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Running  Head:  CHILD  HUNGER  IN  THE  US  AND  THE  CENTRAL  VALLEY   1  

Child Hunger in the US and The Central Valley

Hannah M. Leoni

California State University, Monterey Bay

Author Note

Hannah M. Leoni, Collaborative Health and Human Services, CSU Monterey Bay.

This research was supported in part by Lesley Stampleman, CHHS 302.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Hannah Leoni,

Collaborative Health and Human Services, CSU Monterey Bay.

Contact: [email protected]

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………. 3 CAUSES…………………………………………………………… 3 POVERTY…………………………………………………. 3 LOST JOBS AND HOMES………………………... 4 COST OF FOOD…………………………………………… 4 LACK OF INFORMATION……………………………….. 5 UNDERUTILIZED ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS………… 6 EFFECTS…………………………………………………………… 7 MALNUTRITION………………………………………….. 7 OBESITY…………………………………………………… 8 PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS…………………………….. 9 ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE…………………………….. 10 RELIANCE ON ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS……………... 10 SOLUTIONS………………………………………………………… 11

CONCLUSION……………………………………………………… 13

REFERENCES………………………………………………………. 15 APPENDIX………………………………………………………….. 20

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Child Hunger in the US and the Central Valley

When one goes to turn on their television, it is likely that they will encounter a commercial that asks for donations to hungry kids in developing countries. However, it is not likely that they will see anything about starving children in America. Despite the abundance of food that is present in the US, child hunger continues to be a serious and widespread problem. Approximately 50 million families and 16.7 million children are currently affected by food insecurity (Raphel, 2014). In rural areas, such as the Central Valley of California, food insecurity among children and families is especially prevalent. In Tulare County, an area of the Central Valley that is severely plagued by food insecurity, one in four children are affected (California Food Policy Advocates, 2003). Policies and programs have been developed, but they do not reach every family in need. If child hunger continues, more children will suffer from preventable physical, mental and developmental issues.

Discussion of the Causes Poverty

There are many causes that contribute to the continuation of child hunger in the US. Experts argue that poverty is the main source of food insecurity among children and families (Raphel, 2014). According to Feeding America (2013), 45.3 million people are currently in poverty. Among this population, 14.7 million children are under the age of eighteen (Feeding America, 2013). The numbers of children and families who suffer from poverty and food insecurity are alarmingly similar. Of these statistics, Feeding America (2013) reports, “In 2013, 49.1 million Americans lived in food insecure households, including 33.3 million adults and 15.8 million children” (para. 3). The similarity of the statistics for poverty and hunger suggests that they are directly related. In addition, research has shown that families with children who suffer from poverty are more likely to suffer from food insecurity. In regards to this issue, Feeding America (2013) states, “In 2013, households with children reported food insecurity at a significantly higher rate than those without children, 20 percent compared to 12 percent” (para. 3). The prevalence of food insecurity among families with children is much higher than families without children. This suggests that children are affected by hunger more than other age populations. In rural areas of the Central Valley, the number of children and families living in poverty is also extremely high. Compared to the 15.9 percent poverty rate of California and the 15.8 percent poverty rate of the US, counties within the rural areas of the Central Valley have rates that are often as high or higher (Bishaw & Fontenot, 2014). Tulare County presents poverty rates at 26.2 percent, Fresno County at 26 percent, Kern County at 22.9 percent, and Kings County at 21 percent (US census, 2013). Throughout the entire central valley, food insecurity rates are equally as high. The following table displays the rates of food insecurity among the most heavily affected counties in the Central Valley: County Food Insecurity

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Calaveras 31.9% Fresno 41.9% Kern 33.9% Kings 43.3% Madera 36.6% Mariposa 31.9% Merced 40.4% San Joaquin 38.7% Stanislaus 37% Tulare 37.5% These statistics suggest that rural communities may be more severely affected by hunger due to their dramatically high poverty rates. If families in these poverty-ridden communities are affected by hunger, this will also affect their children.

lost jobs and homes. With the recent economic downturn, the prevalence of homelessness and unemployment in the US has increased. Lost jobs and homes affect children as well as adults. Raphel (2013) reveals, “Across the country, nearly 5.5 million children live in families that have lost homes to foreclosures, and eight million children live in families where at least one parent has lost a job” (p. 45). When subjected to homelessness, it is difficult to obtain adequate amounts of food. The Council on Community Pediatrics (2013) states, “Children without a stable home are more likely to skip meals, worry about the availability of food, and consume foods with low nutritional quality and high fat content” (p. 1207). A study done by the U.S. Department of Education estimated that families and children make up 41% of the entire homeless population (Kidd & Scrimenti, 2004). In the Central Valley, the numbers of homeless children and families are high. Since 2009, the population of homeless families within the San Joaquin region, a large portion of the central valley, rose by 53%. Overall, children within this region make up 22% of the homeless population (San Joaquin County Point-In-Time Homeless Count, 2011). These statistics suggest that hunger and homelessness could be a major problem in the central valley. If the numbers of homeless families and children continue to be high, a large portion of the US population will continue to have limited access to adequate amounts of food. Cost of Food

Another cause of child hunger in the US is the rising cost of food in all food groups. According to the US Department of Agriculture, the monthly cost of food for families with young children averages as high as $1116.90 (USDA, 2015). A survey of low-income families done within The Journal of California Agriculture (2015) reported that many participants in the Central Valley experience difficulties with paying for food. The survey concludes, “More than half (57%) said they ran out of money to buy food at least once a year; 36% relied on food programs such as soup kitchens, food pantries and commodity foods; and 62% relied on friends and relatives for help in feeding their children” (para. 16). The rising cost of food is especially prevalent with healthy foods (Christian & Rashad, 2008). In addition, an increase in full-service and fast food restaurants contribute to the rise in food prices (Christian & Rashad, 2008). According to

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Lambert and Milijkovic (2009), “The food price index (BLS, 2009) increased from 39.6 to 193.2 from January 1970 to December 2005, an annual average increase of approximately 4.4 percent over the 36 years…. the annual U.S. average food price index increased 3.9 percent between 2006 and 2007 and 5.4 percent between 2007 and 2008 (BLS). Food price increases in 2008 were 5.5 percent” (p. 210-222). These numbers clearly show an increase in food prices in the US overall. Data from the 2010 census shows that fresh fruits had a sharp increase in cost by dollars per pound. For example, the cost of apples in dollars per pound increased from 0.82 to 1.20, and the cost of fresh lettuce increased from 0.85 to 0.99 (US Census, 2012). The statistics above suggest that a rise in the cost of food makes low income families more susceptible to food insecurity. The additional rise in cost of healthy food choices may also limit the options available to food insecure families, leaving them with less nutritious options. Lack of Information

The next, and possibly the most important cause of child hunger in the US, is a lack of information. Child hunger continues to be a relatively unpopular subject in the United States. Poweldge (2010) states, “Despite the obvious precariousness of the world’s food supply and accessibility, and widespread belief that responsible policymakers relying on scientific research can play huge parts in solving the dilemma, the study of food sometimes is treated as an unpopular relative by the rest of science” (p. 260). Although we have the resources to make a change, the issue of child hunger in America continues to be ignored. When searching for data about child hunger in the US, it can be difficult to find adequate information in comparison with developing countries. The United States Department of Agriculture (2014) reports, “USDA does not have a measure of hunger or the number of hungry people…. Providing precise and useful information about hunger is hampered by lack of a consistent meaning of the word” (para. 4). Stakeholders often argue over what the true definition of hunger is, which leads to confusion over how hunger should be measured and dealt with. The term “food insecurity” is the most commonly used term by stakeholders for hunger in the US. However, this term can be vague and applies to many different aspects of hunger that may not necessarily relate to a lack of food (Lewit & Kerrebrock, 1997). According to Lewit and Kerrebrock (1997), various studies have been conducted regarding the food insecurity of children and families. However, of the four studies that were done by major food agencies, such as the US Department of Agriculture and the US Department of Health and Human services, only one study was capable of measuring hunger in many different contexts. Lewit and Kerrebrock (1997) also note that accurate data about child hunger may be hard to gather because researchers and stakeholders are often relying on responses from parents instead of the children themselves. Researchers and advocates continue to search for accurate methods to measure child hunger in the US that directly include the children that are affected. Bennett and Blissett (2014) theorize that previous studies aimed at measuring hunger in children were often too advanced for children to comprehend, and therefore could not produce accurate results. Lack of education also contributes to child hunger in the US. According to Lewit and Kerrebrock (1997), “fatigue, irritability, dizziness, frequent headaches, frequent colds and infections, and difficulty concentrating” are the primary signs and symptoms of hungry children in America (p. 129). These symptoms are often not a major cause for concern and may be

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related to many other conditions. In addition, child hunger is not considered to be a major concern in America due to the country’s adequate food resources. Because of this, hunger is rarely the first diagnoses that comes to mind for these children. Therefore, hunger is often overlooked as a cause of illness in children in the US. If child hunger continues to be thought of as nonexistent in the US, many food-insecure children will continue to go unnoticed. Underutilized Assistance Programs

Although food-assistance programs have been implemented to combat hunger, many families still do not have access to them. For many food-insecure families, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, otherwise known as the SNAP or Food Stamp Program, is most commonly used (Ratcliffe, McKernan, & Zhang, 2011). However, according to Raphel (2013), budget cuts for federal food assistance programs are being considered. Researchers and policymakers have questioned the effectiveness of these programs. This is especially true among individuals of differing populations, such as children. Numerous studies have been made to measure the effectiveness of the SNAP program for food insecure families, but due to a lack of a concrete definition of hunger, results have varied (Ratcliffe et al., 2011). Overall, recent studies have shown that the SNAP program has reduced hunger and food-insecurity in families by 31.2% (Ratcliffe et al., 2011). Although this is a significant amount, it is not enough to combat widespread hunger among families in the US. The main reason for a lack of accessibility within the SNAP program is the requirements that families must meet in order to be eligible. It is possible for families to struggle with food-insecurity, but still be ineligible for SNAP benefits. Below are tables with eligibility requirements in regards to income, as well as the maximum amount of assistance that families can receive:

Household Size Gross monthly income

(130 percent of poverty) Net monthly

income (100 percent of

poverty) 1 $1,265 $ 973 2 1,705 1,311 3 2,144 1,650 4 2,584 1,988 5 3,024 2,326 6 3,464 2,665 7 3,904 3,003 8 4,344 3,341 Each additional

member +440 +339

People in Household Maximum Monthly Allotment 1 $ 194 2 $ 357 3 $ 511

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4 $ 649 5 $ 771 6 $ 925 7 $ 1,022 8 $ 1,169 Each additional person $ 146

With the monthly cost of food for families with young children reaching as high as $1116.90, these are not very significant amounts. The high cost of food per month may also cause families who do not qualify for SNAP benefits to still feel food-insecure. According to a report on hunger and food insecurity generated by Poulsen (2012), “National food security data reveal that about 45% of those struggling with hunger actually have incomes above the federal poverty level. Thus, it is important to not just simply rely on poverty thresholds when estimating the degree to which people are struggling to be food secure” (p. 3). In addition to the SNAP program, many other federal food assistance programs exist. However, they continue to be underutilized by eligible families. This is especially true in the Central Valley. Poulsen (2012) states, “According to the California Department of Social Services (CDSS) website as of Dec. 2011 there were over 3.9 million participants in the Cal Fresh program. Yet, even with these high numbers, it is estimated that many more California residents qualify for participation” (p. 8). Food assistance programs in Central Valley Schools are underutilized at an increasingly high rate as well. Poulsen (2012) reports that approximately 70% more children could benefit from food assistance programs. According to California Food Policy Advocates, food assistance programs are severely underutilized in Tulare County (CFPA, 2003). For the WIC program, 28,615 Tulare County residents are eligible. Of these individuals, 45.7% are not served. The number of children in Tulare County that are not served by school lunch programs is drastically higher. For school breakfast programs, 93,126 children are eligible. Of these children 80.3% are not served (CFPA, 2003). Researchers theorize that low participation in school-based assistance programs could be due to a sense of shame that families may feel if they qualify for assistance. Gundersen et al. (2002) states, “Unfortunately, some children and parents feel stigmatized if they participate in these programs, especially if they are eligible for free or reduced-price meals” (p. 8). The statistics above clearly show a need for outreach within food assistance programs. If more eligible families and children can be integrated into existing programs, food assistance may make a heavier impact on hunger and food insecurity.

Discussion of the Effects Malnutrition

Hunger in the early stages of life leads to an increase in the likelihood of diseases related to malnutrition. Guerrant, Oria, Moore, Oria and Lima (2008) report, “Global mortality among children under the age of 5 years approximates 9.7-10.6 million deaths each year…. Moreover, fully 53% of these deaths are associated with malnutrition” (p. 489). According to these statistics, many children suffer from malnutrition related

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diseases and deaths, including in the US. In the Central Valley, there is a strong prevalence of hunger-related diseases in children as well. A study done by California Food Policy Advocates in Tulare County reported that approximately 15% of children less than five years old suffer from anemia. In addition, 5.9% of children suffer from stunted growth, and 4.1% of children are underweight (CFPA, 2003). Stunted growth is a common effect of malnutrition. According to Lewit and Kerrebrock (1997), “Among certain segments of the U.S. child population, most notably poor children, growth stunting occurs more often than expected, suggesting that inadequate nutrition may be a problem for these children” (p. 149). Other diseases related to malnutrition include a weakened immune system, which leads children to be more susceptible to repeated infections. Multiple occurrences of infections, especially infections of the intestines, may cause malnutrition to increase (Guerrant et al., 2008). Children who suffer from malnutrition and experience repeated intestinal infections are more likely to present with extreme symptoms than children who are well nourished (Guerrant et al., 2008). According to Guerrant et al. (2008), “Impaired innate and adaptive host immune responses and disrupted intestinal barrier function due to malnutrition and diarrheal illnesses likely combine to render weaning children susceptible to repeated bouts of enteric infections leading to intestinal injury and, consequently, nutrient mal-absorption….” (p. 488). This evidence shows that malnutrition in the beginning stages of life may cause vicious cycles of infectious diseases in children that could prevent them from ever being able to obtain proper nourishment. Once the immune system has been weakened from prolonged periods of hunger, children are also more susceptible to serious illnesses. For example, tuberculosis and frequent upper respiratory infections are common hunger-related diseases in children (Jaganath & Mupere, 2012). Jaganath and Mupere (2012) state, “We continue to classify malnourished children as high risk for tuberculosis…. In resource-limited settings, tuberculosis in children is a major cause of morbidity and mortality, and a large reservoir for continued transmission of infection” (p. 1814). As long as children are subjected to long-term hunger, they will continue to contract preventable illnesses that could be life threatening. Obesity

Although it is counter-intuitive, obesity is also a widespread effect of food insecurity among children. The Institute of Medicine defines food security as “physical, social, and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life” (Hou, 2013, p. 318). With the cost of food on the rise, many low-income families do not have consistent access to safe and nutritious foods. According to Karp, Kral and Meyers (2006), “The need to pay for food, housing and getting to work will limit the 1 element with cost that is not fixed: food. Generally, in these circumstances, food selection will narrow to those foods containing the most energy at the lowest cost” (p. 2265). Many different physical, social and psychological factors of food insecurity contribute to an increase in the likelihood of obesity with hungry children (Frongillo & Bernal, 2014). Frongillo and Bernal (2014), state, “Food insecurity is associated with childrens’ behavior problems, disrupted social interactions, compromised school performance, poor dietary intake and lower physical activity, altered daily activities and school absenteeism, and poor health. Some of these outcomes could increase the risk of developing obesity” (p. 5). Lifestyle

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changes that are associated with hunger may lead to changes in weight, which could increase the chances of obesity. Studies suggest that children from food insecure families may also eat less nutritious food as a coping mechanism to deal with the emotional turmoil of a persistent lack of food (Frongillo & Bernal, 2014). Children from food insecure families are also more likely to use sedentary activities, such as watching television, to distract them from the feelings of hunger that they are experiencing (Frongillo & Bernal, 2014). In addition, these children may not have the energy to participate in physical activities due to a lack of nutritious food (Frongillo & Bernal, 2014). Frequent sedentary activities, along with over-intake of junk food for coping, may play a factor in the increase of food insecure children that suffer from obesity. Once a child is diagnosed with obesity, it is likely that they will be obese later in their lifetime (Dhir & Ryan, 2010). Long-term obesity also causes preventable diseases (see Appendix for more information on long-term obesity). As long as unhealthy foods continue to be more accessible to food insecure families, the rate of childhood obesity in the US will continue to rise. Psychological Effects Along with the physical effects of hunger, psychological and emotional complications are also common in children. Common psychological conditions among food insecure children are severe depression, anxiety, suicidal thoughts, and internalization and externalization disorders (McIntyre, Williams, Lavorato, & Patten, 2013). Internalization and Externalization behaviors in children refer to various psychological disorders. Internalization is defined as “Mental disorders with primary symptoms that involve inner emotions as opposed to outward behavior” (Nezhad, Khodapanahi, Yekta, Mahmoodikahriz, & Ostadgghafour, 2011, p. 236). Examples of internalized behaviors are depression and social withdrawal (Nezhad et al., 2011). Externalization disorder is defined as “Mental disorders with primary symptoms that involve outward behavior as opposed to inner emotions” (Nezhad et al., 2011, p. 236). Examples of externalized behaviors are aggressiveness towards others and acting out (Nezhad et al., 2011). Studies done by McIntyre et al. (2013) reveal, “Child hunger appears to be a modifiable risk factor for depression and related suicide ideation in late adolescence and early adulthood…. School-aged children with severe hunger had significantly higher anxiety and internalizing behaviors independent of other associations (p. 124). Researchers believe that children who experience long-term hunger often experience more stressful life events than children who are well nourished. Many of the stressful events that food-insecure children face are directly related to their families’ response to a lack of sufficient food (Frongillo & Bernal, 2014). Frongillo and Bernal (2014) suggest, “Children experience cognitive, emotional, and physical awareness of food insecurity and take responsibility for it by participating in adult strategies, initiating their own strategies, and generating resources…. Parents try to protect their children from food insecurity, but often do not succeed, and children try to protect their parents and siblings” (p. 4). The pressures that chronically hungry children from food insecure families feel to rectify their situation increases their stress levels and makes them more likely to suffer from mental illnesses (Gundersen et al., 2002). In a Massachusetts study of 180 preschool-aged children and 228 school-aged children, Gundersen et al. (2002) discovered, “School-aged children with severe hunger scores had parent-reported anxiety

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scores that were more than double the scores for children with no hunger” (para. 3). Another study found that consistently hungry children are seven times more likely to receive a poor score on a Pediatric Symptom Checklist, or PSC (Kleinman, 1998). Overall, it is clear that chronic hunger has a significant impact on the psychological well being of children. Many of these mental illnesses are preventable, and they will continue to affect food insecure children that are exposed to long-term hunger. Academic Performance

Research has shown that academic performance in children is affected by hunger, especially in at-risk youth. Hunger in the earliest stages of life can have a lasting affect on a child’s academic success and can hinder a child’s academic performance throughout their entire time in school (Winicki & Jemison, 2003). When children are subjected to long-term hunger, their ability to stay focused in school decreases and their motivation to learn goes down. Because of this, their educational achievements are compromised. Capogrossi (2013) reports, “According to a study by the 2003 Educational Testing Service (ETS), hunger and nutrition were listed as ‘core factors’ that contribute to the achievement gap” (p. 143). Food insecure students are also more likely to struggle with social difficulties in school (Hipsky, Scigliano, & Parker, 2013). According to Capagrossi (2013), “The stigmas of being overweight or underweight may negatively influence a child’s self-esteem which may impact his/her performance” (p. 141). Negative self-esteem could have detrimental effects on a child’s ability to socialize in school. Once a child begins to suffer from physical symptoms of hunger at school, it becomes more difficult for them to attend every day. According to Hipsky et al. (2013), “Many times, children will complain of physical ailments that result from a lack of food or insufficient amounts of nutritious food, often headaches and stomachaches. These complaints usually result in a trip to the nurse’s office…. Reporting head or stomach pain before school may result in a higher incidence of school absences” (p. 6). If a child continuously misses school due to hunger-related illnesses, it may become increasingly hard for them to stay caught up with their schoolwork. Low-income and food insecure children often score lower on tests as well. A study done by Capagrossi (2013) measures the effects that a child’s weight and density could have on their math and reading test scores across various grade levels. The results found that children who had healthy weights had significantly higher test scores than underweight and obese children. When the vicious cycle of illness, absence and poor test scores begins, a child’s chance of academic success decreases drastically. Reliance on Assistance Programs As a result of increased hunger, community food assistance programs and schools are facing a greater influx of needy children and families. Because of this, many food assistance programs are having difficulties keeping up with the demand of new families. In the Central Valley, local food banks are experiencing a sharp increase in the number of children and families in need of their services. In Calaveras County, the Resource Connection Food Bank reported a 475% increase in the amount of families it has served in recent years. However, in a survey they conducted, 68% of clients reported that they still suffered from chronic hunger (Poulsen, 2012). Many community food banks within the Central Valley report similar statistics. In San Joaquin County, food assistance

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programs have experienced an increase in clients. However, they have also experienced a 30% decrease in food donations (Poulsen, 2012). As long as trends like these continue, it will become increasingly difficult for food assistance programs to assist those who truly need them. On a national level, a greater reliance on free and reduced price lunch programs can be seen. According to the USDA, 71. 6% of students across the nation are currently participating in school lunch programs (USDA, 2015). This number has increased drastically since school lunch programs were implemented. In 1969, only 15.1% of US students were participating in this program (USDA, 2015). For many children, school may be one of their only resources for consistent meals. According to the data above, it is clear that food insecurity among children and families is a major factor in the increased use of food assistance programs. If children and families are continuously subjected to hunger, the demand for food assistance programs within communities will continue to rise.

Solutions Based on the data above, I believe that various plans of action need to be taken to

combat child hunger in the US. In order to reach larger numbers of food insecure children and families, more accurate forms of data collection need to be implemented. One of the biggest detriments to hidden hunger in the US is a lack of accurate information. Although parents and guardians spend the most time with their children, many stakeholders believe

that gathering information directly from children would be more accurate. In order for this to be successful, tests and surveys will need to be easy for children to comprehend. Bennett and Blisett (2014) recommend providing tests and surveys that consist of visual scales instead of number scales for young children. If children can use pictures or story characters, they can describe their position on a hunger scale more easily (Bennett &

Blisett, 2014). These scales should also consist of basic categories that are easy to understand, such as “hungry or not hungry” (Bennett & Blisett, 2014). An example of a

possible rating scale to measure hunger in children is presented below:

This scale uses familiar pictures and easy phrases that would make it very easy for children to identify where they stand. In addition to more accurate testing, major food policy agencies will need to develop a consistent definition for the term “food

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insecurity”, as well as for the word “hunger”. Once consistent definitions of hunger and food insecurity have been established, it will be easier to gather accurate data about the prevalence of child hunger. Once better means of testing for hunger in children are implemented, US citizens need to be educated about the signs and symptoms that accompany it. The initial signs and symptoms of hunger in children, such as headache, stomachache, irritability and fatigue, are often very common. Therefore, they are usually not considered to be a cause for concern. However, once adults are made aware of the reality of hunger in the US, they can be better educated about spotting warning signs in children. I believe that those who are responsible for a child’s care outside of the home, such as doctors, nurses, daycare providers and teachers, need to be the most educated about child hunger in the US. Some stakeholders may argue that worrying more about common ailments in children may be unnecessary, but I believe that the extent of child hunger in the US calls for these signs and symptoms to be taken more seriously. I propose that children who frequently visit doctor’s offices or school nurses due to hunger-related symptoms should be thoroughly evaluated, and follow-ups should be made about possible food insecurity within their families. These follow-ups could consist of home visits or interviews with teachers and child care providers. Those who disagree may believe that these practices could be costly, as they would require further testing and evaluations from doctors and nurses. Others may also believe that conducting follow-ups with families about their access to food may be an invasion of privacy. However, due to the hidden realities of child hunger in the US, I believe that more serious measures need to be taken to ensure that food insecure children and families are not being overlooked. Once hunger has been identified, citizens need to be made aware of resources that are available within their communities. Many children and families do not utilize community resources, such as food banks and soup kitchens, because they are unaware of their availability. Food insecure families may also reject the idea of using food assistance programs due to feelings of shame or embarrassment (Gundersen et al., 2002). When recommending programs to food insecure families, educators need to be aware of this possibility, and therefore be especially certain that they provide encouragement and understanding to the recipients. Although free and reduced price lunch programs exist for children during the school year, many researchers have suggested that additional programs should be implemented in all schools across the country when school is not in session. I agree that year-round free and reduced price lunch programs would be very beneficial to the children that rely on these programs for regular meals. As I previously mentioned, 71.6% of students across the nation are currently participating in free and reduced price lunch programs (USDA, 2015). When school is not in session, these students do not have access to these programs, and therefore may have increased difficulty with finding meals. Despite the large numbers of children who rely on school programs for consistent meals, only 45.2 thousand sites exist for summer programs (USDA, 2015). This is often due to low budgets and high costs. Funding for existing summer programs is approximately 398.2 million dollars (USDA, 2015). If more programs were implemented, this cost would continue to rise. In areas with increased poverty, such as the Central Valley,

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stretching budgets to provide year-round programs may be increasingly difficult. Those who are opposed to implementing summer programs may argue that school budgets are already stretched too thin, and any amount of money left over should be dedicated to other things, such as technology and school supplies. However, no amount of school supplies will be helpful to students who cannot focus due to hunger. Additionally, spending money on other things may only be beneficial to students when they are in school. With year-round assistance programs, food insecure students and families will consistently benefit and students will be well nourished for upcoming school sessions. My final solution involves utilizing local resources within communities to help combat child hunger. Although Famer’s Markets and community food banks are helpful, I believe that larger food distributors, such as grocery stores and restaurants, should be educated about hunger in their areas. Once educated, these major food distributors should collaborate with smaller community distributors to help combat hunger in local children and families. The Central Valley inhabits many farm laborers. Although these laborers work daily with the food that is distributed to consumers across the country, many of them struggle to feed their families. According to Poulsen (2012), “In 2010, the counties of San Joaquin, Stanislaus, Merced, Madera, Fresno, Kings, Kern, and Tulare dominated the state with overall gross food production which accounted for 56.1% of the total according to the USDA National Agricultural Statistics Service…. But the region’s agricultural bounty is not reaching the area’s low income residents” (p. 1-2). I believe that those who contribute to the production of food in the US should have better access to consistent meals. In rural communities, restaurants and supermarkets could introduce programs to help these workers be able to afford food. This could be in the form of discounts and specials. Although farm laborers make up a large portion of the food insecure population, others are also affected. In order to reach all affected populations, I propose that restaurants and supermarkets utilize locally grown food whenever possible. This may eliminate the need to import foods from other areas, and therefore make foods less costly. Increases in mobile markets are also an option that I believe would be beneficial for reaching every family in need. An example of this is the Mobile Pantry Program of the Fresno Community Food Bank (Poulsen, 2012). This Mobile Pantry Program delivers healthy and nourishing foods to hungry children and families. With mobile food assistance programs, low-income families will not need to worry about the expense of transportation to and from grocery stores and restaurants. Reducing the cost of transportation to markets may allow families to have more money to spend on food. Expenses for these mobile assistance programs could likely come from grocery stores, nonprofit organizations and the government. Although this would likely involve tax money, I believe that this would be an important expenditure as food is a basic human need. If mobile assistance programs are implemented, many families will have much easier access to adequate amounts of food for their children.

Conclusion

Child hunger is a serious reality for many children in the United States. This is especially true for children who reside in rural areas, such as the Central Valley of California. While many believe that child hunger is only an issue for developing

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countries, the US has a high prevalence of hungry children as well. With the rising cost of living and the large numbers of families living in poverty, hunger in children is likely to increase. Children who suffer from chronic hunger are more likely to develop preventable diseases, and they are also more likely to do poorly in school. If citizens continue to go uneducated about the prevalence of hunger, many children and families will continue to suffer in silence. However, if researchers in the United States begin to take interest in this, needy children and families will have the chance to get the nourishment that they deserve.  

CHILD  HUNGER  IN  THE  US  AND  THE  CENTRAL  VALLEY   15  

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Appendix

Long-Term Effects of Obesity

Developing obesity in the early stages of life can have negative affects on a child’s health later on. Currently, many adults in the US are suffering from obesity (Dhir & Ryan, 2010). Children who continue to suffer from obesity into adulthood are more likely to develop serious illnesses (Dhir & Ryan, 2010). Many of these illnesses are preventable, and some could be fatal.

According to Dhir and Ryan (2010), “Obese children are more likely to become obese adults, and are at a greater risk of metabolic, cardiovascular and respiratory complications” (p. 33). Additional research by Inge et al. revealed, “The risk of numerous comorbid conditions was significantly elevated by adolescent obesity…. These comorbid conditions included diabetes, PCOS, hypertension, obstructive sleep apnea, asthma, abnormal kidney function, venous edema, and severe walking limitation” (para. 19). Along with the risks of hunger-related disease in childhood, the effects of hunger and obesity can affect individuals in the later stages of life.

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