Linguistic landscape of ethnic businesses in the metropolitan area of Japan: Burmese ( Myanma r ) restaurants case study Junko SARUHASHI, Ph.D. (Aoyama Gakuin University, Japan) Yukiyasu ARAI, Ph.D. (Hokkaido University, Japan) Ken’ichiro HIGUCHI (Sugiyama Jogakuen University) Contact: Junko Saruhashi ([email protected]) Sociolinguistic Symposium 19 Freie Universität Berlin: August 21-24, 2012 Session: TS132-3: Re-Writing and Engaging with Urban Spaces via Linguistic Landscape Aug. 22,2012 11:30am - 1:00pm (A-Hörsaal C)
48
Embed
Linguistic landscape of ethnic businesses in the metropolitan area of Japan: Burmese ( Myanmar ) restaurants case study Junko SARUHASHI, Ph.D. (Aoyama.
This document is posted to help you gain knowledge. Please leave a comment to let me know what you think about it! Share it to your friends and learn new things together.
Transcript
Linguistic landscape of ethnic businesses in the metropolitan area of
Sociolinguistic Symposium 19 Freie Universität Berlin: August 21-24, 2012Session: TS132-3: Re-Writing and Engaging with Urban Spaces via Linguistic Landscape Aug. 22,2012 11:30am - 1:00pm (A-Hörsaal C)
Today’s topics
1. Brief literature review and research view points– Subjective-perception perspective
2. Brief overview of the case – Burmese communities in Japan
3. Research method & research participants– Mixed method: a notion to the LL methodology
4. Research question– For Today’s presentation
5. Data analysis6. Conclusion
2
Four perspectives of LL studies1. ‘Bourdieusian’ perspective– Focuses on the (power) relations of groups of LL
actors2. ‘Good reasons’ perspective– Instrumental and rational interests of ‘general
public’ from the view of LL actors3. Subjective-perception perspective– Differing perceptions depends on LL actors
4. Collective identity perspective– Ties between LL actors and given segments of the
public(Ben-Rafael, E., Shohamy, E. & Barni, M. 2010, p.xix)
The four perspectives…
• …do not exclude each other (ibid. p.xvii).
• The subjective-perception perspective, which was influenced by Goffman’s works, suggests:• How we should/can treat the variety of subjective
interpretations of LL actors?• We, researchers, may be one of the LL actors who
interpret LL items subjectively according to their world view, ethnicity, language skills, interests, past experience and political positioning.
4
Methodological inquiries for this study• Three researchers from different academic backgrounds
interpret the same LL items.– Junko Saruhashi … sociolinguistics, intercultural
communication studies– Yukiyasu Arai … economics, history– Ken’ichiro Higuchi … politics, public administration studies
• In addition to the visual data of LL items, authors referred different kinds of LL related data to see how the initial interpretations should be reconsidered– Interview with restaurants owners– Observation of customer-staff communication
5
The case
Burmese ( Myanmar ) restaurants in Takadanobaba Area, Tokyo, Japan
6
Japan – Burma relation• During World War II, Japan occupied Burma from
June, 1942 to August, 1945. (Nemoto, K. 2010)
• Burma has been a “closed country”– No direct from March 2000 to recently– The military junta placed Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel
Peace Prize laureate, under a house arrest
• Now, along with the democratic and economic reforms in Burma (Myanmar), Japanese enterprises are looking for opportunities for investment.
7
• Multiethnic country– 135 ethnic groups– 8 main ethnic groups:
Burman, Chin, Kachin, Karen, Mon, Rakhine, Shan & Wa
• Military rule since 1962– Harsh assimilation policy to
ethnic minorities – Language education in ethnic
languages are overtly prohibited more severely after 1988.
1997 Burman The founder left Japan to the U.S. Her sister and her husband took it over.
B. Nong Inle(‘Inle Lake’ in Shan)
1998 Shan(Refugee)
One of the 2 owners is a naturalized Japanese. Just opened second restaurant.
C. Ruby(English)
2002 Burman(Refugee)
Among 5 founder, only 2 stay and others left to the U.S.
D. Mai Soong Kha(‘hello’ in Shan)
2007 Shan(Refugee)
One of the sponsor is the owner of Nong Inle
E. Mali Hka(Name of a river in Jingpho or Kachin)
2008 Kachin Burmese name of Mali Hka is Ayerwaddy.
F. Shweo(‘Golden pot ‘in Burmese)
2011 Burman
1. What is the characteristic (or saliency) of the signboards of Burmese restaurants
2. Concerning to the above question, how the interpretations differ when solely the expressions on the signboards were analyzed and when the expressions were analyzed in referring to other fieldwork records.
A Focused Research Questionfor today’s presentation
15
Signboards analysis
SaliencyUse of national/ethnic symbols
Multilingual usage
A. Mingalaba (Burman)
Saliency
B. Nong Inle (Shan)
18
F. Shweo (Burman)
Finding 1
Within the flood of signs and images produced by free competition of consumerism, Burmese restaurants’ signboards are hard to say ‘distinguishable’.
【 Possible reasons for 1 】 – There is no shared symbol of Burma to
appeal to Japanese passersby – Burmese restaurants are facing economic
disadvantage.
20
National / Ethnic symbols, emblems and icons
Analyze the main signboards of Burmese restaurants to find national or ethnic
symbols, emblems and icons.
A. Mingalaba
B. Nong Inle
C. Ruby
22
Mai Soong Kha’s (opened 2007) background design resembles to the Myanmar flag that was adapted in 2010.
The national flag of Burma (1974-2010)
The new adapted national flag of Myanmar (2010-)23
Finding 2There is limited symbolic expression of Burma aiming to appeal to Japanese passersby.
【 Possible reasons for the finding 2 】 – Because they think that most of Japanese know
very little about Burma.– Because they think the image of Burma would not
be good in Japan.– Because they are against the current government
and not showing national symbols is the manifestation of resistance.
25
Finding 3Restaurants by ethnic minorities (Shan & Kachin in this case) use their ethnic symbols more frequently.
【 Possible reasons for the finding 3 】 – Because it is natural to manifest their ethnic orientation.– Because ethnic minorities of Burma in Japan feel that
they have finally been freed from the oppression by the government and enjoy manifesting their ethnic emblems.
– Because ethnic minorities of Burma in Japan want to show their resistance to the military junta.
26
Language
The signboards of ethnic restaurants tend to be multilingual. Language(s) and
script(s) choices of their signboards were analyzed.
Restaurant’s name in Burmese, Roman Alphabet & Japanese katakana script
Restaurant name (‘Hello’ in Burmese) in Burmese script
Restaurant name in katakana script
Restaurant name in Roman alphabet “Myanmar food” in
Japanese mixed style“Myanmar food” in Burmese script 28
Restaurant by Burman
English? English & French?Restaurant name in Roman alphabet
Restaurant name in Burmese script
‘Myanmar restaurant’ in Japanese mixed style Restaurant name in
Japanese katakana script
‘Myanmar restaurant’ in Burmese
29
Finding 4Burmese restaurants’ signboards tell simply two major information; restaurant name and kind of food they serve. To do so, they use multiple languages and styles.
【 Possible insights from finding 4 】 – They are facing a trade-off between the number of
languages (styles) and space on signboards.– Using Burmese script might appeal not only to
Burmese customer but also Japanese who find it exotic. (i.e. Burmese script is one of the limited symbol of Burmeseness)
30
Interpret and reconsider the findings referring to the interviews and
participatory observation(English translation by author)
C: Ruby (Burman)* How did you decide the restaurant name?C We (five Burman founders) considered a lot. We
had agreed to choose from something what Burma can be proud to the world. Burma has the world-class ruby production. So we decided to name our restaurant ‘Ruby’.
* Do Burmese call ruby ‘ruby’?C No, in Burmese we call ‘bremiar’ but many
people also understand the word ‘ruby,’ too. We have thought of other options. I forgot almost all, but for example, azabee, beautiful flower in Burma. But then, none of Japanese would have never heard of and would not understand.
32
Reconsider the previous finding• 【 Finding 2 】 There is limited expression of
Burma aiming to appeal to Japanese passersby↓
【 Finding 2’ 】 Even if the owners of Burmese restaurants use national/ethnic symbols, emblems and icons, Japanese passersby might not receive the meaning of them.
There is a Burmese restaurant named ‘Jade’ near from this district. Burma is also the world-class producer of jade.
33
E ‘Mali Hka’ is the name of a river in Kachin state. We call it ‘Mali Hka’ but Burman call it ‘Ayerwaddy.’ When I was a child, I used to go there for excursion. The scenery was beautiful and the river was the base of people’s life. The river water was used for drinking, daily life and agriculture. It has been a source of affluence. But now, we cannot see the beautiful scenery anymore. The government of Burma decided to construct a dam with Chinese financial aid. Then it became the most dangerous conflict zone between the government and Kachin army. It is very sad. So when I open this restaurant, I wanted to use Kachin word and Kachin spelling even though other Burmese people would not understand what it is.
E: Mali Hka (Kachin)
34
From this narrative, restaurant name ‘Mali Hka’ rather contains deeper meaning related to the political issues.
【 Finding 3 】 is supported by interviews.
【 Finding 3 】 Restaurants by ethnic minority seem more frequently use their ethnic symbols, emblems and icons.
A photo of Mali Hka river hanged on the wall in Mali Hka restaurant35
The second one of possible reasons was close but can be slightly revised
【 Possible reason 】 The restaurant owners of ethnic minority of Burma use their ethnic symbols– Because ethnic minorities of Burma in Japan feel that
they have finally been freed from the oppression by the government and enjoy manifesting their ethnic emblems.
【 Interpretation 3 】 The restaurant owners of ethnic minority of Burma in Japan use their ethnic symbols because they are not under the direct oppression now and they wish to express their ethnic identity.
36
New interpretation to Finding 1 &2
【 Finding 2’ 】 Even if the owners of Burmese restaurants use national/ethnic symbols, emblems and icons, Japanese passersby might not receive the meaning of them.
【 Interpretation 2’ 】 This fact does not always bring disadvantage to Burmese restaurants. Since there are limited shared symbols, restaurants can even enjoy free expression of themselves.
Collective Identity37
B Nong Inle* Then is the script on the signboard written in Shan
script?B No, Burmese.* You mean Burmese script?B Yes, Burmese script.* Can’t the word be written in Shan script?B Yes, Shan language can be written in Shan script. But in
this case, we wrote the Shan word in Burmese script. Because if I wrote it in Shan language, Burman and other ethnic group of people won’t be able to read it.
* What do you say “Nong Inle” in Burmese?B In Burmese, “Inle kan.”* Very different!B Yes, very different. Shan language is similar to Thai and
Lao languages.38
【 Finding 4 】 is supported, but multiplicity of language / script combination was more complex than we expected.【 Finding 4 】 Burmese restaurants’ signboards tell simply two major information; restaurant name and kind of food they serve. To do so, they use multiple languages and styles.
This also gives further insight to 【 interpretation 3 】【 interpretation 3 】 The restaurant owners of ethnic minority of Burma in Japan ・・・ wish to express their ethnic identity.
Ethnic minorities are facing dilemma which to choose between Burmese script or their original script.
39
Multilingual x Multiscriptal possibilities
(1) Katakana is mainly used for loan words.(2) Hiragana is the first script to be taught
Japanese language education.(3) Most of Japanese use this mixed style.
○ Found in the signboardsBlank Possible to appear/ Less likely to appear
Burmese Shan Kachin English J apanese Other
Burmese ○ ○ ○
Shan alphabet ○
Roman alphabet(Kachin spelling)
○
Roman alphabet(English spelling)
○ ○ ○ ○
J apaneseKatakana(1) ○ ○ ○ ○
J apaneseHiragana(2)
J apanese mixedstyle(3)
Other
Language
Writingsystem
40
A I’m not interested in advertisement. I am satisfied with current condition, not too busy. I see Japanese customers who come once or twice a week and I can tell what we should do if I see their faces.
E (Information is not enough for Japanese customers) but when they notice something different, they ask me. For example “Why you use Roman alphabet?” or “Burmese script looks interesting.” Then I can tell them about Kachin and Burmese culture and history. I feel like being ‘a bridge’.
D I’m satisfied with hang out ‘Shan restaurant’ in shan language without any hesitation. On weekdays Japanese business people come for lunch. And on weekends Shan people gather here. We are not making much money, but we are in a good balance.
Reconsider the insight from finding 1
41
Reconsider the insight from finding 1
【 Finding 1 】 Within the flood of signs and images produced by free competition of consumerism, Burmese restaurants’ signboards are hard to say ‘distinguishable’.
【 Possible reasons for 1 】 – There is no shared symbol of Burma to appeal to
Japanese passersby – Burmese restaurants are facing economic disadvantage.
Burmese restaurants rely on interpersonal relationship rather than media-dependent marketing.
42
A signboard itself is also the product of interpersonal relationship
B An old Japanese woman in my neighbor was Osyuji (Japanese calligraphy) teacher. So when I was preparing opening this restaurant, I visited her and asked her to write the script for sign. And I wrote the Burmese script by Osyuji, too.
Collaborative works between LL actors
Shan + Burmese + Japanese
Conclusion: 4 findings1. Even if the owners of Burmese restaurants use
national/ethnic symbols, emblems and icons, Japanese passersby might not receive the meaning of them. However, this fact does not always bring disadvantages to Burmese restaurants. Since there are limited shared symbols, restaurants can even enjoy free expression of themselves.
2. Restaurants by ethnic minority seem more frequently use their ethnic symbols, emblems and icons, because they are not under the direct oppression now and they wish to express their ethnic identity. As a result, Burmese restaurants by ethnic minority provide a place to maintain their ethnic collective identity.
3. Burmese restaurants’ signboards tell simply two major information; restaurant name and kind of food they serve. To do so, they use multiple languages and styles. Ethnic minorities are facing dilemma which to choose between Burmese script or their original script.
4. Within the flood of signs and images produced by free competition of consumerism, Burmese restaurants’ signboards are hard to say ‘distinguishable’. Burmese restaurants in Takadanobaba area rely on interpersonal relationship rather than media-dependent marketing.
Methodological considerations• Fieldwork data (even informal hearing) was helpful
to get deeper or wider understanding of the LL items and some findings were even modified. (Note: this is not about the ‘trueness’ or ‘better’ understandings)
• Especially the complexity within Burmese community in Japan due to the political difficulty and the ethnic diversity of Burma would be overlooked without focused interviews.
• Especially when we investigate linguistic minorities and their power relationship, subjective perception of various actors need to be compared.
For further studies• Subjective-perceptions of other actors,
especially the Burmese and Japanese customers
• Explore what make difference of perceptions• Comparison to other ethnic restaurants and
communities• Longitudinal studies• Failure studies• Possibility of LL research as a pedagogical tool
ReferencesBarron, S. Ben-Rafael, E., Shohamy, E. & Barni, M. (2010). “Introduction:
An approach to an ‘Ordered Disorder’.” In Shohamy, E., Ben-Rafael, E. & Barni, M. (Eds.). Linguistic Landscape in the City. pp.xi-xxviii. NY: Multilingual Matters.
Callahan, M. P. (2003). Language policy in modern Burma. In Brown, M. E. & Ganguly, S. (Eds.), Fighting words: Language policy and ethnic relations in Asia. Cambridge: The MIT Press.
Inaba, Y. (2008). Okubo, Toshi no chikara: Tabunka kuukan no dainamizumu. (Okubo, the power of urban: Dynamism of multicultural space.) Kyoto: Gakugei Syuppannsha.
Nemoto, K. (2010). Teikou to kyouryoku no hazama: kinndai biruma shi nonakano igirisu to nihon (Between resistance and cooperation: Britain and Japan in modern Burmese history). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.
Ranard, D. A. & Barron, S. (Eds.). (2007). Refugees from Burma: Their backgrounds and refugee experiences. Washington DC: The Center for Applied Linguistics retrieved June 30 from http://www.cal.org/co/pdffiles/refugeesfromburma.pdf
Smith, M. (1994). Ethnic groups in Burma: Development, democracy and human rights. Anti-Slavery International.
Tanabe, H. (2008). Makeruna! Zainichi Biruma jin (Burmese in Japan, Go for it!). Tokyo: Nashinokisha