M. Ebstein, "The word of God and the divine will: Isma'ili traces in Andalusi mysticism"

The Institute of Asian and African StudiesThe Max Schloessinger Memorial Foundation

Offprint from

JERUSALEM STUDIES INARABIC AND ISLAM

39 (2012)

Michael Ebstein

The word of God and the divine will:Isma↪ılı traces in Andalusı mysticism

THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEMTHE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES

CONTENTS

Christian Julien Robin Abraha et la reconquete de l’Arabiedeserte: un reexamen de l’inscriptionRyckmans 506 = Murayghan 1

1

Adam Silverstein From Atrah˘asis to Afrıdun: on

the transmission of an ancient NearEastern motif to Islamic Iran

95

Ali A. Hussein Novel aspects of the ancient Arabicqas. ıda

109

Gerald R. Hawting The development of the doctrine ofthe infallibility (↪is.ma) of prophetsand the interpretation of Qur↩an8:67–69

141

Miklos Muranyi The emergence of holy places in earlyIslam: on the Prophet’s track

165

Amir Lerner Power of perception: noblemen andbeggars (ju↪aydiyya): narratives inthe “Montague manuscript” of theArabian nights

173

Michael Ebstein The word of God and the divine will:Isma↪ılı traces in Andalusı mysticism

247

Yaacov Lev Coptic rebellions and the Islamiza-tion of medieval Egypt (8th–10th cen-tury): medieval and modern percep-tions

303

Delia Cortese Voices of the silent majority: thetransmission of Sunnı learning inFat.imı Egypt

345

Myriam Rosen-Ayalon A contribution to the story ofUmayyad windows

367

Koby Yosef Dawlat al-atrak or dawlat al-mamalık? Ethnic origin or slaveorigin as the defining characteristicof the ruling elite in the Mamluksultanate

387

Aryeh Levin A new contribution to the history ofthe modern Arabic dialects of Iraq

411

REVIEWS

Yaacov Lev Law and society in medieval Islam: areview article

423

Jens Scheiner Gorke, Andreas and Schoeler, Gre-gor. Die altesten Berichte uber dasLeben Muh. ammads. Das Korpus↪Urwa ibn az-Zubair

437

Meir M. Bar-Asher Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi. LeCoran silencieux et le Coran parlant:Sources scripturaires de l’islam entrehistoire et ferveur

443

Michael Ebstein Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi. Thespirituality of Shi ↪i Islam. Beliefsand practices

451

Gotthard Strohmaier A Greek and Arabic lexicon(GALex). Materials for a dic-tionary of the mediaeval translationsfrom Greek into Arabic. Edited byGerhard Endress and Dimitri Gutas

463

Adam Gaiser John C. Wilkinson. Ibad. ism: originsand early development in Oman

467

Arin Salamah-Qudsi John J. Curry and Erik S. Ohlander,eds. S. ufism and society: arrange-ments of the mystical in the Muslimworld, 1200–1800

479

Alfred Ivry Sarah Stroumsa. Maimonides in hisworld: portrait of a Mediterraneanthinker

487

Joas Wagemakers Daniel Lav. Radical Islam and therevival of medieval theology

493

Eviatar Shulman Akasoy, Anna, Burnett, Charles, andYoeli-Tlalim, Ronit. Islam and Ti-bet: Interactions along the MuskRoutes

501

Corrigenda 511

JSAI 39 (2012)

THE WORD OF GOD AND THE DIVINE WILL:ISMA↪ILI TRACES IN ANDALUSI MYSTICISM∗

Michael EbsteinThe Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Introduction

In recent decades, scholars in the field of Islamic studies have becomeincreasingly aware of the significant contribution of the Isma↪ılı tradi-tion to the development of Islamic thought and culture. The discovery,publication and analyses of numerous Isma↪ılı manuscripts have shownthat in many areas, such as philosophy, theology, mysticism, esotericism,the occult and more, the Isma↪ılıs were instrumental in transmitting avast array of pre-Islamic traditions into the intellectual world of me-dieval Islam. The Isma↪ılıs, for their part, were innovative in processingthese traditions and incorporating them into their own distinctive Shı↪ıworldview.1

The general aim of this article is to discuss the Isma↪ılı impact on theSunnı mystical thought that evolved in al-Andalus during the early Mid-dle Ages. In the mystical traditions of both Islam and Judaism, medievalSpain occupies a special place: it was the home of the famous Muh. yıal-Dın Abu ↪Abd Allah Muh. ammad b. ↪Alı Ibn al-↪Arabı (560/1165–638/1240), one of the greatest mystical thinkers in Islam. His numerousand original writings have had a profound influence on the developmentof Islamic mysticism in subsequent generations. On the Jewish side, itwas northern Spain that saw the emergence of the Kabbala during the

∗This article is based on my doctoral dissertation, “Philosophy, Mysticism andEsotericism: Isma↪ılı Thought and Andalusian Mysticism,” written under the super-vision of Prof. Meir Bar-Asher and Prof. Sara Sviri from the Hebrew University ofJerusalem. I wish to thank them both for their important comments on a previousdraft of this article and for their assistance throughout my work. I would also like tothank Dr. Ehud Krinis for his insightful comments on various issues discussed in thisarticle.

1See F. Daftary, The Isma ↪ılıs: their history and doctrines; idem, Ismaili litera-ture: a bibliography of sources and studies, pp. 1–103.

247

248 Michael Ebstein

12th and the 13th centuries and the birth of the “Zohar,” The Book ofSplendor, the most seminal Kabbalistic text in Judaism.2

One of the possible factors in of the formation of this unique in-tellectual climate in al-Andalus is the Isma↪ılı tradition and its impacton Andalusı thought, attributable most likely to the Fat.imı Empire,which existed in North Africa and Egypt from 297/909 to 567/1171. Inaddition to its military, political and economic accomplishments, thisdominant Isma↪ılı Caliphate was also extremely productive in its philo-sophical, theological, mystical and esoteric literary output. However,only few scholars in the field of Islamic studies have raised the possibil-ity that the Isma↪ılı tradition influenced Andalusı thought.3 Moreover,this influence has been highlighted in modern scholarship primarily inrelation to Jewish thought.4

In this article, I shall attempt to demonstrate the Isma↪ılı influenceon Sunnı mystical thought in al-Andalus by analyzing terms and notionsrelated to the issue of God’s word and divine will in the writings of theabove-mentioned Ibn al-↪Arabı as well as in the writings of the earlierMuh.ammad b. ↪Abd Allah al-Jabalı, known as Ibn Masarra (269/883–319/931).

Much confusion surrounds the enigmatic figure of Ibn Masarra, who isthe first Muslim Andalusı mystic known to us from his writings; medievalMuslim writers as well as modern western scholars are at odds over hisintellectual and religious affiliation. However, recent studies have shownthat Ibn Masarra should be viewed as a Neoplatonic mystic-philosopher.It has been pointed out, moreover, that his thought exhibits a close affin-ity with the mystical-philosophical worldview as reflected in the epistlesof the Ikhwan al-s.afa↩ (“The Sincere Brethren”), a group of scholars who

2On the uniqueness of Andalusı mystical thought in both Islam and Judaism, seeS. Sviri, “Spiritual trends in pre-Kabbalistic Judaeo-Spanish literature: the cases ofBahya ibn Paquda and Judah Halevi,” Donaire 6 (1996): 78–84.

3See, for example, H. Corbin, Creative imagination in the S. ufism of Ibn ↪Arabı,pp. 3–38, 77–101 and index, s.v. “Ismailianism”; A. E. Affifi, The mystical philosophyof Muhyid Din-Ibnul Arabi, pp. 182, 184–188, and index, s.v. “Ikhwanus.-s.afa” and“Isma↪ılıs.”

4See, for example, Sh. Pines, “Shı↪ite terms and conceptions in Judah Halevi’sKuzari,” JSAI 2 (1980): 165–251; E. Krinis, The idea of the chosen people in JudahHalevi’s al-Kitab al-Khazari and its origins in Shı ↪ı Imam doctrine (a doctoral thesis;Beer Sheva: 2008 [in Hebrew]); S.O.H. Wilensky, “The ‘first created being’ in earlyKabbalah: philosophical and Isma↪ılian sources,” Binah: studies in Jewish history,thought and culture 3 (1994): 65–77; A.L. Ivry, “Isma↪ılı theology and Maimonides’philosophy,” in The Jews of medieval Islam: community, society, and identity, D.Frank (ed.) (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 271–299; A. Goldreich, “The theology of theIyyun circle and a possible source of the term “Ah. dut Shava”,” in The beginnings ofJewish mysticism in medieval Europe (= Jerusalem Studies in Jewish Thought 6/3–4), J. Dan (ed.) (Jerusalem: the Hebrew University, 1987), pp. 141–156 (in Hebrew);M. Idel, “The Sefirot above the Sefirot,” Tarbiz 51/2 (1982): 270–277 (in Hebrew).

The word of God and the divine will 249

probably lived in Bas.ra during the 10th century, and who were affiliatedin some way with the Shı↪ı-Isma↪ılı milieu.5 Notwithstanding his S. ufıheritage, Ibn al-↪Arabı should also be viewed as a Neoplatonic thinker.As I hope to show in this article, both Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabıwere influenced to some extent by the Isma↪ılı tradition, especially in itsNeoplatonic form.

Finally, I should add that the Isma↪ılı influence on Ibn Masarra andIbn al-↪Arabı can also be detected with respect to topics other thanthose which will be discussed here, topics such as walaya (“friendshipwith God”) and awliya↩ (“the friends of God”), letter speculations, andthe idea of parallel worlds (namely the microcosm-macrocosm analogy).These subjects warrant further discussion and require separate studieswhich I hope to conduct in due course.

1. The Hellenistic heritage and the Qur↩an

One of the most important issues dealt with in both Isma↪ılı literatureand the writings of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı is the word of God andthe divine will. Recurring in their writings on this issue are a numberof Arabic terms which are all interrelated: kalima (“word”), kun (thedivine fiat: “be!”), amr (command or affair) and irada (will). In order tounderstand the various meanings of these terms, I will first review theirBiblical and Hellenistic roots and then analyze the Qur↩anic context inwhich they appear. I will then examine the role these terms played inthe Arabic Neoplatonic tradition and conclude by elaborating on theirIsma↪ılı and Andalusı usage.

5For the various opinions concerning the dating and authorship of the epistles, seeI.R. Netton, Muslim Neoplatonists: an introduction to the thought of the Brethren ofPurity (Ikhwan al-s.afa↩) (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1982), pp. 3–4; Daftary,Ismaili literature, p. 166 and the references given there; idem, The Isma ↪ılıs, pp. 246–249; EI2, s.v. “Ikhwan al-s.afa↩,” N. El-Bizri (ed.), Epistles of the Brethren of Purity.The Ikhwan al-s.afa↩ and their rasa↩il: an introduction (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 2008). On Ibn Masarra, the scholarly disputes concerning his intellectualaffiliation and his affinity with Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, see S. Stroumsa and S. Sviri, “Thebeginnings of mystical philosophy in al-Andalus: Ibn Masarra and his Epistle onContemplation,” JSAI 36 (2009): 201–204, 207–211, 214–215 and the many referencesgiven there; on Ibn Masarra’s affinity with Ikhwan al-s.afa↩ see also E. Tornero, “Areport on the publication of previously unedited works by Ibn Masarra,” in M. Fierroand J. Samso (eds.), The formation of al-Andalus, part 2: language, religion, cultureand the sciences (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), pp. 148–149 (published originally inSpanish, “Noticia sobre la publicacion de obras ineditas de Ibn Masarra,” Al-Qant.ara15 [1993]: 47–64).

250 Michael Ebstein

The discussions of kalima, kun, amr and irada in Isma↪ılı literatureand in the writings of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı focus mainly on thecosmogonic and cosmological aspects of these terms, on the one hand,and on their religious significance for man and society, on the other.Similar discussions of the divine parole may be found in the pre-Islamicreligious and philosophical heritage. In the Old Testament, the termdavar — close in meaning to the Arabic kalima — signifies God’s cre-ative power; His revelation to the prophets; the divine law, and God’scommands and decrees as they are reflected in nature and in humanhistory. In the Hellenistic period, the biblical davar was linked with theGreek term logos, which signifies, inter alia, “word,” “speech,” “reason”and “thought.” Thus, in the Septuagint, davar was translated as logos,while in the Aramaic translations of the Bible it was rendered memra.6

In Greek philosophy, the term logos was granted a cosmic dimension:according to Heraclitus (6th–5th centuries BCE), logos is a universaland rational principle governing the world and unifying its many con-tradictory phenomena; it is also the human thought and its expressionin words. Similarly, the Stoics viewed logos as an all-pervading, univer-sal and rational principle. According to the Stoic conception, the logoi(plural of logos) exist in nature as physical, forming principles. Man’slogos, i.e. human rationality and its expression in words, is part of theuniversal logos, and from an ethical point of view, man is required to liveaccording to the logos.7 A most important writer in this respect is Philoof Alexandria (1st century BCE–1st century CE), whose writings reflectthe Hellenistic merging of Biblical-Judaic concepts with Greek notionsand philosophy. In Philo’s thought, the logos functions as an intermedi-ary entity between the transcendental God and the created world. Theontological status of this entity is complex: on the one hand, it functionsas God’s eternal mind, whose object of thought is the world of ideas onwhich the physical universe is modeled; on the other hand, in the actof creation, the logos stands apart from God, as a hypostasis contain-ing these ideas. Unlike man, the logos is not created; unlike God, it isnot uncreated. In addition to its capacity as a creative divine force, the

6See T.J. O’Shaughnessy, The Koranic concept of the word of God, pp. 7–11 (=Word of God in the Qur ↩an, pp. 1–4); Theological dictionary of the New Testament(ed. G. Kittel, trans. and additional ed. G.W. Bromiley; Grand Rapids: Wm. B.Eerdmans, 1965–1978), s.v. “lègw”; C. The word of God in the Old Testament,” IV:91–100 (Procksch). On memra see also the discussion and references in D. Boyarin,“The gospel of the Memra: Jewish Binitarianism and the Prologue to John,” HarvardTheological Review 94/3 (2001), especially pp. 252–261.

7See S. Scolnicov, A short history of Greek philosophy: the pre-Socratic philoso-phers (Tel Aviv: Yah. dav, 1981), pp. 77–85 (in Hebrew); A.A. Long, “Heraclitus andStoicism,” in idem, Stoic studies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996),pp. 44–53; and the references below in note 10.


logos is identified by Philo with the divine wisdom and the Mosaic reli-gious law. Similarly to the Stoic conception, Philo too views the logosas an immanent principle active within nature: the powers of the logosreside in nature in a nonphysical mode, preserving the forms of thingsand guaranteeing the continuation of their species. Like the philosophyof Heraclitus and the Stoics, Philo too stresses the unifying power ofthe logos.8 All these different conceptions have contributed to the for-mation of the Christian logos. This term, which plays a central role inChristianity, appears already in the New Testament, where it signifies,inter alia, a primordial divine entity responsible for the creation of theworld. This entity was manifested in human history as a human being,i.e., Jesus.9 Much thought and discussion within the Christian traditionhas been devoted to this concept of logos.10

The various religious and philosophical contexts discussed above areall important for the understanding of the Qur↩anic kalima (“word”), theArabic equivalent of the terms davar, memra and logos. In the Qur↩an,the term kalima designates (among other meanings) God’s revelation tothe prophets; His commands and decrees, and Jesus, who is consideredto be Allah’s kalima.11 To the same semantic field as kalima belongskun (“be!”), the divine creative fiat, which appears in several Qur↩anicverses, for instance in Qur↩an 16:40: ”If we will something, all we say toit is ’be!’ and it is” (innama qawluna li-shay ↩in idha aradnahu an naqulalahu kun fa-yakunu). Kun is thus linked to the divine will (irada) or toGod’s decree, as is evident from this verse.12 The term kun, like kalima,is associated with the figure of Jesus, who is described as having beencreated from the divine kun.13

8See H.A. Wolfson, Philo: foundations of religious philosophy in Judaism, Chris-tianity, and Islam (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1947), vol. 1, pp. 200–294,325–347; see also the discussions and references in D. Winston, Logos and mysticaltheology in Philo of Alexandria (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1985);Boyarin, “The Gospel of the Memra,” pp. 249–252.

9See John 1:1–18; for scholarly discussions of this passage see the references inBoyarin, “The Gospel of the Memra,” especially pp. 262–284.

10See O’Shaughnessy, The Koranic concept of the word of God, pp. 11–15 (= pp.4–6 in the revised edition); The encyclopedia of religion (ed. M. Eliade; New York:Macmillan, 1986–1987), s.v. “Logos.” On the logos in Greek philosophy, Hellenisticthought and Christianity, see also the discussion and references in Theological dictio-nary of the New Testament, s.v. “lègw,” paragraphs A, B, D; The encyclopedia ofphilosophy (ed. P. Edwards, New York: Macmillan, 1967), s.v. “Logos”; Routledgeencyclopedia of philosophy (ed. E. Craig; London: Routledge, 1998), s.v. “Logos”;and see also M.A. Amir-Moezzi, Le Coran silencieux et le Coran parlant: sourcesscripturaires de l’islam entre histoire et ferveur (Paris: CNRS, 2011), pp. 215–216.

11See O’Shaughnessy, The Koranic concept of the word of God, pp. 16–22 (= pp.6–12 in the revised edition).

12Cf. Qur↩an 40:68.13See Qur↩an 2:116–117; 3:47, 59; 19:35; cf. O’Shaughnessy, The Koranic concept

252 Michael Ebstein

The divine will, which is revealed in God’s word and creative fiat,is also reflected in the term amr, “command” or “affair”: “If He willssomething, His command is nothing other than saying to it ‘be!’ and itis” (Qur↩an 36:82, innama amruhu idha arada shay ↩an an yaqula lahukun fa-yakunu).14 It seems that in several Qur↩anic verses, amr standsfor a kind of an intermediary entity between God and creation which,like the angels, carries out God’s will and executes His decrees.15 Thedivine amr is responsible for directing and preserving creation; it ensuresthe spiritual-religious guidance of mankind in the hands of the prophets.Amr or amr Allah (“Allah’s amr”) functions as a tool for bestowingdivine favors on the righteous and for punishing evildoers.16

Another Qur↩anic term related to kalima, kun and amr is ruh. (“spi-rit”), also rooted in the pre-Islamic religious heritage.17 Contrary tothe Islamic tradition that evolved after the Qur↩an, in the Qur↩an itself,the term ruh. does not relate to the psychological or spiritual aspects ofman, but rather to his vitality which derives ultimately from the divinecreative spirit blown into Adam.18 In addition to this meaning and inparallel to amr, ruh. is conceived by the Qur↩an as a sort of an angelicbeing mediating between God and creation and is, at times, describedas emanating from the divine amr. Ruh. , ruh. al-qudus (“the holy spirit”)or al-ruh. al-amın (“the faithful spirit”) functions as the source or meansof prophetic revelation, and it seems that in this sense it is identicalwith the angel Gabriel.19 Like kalima and kun, the term ruh. al-qudusis also associated with Jesus: it designates either the means by whichJesus received the divine support (ta↩yıd) or the result of this support.20

Jesus is described not only as God’s kalima but also as His spirit: he

of the word of God, pp. 23–59 (= pp. 12–46 in the revised edition).14On amr as a divine command, see also Qur↩an 18:50 and more.15See Qur↩an 19:64; 32:5; 41:12; 65:12; 97:1–5.16See Qur↩an 8:42, 44; 9:48; 10:3; 11:43, 73; 21:73; 30:25; 45:17–18; 54:50; 65:3–4.

On the various meanings of amr see also Abu H. atim Ah. mad b. H. amdan al-Razı, Kitabal-zına fı al-kalimat al-islamiyya al-↪arabiyya, H. usayn al-Hamdanı (ed.) (Cairo, Daral-Kitab al-↪Arabı, 1958–1958), vol. 2, p. 129; H. amıd al-Dın Ah. mad b. ↪Abd Allah al-Kirmanı, al-Risala al-mud. ı↩a fı al-amr wa-’l-amir wa-’l-ma↩mur, in Majmu↪at rasa↩ilal-Kirmanı, Mus.t.afa Ghalib (ed.) (Beirut: al-Mu↩assasa al-Jami↪iyya li-’l-Dirasat wa-’l-Nashr wa-’l-Tawzı↪, 1983), pp. 44–45, 58; J.M.S. Baljon, “The ‘Amr of God’ in theKoran,” Acta Orientalia 23 (1959): 7–18; T.J. O’Shaughnessy, The developmentof the meaning of spirit in the Koran (Roma: Pontificio Institutum OrientaliumStudiorum, 1953), pp. 33–42.

17See O’Shaughnessy, The Development of the meaning of spirit.18See, for example, Qur↩an 15:29; 32:9.19See Qur↩an 16:102 (cf. 2:97); 26:192–195; 42:52; 70:4; 97:4.20See Qur↩an 2:87, 253; 5:110. On ruh. and Jesus, see also 19:17; cf. O’Shaughnessy,

The development of the meaning of spirit in the Koran, pp. 51–68. For ta↩yıd in theQur↩an as designating the divine support granted to Muh. ammad and his followers,see Q 3:13; 8:26, 62; 9:40; 58:22.


was born as a result of God blowing His Spirit into Mary.21

To summarize: the Qur↩anic terms kalima, kun, amr and ruh. be-long to the same semantic field pertaining to God’s word and His divinewill. The Qur↩an employs these terms in both a cosmogonic-cosmologicalcontext (creation and the management of the universe) and a human-religious context (prophetic revelation; divine guidance of mankind; sup-porting and rewarding the righteous and punishing evildoers). The Bibli-cal and the Hellenistic heritage, especially Christian conceptions of Jesusand the logos, have all helped to shape the Qur↩anic terms relating toGod’s word and divine will. The Qur↩an, in turn, influenced the dis-cussions of these terms in Isma↪ılı literature and in the writings of IbnMasarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı. However, unlike the Qur↩an and various post-Qur↩anic Islamic traditions, the Isma↪ılı authors, as well as Ibn Masarraand Ibn al-↪Arabı, gave the Qur↩anic terms kalima, kun, amr and ruh. anunusual interpretation in the framework of Neoplatonic philosophy.

2. The Arabic Neoplatonic tradition

The Arabic Neoplatonic tradition is by and large based on the famouswork entitled Uthulujiya Arist.at.alıs, the Theology of Aristotle. Thiswork, erroneously ascribed to Aristotle, is actually a 9th century Ara-bic translation and adaptation of parts of the Enneads by Plotinus, thefamous Greek Neoplatonic philosopher of the 3rd century CE.22 Sincethe 16th century, the Theology of Aristotle was known in the WesternChristian world only in its longer version, following its translation fromArabic to Latin during that century. There are significant discrepanciesbetween the shorter and longer versions of the Theology, both in form(e.g. the number of chapters) and in content; the most important dif-ference concerns the doctrine of the kalima (see below). Over the years,these discrepancies were attributed to European Christian scholars who,according to the prevailing assumption, modified the shorter version ofthe Theology in accordance with Christian doctrines. However, in 1929,the Russian scholar A. Borissov discovered the Arabic original of thelonger version, containing the very same elements that were included inthe Latin translation but which were missing in the shorter version.23

21See Qur↩an 4:171; 21:91.22The Theology of Aristotle includes translations and adaptations of parts of En-

neads 4, 5 and 6; on the Theology, see P. Adamson, The Arabic Plotinus: a philo-sophical study of the theology of Aristotle (London: Duckworth, 2002).

23The fragments discovered by Borissov (as well as other manuscripts available tous today) were written in Hebrew characters (i.e. in Judaeo-Arabic), although there

254 Michael Ebstein

Borissov reached the correct conclusion that the Arabic original ante-cedes the Latin translation and that the differences in content betweenthe shorter and longer versions originated not in the Latin translationbut in the Arabic original. Borissov also concluded that the doctrineof the kalima in the longer version indicates that the latter had beenoriginally composed by Eastern Christians, prior to the shorter version;he further contended that this doctrine had later been removed by theMuslim editor of the shorter version for theological reasons. Borissov’slatter conclusion is no longer accepted by modern scholarship: the longerversion is not considered to be a Christian work and is believed to beposterior to the shorter version.24

What are the differences between the shorter and longer versions ofthe Theology of Aristotle? As is well known, the common Neoplatonic

is no doubt that the original longer version was written in Arabic script; see P.B.Fenton, “The Arabic and Hebrew versions of the Theology of Aristotle,” in Pseudo-Aristotle in the Middle Ages: the theology and other texts, J. Kraye, W.F. Ryan andC.B. Schmitt (eds.) (London: The Warburg Institute / University of London, 1986),pp. 255–256; S.M. Stern, “Ibn H. asday’s Neoplatonist: a Neoplatonic treatise and itsinfluence on Isaac Israeli and the longer version of the Theology of Aristotle,” Oriens13 (1960–1961): 82.

24It should be noted that Borissov himself changed his mind regarding the Christianorigin of the longer version; on these matters, see Sh. Pines, “La longue recension de latheologie d’Aristote dans ses rapports avec la doctrine ismaelienne,” Revue des etudesislamiques 22 (1954): 7–12, 17–18 (reprinted in Sh. Pines, Studies in the history ofArabic philosophy (= The collected works of Shlomo Pines, vol. 3 ), S. Stroumsa(ed.) (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1996), pp. 390–403); Stern, “Ibn H. asday’s Neoplaton-ist,” pp. 79–80, 93; F.W. Zimmermann, “The origins of the so-called Theology ofAristotle,” in Pseudo-Aristotle in the Middle Ages, Kraye, Ryan and Schmitt (eds.),p. 112; Fenton, “The Arabic and Hebrew versions,” pp. 241–250; P.E. Walker, Earlyphilosophical Shiism: the Ismaili Neoplatonism of Abu Ya↪qub al-Sijistanı (Cam-bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 42–44; Adamson, The Arabic Plot-inus, pp. 23–26; M. Aouad, “La Theologie d’Aristote et autres textes du PlotinusArabus,” in Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques. I Abam(m)on a Axiothea, R.Goulet (ed.) (Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1989), pp. 541–590.On Arabic Neoplatonism in general and related issues see also R.M. Frank, “The Neo-platonism of Jahm b. S. afwan,” Le Museon 78 (1965): 395–424; G. Endress, ZwanzigAbschnitte aus der ‘Institutio Theologica’ in arabischer Ubersetzung / Proclus Arabus(Beirut: Orient-Institut der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft in Komissionbei F. Steiner, 1973); idem, “The circle of al-Kindı. Early Arabic translations fromthe Greek and the rise of Islamic philosophy,” in The ancient tradition in Christianand Islamic Hellenism: studies on the transmission of Greek philosophy and sci-ences dedicated to H.J. Drossaart Lulofs on his ninetieth birthday, G. Endress andR. Kruk (eds.) (Leiden: Research School CNWS, 1997), pp. 43–76; U. Rudolph, DieDoxographie des Pseudo-Ammonios: ein Beitrag zur neuplatonischen Uberlieferungim Islam (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1989); P. Morewedge (ed.), Neoplatonism and Islamicthought (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992); C. D’Ancona, “Greekinto Arabic: Neoplatonism in translation,” in The Cambridge companion to Arabicphilosophy, P. Adamson and R. C. Taylor (eds.) (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 2005), pp. 10–31.


scheme, which is clearly reflected in the shorter version, stipulates thefollowing series of cosmic emanations: The One → universal intellect →universal soul → nature. In contradistinction, in the longer version ofthe Theology, the series of emanations proceeds as follows: The One →the kalima → universal intellect → universal soul → nature. In order tounderstand this discrepancy, it is necessary to clarify the function of thelogos in Plotinus’s Enneads. According to Plotinus, logos is the principlederiving from the universal intellect and soul which is responsible fororder and unity in the physical world. The logos is a forming principlewithin nature which yields numerous other forming principles (logoi);the latter give form and unity to the objects within which they reside,thereby guaranteeing their physical existence. Contrary to the Stoicsand in line with Philo’s conception (see Section 1), Plotinus’s logoi arenot physical elements, though they do reside within physical things.25

In the shorter version of the Theology of Aristotle, Plotinus’s logos wastranslated as kalima or kalima fa↪ila/fa↪↪ala (“an active word”). Likethe logoi in the Enneads, the kalimat (plural of kalima) of the shorterversion are nonphysical elements responsible for order and unity in thephysical world. The kalimat are inserted by the universal soul into thephysical things, thereby causing them to evolve and develop accordingto the spiritual forms in the universal intellect.26 It is clear, then, thataccording to both Plotinus and the shorter version of the Theology, thelogoi or kalimat are found not above but below the universal intellect,in the worlds emanating from it.

A radically different position is taken by the longer version of theTheology of Aristotle. In the longer version, the kalima is placed be-tween God and the universal intellect and is identified with the divinecommand (amr), the divine will (irada), God’s power (qudra) and God’sknowledge (↪ilm). According to the longer version, God created the uni-versal intellect by means of His will and command; the kalima is thereforethe cause (↪illa) of the intellect and is thus called “the cause of causes”(↪illat al-↪ilal), though God Himself is also worthy of this name by virtueof being the ultimate creator. The longer version further states that the

25See K. Corrigan, “Essence and existence in the Enneads,” in The Cambridgecompanion to Plotinus, L.P. Gerson (ed.) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1996), pp. 110–113; M.F. Wagner, “Plotinus on the nature of physical reality,” in TheCambridge companion to Plotinus, L.P. Gerson (ed.), pp. 136–137, 156–160; cf. A.H.Armstrong, The architecture of the intelligible universe in the philosophy of Plotinus(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940), pp. 98–108; A. Graeser, Plotinusand the Stoics: a preliminary study (Leiden: Brill, 1972), pp. 35, 41–43.

26See, for example, Uthulujiya Arist.at.alıs, in Aflut.ın ↪ind al-↪arab, ↪Abd al-Rah. manBadawı (ed.) (Cairo: Maktabat al-nahd. a al-mis.riyya, 1955), pp. 46, 74, 86, 88, 92,113, 124, 127, 153–154; cf. Zimmermann, “The origins,” pp. 200–202; Adamson, TheArabic Plotinus, p. 35.

256 Michael Ebstein

kalima is in a state of neither movement nor repose and is therefore laysa,“not.” The universal intellect is united (muttah. id) with the kalima andthere is no intermediary (wasit.a) separating between the two; in thisway, the perfect state of the intellect and its high spiritual status areassured.27

The longer version of the Theology of Aristotle thus places the Qur↩a-nic concepts pertaining to God’s word and divine will (kalima, amr andirada) in the realm that lies between God and the universal intellect.True, the notion of intermediaries standing between the One and theuniversal intellect is not entirely alien to the Neoplatonic tradition oflate antiquity; thus, Iamblichus (3rd–4th centuries CE) and Proclus (5th

century CE) added, for various reasons, additional entities or hypostasesbetween the One and the intellect.28 However, the longer version isunique in combining the Qur↩anic concepts pertaining to God’s wordand divine will with the Neoplatonic scheme and in placing these termsbetween God and the universal intellect. It seems that this doctrine wasmotivated by two main theological considerations: first, placing the di-vine word and will between God and the intellect was meant to solve thecontradiction between the concept of divine creation ex nihilo shared byJudaism, Christianity and Islam, on the one hand, and the original Neo-platonic notion of emanation, on the other. According to the latter, theemanation of the universal intellect from the One is, for all intents andpurposes, an involuntary or unintentional act, while the ex nihilo con-ception views creation as a direct consequence of God’s will. Secondly,the creative intermediary between God and the intellect bridges the gapbetween the transcendental God and the created world and at the sametime maintains the proper distance between the two. Thus, according tothe longer version, although the ultimate cause of the intellect is God,the kalima functions as its immediate cause. This doctrine obviously cre-ated additional problems concerning the ontological status of the kalima:on the one hand, it is described as being separate from God; on the otherhand, once created, the universal intellect is completely united with the

27The longer version is available only in manuscript form, in Judaeo-Arabic; see theJewish National and University Library, microfilm F60787 (=the Second FirkovichCollection, 1197), fols. 4b–6b, 8a–8b, 11a–12a, 15b; cf. Pines, “La longue recension,”pp. 8–11; Stern, “Ibn H. asday’s Neoplatonist,” pp. 82–91; Fenton, “The Arabicand Hebrew versions,” pp. 250–254, 263 note 77; D. De Smet, “Le verbe-imperatifdans le systeme cosmologique de l’ismaelisme,” Revue des sciences philosophiques ettheologiques 73 (1989): 406–407.

28See J.M. Dillon, “Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s doctrine of intelligible matter,” in Neo-platonism and Jewish thought, L.E. Goodman (ed.) (Albany: State University ofNew York Press, 1992), pp. 43–48, 52; D. De Smet, Empedocles Arabus: une lectureneoplatonicienne tardive (Brussel: Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Let-teren en Schone Kunsten van Belgie, 1998), pp. 106–109; cf. A. Altmann and S.M.Stern, Isaac Israeli: a Neoplatonic philosopher of the early tenth century (London:Oxford University Press, 1958), pp. 162–164.


kalima. This paradox brings to mind the complex ontological status ofthe logos in Philo’s thought (see Section 1).

The incongruity between the Jewish, Christian and Islamic concept ofcreation and the Neoplatonic notion of emanation, as well as the attemptto resolve it, are also evident in the shorter version of the Theology.29

In addition, Plotinus himself was ambivalent on the issue of divine will:he describes the One as standing beyond any will, and at the same timeviews the One as being all will — though this is an “inward” will, identi-cal to the One’s being, unlike the divine will in Judaism, Christianity andIslam, which is directed towards creation and human beings.30 Nonethe-less, neither Plotinus nor the shorter version adopted the solution to theproblem of divine will formulated in the longer version of the Theologyof Aristotle.

3. The Isma↪ılı tradition

Sh. Pines was the first scholar to point out the strong similarity be-tween the longer version of the Theology of Aristotle and the NeoplatonicIsma↪ılı tradition with respect to the doctrine of God’s word and divinewill. Pines showed that, like the longer version, the Isma↪ılı Neoplatonicwriters too placed the kalima between God and the universal intellect.According to Pines, these writers identified the kalima with God’s amr,the divine will and at times with God’s knowledge and the ibda↪, i.e.,the divine creation ex nihilo. Pines also demonstrated that the Isma↪ılıNeoplatonic writers stress the unity between the kalima and the uni-versal intellect and characterize the kalima as the cause of the intellectand as the “cause of causes.” Based on these facts, Pines hypothesizedthat the shorter version of the Theology had originally been modifiedin accordance with the Isma↪ılı concept of the kalima or possibly witha “pre-Isma↪ılı” kalima doctrine, thus giving rise to the longer version.In other words: the longer version must have been created either in anIsma↪ılı or proto-Isma↪ılı milieu.31

Pines’s theory positing the Isma↪ılı origin of the longer version ofthe Theology, published in 1954, has been called into question. Thus,F.W. Zimmermann tried to prove that the longer version was composedbefore the consolidation of Isma↪ılı Neoplatonism (i.e., no later than thebeginning of the 10th century CE), and that therefore the longer version

29See Adamson, The Arabic Plotinus, pp. 137–155.30See Plotinus, translated by A.H. Armstrong (London: W. Heinemann, 1966–

1988), vol. 5, pp. 113–117 (= Ennead, V, 3, 12), vol. 7, pp. 221–297 (= Ennead, VI,8).

31See Pines, “La longue recension,” pp. 12–20.

258 Michael Ebstein

was the source for Isma↪ılı Neoplatonism, not vice versa.32 Whether thisis true or not is of no consequence to the present discussion; what isimportant to emphasize is that modern scholarship has acknowledgedthe strong link that connects the longer version of the Theology to theNeoplatonic Isma↪ılı tradition.33 Two other points need to be stressedhere. The first is that the Isma↪ılı doctrine of the kalima was perceivedfrom a fairly early stage as a distinctive feature of Isma↪ılı thought.34

Though the important Isma↪ılı philosopher H. amıd al-Dın al-Kirmanı (d.after 411/1020) objected to the kalima doctrine of his predecessors,35

there is no doubt as to its centrality in Isma↪ılı tradition. In addition,the terms kalima, kun, amr and irada and the notions pertaining toGod’s word and divine will play a central role not only in the Isma↪ılıNeoplatonic tradition (see the discussion below) but also in cosmogonicand cosmological speculations prevalent in Isma↪ılı writings that are of amore mythical and less philosophical character.36 Secondly, in his 1954study, Pines appealed mainly to the writings of the Isma↪ılı author Nas.ir-i Khusraw (d. after 462/1070). However, earlier Isma↪ılı Neoplatonicauthors as well adhered to a doctrine of the kalima similar to the onefound in the longer version of the Theology, and it seems that it is fromthem that Nas.ir-i Khusraw derived his notions on the subject.37 It is tothese 10th century authors that we will now turn our attention.

32See Zimmermann, “The origins,” pp. 128–129, 134, 195, 196–208; Walker, Earlyphilosophical Shiism, p. 42; De Smet, Empedocles Arabus, pp. 94–95.

33See Walker, Early philosophical Shiism, pp. 42–43; De Smet, “Le verbe-imperatif,” pp. 406–408.

34See, for example, Walker, Early philosophical Shiism, p. 86, referring to the Zaydıauthor Abu al-Qasim al-Bustı (d. 420/1029), regarding whom see Daftary, Ismaililiterature, pp. 175–176.

35See al-Kirmanı, al-Mud. ı↩a, pp. 43–60; idem, Kitab al-riyad. fı al-h. ukm baynaal-s. adayni s. ah. ibay al-is. lah. wal-nus.ra, ↪Arif Tamir ed. (Beirut: Dar al-Thaqafa,1960), pp. 56, 126, 221–229; idem, Rah. at al-↪aql, Muh. ammad Kamal H. usayn andMuh. ammad Mus.t.afa H. ilmı (eds.) (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-↪Arabı, 1952), pp. 59–94;P.E. Walker, H. amıd al-Dın al-Kirmanı: Ismaili thought in the age of al-H. akim (Lon-don: I.B. Tauris in association with The Institute of Ismaili Studies, 1999), p. 85; cf.Ibrahım b. al-H. usayn al-H. amidı, Kitab kanz al-walad, Mus.t.afa Ghalib (ed.) (Wies-baden: Franz Steiner, 1971), pp. 45, 61–62. On al-Kirmanı and his philosophy, seeDaftary, The Isma ↪ılıs, pp. 245–246; Walker, H. amıd al-Dın al-Kirmanı; D. De Smet,La Quietude de l’intellect: Neoplatonisme et gnose Ismaelienne dans l’oeuvre deH. amıd ad-Dın al-Kirmanı (Xe/XIes) (Louvain: Peeters and Departement OosterseStudies, 1995).

36See, for example, S.M. Stern, “The earliest cosmological doctrines of Isma↪ılism,”in idem, Studies in early Isma ↪ılism (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1983), pp. 7–9, 12–13,14–15; Ja↪far b. Mans.ur al-Yaman, Kitab al-↪alim wa-’l-ghulam, J.W. Morris (ed.)(London: I.B. Tauris in association with The Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2001), pp.14, 25.

37On the influence of al-Sijistanı (on whom see below) on Nas.ir-i Khusraw’s writ-ings, see D. De Smet, “Was Nas.ir-e H

˘usraw a great poet and only a minor philosopher?

Some critical reflections on his doctrine of the soul,” in Ismaili and Fatimid studiesin honor of Paul E. Walker, B.D. Craig (ed.) (Chicago: Middle East DocumentationCenter, 2010), pp. 101–130.


3.1 The Eastern Neoplatonists

The doctrine regarding God’s word and divine will was developed withinthe Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic context by Muh.ammad b. Ah.mad al-Nasafı (ex-ecuted circa 331/942), Abu H. atim al-Razı (d. 322/934) and Abu Ya↪qubal-Sijistanı (d. after 361/971). These Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic authors wereactive in the eastern parts of the Islamic world (Iran and Transoxiana)during the 10th century. It seems that, in this eastern Isma↪ılı schoolof thought, al-Nasafı was the first scholar who not only systematicallycombined Neoplatonism with Isma↪ılı beliefs and conceptions but alsodeveloped the kalima doctrine within the Isma↪ılı context.38 While dif-fering on a number of points, al-Nasafı, al-Razı and al-Sijistanı all agreethat the kalima, which is identical with God’s amr, is situated abovethe universal intellect. The kalima is also identical (at least accord-ing to al-Razı and al-Sijistanı) with the divine fiat kun (“be!”) andthe ibda↪, the divine creation ex nihilo. According to al-Nasafı and al-Sijistanı, it is also identical with the divine Unity (wah. da). The kalima— rather than God — is the cause of the intellect and the worlds thatemanate from it; as al-Razı and al-Sijistanı put it, the kalima is the“first cause” (al-↪illa al-ula). Al-Nasafı and al-Sijistanı view the kalimaas an intermediary (wasit.a) by means of which God created the universalintellect. Akin to the longer version of the Theology of Aristotle, theseeastern Isma↪ılı neoplatonists consider the kalima to be united with theintellect.39 Al-Razı goes so far as to state that the ibda↪ (which is identi-

38Al-Nasafı’s main work, al-Mah. s. ul, was written around 300/912 but has not sur-vived. Parts of it do, however, appear in other works, such as Abu H. atim al-Razı’sal-Is. lah. and al-Kirmanı’s al-Riyad. . The latter book discusses the theological disputesbetween al-Nasafı, al-Razı and al-Sijistanı; see Walker, Early philosophical Shiism,pp. 55-57; Daftary, The Isma ↪ılıs, p. 240; idem, Ismaili literature, pp. 13, 29, 125.

39Al-Nasafı: see al-Kirmanı, al-Riyad. , pp. 221–230. Al-Razı: al-Razı, Kitab al-is. lah. , H. Mınuchehr (ed.) (Tehran: McGill University and the University of Tehran,2004), pp. 24–27, 32, 35–36, 38–39, 48–49, 130; al-Kirmanı, al-Riyad. , pp. 58, 101–102, 119, 113; al-Razı, Kitab al-zına, vol. 1, pp. 129–132. Al-Sijistanı: al-Sijistanı,Kitab al-yanabı↪, H. Corbin (ed.) (Teheran: Departement d’iranologie de l’institutfranco-iranien, 1961), pp. 3, 16–19, 24–26, 38–39, 70–71, 77–78, 90–94; idem, Risalattuh. fat al-mustajıbın, in Khams rasa↩il isma ↪ıliyya, ↪Arif Tamir (ed.) (Salamiyya:Dar al-Ins.af, 1956), pp. 147–148; idem, Kitab al-iftikhar, I. Poonawala (ed.) (Beirut:Dar al-Gharb al-Islamı, 2000), pp. 100–107, 182, 187; al-Kirmanı, al-Riyad. , pp. 58,65–66, 125–126, 131–132, 221–222; cf. De Smet, “Le verbe-imperatif”; Walker,Early philosophical Shiism, pp. 41, 53, 57–58, 81–86; D. Steigerwald, “Le Logos:clef de l’ascension spirituelle dans l’ismaelisme,” Studies in religion (=Sciences Re-ligieuses) 28/2 (1999): 175–196; idem, “The divine word (kalima) in Shahrastanı’sMajlis,” Studies in religion (=Sciences Religieuses) 25/3 (1996): 335–352; H. Corbin,“L’Initiation ismaelienne ou l’esoterisme et le Verbe,” Eranos Jahrbuch 39 (1970):41–142.

260 Michael Ebstein

cal with the kalima and amr) is “imaginary” (wahmı), not in the sensethat it does not exist, but that its essence (dhat) is manifested onlythrough its union with the universal intellect. The kalima and the in-tellect are therefore “one being” (ays wah. id).40 In a similar vein andlike the longer version, al-Sijistanı describes the ibda↪ as laysa (“not”)in the sense that it is neither being nor nothingness (nafy al-aysiyyawa-’l-laysiyya). The amr did not antecede the world and the world didnot antecede the amr.41 Finally, like the longer version, al-Sijistanı tooidentifies the kalima with the divine will and knowledge (irada, ↪ilm)and links it to God’s power (qudra).42

3.2. Ikhwan al-s.afa↩

The doctrine of God’s word and divine will in its unique formulationin the longer version of the Theology and in the eastern Isma↪ılı Neo-platonic writings is also found in the epistles of Ikhwan al-s.afa↩ (“TheSincere Brethren”),43 especially in the esoteric work attributed to thementitled “The Comprehensive Epistle” (al-Risala al-jami ↪a). This fact,however, has been disregarded by most scholars who have examined thedoctrine discussed here, possibly due to the insufficient attention ac-corded to the ”Comprehensive Epistle” in modern scholarship.44 This

40See al-Razı, al-Is. lah. , p. 24: ¨@YK. B @ð ñë [. . .] Yg@ð ¨@YK. B

@ð ñë Èð B@ ŸJ. ÖÏ @

àB

[. . .] Yg@ð ��

@, p. 39: Èð

B@ ŸJ. ÖÏ @ ú

¯ B@

é�K @

X Qê

¢

�� B ù

Òëð ñë ¨@YK. B

@ ½ËY» [. . .].

41See al-Sijistanı, al-Yanabı↪, p. 39:�éJ��

B@ ù

®

K ú

æªÖß. ��ÊË @ ñê

¯ é�

®

K ¨@YK. B

@ AÓ A¯

�éJ��ÊË @ð; idem, al-Iftikhar, p. 106: Q

k

A�JK Bð ÕËAªË @ ÐY

�®�JK B QÓ

B@ Xñk. ð @

XA

¯.

42See, for example, al-Sijistanı, al-Yanabı↪, pp. 18, 77–78; idem, al-Iftikhar, p. 187.43Regarding the Ikhwan see the references above in note 5.44Except for Pines, see Pines, “Shı↪ite terms and conceptions,” pp. 171–172, 174–

178, 229. On the Ikhwan as the authors of the “Comprehensive Epistle,” see A.Hamdani, “The arrangement of the Rasa↩il Ikhwan al-s.afa↩ and the problem of in-terpolations,” in Epistles of the Brethren of Purity. The Ikhwan al-s.afa↩ and theirrasa↩il: an introduction, N. El-Bizri (ed.) (Oxford: Oxford University Press in as-sociation with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2008), pp. 86, 89–91; Netton, MuslimNeoplatonists, pp. 2–3; E. Krinis, “Judaeo-Arabic manuscripts from an Isma↪ılı circlein the Firkovich collections,” in the Proceedings of the 14th conference of the Societyfor Judaeo-Arabic Studies (forthcoming), notes 3, 17 (in Hebrew). Not all scholarsagree that the Ikhwan were the authors of the “Comprehensive Epistle”; see, for ex-ample, D. De Smet, “Les Climats du monde et l’inegalite des races humaines. Uneapproche Ismaelienne,” Acta Orientalia Belgica 16 (2002): 75 and the references toprevious studies of his in note 26. This issue requires further philological examina-tion; be that as it may, the Isma↪ılı affiliation of the Jami ↪a’s authors (whoever theymight be) is beyond doubt.


epistle is viewed by most scholars as a simple summary of the other 52epistles composed by the Ikhwan. However, according to the Ikhwanthemselves, the Jami ↪a is actually the most important part — indeed,the esoteric pinnacle — of their work: it includes all that is said in theother epistles and at the same time clarifies and reveals all that is hiddenand implied in them.45 The fact that the epistles of the Ikhwan containa doctrine of the divine word and will similar to the one found in theeastern Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic writings is important for two main reasons.First, this is further evidence of the Isma↪ılı affiliation of the Ikhwan.Second, since we know for a fact that the Ikhwan’s epistles — includingthe “Comprehensive Epistle” — reached al-Andalus during the 11th andperhaps even in the 10th century CE, we can assume that the doctrine ofthe word in its Isma↪ılı version penetrated the Andalusı intellectual scenevia the epistles of Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, among other possible channels.46

45See, for example, Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Risala al-jami ↪a, Jamıl S. alıba (ed.) (Damas-cus: al-Majma↪ al-↪Ilmı al-↪Arabı / Mat.ba↪at al-Taraqqı, 1949–1951), vol. 1, pp. 47–48, 109, 122–123, 239, 608; idem, Rasa↩il ikhwan al-s.afa↩ wa-khullan al-wafa↩ (Beirut:Dar S. adir and Dar Beirut, 1957), vol. 1, pp. 42–43, vol. 4, p. 250; cf. Krinis, “Judaeo-Arabic manuscripts,” notes 14–15.

46On the date of the epistles’ arrival in Spain, see, for example, I.K. Poonawala,“Why do we need an Arabic critical edition with an annotated English translationof the Rasa↩il Ikhwan al-s.afa↩,” in Epistles of the Brethren of Purity, El-Bizri (ed.),pp. 34–35; cf. M. Fierro, “Bat.inism in Al-Andalus: Maslama b. Qasim al-Qurt.ubı(d. 353/964), author of the Rutbat al-H. akım and the Ghayat al-H. akım (Picatrix),”Studia Islamica 84 (1996): 106–108. Note that in several manuscripts and in theworks of some scholars, the “Comprehensive Epistle” is erroneously attributed tothe Andalusı mathematician and astronomer Maslama b. Ah. mad al-Majrıt.ı (d. circa398/1007); see Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 3–13 (the editor’s introduction);Krinis, “Judaeo-Arabic manuscripts,” note 17; Fierro, “Bat.inism in Al-Andalus,”pp. 101–102. In my opinion, this erroneous attribution indicates that this epistle wasbrought into al-Andalus clandestinely, and that the true identity of its authors (theIkhwan) was hidden; see also M. Ebstein and S. Sviri, “The so-called Risalat al-h. uruf(Epistle on letters) ascribed to Sahl al-Tustarı and letter mysticism in al-Andalus,”Journal Asiatique 299/1 (2011), p. 226, note 34. Finally, a propos of Ibn Masarra(d. 319/931), it is possible that he became acquainted with the Ikhwan’s epistles orwith the intellectual milieu that produced them during his visit to the East or tothe North African town of Qayrawan; on this issue see Stroumsa and Sviri, “Thebeginnings of mystical philosophy,” pp. 201–202, 210 note 37, p. 214; S. Stroumsa,“Ibn Masarra and the beginnings of mystical thought in al-Andalus,” in Mysticalapproaches to God: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, P. Schafer (ed.) (Munchen:Oldenbourg, 2006), p. 101 note 28, p. 110, note 79.

262 Michael Ebstein

According to the Ikhwan, God’s word, which is identical to the di-vine knowledge, command, power (qudra), creation ex nihilo (ibda↪) andkun, is situated between God and the universal intellect: “Thus it isproven that the knowledge (al-↪ilm) of [God’s] unity [. . . ] is His firstcommand (amruhu al-awwal) which is above the second command [=the universal intellect] and the [universal] soul. It is the word [al-kalima]which originated in Him and which will return to Him [. . . ].” This divineknowledge, identical with the kalima, is “the command which is abovethe [universal] intellect and soul and below the Creator, Glory be toHim.”47 God’s word and command (amr, amr Allah) are responsible forcreating the universal intellect and soul, and the world at large.48 Thedivine knowledge, identical to the divine word and command, forms thevarious levels of the cosmic hierarchy (maratib) and is defined by theIkhwan as the “root” (as. l) and as the “truth by means of which thisworld was created” (al-h. aqq al-makhluqa bihi al-dunya).49 Along withthe longer version of the Theology and the eastern Isma↪ılı Neoplatonicwritings, the Ikhwan perceive the kalima as united (muttah. ida) with theuniversal intellect; the latter receives the kalima, or, it is the mawd. i ↪

(“place,” “object”) of the kalima.50

However, despite these similarities, the Ikhwan’s discussions concern-ing the kalima lack the philosophical-theological casuistry which is char-acteristic of the longer version and the eastern Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic writ-ings. Thus, in contrast to the longer version and to al-Sijistanı’s con-ception, the Ikhwan do not define the kalima as laysa (“not”). Though

47See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 622–623:;[. . . ] é

K AjJ.� ø

PAJ. Ë @

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®

JË @ð É

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YË@ QÓB@ ñëð [. . .]

p. 633:

Èð B@ èQÓ@ ñë é

�KA«ñ

J�Ó I.

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On the identification between the kalima and the divine power, see idem, Rasa↩il,vol. 4, p. 206; on the identification of God’s speech (kalam) with the ibda↪ and thekun, see ibid., vol. 3, p. 517. On the divine command (amr or amr Allah) situatedabove the intellect, cf. ibid., vol. 4, pp. 199–203.

48See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 528–537, 545–553, 559 (cf. ↪Arif Tamir’sedition of the Rasa↩il [Beirut: ↪Uwaydat, 1995], vol. 5, p. 140), 563–564, vol. 2,pp. 139, 248; idem, Rasa↩il, vol. 4, p. 212.

49See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 616, 619, 621 (cf. ↪Arif Tamir’sedition, vol. 5, p. 157: al-h. aqq al-makhluq bihi), p. 629. On the kalima and al-h. aqqcf. ibid., pp. 471–473. The expression al-h. aqq al-makhluq bihi is based on variousQur↩anic verses, such as Qur↩an 10:5 and more; see the root h. .q.q. in Muh. ammadFu↩ad ↪Abd al-Baqı, al-Mu↪jam al-mufahras li-alfaz. al-Qur ↩an al-karım (Beirut: Daral-Fikr, 1992).

50See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 528, 532, 563–564, 618–620, 667, vol. 2,p. 31; idem, Rasa↩il, vol. 4, p. 206. Concerning the term mawd. i ↪, cf. the term mah. allamrihi (“the place of His command”) in al-Sijistanı, Tuh. fat al-mustajıbın, p. 147.


the kalima is perceived by the Ikhwan as united with the intellect, thereis no doubt that, for them, the kalima is a living and active entity sit-uated between God and the intellect, an entity which bestows vitalityand unity on the whole universe. The Ikhwan emphasize — even resort-ing at times to anthropomorphism — the aspect of speech inherent inthe divine kalima. Explaining the essence of divine creation ex nihiloand the difference between this and the spontaneous process of composi-tion (tarkıb, ta↩lıf ) which occurs continuously within nature, the Ikhwanstate:

This is similar to the speech (kalam) of the speaker and thewriting of the writer. One of these two resembles creationex nihilo (ibda↪), and this is speech; while the other resem-bles composition, and this is writing. If the speaker becomesquiet, the speech ceases to be; yet if the writer stops [writing],the existing writing does not cease. Hence, the existence ofthe world in relation to Allah is like the existence of speechin relation to the speaker: if he/He stops His speaking, thespeech ceases to be.51

This extraordinary approach is combined with Plotinus’s concept of thelogoi, translated in the Theology of Aristotle as kalimat (see Section 2):

[God’s] words (wa-kalimatuhu) are found among His createdbeings through His saying, ‘be!’ (kun). The word is thus thefountain of the root of creation and the source of its origi-nation (yanbu↪ as. l al-khilqa wa-mabda↩ awwal al-fit.ra). ByHis speech, His benevolence (jud) appeared [. . . ] Like onewho speaks: by his speech he brings to light his command-ments and prohibitions (awamirihi wa-nawahıhi) which hehas willed, as well as his will and choice which have been exe-cuted through this speech, according to his ability (qudratihi)and power (wa-quwwatihi). For we have already said that theeffect (al-ma↪lul) contains the traces of the cause (athar al-↪illa). It is thus proven that all existent beings came intobeing through Allah’s complete and universal (al-tamma al-↪amma) words.

51Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, Rasa↩il, vol. 3, pp. 337–338, 351:

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264 Michael Ebstein

Like the longer version and the eastern Isma↪ılı Neoplatonists, theIkhwan view the kalima as the cause of the world, deriving from God’swill and power. Yet the Ikhwan stress the aspect of speech related to thiscause: for them, God’s incessant creative speech and the divine wordswhich emanate from it and which are dispersed throughout the universeare the direct reason for the continuous existence of the world. Werethis speech to cease, “the heavens and the earth would vanish and cre-ation would disappear; things would be reduced to nought all at once —were [God], glory be to Him, to stop the abundance of His mercy (fayd.rah. matihi) and the blessings of His word.”52

The process of creation as well as the physical and spiritual function-ing of the universe are all dependent upon the kalima and on its powerbeing channeled through the different hierarchal levels of the universe.According to the Ikhwan, the kalima and the amr are permanently at-tached (muttas. il, from ittis. al) to the universal intellect and, on a lowerlevel, also to the sun and the moon, which manage and maintain thecelestial spheres and the sub-lunar world.53 Like the logos in Greek andHellenistic thought (see Section 1), the kalima and the amr give unityto the universe: the whole world is “one body whose spirit is the word

52Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 472–473:�èQ¢

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The idea whereby God’s words do not cease is based on the Qur↩an; see Qur↩an18:109; 31:27; cf. al-Sijistanı, al-Yanabı↪, p. 82.

53See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 528–537; idem, Rasa↩il, vol. 4, p. 212.


of Allah.”54 The Ikhwan explain that “the word of Allah, may He beexalted, is continuously attached to [the world], supplying it with abun-dance and benevolence (tumidduhu bi-’l-ifad. a wa-’l-jud) in order that itbe complete and continue existing. [The kalima] begins its emanation(fayd. iha) through its unification (ittih. aduha) with the first created being,the active intellect [= the universal intellect]; then, through the medi-ation of the intellect (bi-wasat.atihi), [the kalima reaches] the universalsoul, the passive intellect; then, through the mediation of the univer-sal soul, [it reaches] prime matter (al-hayula al-ula); then, through themediation of prime matter, the absolute body; finally, [the kalima] isscattered (tanbaththu) throughout the world.” The role of the kalimais not reduced solely to sustaining the universe in its physical aspects:“[The kalima] appropriates from among the human virtuous figures theprophets, messengers and righteous men.”55 The kalima, then, is mani-fested within the sub-lunar world in the figures of Prophets and righteousmen, thus ensuring the proper spiritual course of human history. Like-wise, the Ikhwan define divine knowledge — identical, as stated above,to the kalima and the amr — as “the man of knowledge and the figureof religion” (al-insan al-↪ilmı wa-’l-shakhs. al-dını). This man or figure isrealized in the sub-lunar world in “seven virtuous figures” (sab↪a ashkhas.fad. ila), who appear among men in the seven cycles of human sacred his-tory. Each one of these seven figures is joined by twelve supporters fromamong “his most venerable companions, relatives and family members(min ajillat as.h. abihi wa-aqaribihi wa-ahl baytihi).” To these supportersare subjected numerous other men whose mission is to assist the above-

54See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, p. 635 ( Õæ�k. [. . .] éÊ¿ ÕËAªË @à

@ ú

¯ É�

¯

Ég. ð Q« éÊË @�éÒÊ¿ ékðP

à

@ð Yg@ð); on the amr as the unifying element of the universe,

see ibid., vol. 2, pp. 5–6, 33–38.55Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 635–636:

AîD�J

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On “prime matter” and the “absolute body,” see Altmann and Stern, Isaac Israeli,pp. 182–183; S.H. Nasr, An introduction to Islamic cosmological doctrines: concep-tions of nature and methods used for its study by the Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Bırunı,and Ibn Sına (Boulder: Shambhala, 1978, a revised edition), pp. 52, 58–59. For theterm imdad (“supplying’,” “reinforcing”) and its derivatives (such as madda, “con-tinuous increase,” “substance”), in their cosmic sense and in the context of amr andkalima, see also Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 658, 707–708, vol. 2, pp. 5,139–140, 148; idem, Rasa↩il, vol. 4, pp. 201, 203–204; cf. Pines, “Shı↪ite terms andconceptions,” p. 176 note 84; idem, “La longue recension,” p. 12 note 5; De Smet,“Le verbe-imperatif,” p. 404 note 51, p. 405 note 53.

266 Michael Ebstein

mentioned figure in propagating his message and attracting followers tohis cause (= da↪wa, literally: “summoning”). It is clear that the Ikhwanare referring here to the seven “speaker-prophets” (nut.aqa↩) known tous from the Isma↪ılı tradition, to their supporters (the twelve nuqaba↩,“chiefs”), to the Imams who are members of the Prophet’s family andto the hierarchal da↪wa organization subordinate to them.56 In otherwords: God’s word and the divine knowledge and will are the ontologicalroot of the “friends of God” (awliya↩), the religious leaders of humanity.It is thus understandable why the Ikhwan designate knowledge as thepurpose of creation and as the ultimate object of mankind.57

Finally, it is important to note that according to the Ikhwan, cre-ation is not only the result of divine speech, but also of divine writing.In a sense, the link between writing and God’s word appears already inthe Qur↩an.58 Moreover, in Islam there is a widespread notion that thefate of all creatures, as well as the Holy Scriptures revealed to mankindby God throughout history, derive from a divine heavenly book. Thisbook is often identified in Islamic tradition with the Qur↩anic terms“mother of the book” (umm al-kitab) and “preserved tablet” (al-lawh.al-mah. fuz.). According to a prevalent conception, the writing of lots byGod or His angels is executed by means of the “pen” (al-qalam), whichis also mentioned in the Qur↩an.59 These notions are incorporated bythe Ikhwan into the Neoplatonic scheme: the cosmic “pen” designatesthe universal intellect, whose nature is active, while the cosmic “tablet”designates the universal soul, whose nature is passive. The Qur↩anicpair ↪arsh and kursı (the divine throne and footstool) likewise stand for

56See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 608–634 (the quotations are from pp.616, 629–630). On the seven nut.aqa↩, see Daftary, The Isma ↪ılıs, index, s.v. “nat.iq,nut.aqa↩.”

57See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 621–622; cf. ibid., p. 610. On the con-cept of walaya (“friendship with God”) in the Shı↪ı worldview, see M.A. Amir-Moezzi,“Notes a propos de la walaya Imamite (aspects de l’imamologie duodecimaine, X),”Journal of the American Oriental Society 122/4 (2002): 722–741; reprinted in idem,La religion discrete: croyances et pratiques spirituelles dans l’Islam Shi ↪ite (Paris:J. Vrin, 2006), pp. 177–208; and translated into English in idem, The spiritualityof Shi ↪i Islam: beliefs and practices (London: I.B. Tauris in association with TheInstitute of Ismaili Studies, 2011), pp. 231–275.

58See Qur↩an 18: 109; 31: 27.59See Qur↩an 3:7; 13:39; 43:4; 68:1; 85:22; and EI2, s.v. “Lawh. ”; EI2, s.v. “Umm

al-Kitab”; EI2, s.v. “K. alam.”


the universal intellect and soul, respectively.60 Now, according to theIkhwan, God’s writing, like His speech, is an expression of divine will:“His throne is the pen [= the universal intellect] which moves accordingto His command. It wrote upon the noble tablet the lines of volition (al-mashı↩a) and the letters of the will (al-irada),61 the true saying and thetrustworthy promise, the perfect words and the great names [. . . ].” Thisdivine writing is made possible by, or is a result of, the divine utterance“be!” (kun).62 Thus, both the divine speech and divine writing areperceived by the Ikhwan as the source of creation and life.

4. Andalusı mysticism

The various terms pertaining to God’s word and divine will (kalima, kun,amr and irada) also play a central role in the writings of the AndalusıSunnı mystics Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı. As will be demonstrated,these terms were integrated by these authors into a Neoplatonic scheme,in a very similar way to what we have seen in the longer version of the

60See, for example, Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 25, 536–537, 705 (cf.Tamir’s edition, vol. 5, p. 179), vol. 2. p. 8 (cf. Tamir’s edition, vol. 5, p. 187), pp. 33–34; cf. al-Sijistanı, Tuh. fat al-mustajıbın, pp. 148–149; idem, al-Iftikhar, pp. 110-115.For a similar identification in Isma↪ılı mythic writings of the cosmic entities kunı-qadarwith kursı-↪arsh (sic, in this order) and qalam-lawh. , see H. Halm, Kosmologie undHeilslehre der fruhen Isma ↪ılıya: eine Studie zur islamischen Gnosis (Wiesbaden:Franz Steiner, 1978), p. 219. For the Qur↩anic verses in which the divine throne andfootstool are mentioned, see the roots ↪.r.sh. and k.r.s.i. in ↪Abd al-Baqı, al-Mu↪jamal-mufahras; cf. EI2, s.v. “Kursı.”

61The difference between mashı↩a and irada merits an in-depth study which isbeyond the scope of this paper; see, however, Stroumsa and Sviri, “The beginningsof mystical philosophy,” pp. 237–238.

62Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a (Tamir’s edition), vol. 5, p. 12:�

�mÌ'@ Èñ�¯ð

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Cf. idem, Rasa↩il, vol. 4, p. 203: “The divine circle (al-da↩ira al-ilahiyya) and thesupreme forms in the [universal] intellect are a book whose shining lines are writ-ten by the pen of will (bi-qalam al-irada) and the tablet of volition (wa-lawh. al-

mashı↩a [. . . ]” (�éK. ñ

�JºÖÏ @ èPñ¢� hñÊ

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ë

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�® K. ). On divine writing as resulting from the kun, see

idem, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 2, p. 324. Finally, the “perfect words and the great names”mentioned here were taught to Adam by God (see Qur↩an 2:37). From a strictlyShı↪ı-Isma↪ılı perspective, these are the names of the seven nut.aqa↩ and the Imams;see Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 118, 537–538, 651, vol. 2, pp. 319–321; cf.Amir-Moezzi, “Notes a propos de la walaya,” p. 734; E. Kohlberg, “Some Shı↪ı viewsof the antediluvian world,” Studia Islamica 52 (1980): 55–57; reprinted in idem,Belief and law in Imamı Shı↪ism (Aldershot: Variorum, 1991), article XVI.

268 Michael Ebstein

Theology of Aristotle and in the Isma↪ılı writings examined above. Inmy opinion, this indicates that the thought of both Ibn Masarra and Ibnal-↪Arabı was influenced to some extent by the Isma↪ılı tradition.63

4.1 Ibn Masarra

As argued in the Introduction, Ibn Masarra, the first Muslim mystic inal-Andalus who is known to us from his own writings, should be viewedas a Neoplatonic mystic-philosopher. The Neoplatonic philosophy standsat the heart of his two works that have come down to us: the “Epistleon Contemplation” (Risalat al-i ↪tibar) and the “Book on the Proper-ties of Letters, their True Essences and Roots” (Kitab khawas.s. al-h. urufwa-h. aqa↩iqiha wa-us. uliha). Like the longer version of the Theology ofAristotle and the Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic tradition, Ibn Masarra too inte-grates the terms relating to God’s word and divine will into a Neoplatonicscheme. According to Ibn Masarra, “the remembrance (wa-’l-dhikr) isthe universal intellect, which Allah, may He be exalted, has designatedexclusively for the greater soul [al-nafs al-kubra = the universal soul],which is situated in the carrying footstool (al-kursı al-h. amil).” Above thehierarchal level (martaba) of the “remembrance” (the universal intellect)is the “place of the ‘be!’ (mawd. i ↪ al-kun): this is the coming out of thecommand from the supreme remembrance (al-dhikr al-a↪la), which is thehidden realm (al-ghayb), to the greater soul and the act of supplying tothe soul by this command (wa-imdaduhu iyyaha).” 64 It is clear, then,that according to Ibn Masarra, the divine creative fiat kun is situatedabove the universal intellect and is responsible for “supplying” the uni-versal soul with (presumably) divine abundance. Notwithstanding Ibn

63I shall refer to the rapport between the longer version of the Theology, the Isma↪ılıtradition and Andalusı mysticism in the concluding section of this article.

64See Ibn Masarra, Kitab khawas.s. al-h. uruf, Chester Beatty library, Manuscript3168, pp. 164–165:úæ�QºË@ ú

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Kitab khawas.s. al-h. uruf was published by Muh. ammad Kamal Ibrahım Ja↪far, in hisMin qad. aya al-fikr al-islamı: dirasa wa-nus. us. ([Cairo:] Dar al-↪Ulum, 1978), pp. 311–344; and by P.G. Clemente, “Edicion crıtica del K. Jawas.s. al-h. uruf de Ibn Masarra,”Al-Andalus Magreb 14 (2007): 51–89.


Masarra’s idiosyncratic use of terms such as “remembrance,”65 his spec-ulations echo the Neoplatonic scheme found in the longer version and inIsma↪ılı writings. Especially noteworthy is his use of the terms mawd. i ↪

and imdad in the above-mentioned passage: in Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic lit-erature, the same terms appear in the context of the supreme hypostasisof the kalima/amr and its relation to the lower levels of the cosmic hi-erarchy. In addition, the identification of the divine footstool with theuniversal soul is also characteristic of Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic thought.66

Like the longer version of the Theology and Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic litera-ture, Ibn Masarra perceives the divine will and kun — identical to theamr and kalima — as the cause (↪illa) of all creation. Divine speech isGod’s command which manifests the divine knowledge and will.67

Like Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, Ibn Masarra too draws a link between divinespeech and divine writing. “The whole world,” declares Ibn Masarra, “isa book; its letters are His speech.”68 Similar to the Ikhwan, Ibn Masarraidentifies the Qur↩anic pairs ↪arsh-kursı (throne-footstool) and qalam-lawh. (pen-tablet) with the universal intellect and soul. For him, divinewriting is an expression of God’s will; he explains that the throne, i.e.,the universal intellect, is the “place of supreme decrees and the great vo-lition” (mawd. i ↪ al-maqadır al-↪ula wa-’l-mashı↩a al-kubra), stating thatGod “wrote upon His throne all of His decrees and sentences as well as

65For the term dhikr in the Qur↩an, see the root dh.k.r. in ↪Abd al-Baqı, al-Mu↪jam al-mufahras. Though dhikr is an important S. ufı concept, the cosmological-cosmogonic context in which Ibn Masarra employs the term points to a differentsource of inspiration, other than the S. ufı tradition — namely, Neoplatonism. OnIbn Masarra as a Neoplatonist rather than a S. ufı, see Stroumsa and Sviri, “Thebeginnings of mystical philosophy,” pp. 209–210.

66On mawd. i ↪, see above note 50; on imdad, see above note 55; on the chair and theuniversal soul, see above note 60.

67See Ibn Masarra, Khawas.s. al-h. uruf, pp. 136, 140–141, 145, 150, 153–154, 166.68Ibn Masarra, Risalat al-i ↪tibar, Chester Beatty library, Manuscript 3168, p. 175

( éÓC¿ é¯ðQk H. A

�J» éÊ¿ ÕËAªËA

¯ [. . . ]). This work was also published by Ja↪far, in his

Min qad. aya al-fikr al-islamı, pp. 348–360; and by P.G. Clemente, “Edicion crıtica dela Risalat al-I ↪tibar de Ibn Masarra de Cordoba,” Miscelanea de estudios Arabes yHebraicos 56 (2007): 81–104.

270 Michael Ebstein

that to which His will (iradatuhu) applies.”69 In addition, according toIbn Masarra, all the decrees are written upon the tablet by means ofthe pen, as an expression of the divine will and volition.70 Unlike theIkhwan, however, Ibn Masarra identifies both the pen and the tabletwith the universal intellect.71

4.2 Ibn al-↪Arabı

Know that the existent beings are the words of Allah (kalimatallah) which do not cease. [Allah], exalted be He, said con-cerning the existence of Jesus, peace be upon him, that heis ‘[the messenger of God] and His word which He has castunto Mary [Qur↩an 4:171]’; this is Jesus, peace be upon him.So this is why we say that the existent beings are the wordsof Allah [. . . ] The words known in the common language (al-↪urf ) are formed by arranging the letters [that result] fromthe breath which comes out of the one who breathes. Thisbreath is then broken up in the various [articulation] points(al-makharij ); and through this breaking up, the letters’ en-tities (a↪yan al-h. uruf ) appear according to specific ratios,thus producing words.72

This succinct passage, taken from the beginning of chapter 198 of al-Futuh. at al-makkiyya (“The Meccan Revelations”) — Ibn al-↪Arabı’s lar-gest and most important work — contains some of the most centralideas in Ibn al-↪Arabı’s thought, at least as regards the issue of God’screative speech. According to Ibn al-↪Arabı, all existent beings are the

69Ibn Masarra, al-I ↪tibar, pp. 182, 184–185 (É�®ªË@ ÕË A« É

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�Q«).70Ibn Masarra, Khawas.s. al-h. uruf, pp. 145–146.71Ibid., p. 154.72See Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at al-makkiyya (Beirut: Dar Ih. ya↩ al-Turath al-↪Arabı,

no date), vol. 2, p. 385 (the beginning of chapter 198:

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Where relevant, I will also refer to the partial critical edition of the Futuh. at by↪Uthman Yah. ya (Cairo: al-Hay↩a al-Mis.riyya al-↪Amma li-’l-Kitab, 1972–1990).


words of God: in the same way that human speech is formed from let-ters and words which result from the process of breathing, so too thedivine speech is formed from letters and words which derive from God’sbreath, the “breath of the All-Merciful” (nafas al-rah. man, al-nafas al-rah. manı) or the “divine breath” (al-nafas al-ilahı). God’s letters aretherefore the building blocks of reality; from them the divine words arecreated — i.e. the existent beings. In various passages, Ibn al-↪Arabılinks the concept of nafas al-rah. man with the term kun (“be!”) and de-fines the latter as God’s word (kalima) and command (amr, amr ilahı).According to Ibn al-↪Arabı, all beings exist eternally in God’s mind as“immutable entities” (a↪yan thabita), as infinite possibilities of existence(mumkinat). Nafas al-rah. man and kun bring these “immutable entities”into existence, giving them life. Through nafas al-rah. man and kun, thedivine letters, which are the entities of the existent beings, are formedinto divine words, i.e. into the beings themselves as they exist in thecreated world. The creative divine speech occurs perpetually; creationis renewed with every breath of God. This is why the existent beings, inIbn al-↪Arabı’s own words, “are the words of Allah which do not cease.”73

These ideas have a lot in common with the Isma↪ılı conceptions dis-cussed above, especially with those found in the epistles of Ikhwan al-s.afa↩. It seems as if Ibn al-↪Arabı adopted the almost anthropomorphicattitude of the Ikhwan, focusing as he does on the aspect of speech inher-ent in the notion of God’s creative word. Like the Ikhwan, Ibn al-↪Arabıdoes not show any real interest in the philosophical-theological casuistryof this issue, and he perceives divine speech as a dynamic living entitywhich bestows vitality and existence to the universe. Furthermore, boththe Ikhwan and Ibn al-↪Arabı emphasize the incessant state of divinecreation: the unceasing act of divine speech is the only guarantee for thecontinuation of life and existence in the universe. In order to establishthis idea of creation as being perpetually renewed, the Ikhwan do notcontent themselves with the Qur↩anic notion of God’s unceasing words,74

but also quote the verse stating that “every day He is upon a task” (kullayawmin huwa fı sha↩n).75 This verse recurs in Ibn al-↪Arabı’s writings,expressing one of the most central ideas in his thought: the perpetualrenewal of divine creation brought about by God’s speech or nafas al-

73For these concepts, see e.g., Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 1, p. 224 (chapter 20 =↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 3, pp. 89–90), vol. 2, pp. 394–395 (chapter 198, al-fas. lal-thanı), pp. 395–397 (ibid., al-fas. l al-khamis), vol. 3, pp. 507–508 (chapter 384),vol. 4, pp. 211–213 (chapter 558, h. ad. rat al-khalq wa-’l-amr); idem, Fus. us. al-h. ikam,ed. Abu al-↪Ala ↪Afıfı (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-↪Arabı, 1946), pp. 142, 211.

74See the references above in note 52.75See Qur↩an 55:29; and Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, Rasa↩il, vol. 3, pp. 338, 351; idem, al-

Jami ↪a, vol. 2, pp. 288–289; cf. Rasa↩il, vol. 3, p. 370, vol. 4, p. 209; al-Jami ↪a, vol. 2,p. 320.

272 Michael Ebstein

rah. man.76 Both the Ikhwan and Ibn al-↪Arabı stress the divine attributeof mercy as a central element that sets the unceasing creative processin motion.77 However, it is important to note an essential difference be-tween the Ikhwan and Ibn al-↪Arabı: while the former believe that thedivine words, which originate in God’s creative word or the creative fiatkun, are scattered throughout the universe, bestowing life and existenceto all creatures, Ibn al-↪Arabı clearly and boldly identifies the divinewords with the creatures themselves. This is understandable when weconsider Ibn al-↪Arabı’s mystical worldview, which perceives creation asthe manifested aspect of God. This is a fine example of the way Ibnal-↪Arabı incorporates Isma↪ılı motifs into his own distinctive system ofthought, giving them a new and original interpretation (on this see alsothe concluding section of this article).

The Isma↪ılı influence on Ibn al-↪Arabı is also discernible in the hierar-chal-cosmological position of nafas al-rah. man. In the above-mentionedchapter 198 of al-Futuh. at al-makkiyya, which discusses the “breath ofthe All-Merciful,” Ibn al-↪Arabı states that this divine breath is identi-cal to the ↪ama↩, i.e., the mythic cloud in which, according to a tradition(h. adıth) attributed to the Prophet Muh.ammad, God was situated be-fore creation.78 Nafas al-rah. man or the ↪ama↩ are further identified byIbn al-↪Arabı with the “Truth by means of which the hierarchal levels ofthe world and its entities were created” (al-h. aqq al-makhluq bihi maratibal-↪alam wa-a↪yanuhu).79 According to Ibn al-↪Arabı, the divine breathis the cause of creation (↪illat al-ıjad) since it enables the manifestation of

76See, for example, Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 2, pp. 277 (chapter 167), 386(the beginning of chapter 198), 389, 393–394 (chapter 198, al-fas. l al-awwal), vol. 3,p. 507 (chapter 384), vol. 4, pp. 169–170 (chapter 524), 229 (chapter 558, h. ad. rat al-raf ↪a); and W.C. Chittick, The Sufi path of knowledge: Ibn al-↪Arabi’s metaphysics ofimagination (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 18–19, 96–112;idem, The self-disclosure of God: principles of Ibn al-↪Arabı’s cosmology (Albany:State University of New York press, 1998), pp. 66–72.

77See, for example, Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 472–473; Ibn al-↪Arabı,al-Futuh. at, vol. 2, p. 385 (the beginning of chapter 198); idem, Fus. us. , pp. 220–221;and s.v. “mercy” in the indexes of Chittick, The Sufi path of knowledge and idem,The self-disclosure of God. On mercy in the S. ufı tradition and its roots in the pre-Islamic heritage, see S. Sviri, “Between fear and hope: on the coincidence of oppositesin Islamic mysticism,” JSAI 9 (1987): 316–349, especially 333–337.

78For this tradition, see, for example, Ah. mad b. Muh. ammad Ibn H. anbal, al-Musnad, Ah. mad Muh. ammad Shakir (ed.) (Cairo: Dar al-H. adıth, 1995), vol. 12,p. 481 (h. adıth 16132).

79Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 2, p. 386 (the beginning of chapter 198):

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the divine mercy, which seeks to bestow existence to all.80 This is verysimilar to the Isma↪ılı conception, which views God’s word — ratherthan God Himself — as the cause of creation.81 In addition, accordingto the Ikhwan (see Section 3.2), divine knowledge — identical to God’sword and command — is responsible for forming the hierarchal levels ofthe universe (maratib) and is defined as the “Truth by means of whichthis world was created” (al-h. aqq al-makhluqa bihi al-dunya). In the sameway that the Ikhwan view divine knowledge or al-h. aqq al-makhluqa bihial-dunya as the ontological root of mankind’s religious leaders and asthe reason and goal of creation, so too Ibn al-↪Arabı identifies al-h. aqqal-makhluq bihi — the source of the cosmic hierarchy — with the fig-ure of the “perfect man” (al-insan al-kamil), the reason and goal ofcreation.82 Moreover, Ibn al-↪Arabı explains that the first being to becreated from the nafas al-rah. man was the universal intellect, which heidentifies with the “pen” (qalam); then the universal soul, the “tablet”(lawh. ), emanated; and from the soul, all other cosmic entities emanated,according to the Neoplatonic cosmological scheme.83 Thus, similar tothe Isma↪ılı Neoplatonists, Ibn al-↪Arabı too places the hypostasis per-

80Ibid :úÍ@

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81See Section 3.1 above. Note that in various passages in his writings, Ibn al-↪Arabı explicitly states that God is not to be considered the “cause” of creation; see,for instance, al-Futuh. at, vol. 1, p. 136 (chapter 2, towards the end of al-fas. l al-thanı =↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 2, p. 76), p. 168 (chapter 6 = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition,vol. 2, p. 223), p. 227 (chapter 21 = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 3, pp. 107–108);idem, ↪Uqlat al-mustawfiz, in Kleinere Schriften des Ibn al-↪Arabı, H.S. Nyberg (ed.)(Leiden: Brill, 1919), p. 69; cf. Chittick, The self-disclosure of God, pp. 16–20.

82See Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 2, p. 390 (chapter 198): “[. . . ] the perfect manis truly the Truth by means of which — that is, because of which — the world was

created [. . . ]” ( éJ. �. ��.�

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@ éK.

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[. . . ] ÕË A ª Ë @). Regarding the perfect man’s ontological root being situated above theuniversal intellect, see ibid., vol. 3, p. 430 (chapter 371, al-fas. l al-tasi ↪). Note thatIbn al-↪Arabı also identifies God’s speech and command with the divine knowledge;see, for example, ibid., vol. 2, p. 397 (chapter 198, al-fas. l al-khamis). Finally, notethat Ibn al-↪Arabı himself claims to have borrowed the concept of al-h. aqq al-makhluqbihi from the teachings of Ibn Barrajan, the Sunnı mystic from Seville (d. 536/1141);see Chittick, The Sufi path of knowledge, pp. 133, 398, notes 15–16. However, as isclear from the current discussion, the notions concerning al-h. aqq al-makhluq bihi inthe context referred to here — God’s word and divine will — are ultimately derivedfrom the Neoplatonic scheme of the Ikhwan.

83See Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 2, p. 389 (chapter 198), vol. 3, p. 429 (chapter371, al-fas. l al-tasi ↪). Regarding the ↪ama↩ being situated above the universal intellectand identified with al-h. aqq al-makhluq bihi, see ibid., vol. 2, p. 279 (towards the endof chapter 167). On nafas al-rah. man, the ↪ama↩ and al-h. aqq al-makhluq bihi, see alsoChittick, The Sufi path of knowledge, pp. 125–130, 132–134.

274 Michael Ebstein

taining to God’s creative speech above the universal intellect and soul,identifying the latter two with the Qur↩anic pen and tablet. The Isma↪ılıuse of the term imdad (“supplying”) in this context is also found in Ibnal-↪Arabı’s writings: he states, for example, that “the [divine] supplyingis an act of merciful breathing (tanaffus rah. manı).”84

The affinity between Ibn al-↪Arabı’s thought and Isma↪ılı conceptions,especially in their Ikhwanian formulation, is also reflected in the connec-tion between divine speech and divine writing. “The world,” says Ibnal-↪Arabı, “is written letters, inscribed in the open-spread parchment ofexistence. The writing in it is continuous — it will never end.”85 Likethe Ikhwan, Ibn al-↪Arabı views God’s writing as an expression of thedivine will and knowledge. It is executed by means of the cosmic penand tablet — that is, the universal intellect and soul: “It was then thatGod dipped the pen of will (qalam al-irada) in the ink of knowledge andwrote with the right hand of power (yamın al-qudra) upon the preservedand guarded tablet all that was, what is, what will be and what willnot be [. . . ].”86 It is especially important to note here the phrase “penof will,” which appears in a very similar context in the epistles of theIkhwan.87

84See Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 2, p. 465 (chapter 198, al-fas. l al-khamsun).85Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 1, p. 149 (the beginning of chapter 5:

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= ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 2, p. 133). On creation as a book, see also ibid.,p. 160 (chapter 5, was. l fı asrar umm al-qur ↩an = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 2,p. 184–187), vol. 2, pp. 463–464 (chapter 198, al-fas. l al-sadis wa-’l-arba↪un), vol. 3,p. 441 (the beginning of chapter 373), vol. 4, p. 170 (chapter 524); idem, Kitab ↪anqa↩

mughrib fı khatm al-awliya↩ wa-shams al-maghrib (Cairo: Maktabat wa-Mat.ba↪atMuh. ammad ↪Alı S. ubayh. wa-awladihi, 1954), pp. 38, 42. For the expression “theopen-spread parchment” (al-raqq al-manshur), see Qur↩an 52:2–3; for its use in acontext similar to the one discussed here, see Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, Rasa↩il, vol. 4, p. 210.

86Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 1, p. 37 (khut.bat al-kitab:

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87See above note 62.


5. The historical role and religious significance of the divinecommand

The central role of God’s word and divine will is not restricted to thecosmogonic process or to the mere physical maintenance and manage-ment of the universe; it is also reflected in the religious and spiritualguidance of mankind, as was shown in our discussion of the Ikhwanian“man of knowledge and figure of religion” (see Section 3.2) and of theconcept regarding the “Truth by means of which the world was created”in the thought of both the Ikhwan and Ibn al-↪Arabı. I will now discussthis issue in greater detail.

5.1 Isma↪ılı literature

The concept of the divine command (amr, amr Allah, amr ilahı) occupiesa prominent place in Isma↪ılı literature. Its importance for the Isma↪ılıworldview stems from its relevance to the status of “God’s friends”(awliya↩) — the prophets and their heirs, the Imams. The divine com-mand, being an expression of the divine will, is the direct source forthe supreme status of the prophets and Imams and for their centralrole in human history. From the divine command emanate the spiritualpowers of the prophets and their heirs, as well as the special religiousknowledge that they possess. The prophets and Imams are responsi-ble for fulfilling God’s will on earth and executing His command amongmen, by introducing the divine religious law (the sharı↪a), developingits esoteric interpretation (ta↩wıl) and divulging their sacred knowledgeto the true believers who are initiated into the real faith. Hence, thedivine command which is directly linked to the status of the prophetsand the Imams is the true essence of religion, the true meaning of thedivine amr and nahy (commandment and prohibition) and of al-amr bi-’l-ma↪ruf wa-’l-nahy ↪an al-munkar (“commanding right and forbiddingwrong”).88 Accordingly, obeying the prophets and Imams is equivalentto obeying God’s command, while disobeying them is considered to be anoutright rebellion against the divine will. Since God’s will and commandnever change and since the bond connecting them with the prophets andtheir heirs always remains intact, the amr imparts to human historycoherence and unity: God’s command passes from one prophet to thenext, from one imam to the one who follows him, linking together all

88On this fundamental principle in Islam, see M. Cook, Commanding right andforbidding wrong in Islamic thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

276 Michael Ebstein

prophets and Imams throughout the ages. Mankind is therefore alwaysbeing led — manifestly or secretly — by a divinely sanctioned leadership.Thus, in the early Isma↪ılı work Kitab al-kashf (the Book of Unveiling),it is stated that “[. . . ] Allah’s command (amr Allah) remains continu-ous (muttas. il) from the first ones among His prophets, messengers andleaders of His religion [wa-a↩immat dınihi, i.e., the Imams] to the lastone among them. Whoever obeys the last one among them it is as if heobeyed the first one among them; for Allah’s command remains continu-ous from the first one, through the one who follows and down to the lastone. And whoever obeys the first one – this obedience will direct himand bring him to the last one. What is meant here is Allah’s commandwhich He establishes through each and every one of them in his ownage; then it reaches (yas. ilu, from the same root as muttas. il) the one whofollows him.”89

The various aspects of amr, especially historical continuity and unity,appear also in other Isma↪ılı works dating from the 10th to 11th cen-turies.90 In so far as, according to the Isma↪ılı scheme, the divine will issituated at the uppermost level of reality, God’s command, which is anexpression of this will, is perceived as descending or emanating from thethreshold of the divine, through the various hierarchal echelons of theuniverse down to our corporeal world.91 In line with its various meaningshitherto discussed, amr may also be translated, in certain contexts, as“affair,” “cause” or even “rule” — that is, the “affair” or “cause” at thebasis of the Shı↪ı-Isma↪ılı faith, or the political-religious “rule” which, in

89See Ja↪far b. Mans.ur al-Yaman, Kitab al-kashf, R. Strothmann (ed.) ([Cairo]:Dar al-Fikr al-↪Arabı, 1952), pp. 8–9:

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�¯ É¾K. éÒJ

�®K ø

YË@ éÊË @ QÓ

@ X@QÖÏ A

¯ Q

k

�B@

Cf. Pines, “Shı↪ite terms and conceptions,” p. 174. For other passages in Kitabal-kashf where the term amr occurs in the various contexts referred to above, seeal-Kashf, pp. 12, 27, 32, 58, 65, 67–68, 72–73, 80, 83, 88, 95–97, 102–107, 109–110,113, 119, 127, 131, 137–139, 148–149, 159, 161, 170; cf. Krinis, The idea of thechosen people, p. 175. Kitab al-kashf was compiled by Ja↪far b. Mans.ur al-Yaman(an Isma↪ılı North-African author, d. circa 346/957), presumably during the reignof the Fat.imı Caliph-Imam al-Qa↩im (ruled 322/934–334/946; see Halm, Kosmologieund Heilslehre, pp. 18–19, 28, 135; Daftary, Ismaili literature, pp. 121–122.

90See, for instance, al-Qad. ı al-Nu↪man, al-Risala al-mudhhiba, in Khams rasa↩ilIsma ↪ıliyya, ↪Arif Tamir (ed.), pp. 50, 52, 57–58; Ja↪far b. Mans.ur al-Yaman, al-↪Alim wa-l-ghulam, index, s.v. “amr”; al-Sijistanı, al-Iftikhar, pp. 74, 139, 220; idem,al-Yanabı↪, p. 18; idem, Tuh. fat al-mustajıbın, pp. 152–153; al-Kirmanı, al-Riyad. ,pp. 169–170, 177, 186–187, 201–202, 208, 210–211; idem, Rah. at al-↪aql, pp. 124, 326,370, 414; idem, al-Mud. ı↩a, p. 59.

91See, for example, Ja↪far b. Mans.ur al-Yaman, al-↪Alim wa-’l-ghulam, pp. 2–3;al-Sijistanı, al-Iftikhar, pp. 185–187.


accordance with the divine will, belongs only to the Imams.92

A similar conception of amr appears in the epistles of Ikhwan al-s.afa↩.Like kalima, amr is perceived by the Ikhwan as descending or emanatingthrough the various hierarchal levels of the universe. This process en-ables the physical-corporeal functioning of the various worlds as well asthe spiritual-religious prosperity of humanity in the sub-lunar world.93

It follows that in the Ikhwanian view, and in line with other Isma↪ılı au-thors, the cosmogonic-cosmological aspect of amr cannot be separatedfrom its religious-historical aspect. Thus, the Ikhwan state that theuniversal intellect was the first to receive and accept God’s command,termed as “the commandment of Allah and His just prohibition” (amrAllah wa-nahyuhu al-mustaqım). The creative divine command, whichis situated between God and the universal intellect and is united withthe latter, is none other than the amr and nahy known from the Islamicreligion.94 In the sub-lunar world, the human figure who correspondsto the universal intellect is the “messenger speaker” (al-rasul al-nat.iq),i.e. any one of the seven law-giving prophets in the seven cycles of hu-man history. The nat.iq is the source of spiritual movement (h. araka)which motivates men to gain knowledge of their Lord: “This movementis given to him as support [al-mu↩ayyad bi-ha, from ta↩yıd, “support”]by the command of God, powerful and mighty is He, through the angelsand Spirit who bring down to him the commandment and prohibitionand [aid him in] composing the laws and religious codes (al-nawamıs wa-’l-shara↩i ↪).”95 The source for the religious activity and special virtuesof each ra ↩ıs (“chief,” i.e. the nat.iq in any given cycle) is the “heavenly

92See, for example, al-Sijistanı, al-Iftikhar, p. 179; Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 2,p. 344 (cf. Tamir’s edition, p. 285); al-Kirmanı, Rah. at al-↪aql, pp. 134, 152, 161, 345;cf. M.A. Amir-Moezzi, The divine guide in early Shi ↪ism: the sources of esotericismin Islam (translated by D. Streight; Albany: State University of New York Press,1994), index, s.v. “amr.”

93See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 528–537, 545–553, 559 (cf. Tamir’sedition, vol. 5,p. 140), 563–564.

94See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 2, pp. 248–249 (QÓBá�ÊK. A

�®Ë @ Èð

@ É

�®ªË@

àA¿ð

[. . .] Õæ

�®�J�ÖÏ @ éJî

Eð Ég. ð Q« éÊË @). Cf. ibid., p. 310: “Know [. . . ] that the law (al-namus)

is a divine command (amr ilahı) [. . . ] it is the command by means of which the

heavens and the earth and all that is between them were set up [. . . ]” ( à

@ [. . . ] ÕÎ«@

[. . . ] AÒî

DJK. AÓð

�P

B@ð

�H@ñÒ�Ë@ éK.

�IÓA

�¯ ø

YË@ QÓB@ ñëð [. . .] ú

æêË @

QÓ@ �ñÓA

JË @). On

religion as “command and prohibition,” see ibid., p. 142.95See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 2, p. 249:

éJË @ hðQË@ð

�éº

KCÖÏ @ Èð

Q �K. Ég. ð Q« éÊË @ QÓ

@ ZA

�®Ê

�K áÓ AîE. YK

ñÖÏ @

�é»QmÌ'@ è

YîE. é

JÓ

�IªJ.

�K Õç

�' [. . . ]

.[. . . ] © K @Qå

��Ë @ð ��Ó@ñ

JË @ ©

�ðð ú

æî

DË @ð QÓBAK.

Cf. ibid., vol. 1, pp. 531–534. On the term nat.iq, see above note 56. On the spiritmentioned here, see Section 1, especially note 19.

278 Michael Ebstein

support and divine command (ta↩yıd samawı wa-amr ilahı).”96 Accord-ing to the Ikhwan, towards the end of each historical cycle and at the be-ginning of the next one, God’s command descends or emanates throughthe universal intellect and soul and eventually reaches the relevant ra ↩ısor nat.iq. The latter executes the new divine command by establishinga new sharı↪a for mankind. The divine command is therefore not onlya cause for historical continuity and unity, but also reflects a sign of thedynamic aspect of the divine realm.97

Finally, it should be noted that the term amr or amr Allah appearsalso in Shı↪ı-Imamı literature of the 9th–10th centuries. As in the Isma↪ılıwritings, the Imamı traditions emphasize the aspect of historical conti-nuity and unity pertaining to amr.98 One should bear in mind that theImamı and Isma↪ılı traditions derived from the same early Shı↪ı heritageof the 8th–9th centuries. However, contrary to the Imamı traditions,the Isma↪ılı authors emphasize the cosmogonic and cosmological aspectsof amr. Moreover, the Neoplatonic scheme into which this and variousother related concepts are incorporated is distinctively Isma↪ılı.

96Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, p. 660; cf. ibid., pp. 664–665: “[. . . ] theknowledge attached to it [to the human soul, al-muttas. il bi-ha] is a divine command,

through the mediation of the intellect [. . . ]” (�é¢�@ñK. ú

æêË @

QÓ@ AîE. É�

�JÖÏ @ ÕÎªË@

à

@ð [. . .]

[. . . ] É�®ªË@).

97See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 705–707 (cf. Tamir’s edition, pp. 179–180), vol. 2, pp. 138–154, 359–366; cf. Pines, “Shı↪ite terms and conceptions,” pp. 174–178; Krinis, The idea of the chosen people, p. 175. Note that among the Isma↪ılıauthors there was disagreement on whether or not Adam (the first of the sevenprophets) inaugurated a sharı↪a, and whether or not the seventh and last prophet(the messianic figure of the mahdı or qa↩im) will abrogate the Islamic sharı↪a. Onthis dispute see D. De Smet, “Adam, premier prophete et legislateur? La doctrinechiite des ulu al-↪azm et la controverse sur la perennite de la sarı↪a,” in Le Shı↪ismeImamite quarante ans apres: hommage a Etan Kohlberg, M.A. Amir-Moezzi, M.M.Bar-Asher and S. Hopkins (eds.) (Turnhout-Belgium: Brepols, 2009), pp. 187–202.

98See Pines, “Shı↪ite terms and conceptions,” pp. 170, 174; Krinis, The idea of thechosen people, pp. 174–175.


5.2 Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı

In his Kitab khawas.s. al-h. uruf, Ibn Masarra states that every created be-ing has been given a part (juz ↩) of the universal intellect through whichhe may come to know his Creator. He adds that “the remembrance(al-dhikr) came down upon four prophets: Abraham, Moses, Jesus andMuh.ammad, may Allah’s blessing be upon him and all the prophets.”99

As has already been explained (see Section 4.1), the “remembrance” des-ignates the universal intellect. Elsewhere in Kitab khawas.s. al-h. uruf, IbnMasarra replaces the term al-dhikr with amr : “The command (amruhu)of [God], blessed be He and exalted, came down upon four prophets whoare the repository of prophecy [ma↪din al-nubuwwa, literally: the mineof prophecy]. At the beginning, His command came down upon Abra-ham [. . . ] Then, after that, it came down to Mount [Sinai, al-t.ur, seeQur↩an 19:52 and more], upon Moses [. . . ].” Finally, after the appear-ance of Jesus and his prophecy, “the command came down and reachedMuh.ammad, may Allah’s blessing be upon him and all the prophets.”100

Perceiving amr as a link connecting the various prophets of humanitythroughout history, in a Neoplatonic context (al-dhikr, the universal in-tellect), is undeniably an Isma↪ılı motif.

As stated above (Section 4.2), Ibn al-↪Arabı links together the termsnafas al-rah. man, kun, kalima and amr. Amr, therefore, is associatedwith the creative divine hypostasis of speech, located above the univer-sal intellect. The concept of amr occupies an important place in Ibnal-↪Arabı’s writings; however, as far as I know, no scholarly study ofthis concept (especially with reference to its Isma↪ılı connotations) ex-ists at the present. A comprehensive discussion of amr in Ibn al-↪Arabı’sthought is beyond the scope of this article, but even a cursory overview

99Ibn Masarra, Khawas.s. al-h. uruf, p. 165:

éK. @ñÊ�®ª

¯ @Z Qk. �

�B

@ð ám.Ì'@ð

�éº

KCÖÏ @ áÓ

á�

�P B@ð

�H@ñÒ�Ë@ ú

¯ áÓ ©JÔ

g.

ù¢« @ é

JÓð [. . .]

éÊË @ úÎ� YÒm×ð úæ�J«ð úæ�ñÓð Õæë@QK. @

Ñëð ZAJ�.K @

�éªK. P

@ úÎ« Q»

YË@ È Q

K é

K B [. . .] Ñê

�®ËA

g @ñÒÊ«ð

.á�J�.

JË @ ©JÔ

g. úÎ«ð éJÊ«

100Ibid., pp. 156–157:

úÎ« Bð @ èQÓ

@ È

Q �¯

�èñJ.

JË @

àYªÓ Ñëð ZAJ�.

K @

�éªK. P

@ úÎ«

àA¿ úÍAª

�Kð ¼PAJ.

�K èQÓ@ Èð Q

K

à

B [. . .]

YÒm× úÍ@

è ðA

�

¯@ ð QÓ

B@ Èð Q

K ñëð [. . .] ,[. . . ] úæ�ñÓ úÎ« Pñ¢Ë@ úÍ@

½Ë

X YªK. È Q

K Õç

�' [. . . ] Õæ

ë@QK. @

.[. . . ]á�J�.

JË @ ©JÔ

g. úÎ«ð ÕÎ�ð éJÊ« éÊË @ úÎ�

Cf. ibid., p. 142; idem, al-I ↪tibar, p. 177: “The messengers conveyed information

based on Allah’s command [. . . ]” ([. . .] úÍAª�K éÊË @ QÓ

@ á« É�QË@

�H

AJ.

J¯).

280 Michael Ebstein

will suffice to demonstrate the affinity between Ibn al-↪Arabı’s specula-tions on amr and the Isma↪ılı tradition.

As in the Isma↪ılı writings, so too in Ibn al-↪Arabı’s works, the divinecommand (amr, amr Allah, amr ilahı)101 is responsible for managing theworld in both its physical-corporeal and spiritual-religious aspects. Ac-cording to Ibn al-↪Arabı, the kalima and amr are the source of propheticrevelation through which men receive the religious law (sharı↪a) andthe legal-religious “rulings” (ah. kam), and at the same time they are thesource of mystical experience shared by the prophets and the “friends ofGod” (awliya↩) alike. This mystical experience yields the special knowl-edge called “reports” (akhbar).102 Thus, akin to the Isma↪ılı conception,especially in its Ikhwanian formulation, Ibn al-↪Arabı views religiousknowledge — legal as well as esoteric — as deriving from the hyposta-sis of God’s word and divine will, located above the universal intellect.Furthermore, Ibn al-↪Arabı describes the amr as descending or emanat-ing from nafas al-rah. man through the various echelons of the universe.More precisely, the amr (or kalima) descends from nafas al-rah. man tothe divine throne, and from there it continues descending till it reachesthe divine footstool, where its unity disappears and it splits in two —into “rulings” and “reports.”103 The “rulings,” in turn, split into amrand nahy, that is, the commandments and prohibitions dictated by Is-lamic law.104 The use of the term amr and nahy in the context of the

101The phrases amr Allah and amr ilahı are very common in Isma↪ılı sources; seeabove, Sections 3.2 and 5.1. For these phrases in Ibn al-↪Arabı’s writings, see e.g.,Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 3, pp.122–123 (chapter 333), vol. 4, p. 428 (chapter559); see also the references above in note 73 and below in notes 104–105, 107.102See Chittick, The Sufi path of knowledge, pp. 169, 172, 250–251; idem, The self-

disclosure of God, pp. 112–113; and the references below in note 104. Concerningakhbar, cf. the Isma↪ılı use of this term, in the references below in notes 118, 126.103Note that the throne and footstool in this context are not the universal intellect

and soul, but the ninth and eighth celestial spheres (respectively), situated abovethe other seven spheres. However, Ibn al-↪Arabı also appears to identify the throneand footstool with the universal intellect and soul; see, for example, Ibn al-↪Arabı,al-Tadbırat, pp. 123, 133–134, 152, 176–178, 211; idem, al-Mabadi ↩ wa-’l-ghayat fıma↪anı al-h. uruf wa-’l-ayat, Sa↪ıd ↪Abd al-Fattah. (ed.) (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-↪Ilmiyya, 2006), pp. 111–113; and the references in the following note. Similarly,according to Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, the throne and footstool designate not only the universalintellect and soul, but also (respectively) the ninth sphere (al-falak al-muh. ıt., “theencompassing sphere”) and the eighth one (falak al-kawakib al-thabita, “the sphereof fixed stars”). See, for example, Rasa↩il , vol. 2, p. 26, vol. 4, p. 224; see also abovenote 60.104 For this cosmic process, see, for example, Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 1, pp. 159

(chapter 5, lat.ıfa = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 2, pp. 182–183), 201 (chapter13 = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 2, p. 352), vol. 2, pp. 254 (chapter 158), 278(chapter 167), pp. 426 (chapter 198, al-fas. l al-khamis ↪ashar), 428 (ibid., al-fas. l al-sabi ↪ ↪ashar, where al-nafas al-rah. manı, from whence the kalima descends to thethrone, is called al-amr al-ilahı), 429 (ibid., al-fas. l al-thamin ↪ashar), 431 (ibid., al-


divine command’s descent through the various hierarchal levels of theuniverse is very similar to the Isma↪ılı speculations examined above: inthe process of this cosmic descent from the upper spiritual worlds to thelower corporeal worlds, the divine command assumes the form of reli-gion, in both its legal aspect (pertaining to the messengers and prophets)and its esoteric-mystic aspect (pertaining also to the friends of God —the Imams in the Isma↪ılı tradition and the mystics in Ibn al-↪Arabı’sthought). In addition, Ibn al-↪Arabı distinguishes between amr takwınıand amr taklıfı. Al-amr al-takwını (“the existentiating command”), oramr al-mashı↩a (“the command of volition”) as it is sometimes termed,is the command that creates everything according to the divine willand volition. In contradistinction, al-amr al-taklıfı (“the imposing com-mand”) is the command that imposes religious obligations and duties onmankind, in the framework of the sharı↪a. The amr taklıfı is also calledal-amr bi-’l-wasit.a (“the command through mediation”), i.e. the com-mand that does not reach our world directly but via mediating links —the various cosmic entities and the prophets in the sub-lunar world.105

The term wasit.a in this cosmic context of amr appears also in Isma↪ılıwritings.106

Finally, in his famous work Fus. us. al-h. ikam (“The Ring Stones of theWisdoms”), Ibn al-↪Arabı declares that “in the same way that it is saidconcerning the doctor that he serves nature, it is also said of the mes-sengers and heirs [wa-’l-waratha, i.e., the friends of God] that they serve

fas. l al-tasi ↪ ↪ashar), 662–663 (chapter 295), vol. 3, pp. 418–419 (chapter 371, al-fas. lal-thanı), 447–449 (the beginning of chapter 374); idem, ↪Anqa↩, p. 42; Chittick, TheSufi path of knowledge, pp. 358–361.105See, for example, Ibn al-↪Arabı, Fus. us. , pp. 165–166; idem, al-Futuh. at, vol. 1,

pp. 236–237 (chapter 22, manzil al-amr = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 3, pp. 142–143), vol. 3, pp. 122–123 (chapter 333); cf. Chittick, The Sufi path of knowledge,pp. 291–294; idem, The self-disclosure of God, pp. 250–253.106See, for example, Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 534 (cf. Tamir’s edition,

vol. 5, p. 134), 635–636, vol. 2, p. 149; al-Sijistanı, al-Iftikhar, pp. 185–186. Con-cerning the phrase al-amr al-takwını, cf. the phrase al-amr al-kunı (“the command‘be!”), in idem, al-Yanabı↪, p. 24.

282 Michael Ebstein

the divine command (al-amr al-ilahı) in a general sense.”107 Ikhwan al-s.afa↩ state in a similar vein: “All beliefs and religions were establishedas medicines and potions which eliminate the doubts that overwhelmthe souls, just as the medicine eliminates the fatal infirmities and ill-nesses that seize the body. Thus, the originators of the religious legalcodes and those who establish the laws (as.h. ab al-shara↩i ↪ wa-wad. i ↪u l-nawamıs) by the command of Allah (bi-amri llah), powerful and mightyis He, are the doctors of the souls (at.ibba↩ al-nufus).”108 The Ikhwanlikewise designate as “doctors of the souls” those “who are learned inthe rulings of the law” (↪ulama↩ ah. kam al-namus), the philosophers, andthe supporters (awliya↩) and vicegerents (khulafa↩) of the prophets.109

Both the Ikhwan and Ibn al-↪Arabı perceive those who possess religiousknowledge — legal and esoteric alike — as acting in accordance withthe divine command. The existence of prophets and heirs is thereforeessential for mankind at all times. Indeed, the prophets and their heirsthrough the ages are portrayed by Ibn al-↪Arabı as forming various linksof a single chain which begins with Adam and ends with the three mes-sianic figures called khatam/khatm al-awliya↩, “the seal of God’s friends.”In various passages, Ibn al-↪Arabı refers to this historical chain or toits religious-spiritual activity as amr — “affair” or perhaps also “com-mand.”110 Thus, like the Isma↪ılıs, Ibn al-↪Arabı views sacred human

107Ibn al-↪Arabı, Fus. us. , p. 97:

QÓ B@ @ñÓXA

g Ñî

E @

�é�KPñË@ð É�QË@ ú

¯ ÈA

�®K ½Ë

Y»

�éªJJ.¢Ë@ ÐXA

g é

K @

I. �J.¢Ë@ ú

¯ ÈA

�®K AÒ» é

K @ ÕÎ«@ð

. ÐñÒªË@ ú

¯ ú

æêËB

@

Cf. idem, al-Tadbırat, p. 112: “[. . . ] This is the pole [al-qut.b, the senior one among

the friends of God], around whom the divine command turns” ( éJÊ«ð I. ¢�®Ë@ ñê

¯ [. . . ]

[. . . ] úæêËB

@ QÓ

B@ P@YÓ); and Chittick, The Sufi path of knowledge, pp. 272, 304–309.

108Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 2, p. 337:

AÒ»�

HAîD.�

�Ë@ áÓ �ñ®

JË @ ø

Q�

�ªK AÖÏ�éÊK

QÖÏ @�éK. Qå

�� B@ð

�éKðX

BA¿

�Iª

�ð AêÊ¿

�HA

KAKYË@ð I. ë@

YÖÏ @ [. . . ]

��Ó@ñJË @ ù

ª

�@ðð ©

K@Qå

��Ë @ H. Am��

@

à

@ð

�HA¾ÊêÖÏ @ ÉÊªË@ð

�HA

¯�B@ áÓ ÐA�k.

CË

�QªK AÓ Èð QK Z @ðYËAK.

. �ñ®

JË @ Z AJ.£

@ Ñë Ég. ð Q« éÊË @ QÓ

AK.

109See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, Rasa↩il, vol. 1, pp. 348–349, vol. 2, p. 141, vol. 3, pp. 11–12,vol. 4, pp. 14–17, 329–330, 376. Regarding the notion of the prophet as a spiritualdoctor in Isma↪ılı literature, see also al-Kirmanı, Rah. at, pp. 383–390; al-H. amidı,Kanz, p. 304; Walker, Early philosophical Shiism, p. 122; idem, H. amıd al-Dın al-Kirmanı, pp. 73–74.110See, for example, Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 3, p. 388 (chapter 369, al-was. l

al-tasi ↪ ↪ashar): “[. . . ] until the amr concerning this reaches the seal of God’s friends,the seal of those who rule on legal issues from among Muh. ammad’s community[khatam al-mujtahidın al-muh. ammadiyyın — presumably, Ibn al-↪Arabı himself], andthen it reaches the universal seal [al-khatm al-↪amm — Jesus], who is Allah’s spirit

and word [. . . ],” ( áKYî�Dj. ÖÏ @ Õç

�'A

g ZAJ Ëð

B@ Õç

�'A

g úÍ@

½Ë

X ú

¯ QÓ

B@ ú

æî

�D

JK

à

@ úÍ@

[. . . ]

[. . . ] é�JÒÊ¿ð éÊË @ hðP ñë ø

YË@ ÐAªË @ Õ

�æ

mÌ'@ úÍ@

úæî

�DJK

à

@ úÍ@

á�KYÒjÖÏ @), p. 442 (chapter


history as continuous and unified. This history is sustained by the lead-ership of the prophets and their heirs (the Imams in the Isma↪ılı traditionand the mystics in Ibn al-↪Arabı’s thought), and it ends with the appear-ance of a last, messianic figure — the seventh nat.iq of the Isma↪ılıs andthe khatam/khatm al-awliya↩ of Ibn al-↪Arabı.

6. Ta↩yıd

The term ta↩yıd, “support,” which has already surfaced in our discussion,plays an important role in the Isma↪ılı worldview and is quite commonin Isma↪ılı literature, yet it has not been given due attention in modernscholarship.111 Therefore, before highlighting the traces of the Isma↪ılıta↩yıd in the writings of Ibn al-↪Arabı and Ibn Masarra, it may be usefulto underscore some of the meanings of this term and the contexts inwhich it appears in Isma↪ılı literature.

In the Qur↩an, the term ta↩yıd (or its derivatives) signifies God’ssupport of the believers in the context of their struggle against fiercefoes. It is also associated with the term ruh. (“spirit”). As might be re-called (see Section 1), according to the Qur↩an, ruh. , ruh. al-qudus (“theholy spirit”) or al-ruh. al-amın (“the faithful spirit”) functions as thesource or means of prophetic revelation, and in this sense it seems tobe identical with the angel Gabriel. In addition, ruh. al-qudus is ei-ther the means by which Jesus received the divine support, the ta↩yıd,or the result of this support.112 The Qur↩anic ta↩yıd entered Isma↪ılıliterature but received a different emphasis and a new context: it wasintegrated into various cosmogonic and cosmological schemes, with theprimary objective of explaining the supreme status of the prophets andthe Imams and stressing their central role in human history. Accordingto the Isma↪ılı conception, the divine ta↩yıd connects the upper spiritualworlds with the lower corporeal ones, thereby guaranteeing the continu-ity of the divine flow between the various worlds. Ta↩yıd is the source

373: “[. . . ] and Muh. ammad, the father of the heirs from Adam to the seal of the

amr among the heirs [. . . ],” (úÍ@

ÐX�@ áÓ

�é�KPñË@ ñK.

@ ÕÎ�ð éJÊ« éÊË @ úÎ� YÒm×ð [. . .]

[. . . ]�é�KPñË@ áÓ QÓB@ Õç

�'A

g); cf. idem, Fus. us. , p. 214; idem, ↪Anqa↩, pp. 42, 71. On

the “seal of God’s friends,” see M. Chodkiewicz, Seal of the saints: prophethood andsainthood in the doctrine of Ibn ↪Arabı (translated by L. Sherrard; Cambridge: theIslamic Texts Society, 1993), pp. 116–146; C. Addas, Quest for the red sulphur: thelife of Ibn ↪Arabı (translated by P. Kingsley; Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society,1993), pp. 76–81.111See Walker, Early philosophical Shiism, pp. 117–118; Halm, Kosmologie und

Heilslehre, p. 53, note 1.112See above notes 19–20.

284 Michael Ebstein

of the power and special virtues possessed by the prophets and Imams— through it they receive divine knowledge which is then manifested inthe sharı↪a and its esoteric interpretation (ta↩wıl). Ta↩yıd is thus associ-ated in Isma↪ılı literature with the terms amr (“command”) and imdad(“supplying,” “reinforcing”),113 which also point to the unceasing flow ofdivine graces, from the uppermost hypostasis — God’s word and divinewill — through the various cosmic echelons and down to the prophetsand Imams in the world of man.

Examples of the Isma↪ılı use of ta↩yıd can be found in the earlyIsma↪ılı work Kitab al-kashf, already referred to above (see Section 5.1).According to this work, the prophet-messenger and the Imams who fol-low him are the:

repositories of Allah’s command and revelation (ma↪adinamri llah wa-wah. yihi). The blessing of Allah and his sup-port (wa-ta↩yıduhu) come down gradually upon them. Hechooses them in every age and period so he can use them [onjudgment day] as an argument against the beings He created(li-yah. tajja bihim ↪ala khalqihi) and so that they may guideHis servants to Him by His command (bi-amrihi).”114

The existence of prophets and Imams is vital for mankind’s salva-tion. Their religious-spiritual activity, which derives from, and at thesame time executes, God’s command, is enabled by the divine ta↩yıd.The religious knowledge of the prophets and Imams — both legal andesoteric — results from the ta↩yıd. Thus, according to Kitab al-kashf,the h. ujja — one of the most high-ranking dignitaries of the Isma↪ılı hi-erarchy — is the curator of the esoteric knowledge, and from him theIsma↪ılı believers derive their knowledge. The Imam, to whom the h. ujjais subordinate, “supplies him [yumidduhu, from imdad ] with the foun-dations of his knowledge, by the support (bi-ta↩yıd) of Allah, powerful

113On the term imdad see above note 55.114Ja↪far b. Mans.ur al-Yaman, al-Kashf, p. 102:

ú

¯ ÑîD

®¢�� ú

�æk èYJK

A�Kð éÊË @

�é»QK. ÑîD

¯ È

Q ��J�K

�éÖ

ß

B@ð Èñ�QË@ Ñëð éJkðð éÊË @ QÓ

@

àXAªÓ [. . .]

. [. . . ] èQÓ AK. éJË @

èXAJ.« @ðYîEð é�®Ê

g úÎ« ÑîE. i.

�JjJË

àAÓ Pð Qå�« É¿

The idea behind the expression “so he can use them as an argument against thebeings He created” is that the Imams do not only constitute a proof (h. ujja) of God’sexistence, but also an argument (h. ujja) against mankind on judgment day, for menthen will not be able to claim that they had been unaware of the true path. On theterm h. ujja, see the indexes of Halm, Kosmologie und Heilslehre and Daftary, TheIsma ↪ılıs.


and mighty is He.”115 Hence, the prophets and their heirs, the Imams,are the true possessors of divine knowledge (↪ulama↩): “Through themAllah comes to be known [by men],” for “His command and support arefound among them and with them [. . . ] He has made them His servantswho know His hidden realm (ghaybahu), who have become enlightenedby the light of His guidance and are continuously attached to the lightof His being (wa-ttas.alu bi-nur anniyyatihi).”116

The link between ta↩yıd and imdad is reflected in yet another Fat.imıwork, al-Risala al-mudhhiba, attributed to the famous al-Nu↪man b.Muh.ammad (d. 363/974), the chief Fat.imı qad. ı (judge) and da ↪ı (mem-ber of the da↪wa organization). The epistle emphasizes the cosmic aspectof these terms: the divine support flows unceasingly through the variousspiritual entities in the upper worlds until it reaches the Isma↪ılı hierar-chy in the corporeal world. The result of this cosmic process is the divineknowledge which is possessed solely by the prophets, their heirs and thosewho follow them. This is the knowledge of “the boundaries (al-h. udud),”i.e. the supreme cosmic entities and their equivalents among the digni-taries of the Isma↪ılı hierarchy, “the means and salvation (al-sabab wa-’l-najat) for anyone who seeks the [knowledge] of God’s unity and receivesthe traces of the support (athar al-ta↩yıd) from the higher boundarieswhich are the suppliers (mumidda) of the lower boundaries.”117

The term ta↩yıd plays an important role in the thought of the Isma↪ılı

115Ja↪far b. Mans.ur al-Yaman, al-Kashf, p. 60 ( èQå�« ú

¯ ÉKð

A�JË @ I. kA� ÐAÓB

@

�ém.

kð

[. . .] éÒÊ« úÍ@

áº�� ñ

®

JË @

à

B

á�º�ÖÏAK.�éj. mÌ'@ ù

ÖÞ�ð), p. 61 (ÐAÓB

@ úÍ@

á�º�Ó ñëð [. . .]

Ég. ð Q« éÊË @ YJK

A�JK. éÒÊ« Y«@ñ

�¯ áÓ éK. èYÖß AÖÏ); cf. ibid., pp. 84–85, 113.

116Ibid., p. 151:

éÊË @

¬Q« [. . .] ,�é�®J

�®mÌ'@ ÕÎ« ÑêË

��» áK

YË@

àAÓ Pð Qå�« É¿ ú

¯

àñÊ�QÖÏ @ð ZAJ�.

K B@ Ñë

àñÖÏAªË @ ð

[. . .] ÑêªÓð ÑîD¯ Xñk. ñÓ èYJK

A�Kð èQÓ

@ Ég. ð Q« éÊË @

à

@ ék. ð úÎ« [. . .] ÑêÊJ.

�¯ áÓ éÊË @

¬Q«ð ÑîE.

.[. . . ] é�J�

K @ Pñ

JK. @ñÊ�

��@ð é

�JK @Yë Pñ

JK. @ð

ðA

�

�J�@ð éJ. J

« @ñÒÊ« áK

YË @ èXAJ.« ÑêÊªk. ð

Cf. ibid., p. 169. On the philosophical term anniyya (“being”), see Adamson, TheArabic Plotinus, index, s.v. “anniyya.” For the term h. ujja, see references above innote 114.117See al-Qad. ı al-Nu↪man, al-Mudhhiba, p. 60:

áÓ YJK

A�JË @ PA

�K�@ ÉJ.

�¯ð YJkñ

�JË @ I. Ê£ áÓ É¾Ë

�èAj.

JË @ð I. �.�Ë@ ù

ë ú

�æË @ XðYmÌ'@

�éQªÓ

à

@ ÕÎ«A

¯

.[. . . ]�éJÊ

®�Ë@ XðYjÊË

�èYÒÓ ù

ë ú

�æË@

�éKñÊªË@ XðYmÌ'@

Cf. ibid., pp. 30–31, 39, 45–47, 54–56, 84. On al-Qad. ı al-Nu↪man and al-Risalaal-mudhhiba see Daftary, Ismaili literature, pp. 142, 145; idem, The Isma ↪ılıs, pp.177–178, 249–253. It seems that this work (or at least parts of it) was written duringthe reign of the Fat.imı Caliph-Imam al-Mu↪izz (ruled 341/953–365/975), under whomal-Qad. ı al-Nu↪man served; see al-Mudhhiba, pp. 38, 43, 53. For the meaning of theepistle’s title see Stern, “The earliest cosmological doctrines,” p. 6 (“The Epistlewhich Dispels [Doubts]”). On the cosmic aspect of ta↩yıd in Isma↪ılı mythic writings,see Stern, “The earliest cosmological doctrines,” p. 10.

286 Michael Ebstein

Neoplatonist Abu Ya↪qub al-Sijistanı, who devoted to it a whole chapterin his book al-Yanabı↪ (“The Wellsprings”) — the last chapter, entitled“On the way in which the support is attached to those who receive sup-port in the physical world” (fı kayfiyyat ittis. al al-ta↩yıd bi-’l-mu↩ayyadınfı ’l-↪alam al-jasadanı). According to al-Sijistanı, the support becomesattached to “those who receive support” in the same way that the powersof the celestial bodies are attached to the physical things in our world,except that it is “nobler and finer” (ashraf wa-alt.af ). In contradistinc-tion to the ordinary learned man (↪alim), he who receives the ta↩yıd doesnot need the physical senses and their corporeal objects (al-mah. susat)in order to obtain the abstract objects of the intellect (al-ma↪qulat) andkeep them stored in his memory, since his mental consciousness is theproduct of ta↩yıd. When the ta↩yıd becomes attached to the mu↩ayyad,“truths from the sciences of the hidden realm (h. aqa↩iq min ↪ulum al-ghayb)” and “many secrets of the concealed matters (asrar kathıra minal-khafiyyat)” are revealed to him. Hence the absolute superiority ofthe knowledge resulting from ta↩yıd, knowledge which is also referredto by al-Sijistanı as akhbar, “reports.” The ta↩yıd is thus the source ofthe namus — the divine religious law.118 Like al-Risala al-mudhhiba,al-Sijistanı views the ta↩yıd as originating in the higher spiritual worlds:it flows from the universal intellect, and via the various cosmic entities itreaches the prophets, Imams and the subordinate da↪wa dignitaries.119

Similarly, Ikhwan al-s.afa↩ hold that the prophets receive ta↩yıd, bymeans of which they are granted revelation (wah. y), and divine knowl-edge is communicated to them by angels.120 In line with the Neoplatonicscheme, the ta↩yıd is described by the Ikhwan as being permanently at-tached (muttas. il) to the universal intellect, and from the latter it passesdown unto the universal soul.121 Furthermore, the ta↩yıd is directlylinked to God’s word and command situated above the universal intel-lect: “[. . . ] revealing themselves to the prophets, the angels grant themsupport (tuh. ı l-mala↩ika ila l-anbiya↩ bi-’l-ta↩yıd) and descend upon themwith commandments and prohibitions, bringing down the command oftheir Lord upon whomsoever He wills [. . . ].” Likewise, the “man ofknowledge and figure of religion” (see Section 3.2) is described as “theholy soul supported by the power of the divine word” (al-nafs al-qudsiyya

118See al-Sijistanı, al-Yanabı↪, pp. 94–96. Concerning akhbar, compare its use inIbn al-↪Arabı’s writings; see references above in note reffn102.119See al-Sijistanı, al-Yanabı↪, pp. 3, 9–12, 35–36, 48, 75, 85, 92–94; idem, al-

Iftikhar, pp. 124, 152–153, 158; idem, Tuh. fat al-mustajıbın, pp. 148, 153; cf. Walker,Early philosophical Shiism, pp. 117, 130.120See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 434, 540, vol. 2, pp. 114–115 (cf.

Tamir’s edition, vol. 5, p. 218).121See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, p. 32, vol. 2, p. 36; idem, Rasa↩il, vol. 3,

pp. 186, 198.


al-mu↩ayyada bi-quwwat al-kalima al-ilahiyya).122 The divine revelationand support become “attached” to the prophets by means of the angels,enabling the prophets to perform miracles, to compose the holy scrip-tures and to develop their esoteric interpretation.123 However, accordingto the Ikhwan, the Imams too are “supported” (mu↩ayyadun) and so arethe believers — more precisely, those believers who follow the prophetsand their heirs or those who adhere to the religious-spiritual path out-lined by the Ikhwan in their own epistles.124 This is why, time andagain throughout their epistles, the Ikhwan address the reader with theblessing “may Allah support us both with a spirit from Him” (ayyadakallahu wa-iyyana bi-ruh. in minhu). This blessing is based on the assump-tion that anyone who follows the Ikhwan’s path — be he a prophet, anImam or an ordinary believer — is likely to gain divine support.125

Like al-Sijistanı, the Ikhwan emphasize the difference between con-ventional human knowledge and the knowledge resulting from ta↩yıd.According to the Ikhwan, there are two kinds of knowledge: knowledgeproduced by mental reflection or consideration (naz.arı) and knowledgethat stems from “reports” (khabarı). The former pertains to the phys-ical objects which are apparent to the eye and is obtained by means ofthe senses, basic human intuitions and the intellect, whereas the latterpertains to unseen matters and is gained via tradition and the readingof books. This latter kind of knowledge, the one based on “reports,” theIkhwan further divide into two categories: the first is related to physi-cal matters that either occur in faraway places or that have occurred inthe past (= history), while the second is related to nonphysical matterssuch as foretelling the future as well as astrology, philosophy, cosmogonyand cosmology, eschatology, etc. This second category is the knowledgepossessed by the prophets — it is included in the holy scriptures andresults from a “higher support” (ta↩yıdat ↪ulwiyya).126 The knowledge

122See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 493:

áÓ úÎ« AîE. P QÓ AK. È

Q ��Kð ù

ë@ñ

JË @ð QÓ@ð

BAK. ÑîDË @

¡J.î�Eð YJK

A�JË AK. Z AJ�.

K B@ úÍ@

�éº

KCÖÏ @ ú

kñ

�K AÒ» [. . .]

,[. . . ] èXAJ.«áÓ ZA

��

and pp. 616, 619. For the link between the divine command (al-amr al-ilahı) andta↩yıd, see also al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, p. 660; idem, Rasa↩il, vol. 4, p. 375. For the linkbetween God’s word or speech (kalima, kalam) and ta↩yıd, see al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1,p. 698; idem, Rasa↩il, vol. 3, p. 141.123See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, p. 539, vol. 2, p. 381.124See, for instance, Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, p. 342, vol. 2, pp. 63, 332;

idem, Rasa↩il, vol. 2, p. 476.125This blessing appears throughout the Ikhwanian corpus, especially at the begin-

ning of their epistles. For other Isma↪ılı writings in which a similar blessing is found,see, for example, al-Qad. ı al-Nu↪man, al-Mudhhiba, pp. 65–66, 80, 83; Stern, “Theearliest cosmological doctrines,” p. 15.126See Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 38–42. Concerning the term akhbar,

288 Michael Ebstein

granted to the reader of their epistles — especially that pertaining to es-chatological issues — the Ikhwan portray as esoteric in nature, as secretdivine knowledge that must be concealed from the common people. Thisknowledge can be attained only by “those who have inner vision (ahl al-bas. a↩ir), who are trained in the intellectual sciences [= the sciences em-anating from the universal intellect] and are given divine support. [Theyhave received this] from what the angels have cast to them, from the holyspirit by which they were supported and from what is contained in therevealed books.”127 There is no mention here of prophets or Imams: it isunderstood that any believer might obtain divine knowledge by meansof ta↩yıd.

Ta↩yıd is also a central term in the writings of H. amıd al-Dın al-Kirmanı.128 Like his predecessors, al-Kirmanı too views the ta↩yıd asoriginating in the higher worlds — according to his own metaphysicalsystem, in the world of the ten intellects. The ta↩yıd is indispensablefor obtaining prophecy, and through it the prophets reach the level of“the second perfection” (al-kamal al-thanı), i.e. the transition from thestate of spiritual-intellectual potentiality to the one of full actuality. Theprophets thus gain divine knowledge and are able to establish the reli-gious law for mankind. Like al-Sijistanı and the Ikhwan, al-Kirmanıstresses the difference between ordinary human knowledge, obtainedby teaching and learning (ta↪lım), and divine knowledge originating inta↩yıd. The latter is also given to the Imams, and its effects reach theda↪wa dignitaries.129 These various meanings and contexts of the termta↩yıd resurface in the important work Kanz al-walad (“The Treasure ofthe Child”), written by the Yemenite Isma↪ılı-T. ayyibı author Ibrahım b.al-H. usayn al-H. amidı (d. 557/1162). Kanz al-walad, which owes much tothe writings of the Ikhwan and al-Kirmanı, had a profound influence on

see above notes 102, 118. On philosophical knowledge as the fruit of ta↩yıd, see al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, p. 430. On the magical and astrological knowledge of the prophetsand their heirs as originating in ta↩yıd and the divine command, see idem, Rasa↩il,vol. 4, pp. 374–376, 378.127Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 1, pp. 109–110:

É�� B ù

®

kð Pñ

�J�Ó ÉJ�.

K Qå� é

J£AK. ð ÉJÊg. ÕÎ« èQëA

£ A

�®J

�¯X A

�ÓA

« ÕÎªË@ áÓ É�

®Ë@ @

Yë

àA¿ð

�éº

KCÖÏ @ ÑîDË @

éJ�®Ë AÒÓ

�éJ

K AK. QË @

�H@YJK

A�JË AK.

àðYK

ñÖÏ @

�éJÊ

�®ªË@ ÐñÊªËAK.

àñ

�A

�KQÖÏ @ Q

KA�J. Ë @ Éë

@ B@

éJË @

.�éË

Q �ÖÏ @ I.

�JºË@ ú

¯ ZAg. AÓð �Y

�®Ë@ hðP áÓ éK. @ðYK

@ AÓð

Cf. Tamir’s edition, vol. 5, p. 33, where he has alqathu instead of laqqanahu); cf. ibid.,332. On the esoteric aspect of knowledge in the thought of the Ikhwan, in comparisonwith Ibn al-↪Arabı, see M. Ebstein, “Secrecy in Isma↪ılı tradition and in the mysticalthought of Ibn al-↪Arabı,” Journal Asiatique 298/2 (2010): 319–329, 338–339.128Regarding this author, see above note 35.129See al-Kirmanı, Rah. at al-↪aql, pp. 83–84, 89, 93, 122–123, 163, 169, 198, 206–208,

217, 266, 268, 298, 329, 342–343, 354–356, 361–363, 365–367, 370–372, 380–381, 391,400–438.


the Isma↪ılı-T. ayyibı tradition.130

Finally, along with the term amr, ta↩yıd also appears in Shı↪ı-Imamıliterature. In various Imamı traditions, the prophets and their heirs, theImams, are perceived as being divinely “supported” (mu↩ayyadun).131

This is not surprising: the Imamıs and the Isma↪ılıs share the same earlyShı↪ı heritage. However, what sets the Isma↪ılıs apart is the centralityof the term ta↩yıd in their writings and the great emphasis they placeon its cosmological aspect. This aspect is directly related to the issue ofGod’s word and command and is formulated by various Isma↪ılı authorsin accordance with the Neoplatonic philosophy — which represents adistinctive Isma↪ılı trait in the Shı↪ı world of the 10th to 12th centuries.

Traces of the Isma↪ılı use of the term ta↩yıd can be detected in thewritings of Ibn al-↪Arabı. As in the Isma↪ılı literature, so too in Ibnal-↪Arabı’s writings, ta↩yıd is perceived as directly related to God’s com-mand and as the source of divine knowledge granted to the prophetsand their heirs, the friends of God. Thus, for example, Ibn al-↪Arabıdistinguishes between two types of divine spirit: the spirit of life that isbreathed into every created being, called “the spirit of affixing” (al-ruh.al-id. afı) or “the spirit of the affixing of the letter ya↩” (ruh. ya↩ al-id. afa,al-ruh. al-ya ↩ı), i.e. the spirit which is affixed to God himself in severalQur↩anic verses (such as 15:29); and the spirit which emanates fromthe divine command, “the spirit of the command” (ruh. al-amr, al-ruh.al-amrı).132 The spirit deriving from the divine command is bestowedto the prophets and the friends of God as part of the divine support,the ta↩yıd. This spirit descends upon them by means of the angels andgrants them divine knowledge, “divine power” (quwwa ilahiyya) and the

130For the term ta↩yıd in Kanz al-walad, see al-H. amidı, Kanz, pp. 3, 42, 47, 57-58,69, 74, 79–80, 83–84, 88–89, 104–105, 157–158, 166–167, 172–173, 176, 231–232, 241,245, 247, 290. On al-H. amidı and his thought, see Daftary, The Isma ↪ılıs, pp. 291–297;idem, Ismaili literature, p. 113. For ta↩yıd in the Nizarı tradition, see Steigerwald,“The divine word,” pp. 341–342, 346–347.131See Krinis, The idea of the chosen people, pp. 58, 102–103 and the references

given there.132On the Qur↩anic association of ruh. with amr, see above note 19.

290 Michael Ebstein

ability to perform miracles.133 The link drawn by the Isma↪ılı authors be-tween ta↩yıd and imdad can also be found in Ibn al-↪Arabı’s writings.134

Throughout his writings, Ibn al-↪Arabı addresses the reader with theIkhwanian-style blessing: “may Allah support you” (ayyadaka llahu),“may Allah support us both” (ayyadana llahu wa-iyyaka), “may Allahsupport you with a spirit from Him” (ayyadaka llahu bi-ruh. in minhu),“may Allah support us both with a spirit from Him” (ayyadana llahuwa-iyyaka bi-ruh. in minhu), “may Allah support you with the holy spirit”(ayyadaka llahu bi-ruh. i l-qudusi), etc.135 Ibn Masarra too uses a verysimilar blessing.136

133On the two kinds of spirit mentioned here and ta↩yıd, see e.g., Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 3, p. 124 (chapter 333); and Chittick, Self-disclosure of God, pp. 271–273, 276–279, 320, 342, 369. On ta↩yıd and mystical knowledge, mystical experiences,“divine power” and miracles, see e.g., Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 1, p. 36 (khut.batal-kitab = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 1, pp. 44, 46), 158 (chapter 5, miftah. =↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 2, p. 176), 159 (ibid., ıd. ah. = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition,vol. 2, pp. 178–179, 181), 160 (ibid., waqi ↪a = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 2, p.188), 530 (chapter 69, towards the end of fas. l bal was. l fı al-tashahhud fı al-s.alat= ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 6, pp. 325–326), vol. 2, pp. 23 (chapter 73, onthe ah. bab = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 11, p. 370), 26 (ibid., was. l = ↪UthmanYah. ya’s edition, vol. 11, pp. 387–388), 366 (chapter 186), 397 (chapter 198, al-fas. lal-sabi ↪), 476 (chapter 206; cf. vol. 1, p. 888, chapter 72, h. adıth sabi ↪ wa-↪ishrun= ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 11, p. 162), 594 (chapter 278), 664 (chapter 295),vol. 3, p. 492 (chapter 381); idem, Fus. us. , pp. 47–48; idem, al-Mabadi ↩ wa-’l-ghayat,

p. 137 (“[. . . ] Let him know this by means of support from Allah’s command [. . . ],”[. . .] é Ê Ë @ QÓ

@ áÓ YJK

A�J K. @

Yë ÕÎªJÊ

¯ [. . . ]). On ta↩yıd and “divine power” in Isma↪ılı

literature, see e.g., Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, Rasa↩il, vol. 2, p. 127; idem, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 2,p. 36; cf. al-Kirmanı, Rah. at, pp. 83, 371, 424; al-H. amidı, Kanz, pp. 104–105, 269.134See e.g., Ibn al-↪Arabı, al-Futuh. at, vol. 1, pp. 151–152 (the beginning of chapter

5, was. l = ↪Uthman Yah. ya’s edition, vol. 2, pp. 144–146).135As in the epistles of the Ikhwan, these blessings appear in many of the chapters

of the Futuh. at, mostly at their beginning. See also Ibn al-↪Arabı, Fus. us. , pp. 68, 158;idem, ↪Anqa↩, p. 71; and more.136See Ibn Masarra, Khawwas.s. al-h. uruf, pp. 134, 141–142. Another blessing recur-

ring both in the epistles of the Ikhwan and in the writings of Ibn al-↪Arabı and IbnMasarra is related to the term tawfıq (“success” or “succor” granted by God): “mayAllah grant you success/succor” (waffaqaka llahu), etc.; see, for example, Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, Rasa↩il, vol. 1, pp. 157, 182, 275, 389, vol. 2, pp. 6, 378, vol. 3, p. 268 and more;idem, al-Jami ↪a, vol. 2, pp. 349, 354; Ibn Masarra, al-I ↪tibar, p. 175 (cf. Stroumsa,“Ibn Masarra,” p. 101); Ibn al-↪Arabı, throughout his Futuh. at, mostly at the be-ginning of various chapters; idem, Fus. us. , p. 115; idem, Kitab insha↩ al-dawa↩ir, inKleinere Schriften des Ibn al-↪Arabı, Nyberg (ed.), pp. 5, 29, 32 (where the blessing iscombined with sadad, “rightness” or “truth”; for this combination see the referencesto the Ikhwan in this note). Note that according to al-Sijistanı, tawfıq originatesin the universal soul; see al-Sijistanı, al-Yanabı↪, pp. 2, 12, 83; cf. Ja↪far b. Mans.ural-Yaman, al-Kashf, p. 113; al-Kirmanı, Rah. at, pp. 403, 409.


7. Conclusions

The presence of terms pertaining to God’s word and divine will (kalima,kun, amr, irada and ta↩yıd) in the writings of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı, who employ them in the framework of the Neoplatonic philoso-phy and within the context of cosmogonic and cosmological speculations,points to an Isma↪ılı impact on their thought. A distinctive feature ofthe Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic scheme is that God’s word and divine will areplaced between God and the universal intellect; this very same featureresurfaces in the writings of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı. Insofar asthis feature is also found in the longer version of the Theology of Aristo-tle, it is possible that Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı were influenced bythis work as well, directly or via some other source. However, given theunassailable evidence linking the longer version to the Isma↪ılı Neopla-tonic tradition, it is plausible to assume that a link also exists betweenthe Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic tradition and the Neoplatonism of Ibn Masarraand Ibn al-↪Arabı. Furthermore, various elements in the writings of thesetwo authors relating to the issue of God’s word and divine will — suchas the motif of al-h. aqq al-makhluq bihi and the ontological root of thefriends of God; the concept of divine writing and the identification ofthe Qur↩anic pen, tablet, throne and footstool with the universal in-tellect and soul; the religious and historical aspects of amr, and ta↩yıd— these and other elements testify to the Isma↪ılı impact on the An-dalusı mystical-philosophical thought of the 10th to 12th centuries, i.e.,the Neoplatonic-oriented school of thought to which Ibn Masarra andIbn al-↪Arabı both belong.

Although the evidence in this article points mainly to an Ikhwanianinfluence on Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı, it seems to me that onecan rightly speak of a broader “Isma↪ılı impact” on the Andalusı in-tellectual scene. As is clear from the discussions above, the Ikhwan’sdoctrine of the divine word and will cannot be detached from its Isma↪ılıbackground. In addition, as I have mentioned in the introduction tothis article, several issues other than those dealt with here attest tothe links and affinities between the Isma↪ılı tradition at large and theworks of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı. One such issue is the science ofletters: cosmological and cosmogonic speculations on the letters of theArabic alphabet found in the writings of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabıbear a close resemblance to those found in Isma↪ılı literature. However,this type of letter speculations is virtually lacking in the Epistles of theIkhwan.137

Further evidence of the Isma↪ılı impact in the context discussed here

137See also Ebstein and Sviri, “The so-called Risalat al-h. uruf.”

292 Michael Ebstein

may be found in the Jewish intellectual world of North Africa and An-dalus during the 10th to 12th centuries. To begin with, such evidence canbe adduced from the writings of Isaac Israeli, the 10th century JewishNeoplatonic philosopher who lived in Qayrawan in North Africa. Likethe Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic tradition, Israeli’s thought can also be linked tothe longer version of the Theology of Aristotle. Modern scholars differregarding the nature of this link: according to S.M. Stern, Isaac Israeliand the unknown author/s of the longer version were both influencedby some common pseudo-Aristotelian Neoplatonic source which has notcome down to us. In contradistinction, F.W. Zimmermann denies theexistence of such an unknown source and holds that the longer versionmay have been the source from which Israeli derived his ideas.138 Be thatas it may, there seems to be a clear connection between the thought ofIsaac Israeli and the longer version of the Theology. Moreover, Israeli waspersonally connected to the Isma↪ılı world – he served in Qayrawan asthe physician of the Caliph-Imam ↪Abd Allah / ↪Ubayd Allah al-Mahdı,founder of the Fat.imı Empire (ruled 297/909–322/934). It seems thatIsraeli enjoyed a high status in the Fat.imı court not only in his capac-ity as a doctor but also by virtue of his philosophical activities.139 Itis evident, then, that a tripartite connection exists between the longerversion of the Theology, the Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic tradition and the writ-ings of Isaac Israeli. Thus, the latter’s works contain various elementsthat evoke the theory of God’s word and divine will as formulated inthe longer version and in the Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic writings. Israeli, thelonger version and the Isma↪ılı Neoplatonists all posit the existence of anintermediate hypostasis between God and the universal intellect, con-trary to the common Neoplatonic scheme and the shorter version of theTheology. True, the longer version and the Isma↪ılı Neoplatonists iden-tify this hypostasis primarily with God’s creative word, whereas Israeliplaces the first matter and form between God and the universal intel-lect. In his view, it is the first matter and form that the intellect iscreated from. Nevertheless, Israeli, the longer version and the Isma↪ılıNeoplatonists all emphasize the centrality of the divine will and powerin the cosmogonic process. Israeli holds that the divine will and powercreate the first matter and form, and while they do not constitute a

138See Altmann and Stern, Isaac Israeli, pp. xxiii, 95–97, 127–129; Stern, “IbnH. asday’s Neoplatonist”; Zimmermann, “The origins,” pp. 129, 190–196; cf. Adamson,The Arabic Plotinus, pp. 24–25; De Smet, Empedocles Arabus, pp. 104–105 and note235.139See Isaac Bar Shlomo Ha-Israeli, Sefer ha-yesodot (translated by Abraham Bar

Shmuel Ha-Levi H. asday) (Drohobycz: Zupnik, 1899), p. 3 (In Hebrew); cf. Altmannand Stern, Isaac Israeli, pp. xvii–xxiii. Note that Ibn Masarra too spent time inQayrawan during this period; see above note 46.


real hypostasis, they are conceived as divine forces active in the firststages of creation. It seems, then, that despite the various differencesbetween Israeli’s thought, on the one hand, and the longer version andIsma↪ılı Neoplatonism, on the other, an affinity exists between all threetraditions.140

Additional evidence of the Isma↪ılı influence in the context of God’swill and command is found in the writings of the Jewish Andalusı authorJudah Ha-Levi (d. 1141). Sh. Pines, and later also E. Krinis, bothdemonstrated a deep affinity between the Isma↪ılı concept of amr andHa-Levi’s al-amr al-ilahı, one of the most important concepts in his Bookof Kuzari.141 Finally, one may also draw a connecting line between theNeoplatonic thought of the 11th century Andalusı author Solomon IbnGabirol, on the one hand, and the distinctive type of Neoplatonism foundin the longer version of the Theology, the Isma↪ılı Neoplatonic traditionand Isaac Israeli’s writings, on the other. Like Israeli, Ibn Gabirol placesthe first matter and form between God and the universal intellect. UnlikeIsraeli, Ibn Gabirol holds that the first matter and form, from which theintellect was created, are universal, that is, they are manifested in everyechelon of creation. Moreover, according to Ibn Gabirol, the divine willplays a central role in creation – not only in its highest levels (= therealm between God and the first matter and form), but also in its lowerechelons.142 I will add that Ibn Gabirol was acquainted with the epistlesof Ikhwan al-s.afa↩ and was influenced by them.143

140On the elements in Israeli’s thought referred to here, see Altmann and Stern,Isaac Israeli, pp. 83–90, 98–103, 111, 119, 154–157, 159–164; cf. Fenton, “The Arabicand Hebrew versions,” pp. 255–256; De Smet, “Le verbe-imperatif,” pp. 408–410.141See Pines, “Shı↪ite terms and conceptions”; Krinis, The idea of the chosen people,

pp. 164–207. For ta↩yıd in the Kuzari, see ibid., pp. 57–58. On ittis. al and amr inHa-Levi’s thought — a combination found in Isma↪ılı sources as well — see D. Lobel,“Ittis. al and Amr Ilahı: divine immanence and the world to come in the Kuzari,”in Esoteric and exoteric aspects in Judaeo-Arabic culture, B. Hary and H. Ben-Shammai (eds.) (Leiden: Brill, 2006), pp. 107–130. Finally, although he objected tothe Neoplatonic theory of emanation (see Krinis, The idea of the chosen people, p. 164note 668), Ha-Levi seems to have been influenced by Neoplatonic notions (see ibid.,pp. 166–167, 171–172, 192–193 and compare with Ikhwan al-s.afa↩, Rasa↩il, vol. 1,pp. 148–149).142On Ibn Gabirol’s thought, see J. Schlanger, La philosophie de Salomon Ibn

Gabirol: etude d’un neoplatonisme (Leiden: Brill, 1968). Note that like Ikhwanal-s.afa↩, Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-↪Arabı, Ibn Gabirol too views creation as an act ofdivine speech and writing, associating the latter with the divine will; see ibid., pp. 47–49, 273, 280–281, 286–288; see also Y. Liebes, “Rabbi Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s use ofthe Sefer Yes.ira and a commentary on the poem ‘I love thee’,” in The beginnings ofJewish mysticism in medieval Europe, J. Dan (ed.), p. 84 (in Hebrew).143See Schlanger, La philosophie de Salomon Ibn Gabirol, pp. 94–97; Krinis, The

idea of the chosen people, pp. 30–31 and note 126. Regarding the various opin-ions in modern scholarship concerning the sources of Ibn Gabirol’s thought, see thediscussions and references in Pines, “La longue recension,” pp. 8, 20; De Smet, Empe-

294 Michael Ebstein

It seems to me that these various traditions — the longer version ofthe Theology of Aristotle, Isma↪ılı Neoplatonism, Isaac Israeli’s thought,and the writings of Ibn Masarra, Ibn Gabirol, Judah Ha-Levi and Ibn al-↪Arabı — should all be viewed as variations of one and the same uniquetype of Neoplatonism. These variations have essential differences and atthe same time significant similarities that pertain mostly to the meta-physical realm between God and the universal intellect or to the issue ofGod’s word and divine will. If we examine their common features in lightof the geographical (North Africa and al-Andalus) and the chronologicalcontext (the 10th to 12th centuries), we can contend with a fair degreeof assurance that the various traditions dealt with here all belong to acommon intellectual world. Each one of these traditions adopted certainelements from the unique Neoplatonic heritage, developing, adapting andincorporating them in an original manner into its own distinctive world-view.144 It is evident, however, that the Isma↪ılıs played a crucial rolein forming the distinctive type of Neoplatonism to which these varioustraditions belong. Not only were the Isma↪ılıs instrumental in passingNeoplatonic materials from the Eastern parts of the Islamic world to theWest, but by reworking these materials and adapting them to their ownShı↪ı outlook, they also contributed greatly to the formation of a new andunique Neoplatonic tradition, distinct from other Neoplatonic traditionsin the Islamic world of that period.145 One should bear in mind that,during the 10th century, Neoplatonic philosophy was widespread amongthe Isma↪ılıs of North Africa and Egypt and that, during that time, itwas even officially adopted by the Fat.imı Empire.146 Naturally, each one

docles Arabus, pp. 15–20, p. 95 note 196; Schlanger, La philosophie de Salomon IbnGabirol, pp. 52–109; Dillon, “Solomon Ibn Gabirol’s doctrine,” pp. 52–56; Liebes,“Sefer Yezira,” p. 118, note 68.144To this common intellectual world one may also add the Arabic Neoplatonic

tradition attributed to Empedocles and other Pre-Socratic philosophers. This tradi-tion is reflected in various Arabic sources, many of which are Andalusı. Regardingthis tradition, see De Smet, Empedocles Arabus, especially pp. 91–121; Altmann andStern, Isaac Israeli, pp. 162–163; cf. S. Stroumsa, “Review of Empedocles Arabus:une lecture neoplatonicienne tardive by Daniel De Smet,” Journal of the AmericanOriental Society 122/1 (Jan.-Mar. 2002): 96–97. On the problem of the relationbetween this tradition and Ibn Masarra’s thought, see Stroumsa and Sviri, “Thebeginnings of mystical philosophy,” pp. 202–203 and note 5, pp. 207–211 and thereferences given there. On the problem of the relation between this tradition and IbnGabirol’s thought, see the references given above in note 143.145Cf. Zimmermann, “The origins,” p. 129: “Presumably, L [the longer version of

the Theology, M.E.] was brought to Egypt, together with the Neoplatonism of theIsma↪ilis of Persia, under the Fatimids. That would confirm the Isma↪ili connexion ofL. The question whether L was the source or the product of Isma↪ili Neoplatonismremains”; cf. Fenton, “The Arabic and Hebrew versions,” p. 255.146See D. De Smet, “Les bibliotheques Ismaeliennes et la question du neoplatonisme

Ismaelien,” in The libraries of the Neoplatonists, C. D’Ancona (ed.) (Leiden: Brill,


of the traditions mentioned above was influenced by additional sourcesother than the Neoplatonic philosophy: Jewish sources (Ibn Gabirol andJudah Ha-Levi), S. ufı sources (Ibn al-↪Arabı), etc.

Ultimately, the links and affinities between the various above-mentioned traditions and the significant role played in this respect bythe Isma↪ılıs are important not only for understanding the developmentof Islamic mystical-philosophical thought during the period and in theareas discussed herein, but also for understanding the Jewish intellectualworld in medieval Spain, including the emergence of the Kabbala.147

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