Lumad, Libro at Lupang Ninuno: A Study on Threats to Lumad ...

Lumad, Libro at Lupang Ninuno:

A Study on Threats to Lumad Alternative Schools and its relation to threats of Mining to

the Lumad Communities

Abayon, Shella Mae L.

University of the Philippines Manila

Submitted to Professor Clarinda Berja in behalf of the faculty of the Department of Social

Sciences in partial fulfillment of the degree requirements for Bachelor of Arts in Political

Science

2016

LUMAD, LIBRO, AT LUPANG NINUNO

ABSTRACT

The Lumad communities in Lianga, Surigao del Sur, led by the Malahuntayong Pakigbisog Alang

sa mga Sumusunod (MAPASU) organization experienced 6 major evacuations from 2005 to 2016.

The intensive military operation that have penetrated the Lumad communities is regarded as the

key reason for these massive evacuations. The said communities, collectively known as the

MAPASU area, is one of the few remaining areas in CARAGA that have not yet succumbed to the

pressure of mining Corporations and which ancestral land has yet been exposed to mining

operations.

This paper aims to demonstrate that the attacks on Lumad Alternative Schools in the MAPASU

area are deeply rooted on the rigorous efforts of mining corporations to operate in the said area. It

also analyzes the role of education in the Lumad struggle for development and self-determination.

This study supports the Save Our Schools campaign by aiming to provide evidences supporting

the claims of threats to Lumad Alternative schools and providing policies and recommendations

for the achievements of the objectives of the campaign.

List of Acronyms and Terms Used

ALCADEV Alternative Learning Center for Agricultural and Livelihood Development

An alternative learning system especially designed to provide secondary education to the Lumad

youth of Caraga. It provides secondary education that is relevant to the Lumad people’s culture

and needs. It offers both academic studies and vocational and technical skills. (Tambuli tu

Kalinow, Bugduka Tu Anyadan, August 2015)


Ancestral Land refer to areas generally belonging to the indigenous people comprising lands,

inland waters, coastal areas, and natural resources therein, held under a claim of ownership,

occupied or possessed by IPs, by themselves or through their ancestors, either communally or

individually since time immemorial, continuously to the present except when interrupted by way

or forced displacement, or as a consequence of government projects, public or private. “Republic

Act No. 8371.” (n.d.) Official Gazette

BMC Benguet Mining Corporations or Benguet Corporations, first and oldest mining company in

the Philippines

DepEd Memo No. 221 Guidelines on the Protection of Children During Armed Conflicts

The memorandum contains guidelines for school officials and DepEd supervisors on how to deal

with requests from military infantry battalions and units for entry in schools. It adopts the Armed

Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Letter Directive No. 25 or the “Guidelines in the Conduct of AFP

Activities Inside or Within the Premises of a School or a hospital”, released in 2013.

IPRA Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997 or the RA 8371; a law recognizing the rights of

Indigenous Peoples and Indigenous Cultural Communities to their ancestral domains/lands

Lumads a group of indigenous peoples of the southern Philippines. It is a Cebuano term which

means “native” or “indigenous” and is short for Katawhang Lumad which literally means

“indigenous peoples”

TRIFPSS Tribal Filipino Program of Surigao del Sur

A non-profit service institution. Its presence in the communities can be traced in the long history

of programs support to the indigenous people in their struggle for economic stability and right to


self-determination, their fight for ancestral lands and human rights. It was created in 1987 by the

Diocese of Tandag under Bishop Ireneo Amantillo. It focused on establishing Lumad schools in

response to the requests of Lumad organizations. (Tambuli tu Kalinow, Bugduka Tu Anyadan,

August 2015)


INTRODUCTION

CARAGA is the mining capital of Mindanao. 23 out of the 48 large mining companies operating

in the Philippines are in the region. Despite the presence of mining companies in its neighboring

areas, one area in the region remains free from mining companies’ exploitation, more thoroughly

labelled as the uncontrolled state-mandated plunder of natural resources. This is the MAPASU

area in Lianga, Surigao del Sur. However, while it remains free from environmental plunders, the

constant and intensive presence of the military and paramilitary groups is what threatens the peace

and development in the area. The military operation in MAPASU area not only distresses the daily

life of the Lumad in the communities but also greatly affects the education of the Lumad children.

Stated in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples are the right to life,

land, education and self-determination. The Philippine Constitution elaborates the civil and

political rights of its people under the Bill of Rights, with the Commission on Human Rights as

the forefront agency acting on human rights cases. Article 14 Section 1 of the Constitution holds

that “the State shall protect and promote the right of all citizens to quality education at all levels,

and shall take appropriate steps to make such education accessible to all.” Moreover, the

Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) was enacted to recognize and protect the rights of our

indigenous people.

With these laws governing the country, it is but alarming that Lumads in MAPASU area faced 6

major evacuations which were all prompted by the intensive presence of military forces in the

communities. These evacuations not only distraught the way of life of the people but had also

disturbed the daily school activities of the Lumad children.

The researcher, noting her own experience of living with the Manobos in the MAPASU

area for three (3) weeks, finds it inhumane and appalling for her not to relate her research topic on


the struggle of the Lumads in Mindanao. The researcher believes that after documenting the plight

of the people in the indigenous land, it is her responsibility to pursue a study focusing on the

mentioned populace. The killing of ALCADEV Executive Director Emerito Samarca, a non-

Lumad advocate who had been active in promoting the right to education of the Lumad children,

and newly elected MAPASU Chairman Dionel Campos and Datu Jovello “Bello” Sinzo, two of

the MAPASU leaders who were active on the tribe’s fight against mining operations and military

presence in the communities, fueled the researcher’s interest in pursuing this research study.

Purpose of the Study

While it is established that the researcher wanted to pursue a study centered on the MAPASU area,

there are distinct reasons why she decided to focus on the sociocultural issue of education and

mining. First, the researcher recognizes that Lumad children comprises one of the most vulnerable

sectors in the Philippine society. Being children alone is one factor contributing to their

vulnerability, being of indigenous roots is another. With this in mind, the researcher wants to

discuss the status of Lumad children’s access to education and dig deeper on the different factors

contributing to Lumad children’s vulnerability. Mentioned in Article 14 of the Philippine

Constitution is that every child has the right to education. Given this, a Lumad child, being born

on the Philippine island, has to be protected and given access to a safe environment where he/she

can exercise his/her right to education. The researcher aims to pursue a study that will help in the

campaigns fighting for Lumad children’s right to education and safe environment. Second, as

mentioned above, MAPASU area is one of the few remaining areas in Mindanao that has yet been

exploited by mining companies. The researcher venerates the fact that despite the intensive

military presence in the area, the Lumad communities remain united on their stand against mining.


The researcher wants to show the different intervening factors why the said Lumad area remains

safe from environmental plunders.

Mining and alternative schools threats are two different issues faced by the Lumads in Mindanao.

However, while these are two distinct problems, the researcher believes that there is a fine line

linking them to each other in terms of the struggles of the Lumads. The main purpose of this study

is to show the link between mining and alternative school threats experienced by the Lumad

communities in MAPASU, which case’s not only expounds the case of the Lumads in CARAGA

but shows the struggle of Lumads in the whole of Mindanao.

Background of the Study

Back in the 1980s, the MAPASU area was solely controlled by Benguet Mining Corporations

which was then into the logging business. However, in 1984, due to the high resistance of the

people who were then establishing MAPASU as their organization, Benguet Mining Corporations

was forced to leave the area and stop their operations. Education played a big role in the

emancipation of Lumads in MAPASU against the sole exploitation of Benuget Mining

Corporations. Tribal Filipino Program of Surigao del Sur (TRIFPSS) and Alternative Learning

Center for Agriculture and Livelihood Development (ALCADEV) were established to cater to the

needs of Lumad children who were deprived of their right to education due to state abandonment.

Lumads don’t want their children to experience what they went through in the past. They believe

that through education, they will no longer be discriminated by the people living in lowlands. As

there were no schools in the mountains where the Lumads are, their ancestors didn’t have access

to the kind of education that the people in lowland had back then. Only a few were able to go to

the lowland to attend schools and this sometimes means being vulnerable to discrimination. Up


until now, children from the Lumad communities still experience discrimination when they go

down to the lowland. The only thing that is different now is that they don’t have to dwell with this

discrimination everyday as they already have their schools near their ancestral homes where they

are taught while upholding their values, culture, and traditions. From 1 out of 10 to 9 out of 10

literate children. Because of the establishment of these educational institutions, Lumads in

MAPASU were able to know their rights and elevate their way of life.

However, as they constantly strive to educate their people, they are also constantly facing threats.

After BMC left the area in 1984, military presence in the communities notably decreased. But

when BMC showed interest to come back, military presence in the area became more destructive

resulting to the 6 major evacuations in 2005, 2007, 2009, 2011, 2014 and 2015. The most recent

case is considered as the most destructive of all leaving 3000 more Lumad in CARAGA to flee

their homes and live in the evacuation center in Tandag, Surigao del Sur. As an aftermath of the

merciless military operation, all schools have been closed down and students from the Lumad

alternative schools are once again deprived of their basic right to education.

Statement of the Problem

How are threats to Lumad alternative schools related to threats of mining to Lumad communities?:

The Case of MAPASU

Significance of the Study

While NGOs and some private organizations have consequently offered help to the Lumads in

MAPASU area, they are still facing countless violations to their rights that need to be addressed.


The mainstream media is still silent on the plights of our indigenous peoples in Mindanao. While

the recent Lumad killings sparked the Stop Lumad Killings campaign that reached not just local

but international organizations, the Lumads remain vulnerable to threats of mining and threats to

their alternative schools. There is backward progress in justice.

Save Our Schools Campaign

The researcher not only recognizes the rights of Lumad children to basic social services

including education but also advocates the protection of the indigenous peoples’ right to

establish their own educational system that upholds their culture, traditions and self-

determination. This study supports the campaign by providing evidences to back the claims of

alternative school threats and suggesting policies that will benefit the Lumad children.

Lumads in Mindanao

While the research dwells on the issue of the Lumads in MAPASU area, the findings of this

study can be used by other Lumad communities in Mindanao to support their claims against

militarization and alternative schools threats.

Policy Development

As this study examines the existing policies and laws in the Philippines about the protection of

indigenous peoples’ rights, it assesses why certain threats are experienced by the Lumad

communities and its schools and what intervening factors contribute to the existence of these

threats in the Lumad area. Furthermore, it also seeks to recommend policies that will promote

and uphold indigenous peoples’ right to land and education.

Research Questions

1. What are the threats faced by Lumad alternative schools?


2. Why are Lumads not in favor of large scale mining?

3. What is the underlying factor why mining companies still cannot enter MAPASU area?

4. What will prove that the intensive military operation including the presence of the

paramilitary groups in Lumad communities are attributed to mining companies' urge to

operate in the area?

5. How can it be said that the paramilitary group which reportedly killed and murdered

Emerito Samarca, Dionel Campos, and Juvello Sinzo is supported and created by the AFP?

6. What explains the military's rigorous operation in the area?

7. What makes the military's presence in the schools possible?

Specific Questions:

To the MAPASU community:

What are your experiences in terms of mining and other “environmental threats”?

When did the threats to the communities start?

What are your experiences in terms of alternative school threats?

When did the threats to the alternative schools start?

What do you think is the reason why the military threatens your communities?

What do you think is the reason why the military encamps in your schools?

Do you believe that certain large mining companies have something to do with the

destructive military presence in your area?

Why are you not in favor of mining and what do you think will happen if you let mining

companies operate in MAPASU?


To the experts/NGOs:

What are the proofs that the reason why there are constant threats to Lumad Alternative

Schools is because of their stand against mining?

What are the reasons of the military for constantly encamping in the schools?

What are the legal basis of the violations done by the military?

What are the legal actions that must be done to stop threats against the Lumad’ Alternative

Schools?

How do the socioeconomic policies of our country contribute to the military presence in

the area?

To the military/concerned government agencies:

What is your stand on Lumad killings?

What can you say about the claim that the military threatens and harasses the Lumad and

non-Lumad living in MAPASU?


CONCISE REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Mindanao’s indigenous people have received few promises. They have seen their birth rights

seized and their traditions attacked while facing development. The region is known for violence.

History of the region includes foreign powers, the state, cults, politicians, land-grabbers, bandits

and traitors, attempting to enforce their political and economic objectives through the use of gun.

Mindanao has been a boundary, a society in formation with all the attendant chaos that such a

process lead to. (Turner and Turner 1992: 1)

The Philippines hosts one of the world’s biggest deposits of undiscovered minerals, such as gold

and copper (Herrera, 2012). The enactment of Mining Act of 1995 liberalized the Philippines

mining policy and opened both public and private lands, including the protected areas, to foreign

investments. (ATM, 2011a, p.7) For the indigenous peoples, land is life which means its value is

more than just a source of livelihood. It is their home.

A similar case to the struggle of MAPASU area can be found in the case of the B’laan in

Tampakan, Mindanao. The intensive military presence in the area leads to worsened tensions on

the ground. Battalions have been officially deployed in a counter-insurgency missions against the

New People’s Army (NPA) which is operating in the mountains. However, the indigenous

communities claim that the military operation only intensified since Sagittarius Mines Inc. (SMI)

started its activities. This include reports of a series of harassment, violations against their rights

as indigenous peoples, and threats to their livelihoods (Wetzlmaier, 2012). The soldiers searched

for suspected NPA members or for the leaders who are involved in the armed resistance against

SMI and have prevented villagers from practicing their rituals and from hunting in the forests.

(Sarmiento, 2012; Marbel, personal communication, March 9, 2012).


In a country like the Philippines in which foreign and ruling class interests prevail, it is not

shocking how most of large mining companies operating in the country are owned by foreign

nationals or elites. More companies are aiming at bigger mining sites. A strong concern has been

raised on “the social, environmental and economic impacts of mining in the local level as well as

its negative economic impacts at the national level”; given the fact that while mining has serious

environmental concerns, the “increasing wealth accumulation of mining executives and mining

companies do not benefit affected communities and governments are not sharing proportionately

in the wealth that is being taken from the earth beneath their feet”. (Coumans 2012: 6). Lumads,

who belong to the land are being sent out to flee their homes for these large scale mining

corporations to operate and exploit their lands while these corporations freely exploit and deplete

the natural resources in the region. The indigenous peoples, who belong to the most marginalized

and vulnerable sectors of society, large-scale mining often leads to the loss of their lands and in

turn poses a threat to their way of life. (Wetzlmaier 2012). A tantamount to 60 percent of mining

operations in the Philippines target the ancestral domains often without the consent of the ICCs or

IPs in the area, which fall victim to displacement and several human rights violations. (Brawner

Baguilat, 2011).

As more accessible and economic natural resources have been depleted, mining companies are

moving into another area where they can continue their operation. “Mines are moving into the

steep mountainous head water areas… Mines are also increasingly encroaching on the lands of

indigenous peoples and remote communities that rely on the health of the local water supply and

on access to land for survival. Increasing numbers of people are being moved away from their land

by mining companies worldwide.” (Coumans 2012: 7). The geographical location of the schools

are evidently rich in natural resources. These areas are not new to logging and mining threats. In


fact, until now, these areas are still being threatened despite the high resistance consistently shown

by the IP communities. The Lumad have strongly disagreed to mining and other environment-

related projects because they believe that these are threats to the environment.

However, the indigenous people struggle doesn’t stop. While they face countless threats, they will

continue fighting for what they know is right. They have right to their land and right to self-

determination. “Indigenous peoples resist colonization in two ways. First, they struggle against the

structure of domination as a whole and for the sake of their freedom as peoples. Second, they

struggle within the structure of domination vis a vis techniques of government, by exercising their

freedom of thought and action with the aim of modifying the system in the short term and

transforming it from within in the long term.” (Ivison, Patton, Sanders 2000)

The Alternative Learning Systems (ALS) of the Bureau of Alternative Learning Systems (BALS)

under the Department of Education is the over-all curricular framework for non-formal education

system. The ALS curriculum is applied to the indigenous education programs with innovations

consisting of the use of indigenous learning and teaching techniques and the use of indigenous

materials for teaching aids.1 The “Own System” approach is applicable to areas where the formal

school setting is not applicable and appropriate or the communities have decided to design their

school system. MAPASU alternative schools fall on the latter. However, in spite of the efforts of

various stakeholders, indigenous education remains at stage that is hampered by institutional

incongruences with the government and by the indigenous peoples’ vulnerability as a marginalized

sector. (Xing, NG 2016). Formal education may not be enough to address their immediate need

for language instruction or modes of learning especially when they decide to pursue higher

1 Indigenous Peoples Education: “From Alienation To Rootedness” Consolidated report by the Episcopal Commission on Indigenous People


education (Adonis, 2010) Another prevailing problem in Lumad alternative schools is the intensive

presence of the military including encampments in schools and exposing children to violence

(IDMC 2011).

The development of policies catering to the IPs right to education were relatively slow although

the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act was enacted in 1987 (Delfin 2012). It was only in 2004 when

the Department of Education gave permits to operate schools for IPs.

Formal recognition by the State has been an issue of the Alternative Learning Center for

Agricultural and Livelihood Development (ALCADEV) which was established by different

NGOs. DepEd Surigao del Sur wanted to push ALCADEV into a formal school framework in

which ALCADEV stakeholders expressed disappointment to. This led to the allegations of the

military that it is a training ground for communist insurgents in the area (Magbanua 2010).

The research found it hard to find a study that discusses the sociopolitical issues of mining threats

and alternative school threats in one study as the issues were commonly discussed separately on

separate studies.


THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Accumulation by Dispossession (David Harvey)

Accumulation by dispossession defines the neoliberal capitalist policies that led to the

centralization of wealth and power in the hands of the few by dispossessing the public of their

wealth and land. Harvey explained the concept of accumulation by dispossession through

elaborating the concept of Marx’s primitive accumulation and applying it to the modern day

society. According to Marx (1867), the extraction of mineral resources of the New World by the

Spanish is an example of primate accumulation. Bridge (2007), regards the implementation of

mining codes allows a natural resource to be rendered a commodity and extracted by private

corporations. Marx referred to the primitive accumulation as a temporary and transitory stage that

occurs during the stage of capitalism when it overtake feudalism through the creation of a

proletariat class of urban-industrial workers who would later overthrow capitalism (Glassman

2006). According to this theory, Marx’s concept of primitive accumulation remains powerful

within capitalism’s historical geography (Harvey 2003). A contemporary peasant population are

being displaced through violent means (Harvey 2003) which in the case of the Philippines, the

indigenous peoples whose modes of production are replaced by new capitalism modes. As

capitalism is seeking new sources of raw materials and new markets, it moves to the IPs ancestral

domain which should have been off-limits to the calculus of profitability (Harvey 2006).

State as an Agent of Neoliberalism

The state is able to promote or suppress the market. In fact, free market emerges through the

protection of the state. State is needed by the market for internal regulation in the form of legal

system and ensuring that contracts are enforced.


The figure above illustrates the relationship of the 3 primary agents in this research based on the

theory of Accumulation by Dispossession. The small triangle represents the 3 major problems of

the country that are manifested through its neoliberal capitalist policies mentioned by Harvey.

Foreign mining companies, a product of the country’s bureaucratic capitalist system that favors

the interests of foreign investors and elites, are able to penetrate the Lumad communities in

Mindanao because of the protection of the state itself, through the use of force and neoliberal

policies. The Lumad communities, which development is recurrently hampered by a semi-feudal

system, is further oppressed by militarization and neoliberal policies that directly threaten their

way of life and violates their right to land and their children’ right to education.

Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Paulo Freire)


It is how oppressed people can participate in the pedagogy of their liberation. (Freire 1970 p. 33).

The oppressors do not have the strength to liberate either the oppressed or themselves. Only power

coming from the weakness of the oppressed will be sufficiently strong to free both.(Freire 1970).

He focused on the primarily rural peasants rather than the urban poor. He noted that as long as

their ambiguity persists, the oppressed will be reluctant to resist, and totally lack confidence in

themselves. (Freire 1970) The oppressed has a magical belief in the invulnerability and power of

the oppressor and this “magical force” of the landowners influences a great part of the oppressed

minds in the rural areas. There is a need to trust the oppressed and their ability to reason out.

Paulo Freire also emphasized the importance of education in the Lumad struggle for emancipation.

There should be co-intentional education between the leaders and its people. Teachers and students

(leadership and people) are both subjects not only in unveiling reality but more importantly in the

task of re-creating knowledge after coming to know it critically. (Freire 1970). The oppressed

class’ role in the struggle for liberation should not be pseudo-participation but committed

involvement. Paulo Freire criticized a kind of education synonymous to the kind of education

experienced by the Hegelian dialect, which is the banking type of education. According to him, in

this type of education, knowledge is bestowed by those who consider themselves knowledgeable

upon whom they consider to know nothing (1970). This is a characteristic of ideology of

oppression that negates education and knowledge as processes of inquiry. According to this theory,

the interests of the oppressors lie in “changing the consciousness of the oppressed and not the

situation that oppresses them” (Freire 1970) because as the oppressed learns to adapt to the

situation, they can be easily dominated.

Paulo Freire’s used the theoretical model of dialectical materialism in his research. It is the idea

that the human destiny should be resolved in a struggle between the two economic classes of


owners and labourers. Dialectical materialism is based on the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich

Engels. Freire’s analysis of the social institution is based on the idea that: an oppressor class

oppresses and an oppress d class is oppressed. He was particularly concerned with the state of

consciousness of the oppressed class. He raised the point that the oppressed class is submerged, as

to having accepted their current state in the system or that status quo in which they are the ones

oppressed by the oppressors. The oppressed class’ historical call upon realizing that they are

being denied the humanity that they deserve, would be to struggle against the oppressor not only

for them but for all. (Freire 1970).

Theory of Collective Consciousness (Emil Durkheim)

The totality of beliefs and sentiments common to the average members of a society (Durkheim).

It is through a collective consciousness that the division of labor, the main focus of Durkheim’s

writing, is understood and passed from generation to generation for it is the collective

consciousness that links successive generations to one another. Solidarity gives rise to social

cohesion and depends upon an awareness and identification with a collectivity. (Snow 2004)

Collective consciousness enables individuals to share morals and goals.


Conceptual Framework

The figure above explain the structural between the three major agents acting in the study. Foreign

mining companies, Lumad communities including the Lumad schools and the government through

its laws/policies and the AFP. The research aims to show that the government plays a big role in

the existence of threats in the Lumad communities and its schools. Since the issue of mining and

alternative schools threats are perceived to be two distinct problems, the researcher wanted to look

on the policies that will provide the link between these two problems and explain how the intensive

military operations in the area are deeply rooted on the efforts of mining companies of foreign

origins to operate in the said area. This framework does not only show how the institutions

involved in the study direct their actions to other institutions but it also demonstrates how the

institutions respond to the actions of other institutions which will be further discussed in the next

figures.


The detailed conceptual framework discusses the relationship between the 3 acting agents in the

study. The researcher believes that it is important to study the socioeconomic policies of the

country in order to know if these policies contribute to the threats experienced by the Lumads and

its schools. With the inclusion of foreign influences, the researcher shows that as the society

remains semi-colonial, the interests of foreign mining companies prevail. The researcher also aims

to look at the experiences of militarization of the Lumad communities, particularly its schools, and

to show that these threats are actually connected to the urgency of mining companies to exploit

MAPASU area. The researcher, aside from looking at the socioeconomic policies of the land, also

looks at the government policies concerning education of the Lumad children as the researcher

believes that this may answer the question on why the schools are still experiencing threats.

How do the country’s socioeconomic policies and its connection with foreign interests contribute to the

presence of mining companies in the region?

How do the Lumad communities

respond to mining operations?

How do government policies threaten the existence of Lumad alternative schools?

How do the presence of military forces in the area threaten the way of life of

the people?


The researcher believes that it is also important to look at the response of the agents in terms of

the threats or the demands of other agents. The researcher looks at how the Lumad communities

respond to militarization and other forms of threats, how the schools respond to the state policies

directed at the existence of the schools, what is the fact keeping MAPASU are safe from mining

and other environmental plunders and how is the government related to the existence of foreign

mining companies in Mindanao.

Research Objectives

How is the government

related to mining companies in Mindanao?

What is the intervening factor making MAPASU area safe from

mining and other environmental

threats?

How do Lumad schools respond to

the country’s policies threatening to close down their

schools?

How do Lumad respond to

military threats?


Noting the problems mentioned in the studies above, the researcher aims to:

• Demonstrate that the attacks on Lumad Alternative Schools in the MAPASU area are

deeply rooted on the efforts of mining corporations to operate in the said area.

• Discuss and analyze the neoliberal policies contributing to the threats of mining to Lumad

communities and its schools

• Analyze the role of education in the Lumad struggle for development and self-

determination.

• Discuss the importance of collective consciousness and action in the struggle of the

Lumads against mining alternative school threats

Statement of Hypothesis

Threats to Lumad Alternative Schools in MAPASU exist because of the area’s stand against

mining and other environmental plunders. In line with this, education plays a big role in the area’s

struggle to protect and promote their right to land, life, and self-development.


METHODOLOGY

Design of the Study

The study is a qualitative research primarily based on participant observations, focused group

discussions and in-depth interviews conducted in MAPASU area during the researcher’s 3 week

practicum experience of living with the Lumads and in MANILAKBAYAN 2015. The researcher

found it necessary to seek help from KASALO CARAGA, an organization centered in Butuan that

aims to protect the rights of the Lumads in the region in order to pursue the study. As the researcher

wasn’t able to come back to CARAGA because of security and personal reasons, the researcher

included secondary data acquired only from peoples’ organization, international fact finding

mission, ALCADEV, TRIFPSS and SOS Network.

For the primary data which is the data acquired during the researcher’s practicum experience, the

researcher was able to do a series of key informant interviews with the leaders/members of

MAPASU, teachers and students. A series of focused group discussions with the said subjects

were also conducted. The researcher also conducted semi-structured and unstructured interviews

with the Manilakbayan delegates from the MAPASU area, particularly a representative from the

SOS Network campaign, MAPASU leaders, children and the daughter of the slain newly-elected

MAPASU leader Dionel Campos. The researcher also found it necessary to interview experts in

the field to get their view of the issues and be able to explain why a series of threats happen to the

subject. Two experts were interviewed, one is a human rights lawyer, and another is an

environmental expert, teaching in the University of the Philippines, who is also an anti-mining

advocate. Because of security reasons, the researcher wasn’t able to conduct one-on-one interviews

with members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines but the researcher made sure that the study

included the side of the military by basing it on their existing interviews with mainstream media.


The researcher also found it necessary to look on existing policies such as the Mining Act of 1995

and the DepEd Memorandum No. 221 that are directly related to the subject of the study. Interview

transcripts through narrative analysis and evaluation of secondary data on existing policies were

made. As highlighted by Smith (2000), a narrative analysis allows the preservation of the context

and information given by the interviewees. It not only shows facts but also shows how the

respondent perceives a specific social context.

Description of the Setting

Alternative Schools in MAPASU serve as the best place for Manobo children in the area to exercise

the right to education. The institutions were formed and created by certain NGOs and by the people

themselves in order to give their children better life and healthy environment. Unlike public

schools, alternative schools in the area operate under a system that preserves the culture of the

indigenous people not compromising quality education. The schools are facilitated by volunteer

teachers and staff trained by their main facilitating agency. However, the teachers, children,

Lumads in MAPASU, and others in the area are facing numerous violations to their human rights.

Over a hundred of people were killed in the region for protecting their people and land, not only

Lumads but genuine advocates of indigenous peoples’ rights as well.

MAPASU, organization established by the Manobo, an indigenous group of people, remains as

one of the few place in CARAGA that is not exploited by mining companies. This is because of

the consistent “No to Mining” call of the organization and its people. However, as they fight

against the threat of mining to their communities, they also have to struggle to fight the threats of

militarization in the communities and its alternative schools. But these struggles are not two


opposing ends of an arrow. The enhanced presence of the military in the MAPASU area happens

not only because it targets the NPAs in the communities, which also evidently lead to numerous

violations of Lumad rights since these military officers label the Lumads as members of the NPA

and threaten them for that reason, but because they are being used as an instrument to make the

Lumads flee their homes and in turn, let the giant foreign mining companies enter and operate.

The MAPASU area is located in Barangay Diatagon,

Lianga, Surigao del Sur. It covers 59,000 hectares in

of land and is comprised of 22 communities and 13

clusters. There is no electricity in the area but the

communities own power generators that they use

whenever there are important gatherings, particularly

in schools. Communication through cellular phones

are not common because signal is limited to certain

areas in the communities. Leaders and members of the

communities communicated through the traditional way of sending letters. Water supply is also

limited. There are certain communities with pipes that supply water directly from the mountains

but there are also communities where water had to be fetched from a few kilometers away from

the communities.

Alternative Schools in MAPASU


The Tribal Filipino Program of Surigao del Sur (TRIFPSS) was founded in 1987 by the

Diocese of Tandag under Bishop Ireneo Amantillo. Currently, there are 10 tribal Filipino schools

in the MAPASU communities:

1. Panukmoan

2. Manluy-a

3. Simowao

4. Han-ayan

5. Buhisan, San Agustin

6. Kabulohan

7. Magkahunaw Caras-an, Tago

8. Lagangan

9. Mahaba, Marihatag

10. Lucnodon

Alternative Learning Center for Agricultural and Livelihood Development (ALCADEV)

When Level 6 pupils of the Tribal Filipino Community Schools were about to graduate in 2003,

TRIFPSS received a joint resolution from Kahugpungan sa mga Lumad nga Nagkahiusa sa Surigao

del Sur (KALUNASS) and Malahutayong Pakigbisog alang sa Sumusunod (MAPASU) that is

requesting help in order to establish a secondary school to cater to the right to secondary education

of the Lumad children. In 2004, with the help of Kahugpungan sa mga Lumadnong Organisasyon

sa Caraga (KASALO-Caraga), Silingan Dapit sa Sidlakang Amihanang Mindanao (SILDAP-

SIDLAKAN) Inc., the Alternative Learning Center for Agricultural and Livelihood Development

(ALCADEV) Inc. was established.


Ethical Considerations

It is important to establish trust with the research participants and this was achieved by ensuring

anonymity and confidentiality to all respondents; carefully explaining the research process and

how the data were presented; providing much information on the project and its aims and

objectives without influencing responses. Since the topic can pose a threat to the subject and even

to the researcher and her colleagues, the researcher takes full responsibility of the specific data

given by the respondents and vows to protect the confidentiality of the data. Some of the key

informant interviewees are facing trumped up charges and even shoot-to-kill orders so the

researcher finds it necessary to hide their identity by not mentioning their names in this research.

Data Validation

Combining multiple observers, theories, methods and empirical materials will lead to the

overcoming of weakness and intrinsic biases as well as the problems coming from single-method,

single-observer, and single-theory studies. (Jacob, 2001). Data triangulation is made to obtain data

validity by the convergence of different perspectives. According to Jacob (2001), the point at

which the perspectives converge is seen to be reality.

Denzin (1978) and Patton (1999) explains triangulation of sources as a way to the consistency of

data sources from within the same method. The researcher has examined the different views given

by different sets of interviewees with MAPASU as the primary source of data. The narrative

analysis were also done by comparing the narratives of the MAPASU leaders and its members to

the interviews given by the military to the mainstream media. The interviews with NGOs and


experts were treated as secondary data and were used to validate or invalidate the narratives and

sentiments given by the community members as well as the military.

The researcher has also made sure to compare the narratives transcribed from the FGD with one

group to the narratives of the groups. Also, the researcher has used the triangulation of methods

(FGDS, KII, and, documentary analysis, participant observations) to ensure data validation.


PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS

The study has found out that the threats to Lumad Alternative schools are indeed related to the

threats of mining operations to Lumad communities. The intensive military operation in the area

not only targets the members of the New Peoples’ Army but the members of the Lumad

communities, particularly the teachers, staff and other non-Lumad advocates, who are actively

helping the Lumads fight for their rights to basic services including education. Foreign mining

companies on the other hand, are able to penetrate the land because of certain repressive policies

enacted by the state itself.

Summary and Synthesis of Findings

Threats to Lumad Alternative Schools

Lumads in MAPASU value education as much as they value their ancestral land. According to a

key informant, it is because of education that they were able to know their rights. They do not want

their children to experience what happened with their ancestors who were discriminated and

treated as animals by the military and other forces who invaded MAPASU area in the past, before

the establishment of MAPASU as an organization. 98% of Manobos in the MAPASU area could

not go to school back then. Only 3 out of 10 students who study in the lowlands could finish grade

school and it is not even sure if one of them could get secondary education. Their ancestors could

not even work for the logging companies in their areas because it was a requirement that workers

were able to read and write.


Narratives state that before, when Lumads were still not aware of their rights, community members

would flee their homes and hide into the forests whenever there is military operation. Also, they

didn’t have the concept of “communities” back then as the houses were located far from each other

and away from the “main” roads in the area preventing communication and collective

consciousness of their plight. A concept of individualism prevailed and they were easily

discriminated and oppressed by military forces and logging companies operating in the area back

then.

The establishment of MAPASU in 1996 or the “Malahuntayong Pakigbisog Alang sa Sumusunod

(Continuing the Fight for the Next Generation)” led to the emancipation of the area against logging

and mining companies. MAPASU requested for an advance literacy program and this was granted

in the form of TRIFPSS and later on followed by the establishment of ALCADEV.

However, these schools and institutions are facing threats mainly by military campaign aimed at

clearing the way for the entry of mining within the Lumads’ ancestral domain. They are clearing

the area of resistance, which explains why they target leaders and active members of peoples’

organizations including tribal schools. The most prevailing problems that the Lumads schools had

to face are not the lack of classrooms, teachers or schools supplies but the human rights violation

directly targeting their right to education.

RESEARCH QUESTION CODES SYNTHESIS

What are the threats

faced by Lumad

alternative schools?

Encampments and occupation of the

school premises and surrounding areas,

destruction of school properties,

Direct attacks on the people and

indirect attacks on the institution

including its facilities


indiscriminate firing towards the schools.

Threatening teachers, staff and fabricating

stories about the IP schools and using the

aid of other governmental agencies

The study found out that from its establishment up to the present, the alternative schools in

CARAGA have experienced continuing threats to its existence by military forces operating in the

On May 2005, Han-ayan, the community where the ALCADEV is located became a landing pad

for AFP helicopters during their military operation. The military used the schools as its camp,

community leaders and teachers were tortured, harassed and threatened which resulted to the

evacuation of 19 communities in MAPASU.

In 2007, military elements arrived in ALCADEV in full battle gear, they joined the students during

the flag ceremony to hear if they are singing Internationale, the revolutionary version of the

Philippine national anthem. Schools and teachers’ cottages were vandalized, books and schools

supplies were torn and destroyed and were left scattered in the ground.

On March 2010, soldiers used the Han-ayan Tribal Community School as barracks. About 15

armies from the 29th Infanty Battalion used the schools grounds for their stay overnight. They even

used some of the wood walls and chairs as firewood.

In 2011, COPD teams along with combat troops were deployed in the main campuses of TRIFPSS

in Han-ayan and the ALCADEV. The military troops used the schools grounds, teachers’ cottages

and school facilities. They even joined the students in their school activities.


On October 2014, members of the MAGAHAT paramilitary group burned the Kabuluhan Tribal

Filipino School leading to the evacuation of 378 families from 16 communities.

In 2015, members of the MAGAHAT paramilitary group killed the ALCADEV Executive Director

Emerito Samarca, a non-Lumad educator who was actively promoting the rights of indigenous

people to land and education. In the same operation, the tribal school in Panukmuan was burned

to ashes along with the whole community houses and facilities after the people evacuated. Results

of the Fact Finding Mission also points out that parts of the TRIFPSS in Han-ayan were burned

and school facilities were destroyed and scattered on the ground.

Timeline (Consolidated Narratives of the Community leaders and members about threats to

education)

1990s

From the year 1990 to 2000, there were no major military operations and it was a chance for the

Tribal Filipino Program of Surigao del Sur to be established.

1991 – Start of the Catholic Church and the Manobos’ cooperation.

Jalandoni Campos’ mother was a member of a religious organization. A priest told Jalandoni’s

mother that the Manobos should go down and evacuate to the convent.

Priests educated the Manobos about human rights.

“Kahit kailan, kapag wala kayong pagkakaisa, walang tutulong sa inyo at walang rerespeto sa

inyo.” (Jalandoni Campos on what a bishop told them)

o Tribal Filipino Program

o Church’s program for IP children

o Organized by a bishop


22 communities were soon organized in a span of 3 years, and in 1996, MAPASU was formally

established with the help of a certain Fr. Jun from Brgy. Diatagon and the Tribal Filipino Program

of Surigao del Sur (TRIFPSS, Inc.)

Early 2000s

In 2005, 2007 and 2009, the military stayed in the schools, which resulted in the discouragement

of the students to attend their classes.

2005 (and 2006)

Military operations boomed once again in the 2000s because of the eagerness of Benguet Mining

Corporation (BMC) to operate in the mountains again. Apart from community leaders, the military

had also started to go after members of the Church. Operations became fiercer starting 2005.

BMC wanted to return/explore in the mountains of Lianga.

As rituals were being performed to celebrate the establishment of ALCADEV, helicopters and

bomber planes were seen flying overhead. A military operation was taking place.

Jalandoni Campos recalls speaking to then senator Jambi Madrigal. Madrigal questioned where the

budget for such an operation came from as she knows of no requests that passed through Congress.

In her analysis then, BMC supplied the budget for the operation.

Since it was believed that Lianga is a “red area” where a lot of NPA members are, BMC did not

want to return to Lianga without having a military counterinsurgency operation.

During the 2005 operation, even though ALCADEV construction was not yet finished, people ran

towards the school because people think highly of teachers.

Men, including some teachers, were harassed by the military. They were asked to go out of the

school building and take off their clothes to check for any marks that would identify them as NPA

Members. Plastics were wrapped around some of the civilians’ heads while being interrogated.


Two civilians were tortured by the military.

Military were forcing themselves inside the teachers’ cottage but the teachers refused because of

the military’s lack of search warrant.

2007

Amor, then an elementary student, recalls seeing military men in their school.

They stayed in the school she was at (beneath the building and interrupting classes) for one week

and three days.

Military people would leave their litter inside classrooms and on the classroom seats.

Once, a military man suddenly entered their Math class and offered to check their papers after an

exam. He pulled an exam paper out of a student’s hand and said “Magaling! Perfect na kayong

lahat!” seemingly mockingly. Laughing, Amor recalls that the student actually got a zero on that

exam.

During the singing of the National Anthem, military men would have their hands up for reasons

not apparent to Amor.

One time, a soldier was trying to force her older brother into giving him directions to a place her

brother did not even know of. Good thing their father stepped in and grabbed the boy away from

the soldier.

The students could not study or play, until Bishops rescued them.

Before, teachers were the one who faced and talked to military officials. When news spread of

plans by the military to kill a teacher, leaders decided that they and not the teachers should be the

ones communicating with the military.

No shots were fired but since the military was implementing a Civil Military Operation (CMO),

citizens have to go down to avoid recruitment. Military officials would immerse themselves in

communities to be able to recruit.


2009

People were always being threatened by the military. They weren’t allowed to go to their farms.

2009 bakwet was regarded by the military as “hakot, hindi bakwet.” ALCADEV was blamed to be

the initiator of the bakwet.

CMO continued, and people evacuated to a pastoral center at Tandag where they were first shooed

away.

Residents figured that members of the military wouldn’t invade a place run by members of the

Catholic Church, so a pastoral center would be a good place to temporarily stay.

The evacuees arrived at the pastoral center at around 9 pm. A nun shooed them away and suggested

they stay at the grandstand instead.

Parents feared that their children would have a hard time sleeping or have none to sleep on if they

stay at the grandstand, so they returned to the pastoral center. Some of the evacuees who stayed at

the grandstand were stopped by the military from returning to the pastoral place.

The bakwets really wanted to stay at the pastoral center, even using the words of God and “kapal

ng mukha” to persuade those inside to let them stay. They even slept outside the center.

Fortunately, all of them were eventually allowed inside the pastoral center.

3 dialogues took place. One of which lasted for 11 hours.

Every bakwet, at least one dialogue takes place between community members/leaders to discuss

the terms of evacuees’ return and to call for the eradication of militarization.

The 11 hour dialogue was from 8 am to 6 pm and included mostly allegations of the military about

the Manobos. In the end, the compromise was that the military would be allowed to stay only (a

mere) 500 meters away from the communities to avoid civilians getting hurt during encounters with

the NPA. 500 meters is however still dangerously close.


Even though most bakwets came home, some families have not returned to their communities of

origin until today, including the family of 14 year-old Angeline Belandres. Belandres’ family now

resides at Kabulohan because the community she came from has now been made into a detachment.

Teacher Chairem narrated that a military detachment was established in Logdeck and that

community members were forced to evacuate and walk the trails going to Diatagon without using

their flashlights.

2014

A teacher from Kabuluhan recalls his/her experience during the night that the Magahat paramilitary

group invaded Kabuluhan. The teacher was with some members of the communities in a house

which is located near the school to hide from the paramilitary group when they realized that there

is a fire coming from the school. Fortunately, they came to its rescue before the fire erupted and

burned the whole school. Later that morning, they found out that the kerosene used by the armed

group to burn the place was one of the things that the paramilitary group ransacked from the

community owned store.

2015

Teachers and students recall how the paramilitary group killed Mr. Emerito Samarca, ALCADEV

Executive Director, on the morning of September 1. The teachers recall that the paramilitary group



Why are Lumads not

in favor of Mining?

Indigenous land rights are the rights of

indigenous peoples to land, either individually or

collectively. Land and resource-related rights are

of fundamental importance to indigenous peoples

for a range of reasons, including: the religious

significance of the land, self-determination,

identity, and economic factors.

Stewardship;

Indigenous Lands

Rights

Community leaders and an environmental expert who were interviewed point out the reason why

Lumads oppose mining and other environmental plunders:

1. It is a direct threat to their way of life and their possession of the indigenous land that their

ancestors left them with.

2. They have the responsibility to protect the land against environmental plunders because it

is sacred and it would be an injustice to the next generation if they will not take care of it.

3. They recognize that the Philippines is losing its natural resources due to other forms of

environmental plunders and Mindanao is the only surviving sustainable environment.

4. (Large-scale) mining is a calamity, not a form of development. Mining is a problem

because companies operate on their ancestral land.

5. (Large-scale) mining as a primary reason why military operations occur.

6. They are also protecting the environment not just for themselves but for those in the

lowlands as well - because they are the ones badly affected by typhoons, floods, landslides,

and other natural calamities


7. The natural resources in the mountains and forests are not only for the Lumads but also for

all Filipinos. It’s a shame that most of our riches merely benefit foreigners and capitalists.


What is the underlying factor

why mining companies still

cannot enter MAPASU area?

Unity of the people against mining,

education about their rights, support

from religious and international

organizations

Collective Consciousness and

Action

The unity of the people against mining and logging forced the Benguet Mining Corporations to

stop its logging operation in the area in 1984. Although they do not use their arms to fight the

threats of militarization in the area, MAPASU has its own ways of responding to these threats. As

one of the leaders of MAPASU explains,

“Iniiwan namin ang aming mga komunidad (nagbabakwit) dahil sa dalawang rason. Una,

para mailigtas ang aming mga pamilya at mga katribo na masaktan ng mga militar at

paramilitar. Pangalawa, para malaman ng mga tao ang aming mga hinaing. Kasi kung

mananatili lang kami rito, e sino ang makakarinig sa amin?”

They believe that it is important to let the public know of their plight. Because of the support given

by international organizations and NGOs, particularly in time of intensive military operation, the

MAPASU area remains safe from mining exploitation.


One of the respondents recall how they were trapped in Manluy-a, a community in MAPASU,

which lasted for 3 days. The military encamped in the school which is in the vicinity of the

community for supposed-to-be 1 night which turned to 3 days. The people wanted to evacuate

already but the military was stopping them from doing so. Even harvesting crops for their daily

meals were forbidden, which caused them to starve. They wanted to evacuate because of the

possibility of an encounter between the military and the NPA. Fortunately, they were later on

rescued by religious groups who provided trucks for their evacuation. According to the human

rights expert who was interviewed by the researcher, if there is no support from NGOs, threats

could have been more intensive and even worse, people could have been forced let mining

companies operate in the area.

According to the interviewees, on the day that the ALCADEV Executive Director Emerito

Samarca was killed, they were trapped in a basketball court in MAPASU area surrounded by armed


What will prove that the intensive

military operation including the

presence of the paramilitary groups

in Lumad communities are

attributed to mining companies’

urge to operate in the area?

September 1 killings;

BMC’s connection with

the military

Mining companies use the

military as an instrument to

make the Lumads flee their

homes so they can proceed

with their operations


members of the Magahat and not too far away, there were members of the Philippine Army. Femia

Cullamat clearly remembers what some of the Magahat members who killed the 3 leaders said:

“Hayaan niyo na kasing pumasok ang mining companies dito para wala nang problema.

Also, Benguet Mining Corporations was forced to leave the area in 1984 due to the high resistance

of the people who were then establishing MAPASU as their organization. After BMC left the area,

military presence in the communities notably decreased. But when BMC showed interest to come

back, military presence in the area became more destructive resulting to the 6 major evacuations

in 2005, 2007, 2009, 2011, 2014 and 2015. Former Chairman of MAPASU, Jalandoni Campos,

recalls speaking to then senator Jambi Madrigal. Madrigal questioned where the budget for such

an operation came from as she knows of no requests that passed through Congress. In her analysis

then, BMC supplied the budget for the operation. Since it was believed that Lianga is a “red area”

where a lot of NPA members are, BMC did not want to return to Lianga without having a military

counterinsurgency operation.

Summary of the Sentiment of Anek Belandres, a former Magahat

Arnel “Anek” Belandres is a brother of the paramilitary group leader Marcial Belandres.

He was a small-scale miner who was dragged into joining the paramilitary group because

of the persuasion of his friends. He had not known of what happened to Henry Alameda in

October. According to him, they were also promised a wage, but in his 4 months as a

Magahat member, he had not received a single cent. They were armed by the military. They

joined the military during operations and followed whatever their superiors commanded.

They were also asked to solicit large amounts of money from businessmen, most probably


to fund Magahat members’ expenses. Some Magahat members with families receive rice

grains from the military.

Witness of the killing of Samarca, Campos and Sinzo said that 30 soldiers of the 75th Infantry

Battalion accompanied Bobby Tejero, his brother Loloy, and Gareto Layno, the Magahat-Bagani

members who reportedly killed the 3 leaders. However, the military is vehemently denying any

links to the said armed groups. As they reported on the killings, they claimed that soldiers “were

positioned some 100 meters from the Magahat-Bagani but opted to not engage the armed group

as the civilians might get hit.”

During the Senate hearing in Tandag, Maj. Gen. Oscar Lactao, commander of the 4th Infantry

Division maintained that the military doesn’t condone the presence of paramilitary groups like

the Magahat-Bagani. Col. Eduardo Purisima, commander of the 402nd Brigade denied the military

issued firearms to the Magahat-Bagani. He said that since some of them were former NPA

members they could have brought with them their firearms when they left the movement.

Nonetheless, Governor Pimentel pointed out that many killings have been attributed to the group

and none of the suspects have been arrested so far even if the military has denied supporting them.



What explains the military’s

rigorous operation in the

area?

Oplan Bayanihan or the Counter-

insurgency program of the

government; Mining Act of 1995

Large-scale mining companies

can only penetrate MAPASU’s

ancestral land once the

community members give

consent, thus the rigorous military

operation.

Mining Act of 1995

The researcher also discussed Mining Act of 1995 with an NGO and found out that while it says

that it recognizes the rights of the Indigenous Peoples and Indigenous Cultural Communities and

respect their ancestral land, it violates and is one of the reasons why the Lumads are facing threats

to their right to land. The act observes that:

No mineral agreements, FTAA and mining permits shall be granted in ancestral lands/domains

except with prior informed consent in: a) CADC/CLC areas; and b) areas verified by the DENR

Regional Office and/or appropriate offices as actually occupied by Indigenous Cultural

Communities under a claim of time immemorial possession; Where written consent is granted by

the ICCs, a royalty payment shall be negotiated which shall not be less than 1% of the Gross Output

of the mining operations in the area. This Royalty shall form part of a Trust Fund for socioeconomic

well-being of the ICCs in accordance with the management plan formulated by the ICCs in the

ADC/CALC area. (In a large-scale mining operation the 1-% Royalty could easily run into several

tens of million pesos per year). Representation in the Multi-partite Monitoring Committee; SOCIAL

AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT AND RESEARCH


The researcher was concerned of the phrase “No mineral agreements, FTAA and mining permits

shall be granted in ancestral lands/domains except with prior informed consent in: a) CADC/CLC

areas; and b) areas verified by the DENR Regional Office and/or appropriate offices as actually

occupied by Indigenous Cultural Communities under a claim of time immemorial possession” as

this could explain the intensive military operation in the area. It holds that mining permits will

only be issued if there is an approval from the ICCs or the IPs who are living in the area under a

claim of time immemorial possession.

Supporting the claims of threats of militarization of the MAPASU area, one reason why the

intensive military operation in the area exists could be because the state and foreign large mining

companies use the military to perpetuate the land and threaten the indigenous people. If the military

and its paramilitary groups become successful in shoving the indigenous people away from the

ancestral land or threatening them to sign agreements, these mining companies could freely operate

in the area.


What makes the

military’s presence in

the schools possible?

DepEd

Memorandum No.

221: Guidelines on

the Protection of

Children during

Armed Conflict

The memorandum is an adaptation of the Armed Forces

of the Philippines Letter Directive No. 25, or the

“Guidelines in the Conduct of AFP Activities Inside or

Within the Premises of a School or a Hospital. 20 DepEd

schools in Mindanao alone have been “attacked” or used

by the Armed Forces from 2013 to 2014. There have

been 214 reported cases of military attacks on Lumad

community schools.


According to Terry Ridon, allowing military presence in educational institutions is tantamount to

increasing risks for children, especially those living in situations of conflict.2 Ms. France Castro,

Alliance of Concerned Teachers Secretary-General, stated that DepEd released DepEd

Memorandum 221 which provided mechanisms for the elements of the AFP to freely get inside

the school and do whatever they want to. It is further appalling that despite the numerous

complaints and calls for the junking of the said memo, DepEd still keeps on enjoying their state of

inaction.”3 The provisions have many loopholes.

AFP Letter Directive 25

Guideline No. 7: If there is a need for the force protection unit(s)/personnel to be inside

the school, due to exigencies of the prevailing security situation and/or activity and/or

request, they must be deployed and limited/contained to the pre-identified/pre-approved

within the school/hospital premises.

In this provision, it is unclear who will determine the presence of the need for force protection

units which according to Ridon, is the AFP’s euphemism for armed soldiers and is condusive to

abusive interpretation.

Guideline No. 8: In order to clearly record the conduct of activity for purposes of

documentation, units concerned must undertake photo and video coverage of the activity,

hence is highly encouraged.

2 http://interaksyon.com/article/79690/military-inside-schools-congressman-seeks-probe 3 Alliance of Concerned Teachers’ Press Statement: DepEd Memo 221 endangers students and teachers; schools are for learning not for military’s combat operations


The letter directive is said to justify and legitimize military surveillance in schools in the guise of

documentation. Also, Ridon has pointed out that the provision can be a way for the uniformed

personnel to get away with violations through the mantle of military courts as the letter also

suggests that violations will be investigated through a military court.

The said provision violates Republic Act 7610 declaring Children as Zones of Peace and

prohibiting the use of public structures including schools, hospitals and rural health units for

military purposes.

Role of Education in the Struggle of Lumads

The researcher and her groupmates noticed during their practicum period that the 2011 agreement

signed by then MAPASU Chairman Jalandoni Campos and the 29th Infantry Battalion did not

encompass the whole force of military but just the 29th IB. The agreement states that the military

men are not allowed to stay in the communities for their operations. This proves how the military

lures the people into signing an agreement that does not really protect their rights.

Based on the data, it can also be noted that the military targets the educational institutions in the

area because they know that as the Lumads become more educated, it becomes harder for them to

penetrate the land. Education has also made Lumads’ way of life easier as it is not only the children

who learn through the establishment of TRIFPSS and ALCADEV but the whole community as

well through its community development schemes that are carried out by MAPASU.


DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS OF FINDINGS

The researcher wants to point out the importance of education in the plight of Lumads. As

mentioned in Pedagogy of the Oppressed, education plays a big role in the emancipation of the

oppressed from the oppressor. This is manifested in the successful fight of the communities against

Benguet Mining Corporations in 1987 that led to the latter stopping its logging operations.

However, through the neoliberal schemes promoted and supported by the state, coupled with the

use of military forces to perpetuate the Lumads’ ancestral land, MAPASU area is facing constant

threats. Neoliberal policies such as the Mining Act of 1995 protect the interest of foreign large

mining companies and in turn puts the indigenous peoples in danger. However, through the efforts

of the alternative schools and the MAPASU organization in actively promoting collective

consciousness of its people that lead to collective action against such threats, MAPASU remains

safe from environmental plunders.

The study found out that not only is the government simply related to the existence of threats to

Lumad communities and its schools but it plays a major role in the process. As the President is the

Commander in Chief of the AFP, it is given the actions of the military in MAPASU area reflects

the priorities of his government. In Aqino’s term, Oplan Bayanihan is used by the military against

IP communities. Both TRIFPSS and ALCADEV are being branded by the military as NPA schools

– if not because children of members of the NPA are said to be schooled in the institutions, because

the schools allegedly teach children about guns and bullets and because the ALCADEV compound

is said to be a training ground for members of the NPA. However, data proves otherwise as it is

known that these schools were created through the help of independent and non-governmental

organization. Turning TRIFPSS and ALCADEV into mainstream, DepEd, formal institutions

would wipe out the indigenous culture integrated with the current curriculum.


The struggle of the indigenous people and its schools are the same as the struggles of the people

in the Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Mining companies uses the military against the indigenous.

Lumads in CARAGA vow to fight for their rights upon realizing that they well-deserve it, through

the establishment of MAPASU. This battle caused them blood and lives. Yet they continue to fight.

While the military is denying their involvement in the issues faced by the Lumads, evidences

clearly state that they are. Not only did they camp out in schools but they are also making efforts

to close down the schools built by Lumads, rural missionaries and other faith-based groups.

Accordingly, there are areas in Mindanao that are still free or are now free from logging and mining

operations. Lumads collectively believe the reason why military operations are vast in their

ancestral land is because of their strong stand against logging and mining. Once they are pushed

out of their land, logging and mining companies can proceed with their operations. Because the

schools are built and owned by the Lumads to educate their fellows, they are prone to

militarization. In addition to the consistent threats of being closed down, there are also cases of

schools destroyed and burned by the military. Since these schools are under the Alternative

Learning System of the Department of Education, they need to seek permit to operate from the

department but according to the Lumads, it seems like DepEd is turning away from them. Permits

to operate are being delayed and the department hasn’t made any move in response to the threats

to the schools and teachers.

The findings of this study holds not only the mining companies accountable but as well as the

government for the violations against Lumad children’s right to education and safe environment.

The Department of Education, apart from its abandonment of its responsibility to protect the

Lumads in Mindanao, supported the oppression of Lumads by issuing DepEd Memorandum No.

221.


The military forces whose mandate is to protect the territory of the Philippines against foreign

aggression falls prey to the country’s imperialist and bureaucratic capitalist system by protecting

the interests of foreign mining companies that comprise a large aggregate percentage of the large

mining industries in the Philippines. They want the Lumads out of their homes to give way to these

foreign mining companies’ exploitation of our own natural resources.

Freedom under neoliberalism is only enjoyed by the capitalist. Local elites who are connected with

multinational companies enjoy benefits and power accumulation. In turn, they vow to eliminate

all forms of barriers to capital’s search for new markets and resources. Local elites do their part to

change the indigenous peoples’ perception of mining operations by bribing, military encampments

in the communities, and/or using the paramilitary groups to influence the indigenous peoples. This

is proven through the Civil Military operations that happened in the area in the past.

As long as power remains in the hand of the few and the ruling elites, indigenous schools will

remain vulnerable to threats. Nevertheless, as long as the Lumads continue to educate their people

of their plight, and as long as they don’t stop letting the public hear their collective voice coming

from the collective consciousness acquired through education, and as long as there is solidarity

and unity, they can never be ceased by these threats.

Delimitations

The study only focused on the state of the MAPASU area in CARAGA and did not include, as

subject of this study, all Lumad communities in the region of Mindanao. It did not tackle whether

or not mining and other environmental projects operating in Mindanao are threatening the people

through aspects such as health and economy and only dwelled with its conflict to the right to land


and safe environment of the people. Furthermore, the study did not focus on the issue between the

NPA and the military in the MAPASU community. Only discussions related to the objectives of

the study mentioned above are the ones to be pursued.

Limitations of the Study

Due to time constraint and security reasons, the researcher wasn’t able to get data from the entire

MAPASU area ommunity so there is a limited amount of participants for the group discussions

and interviews. Knowing the current state of the MAPASU area, additional data from the key

informants e.g. the former Chairman of MAPASU Jalandoni Campos wasn’t pursued as he was

not in the evacuation center with his fellow Lumads because his life is put in danger by the constant

threats he receives from military and paramilitary groups.

Conclusion

The findings of this study confirm the attacks on Lumad alternative schools. It also confirms that

the attacks on Lumad alternative schools are deeply rooted on the rigorous efforts of mining

companies to operate in the area. The government, protecting the interests of multinational mining

companies through its socioeconomic policies, uses the military to perpetuate the Lumad areas and

threaten the IPs to flee their homes for these foreign mining companies to freely exploit the

ancestral domain of the Lumads which are evidently rich in natural resources such as coal and gold

reserves. For them not to be blamed, the military created paramilitary groups to directly perpetuate

the Lumad areas. These paramilitary groups threaten the Lumad alternative schools by destroying

school facilities, burning the school itself, threatening the teachers and worst, killing individuals.


They are offered protection and bribes by the military. The military, in turn, uses the concept of

“tribal wars” to deny their involvement in the violations done by the paramilitary groups.

Education plays a vital role in the struggle of Lumads for development and self-determination. It

is also the reason why the military and its paramilitary groups target the educational institutions in

the area. As the Lumads and the children grow up aware of their struggle, it becomes harder for

the military and its paramilitary groups to perpetuate the land which makes it even harder for

foreign mining companies to exploit the area.

Recommendations

Based on the findings of this study, the researcher demands the pull-out of all military troops in

Lumads and other indigenous peoples’ ancestral domain and the upholding of indigenous peoples’

right to life, land, education and self-determination.

The researcher believes that it is also important for the indigenous communities to have a seat in

the Congress as they are one of the most marginalized and underrepresented sectors in the society.

There is a need for genuine representation in the Congress, a party list that will create laws and

policies for the genuine protection of indigenous peoples’ rights.

The researcher also believes that there is a need to pass House Resolution No. 725, a bill filed by

KABATAAN Partylist Representative Terry Ridon that directs the House Committee on Basic

Education and Culture to investigate the said memos. It also recommends the repeal of issuances

and in turn, direct the DepEd to create new guidelines and policies that explicitly prohibit military

presence in the school.


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Lumad, Libro at Lupang Ninuno: A Study on Threats to Lumad ...

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