of Shi’ism 1 , the so-called Madhhab Ahl Al-Bayt, in Indonesia in the past has always been a contentious issue among historians and scholars of Islam. The main reason is that, this subject is pertaining to the ongoing hot debate about the Islamisation process in the first period in the region. The process was in fact very complex because it was mainly related to the different historical perspectives of how, when and by whom Islam was first introduced into the archipelago. The Islamisation process might presumably be carried out by ulamas (Islamic scholars) with different Islamic school of thoughts, including Sunnism and Shi’ism. Some researchers like Baroroh Baried, M Yunus Jamil, A Hasyim (Hasymi 1983), asserted that Shi’ism had played a major role within early period of the introduction of Islam into Indonesia (Azra 2000). For instance, they found that Shi’ism had ever emerged as strong political power in the archipelago and Shi’ism and Sunnism had engaged in 1 In this paper, the term of Shi’ism indicates denomination in contrast with Sunnism while Shi‘I refers to a follower or devotee in singular form and its plural one is Shi’is. The term Shi‘i is used both as adjective and noun.
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MADHHAB AHL AL-BAYT IN NUSANTARA: THE PAST AND PRESENT
Umar Faruk Assegaf
The presence of Shi’ism1, the so-called Madhhab Ahl Al-Bayt, in Indonesia in the past
has always been a contentious issue among historians and scholars of Islam. The main reason is
that, this subject is pertaining to the ongoing hot debate about the Islamisation process in the first
period in the region. The process was in fact very complex because it was mainly related to the
different historical perspectives of how, when and by whom Islam was first introduced into the
archipelago.
The Islamisation process might presumably be carried out by ulamas (Islamic scholars)
with different Islamic school of thoughts, including Sunnism and Shi’ism. Some researchers like
Baroroh Baried, M Yunus Jamil, A Hasyim (Hasymi 1983), asserted that Shi’ism had played a
major role within early period of the introduction of Islam into Indonesia (Azra 2000). For
instance, they found that Shi’ism had ever emerged as strong political power in the archipelago
and Shi’ism and Sunnism had engaged in an acute power competition within the corresponding
period (Hasymi 1983) . By contrast, researchers like Hamka and Azyumadi Azra and Saifuddin
Zuhri, rejected those views saying they were baseless due to the absence of convincing evidences
and any reliable references. He asserted that the influence of Shi’ism in the process of
Islamisation in Indonesia and the Southeast Asia region was even more controversial.
Nevertheless, Azra maintained that, as religious political ideology Shi’ism never existed
in Indonesia during the first introduction of Islam in the country but admitted that a “Persian
influence” in cultural and religious matters was undeniable.
1 In this paper, the term of Shi’ism indicates denomination in contrast with Sunnism while Shi‘I refers to a follower or devotee in singular form and its plural one is Shi’is. The term Shi‘i is used both as adjective and noun.
The Persian influence in the Nusantara Archipelago could early been identified in
Ayuthia, Thailand during “the Age of Commerce” from 15 to 17th century (Reid 1988) . Persian
Muslim Shi’is frequented to trade offices in Thailand. The interaction between the Muslim
traders and local people, not only brought about positive impacts on local financial sector, but
also on the socio-religious discourses into the region. During that period, the Shi’i Muslims had
great influence on the local kingdom, which was reigned by Prasat Thong. Ibnu Muhammad in
his book “The Ship of Sulaiman” even more said that the Shi’i Muslims helped out King of
Siam Prasat Thong’s son, Narai, organize the annual Hasan-Hussein feast during the Islamic
month of Muharram, the month which is considered holy in Shi’ism (Mu*hammad Rab*i* ibn
Mu*hammad 1972).
The view of Persian influence was also supported by Arnold T Walker. Having observed
the robust growth of Islam in the coastal areas of Java and Sumatra at the end of 14 century, he
strongly believes that the introduction of Islam into Indonesia was under the influence of Persian
and Indian culture with the banner of Shi’ism (Arnold 1913: 368, 83). Undoubtedly, this view is
easily dismissed and clearly left a big question behind: is the Persian influence meaning the
dissemination of Shi’ism as religious ideology or not?
The Sufi Theory
With regard to the Shi’ism presence in Indonesia in the past, there was a popular
assumption, if not sufficient to call it a theory, among historians and researchers is that Shi’ism
came to Indonesia through Sufism. This assumption was closely allied with a theory proposed by
AH Johns. He writes that the spread of Islam in Indonesia was mainly carried out by Sufi (Johns
1961). Of course, this is very controversial issue throughout the history and obviously needs
further elaboration to answer a series of questions which subsequently arise in this respect. What
is the relationship between Shi’ism and Sufism? What the elements of Shi’ism influence
Sufism?. What sort or branch of Sufism which brought Shi’ism along when entering Indonesia?
In a bid to answer to the above questions, it is important firstly to elaborate “the Sufi
theory”. Johns believes in contrast to the theory emphasizing on trade activities carried out by
local people and visiting Muslim merchants, the coming of Islam to the archipelago was
successfully carried out by Sufis. His theory was also supported by other scholars like Fatimi and
Azra. He further said:
It (Sufism) was directly involved in the spread of Islam to Indonesia, it played a
significant part of this social organization of the Indonesian port towns and it was the
specific nature of Sufism which facilitated the absorption of non-muslim communities into
fold of Islam.(Johns 1961)
Although the Muslim traders had regularly visited Indonesia as of 8th century, the wide
spread of Islam in the region only gained its momentum during 13th century. This was because of
the fact that the Sufism did not appears to be a significant influencing factor in the Muslim world
until the fall of Baghdad to the Mongols in 1258. Citing Gibbs, Johns underscores that, after the
fall of the Caliphate, the Sufis played an increasingly role in preserving the unity of the Islamic
world, counteracting the tendency of the territories of the Caliphate to divide into Arabic, Persian
and Turkish linguistic regions (Johns 1961). In addition, Escaping from Mongols onslaught, the
Sufi missionaries were forced to leave Baghdad off to the east where they could develop their
orientation (Koentjaraningrat 1984). In addition, Johns describes:
“they were peripatetic preachers ranging over the whole known world, voluntarily
espousing poverty; they were frequently associated with trade or craft guilds, according
to the order (tariqa) to which they belonged; they taught a complex syncretic theosophy
largely familiar to the Indonesians, but which was subordinate to, although an
enlargement on the fundamental dogmas of Islam; they were proficient in magic and
possessed powers of healing; and not least, consciously or unconsciously, they were
prepared to preserve continuity with the past, and to use the terms and elements of pre-
Islamic culture in an Islamic context (Johns 1961) .
The spectacular spread of Islam in 13th century in the region was inseparable to particular
approaches applied by Sufi which were typically flexible and in what Johns said: “a
characteristic of the Sufi Apostolate was a readiness to build on the past and to enroll elements
of local belief and custom into the service of Islam”. (Johns 1961).
As Sufism is assumed to be a driving force of the Islamisation process in the Malay-
archipelago, some scholars speculate that Shi’ism came into Indonesia through Sufism
mainstream where the influence of both Sunni and Shi’i are converging (Azra 2000). In this
regard, Christoph Marcinkowski asserted that Shi’i Islam has a long-standing historical footing
in what is now Indonesia. "Philosophical Sufism" and Wujudiyyah Tarekat2, as well as certain
aspects of classical Malay literature, such as the hikayat genre, according to him, had strong Shi’i
undercurrents as well (Marcinkowski 2008).
For instance, Hamzah Fansuri (1593), a North Sumatran mystic and poet, gained
enlightenment through the Wujudiyyah Tarekat in Ayuthia where Shi’i rulers ever reigned
((Drewes and Brakel 1986). He eventually embraced a particular formulation of Sufi theosophy,
based on Ibn Arabi’s tradition which may be included Shi’i elements.
Actually, this controversial pantheism was initially established by Al Hallaj (244/858-
309/921), which was later on adopted by Ibn Arabi, Muhyyidin Abu Abdallah Muhammad
2Wujudiyyah or Wahdatul Wujud (the "Unity of Being") is a Sufi philosophy stressing that ‘there is no true existence except the Ultimate Truth (God).
Hatemi At Tha’i (560/165-638/240). Louis Massignon in his 4 volume books about Al Hallaj,
writes that Al Hallaj was strongly influenced by Shi’ism. Under the Caliphate Abbassyiah Al
Muktadirbillah, he was allegedly accused of triggering public unrest by promoting the doctrine
of “Da’wa Rububiya”, meaning the supreme power of God would only be invested through the
prophets and Imams to establish government states. Such as the theory, according to Massignon,
is no doubt about its Shi’i origin (Massignon 1982). In conformity, Hamka also attributed the
doctrine of Al Hallaj to Ismailite of Shi’ism, commonly called Bathiniyah which upholds the
belief that the universe was controlled by “Imamul Ghaib” (the Hidden Imam) (Hamka 1962).
However, Hamka later revised his view by adding that Sufism at the time it spread in Indonesia
was in accordance with Sunnism (Hamka 1976).
The doctrine of the Hidden Imam, what the so-called as Imam Mahdi by Sunnism and
Imam Zaman by Shi’ism, and his eventual return to the world constitutes a basic belief in
Shi’ism. The Sufi doctrine of Imam Mahdi was propagated by Ibn Arabi in chapter 366 of his
Al-futuhat Al Makkiyah. (Gibb The Encyclopaedia of Islam)).
Some years following the Ibn Arabi era, this view was further developed within the Sufi
circle which are mostly of Shi’i schools of taught. In contrast, Sunni theologians have never been
attracted so much on this belief. They accept the concept of Imam Mahdi with caution and
suspicion (Eliade and Adams The Encyclopedia of religion). Al Ghazali, for instance, did not
write much about this belief. Distinctively, such a messianic belief is in fact still common in the
Muslim community in Indonesia. More interestingly, rather similar messianic belief was also
well-known within Hinduism which was prevalent in Indonesia during pre-Islamic era.
Therefore, the root of messianic belief in the Indonesian society might indirectly also
give the pathway for the successful process of Islamisation in Indonesia. In short, we can
speculate that the Sufi propagators at that time might inclusively adopt the local Hindu-based
tradition of messianism or even more possibly apply the concept of Ibn Al Arabi of Shi’ism. Of
course, these possibilities confined with the basic characteristics of Sufi which is the flexible and
opened-minded as being described by Johns, Shihab, Azra and Fatimi (Shihab 2001).
Having said that Shi’i cultural and religious traditions was already famous among local
people since 15 century, it is safe to say that Shi’ism as an Islamic school of thought or a
religious doctrine was not as popularly acceptable as Sunnism in Indonesia3. This could be seen
that the development of Shi’ism in the country underwent “a stage of quietism” until the Islamic
revolution of Iran in 1979 when the global Islamic revivalism has been commencing to flourish.
In modern Indonesia, some Shi’I cultural and religious aspects has so far been underway
a process of syncretism with local culture. This process is easily observable in a number of
religious symbols and practices in Indonesia. Even until nowadays, these practices are still vivid
in Muslim community in Indonesia. Some are regarded as traditional and cultural events,
commonly performed by Indonesian people such as Acara Tabot in Bengkulu and Bulan Suro in
Java, or the same kind of rituals are also found in Ternate, Maluku.
Tabot is a communal ceremony (ritual) to honor Imam Hussein, the second imam in
Shi’ism, Hussein was cruelly killed in Karbala. The word of Tabot is derived from an Arabic
word “tabut” which literally means “woden box” or “case”. The procession of ritual is taking
place about 10 days in Month of Muharram (the Islamic lunar calendar). Especially in Bengkulu,
3 Ironically, many propagators of Islam in Indonesia in the past who have Shiite inspired doctrine, like Hamzah Fansuri and his students, Siti Syekh Jenar, one of nine Wali Songo, were accused to promote deviant Islamic teachings. Even more, some of them were prosecuted and bunt alive. In this regard, I am of the opinion that this pressure and accusation have in turn brought negative impacts on the developments of Shi’ism in the following era. Therefore, I assumed that followers of such a teaching would probably feel traumatic and frightened to publicly exercise their beliefs.
Tabot has completely blended to be a local tradition. This ritual is also found in Pariaman dan
Padang, West Sumatera and also in Ternate, Maluku (Kuncaraningrat 1990). As no strong
written evidences when Tabot ritual began to be known in Bengkulu and West Sumatera, it was
said that Tabot was introduced by British soldiers called Sipahi, or Sepoy4. They are Muslim
soldiers of Indian origin, hired by Sir Stanford Raffles to fortify British rule in the region
(Sumbar 1982). The procession of this ceremony was called Ashura.
Ashura is significant distinctiveness of Shi’ism. This central beliefs of Shi’i community
is Karbala tragedy where, Hussein, the third Imam of Shi’ism and the grandson of the Prophet,
killed brutally by Yazid of Umayyads. This happened precisely on October 10, 680 (Muharram
10, 61 AH). At the time, Yazid was in power, seeking the Bay'ah (allegiance) from Hussein.
The drama actually began when Hussein and his group, including companions and family
members of no more than 100 men, was intercepted on their way to Kufa, Iraq, by a large army
of about 100.000 strong-men of Yazid. At this stage, Husayn was forced to give his Bay’ah for
Yazid but refused it. Consequently, in an unbalanced fighting, Hussein and all of his men were
killed and their bodies, including that of Hussein, were mutilated. This day was commemorated
by Shi’i followers as a sad event, which is commonly called Ashura.
Ashura is of particular significance to Shi’i Muslim all over the world. A quite few of
them would make pilgrimages to the Mashhad al-Hussein, the shrine in Karbala, Iraq that is
Hussein's tomb. On this day, all Shi’i followers are wearing mourning attire, mostly black in
color. They refrain themselves from music because it is a time for sorrow, respect of the demise
and self reflection. They express mourning by crying as well as listening to poems about the
tragedy. All of these activities are intended to connect them with Hussein's suffering and his
4 Sepoy is (from the Persian word سپاهی Sipahi meaning "soldier’ ) is native of India. Muslim soldier allied to British power.
that both ceremonies have the same root of culture. It is true, I have to underscore here that the
Tabot festival in Indonesia has been undergoing a socio-cultural transformation which might
cause it loose its religious meaning but as a cultural festival, it is still popular performed by local
people.
In addition to Tabot, some ritual East Java, like “secret ritual” (sedekah sirr) and some
religious recitation (dzikir) which are usually performed and read between Isya (evening) prayer
up to midnight, are thought to be parts of the Shi’i aspects. The recitation (dzikir) Five of the
Cloak5 especially, means that they have five people who can help them out of the hellfire in the
day of Judgement, namely, Al Mustafa (the Prophet), Al Murtada (Ali ibn Abi Talib), the two
siblings (Hasan dan Hussien) and the daughter (Fatima). The dzikir is read loudly by a group of
Muslims which definitely claim themselves as Sunni (Karim 2007). Indeed, accurately
Marcinkowski describes this situation with the statement as “Shi’i-inspired festivals are still
encountered in the Archipelago, even if many of their mostly Sunnite participants might not be
aware of their origins or connotations” (Marcinkowski 2008).
The participation of Sunni followers in some Shi’i inspired activities was also admitted
by Azra. In an interview with a researcher which was conducted Jakarta in 1998, Azra admitted
that some groups of the Tareqat Mu’tabaroh of Sunnism (Sunni major branch of Sufism) has an
intimate relationship with that of Shi’ism, especially regarding the admiration to Hasan and
Husayn (grandsons of the Prophet) (Basyar 1999).
Considering the above explanation, it is not an exaggeration to say that cultural aspects of
Shi’ism have been present in parts of Indonesia long before the Islamic Revolution of Iran in
979. Nevertheless, it is true that it would be difficult to ascertain the presence of Shi’i religiosity
5 This dzikir is based on the most widespread tradition of the Prophet (hadist), accepted by both Sunni as well Shia, in relation to the interpretation of Al Qur’an (33:33) which is the so-called Hadist Al Kisa’, futher explanation about this see, Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Encyclopaedia of the Qur’an, volume four, pp 50.
in Indonesia just only looking at the Shi’i-inspired festive. This implies that there is hardly
evidence to support that Shi’ism has ever been a strong religious political orientation in
Indonesia in the past. However, it is also improper to deny that Shi’ism has culturally been
existing in the archipelago for as long as 15th century.
Contemporary Indonesia
During 1970s, a series of successes has been taking place in the Muslim world during
1970s such as the 1973 Egyptian-Israeli War, the Arab oil embargo as well as the 1979 Islamic
Iranian Revolution. “These successes of the seventies resonated with an idealized perception of
early Islam…” (Esposito 1992). In addition, a number of social and political events have also
been underway, including the imposition of Islamic law in Pakistan and Libya, the Islamic
opposition movements in Egypt and Turkey as well as Muslim movement against Soviet
invasion in Afghanistan. Other similar events related to this encouraging development have been
also in progress in Algeria, Tunisia, Sudan, Morocco and Malaysia.
Certainly, these events created a great expectation among Muslims that an Islamic
reawakening era was emerging. These events have boosted the spirit of Islamic revivalism
sweeping all over the Muslim world, including Indonesia.
The late twentieth century revivalist spirit prevalent simultaneously in most Muslim
countries was similar in a number of ways. In spite of a long and an endless argument on
definition of the Islamic revivalism among social scientists, to my understanding, it was basically
inspired by a single conception that was “Islam is a complete system of life theologically and
politically”. However, admittedly, in many cases, this spirit successfully restored credibility to
Islam as a code of life superior to other ideologies, at once weakened the influence of the West
up on young Muslims and helped to limit the influence of Western ideas and culture. Indeed, as
Esposito described, that this revival spirit led to a higher profile of Islam in Muslim politics and
society.
The indices of Islamic reawakening in personal life are many: increased attention to
religious observances (mosque attendance, prayer, fasting), proliferation of religious
programming and publication, more emphasis upon Islamic dress and values and the
revitalization of Sufism (Von Der Mehden 1990).
Inescapably, the Islamic movements in Indonesia during 1970s also followed the global
trends. The spirit of global Islamic revivalism not only gave great impetus to the Islamic
movements in Indonesia but also brought positive impact on social religious activities as well as
personal life of each Muslims in the country.
Meanwhile, in contrary to the global trends, the Islamic activism in Indonesia during the
corresponding period was marked with a feeling of disappointment. Muslim community in
Indonesia was frustrated with a series of political failures since the defeat of Masyumi Party 6 up
to the general elections 1971 and 1977. The dismay of Islamic activists reached its peak when
the New Order regime introduced Pancasila as the only one basis for mass-organizations. As the
effect, many Islamic political elite changed strategically their struggle and social role from
political into cultural interest. They tended to choose education or social foundation, for instance,
instead of political parties in a bid to articulate their existing aspirations. Majority of the
Indonesian Islamic community no longer regarded political participation as the only one pathway
to contribute for the benefit of the nation and the religion.
6 Masyumi Party (Partai Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia) (Council of Indonesian Muslim Associations) was a major Islamic political party during 1950s. It included the Islamic organizations such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. Masyumi came second in the 1995 election. It won 7,903,886 votes, representing 20.9% of the popular vote, resulting in 57 seats in parliament. In 1958, some Masyumi members joined a rebellion against the incumbent President Sukarno. As a result, in 1960 Masyumi was banned.
During that period, there was a phenomenon of the emergence and development of
various Islamic movements in the country such as Hizbut Tahrir, Tarbiyah Islamiyah, Jamaah
Tabligh and Darul Arqam. These movements, not attached to formal Islamic organizations, were
mostly pioneered by young intellectual Muslims and some of them were even called
underground movements. (Rosyad 1995).
Like other Islamic movements in Indonesia, such as Muhammadiyah and PERSIS which
were deeply influenced by international developments, Shi’ism has been early growing in
Indonesia. It has gone along with other Islamic strands in Indonesia as the effects of the dynamic
spirit of Islamic revivalism during the beginning of the 15th century of Islamic calendar
(hijriah), which was expected to be ‘the Century of Islamic Resurgence’ (Abad Kebangkitan
Islam).
Undeniably, as one the striking experiences in the Muslim world, the Islamic Revolution
of Iran in 1979 has further influenced not only Islamic activists in Indonesia but, indeed, also
throughout the globe (Von Der Mehden 1990). Particularly, Khomeini, a prominent Islamic
scholar of Iran who led the revolution had been successful in creating a state based on Islamic
ideology. Not surprisingly, this revolution greatly attracted the attention of Indonesian Muslim
scholars.
Having observed the Khomeini’s success in Iran, Indonesian Muslims intellectuals and
politicians were amazed and motivated to imitate him in search for a new political posture in the
country. Seemingly, Indonesian activists found an alternative, if not a cure for their political
disappointment, in the Islamic Revolution in Iran.
The impact of the Islamic revolution in Iran on the early development of Islamic youth
resurgence movement are clear despite the fact that the revolution in Iran was a
revolution of the Shiite (Shi'ah) Muslims. It is a quite interesting fact that regardless of
differences, Indonesian Sunni Muslims accepted revolutionary ideas from the Shi' ite
Muslims in Iran. (Rosyad 1995)
Of course, as normally and traditionally happening in the first stage of its development,
any Islamic movement spread its influence through academic discussions in campuses.
Academics and learned-people sphere become nursery and fertile ground for the early
development of Islamic movement (Fox 2004). Some religious discussions were held in secular
campuses. In short, despite censorship imposed by the New Order regime, secular campuses, like
ITB (Institute of Technology Bandung) and University of Indonesia (UI), served as good
breeding grounds for almost all of the Islamic movements during the corresponding period. For
instance, ITB’s mosque Salman, was regularly become the venue for Muslim students to gather
and discuss socio-religious issues.
Thus, the spread of Shi’ism in Indonesia at that time occurred on university campuses,
and one of the most important factors behind this phenomenon was the spread of Islamic
literature. (Azra et al. 2006). Over the last decades of the twentieth century, a boom in religious
publication enterprises became visible through the appearance of translations of numerous works
of Islamic thinkers from outside Indonesia, including like Muhammad Iqbal, Maududi, and
Fazlur Rahman. Over the 1980s there was also a strong growth in the number of Indonesian
translations of the works of Ali Shari’ati, Sayyid Tabataba’i and Ayatollah Mutahhari, Khomeini
and other Shi’i thinkers. Through such translations, the influence of Shi’i thought was to surface
in a wide variety of intellectual currents of the Indonesian Islamic discourse (Van Bruinessen
2002).
“The ideas that made perhaps the strongest intellectual impact, however, were those of
the Iranian thinkers Ali Shari`ati and, a few years later, Murtaza Mutahhari. These two authors
appealed especially strongly to students and young intellectuals. Their attraction was in part due,
no doubt, to their association with the Iranian revolution, which fascinated many young
Indonesians,” Martin van Bruinessen said. He asserted that students and the gradually emerging
Muslim middle class showed a great eagerness for Islamic reading, numerous discussion circles
were formed where books were critically discussed.
Works by, and studies on, the great Sufis and Muslim philosophers were translated, and a
growing number of Indonesian Muslim intellectuals published collections of their lectures,
speeches and sermons — oral communication remains the primary form — as books, which
found an avid readership.
One of the most significant manifestations of this era was the flourishing of Islamic
intellectual discourses and the emergence of young Muslim intellectuals, especially on university
campuses. In his book, Muslim Legal Thought in Modern Indonesia, Michael Feener has pointed
out that despite the Suharto government’s political pressure concerning the effects of Iran’s
Islamic revolution in Indonesia, the influence of Iranian Muslim thought was clearly visible
among young students in the years following the 1979 Iranian revolution (Feener 2007). Indeed,
a number of Indonesian students were clearly and increasingly inclined towards Shi’ism at that
time. Most of them graduated from Western-style educational institutions, and as a result of
coming from such a background they became successful in introducing Shi’ism to the educated
Indonesian middle class. In addition to seminars and discussions, they also encouraged the
translation and publication of Shi’i thinkers’ books as a part of their contributions to the
dissemination of Shi’ism.
This group capitalized on deep transformations in Muslims’ attitudes and understandings
of ‘Islamic activism’ occurring in the 1980s–1990s. If previously, political involvement was seen
as the only way to contribute to the benefit of the nation and of religion, at this point in time,
cultural interests, intellectual debates and philosophy gained a new position, as important loci of
Islamic revival (Djamaluddin Malik 1998). In addition, a hallmark of this new mode of Islamic
revival, was the emphasis placed upon putting aside religious fanaticism and myopic views on
various religious matters to develop, instead, an attitude of openness, and the spread of a popular
motto of non-sectarianism (Feener 2007).
An exemplary figure of this phenomenon is Jalaluddin Rakhmat, a lecturer at Universitas
Pajajaran (Pajajaran University, UNPAD) in Bandung, West Java. In 1988, together with his
colleagues, Haidar Bagir, Ahmad Tafsir, Agus Effendi and Ahmad Muhajir, he established the
Muthahhari Foundation in Bandung, which was an institution that focused on da’wa and
publishing. Since 1992 the foundation has expanded its scope to include the establishment of
high schools across Java 7. Since the 1980s, Jalaluddin Rakhmat has been widely recognised as
the most active intellectual in spreading Shi’ismon campuses and more broadly to the educated
middle class of Indonesian Muslims. In the post-Suharto era Rakhmat also took leadership of the
Shi’a community by establishing the Ikatan Jamaah Ahlul Bayt Indonesia (IJABI). Other campus
figures incline toward Shi’isminclude Dimitri Mahayana (a lecturer at Institute of Technology
Bandung (ITB) and former chairman of IJABI), Hadi Swastio (a lecturer at the Communication
College and former general secretary of IJABI) and Yusuf Bakhtiar (formerly, a deputy chief of
Muthahhari Senior High School, and currently, a political activist in Amien Rais’ National
7These high schools are well known as senior highs schools plus. The attribute, ‘plus’, is used because its programmes combine a number of subjects from the national curriculum with Islamic teachings and a focus on fostering moral conduct. See SMA Plus Muthahhari, available online at: http://www.smuth.net/ (last accessed 26 May 10).
Mandate Party), as well as Sayuti Asshatri in University of Indonesia (UI), Agus Abu Bakar
(UI)8, Zulvan Lindan (University of Jayabaya) and Haidar Bagir (ITB).
Hawza
Another major stream in the development of Shi’ism in modern Indonesia has flowed
through the more traditional institutions of Islamic education, including that of the Shi’i hawza.
Since the 1960s, there has been an increasingly active exchange of visits between Iranian-style
pesantern, the so-called hawzas, and various Indonesian pesantren. For example, in 1962 a
leading Shi’i scholar from Iraq, Muhammad Reza Ja’fari, came to Indonesia to visit the al-
Khairiyya school in Bondowoso, and to meet local Muslim leaders such as Hussein al-Habsyi
(1921–1994). The discussion lasted for four days, and following that event, some teachers
converted to Shi’ism (Zulkifli 2009). This relationship between hawza and Indonesian pesantren
intensified after the Revolution in 1979. Despite the mounting political pressure of the Suharto
regime, this sort of exchanges continued during the 1980s in connection with the Iranian ulamas’
mission of exporting the principles of the Islamic revolution. These connections contributed
greatly to the dissemination of Shi’ism in Indonesia, as the increasing familiarity of local ulama
with their Shi’i counterparts overseas made it possible to dispatch Indonesian students to hawzas
in Iran. In this regard, two Hadrami Arabs of the most important figures were Ahmad al-Habsyi
(d. 1994), leader of Pesantren ar-Riyadh in Palembang (South Sumatra), and Hussein al-Habsyi,
who established the Yayasan Pesantren Islam at Bangil (East Java) in 1976.
8 Agus Abubakar Arsal Al-Habsyi was born in Makassar, South Sulawesi, on 6 August 1960, to a Hadrami migrant family. He was a Shi’i student well-known in the early 1980s, and was active at the Arif Rahman Hakim Mosque of the UI. He was a student at the Physics Department. His intensive learning of Shi<i teachings took place at the university. He was also familiar with Shi’ism, as it was known before the Iranian revolution, due to the existence of some Shi’is in a village in South Sulawesi, who also acted as factors in his conversion. See Zulkifli, The Struggle of the Shi’is in Indonesia (Leiden: 2009).
Ahmad al-Habsyi, in Palembang, had established early contacts with hawzas in Iran, and
had sent his students Umar Shahab and Hussein Shahab to study in Qum in 1974 and 1979,
respectively (Ali 2002). The activities of Hussein al-Habsyi’s pesantren in Bangil greatly
contributed to the spread of Shi’ism in Indonesia, and any analysis of Shi’i genealogy in the
archipelago would not be complete without the mention of him9. Born in Surabaya on April 21
1921, Hussain al-Habsyi started his primary education at the Madrasah Al Khairiyah -- the oldest
Islamic educational institution in Surabaya, and the same school where he later came to teach. In
1970, he set up a boarding school in Bondowoso, and another boarding school for boys in
Kenep-Beji, Bangil. According to his acquaintances, this occurred after the Iranian revolution,
but it is possible that he had already become interested in this manifestation of Islam before
1979. In fact, it appears that when teaching at the al-Khairiyya, he, with the other teachers and
students of the school, often encountered Middle Eastern figures with whom he could discuss
Islamic teachings, including Shi’i doctrines (Zulkifli 2009). In the post-revolution years, Ahmad
al-Habsyi and Hussein al-Habsy fostered the rapid growth of Shi’ism in Indonesia through their
acquaintances with Iranian scholars. In 1982, a delegation from Iran, consisting of Ayatollah
Ibrahim Amini, Ayatollah Masduqi and Hujjat al-Islam Mahmudi, visited the YAPI. As a result
of this meeting with Hussein al-Habsyi, the hawza ‘ilmiyya in Qum agreed to accept ten
Indonesian students from his school in Bangil each year. The following year, Muhsin Labib,
Ibrahim al Habsyi, Rusdi Alaydrus, Thoyyib Nafis, Mukhtar al Jufri, Umar Alatas, Ahmad
Baragbah, Hasan Tono, Muhammad and Musam were sent to Qum (Ali 2002). On their return,
after several years of study, these students became the leading preachers of Shi’ism in Indonesia.
9 Ustadz Husein Bin Abu Bakar Alhabsyi Yang Pejuang‘ published on 3 Ocotber 2008 by Republika daily newspaper , last accessed on 29 Ocotber 2009, available online at: http://www.republika.co.id/berita/6668/ustadz_husein_bin_abu_bakar_alhabsji_ustadz_yang_pejuang,(last accessed on October 2009).