Lenin (Ed. Thomas Bell)-A Dictionary of Terms and Quotations Compiled From the Works of v i Lenin_cropped

8/13/2019 Lenin (Ed. Thomas Bell)-A Dictionary of Terms and Quotations Compiled From the Works of v i Lenin_cropped

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L I T T L E L E N I N L I B R A R Y

V O L U M E T W E N T Y - F I V E

A DICTIONARY

of

TERMS AND QUOTATIONS

C o m p i l e d from the Works of

V. L LENIN

b y

Thomas Bell

M N E P E N C E N E T

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A DICTIONARY

o f .

TEEMS AND QUOTATIONS

C o m p i le d f r o m t h e W o r k s o f

V. L LENIN

b y

T h o m a s B e l l

L O N D O N

L AWRENCE & WJ SHART, LTD


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FIRST PUBLISHED TX 1942

Pubshe.d by L


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ForewordThere is no royal, road to learning, least of all to the teachings

of the great revolut ionary thinker and leaderLenin, thecontinuator of the work of the founders of scientif ic social ismMarx' and Engels.

The voluminous writ ings of Lenin, of which we have vet onlya selection, form, a veritable treasure house of knowledge in thesubjects of historical materialism., history, economics, politicsand revolut ionary par ty leadership.

In these works the serious student and worker, the propagandist and organiser wil l f ind almost everything necessaryto equip them for the tasks before them.

Read Lenin, again, and again; you will always find somethingstart l ing and new, giving fresh inspirat ion and renewedenthusiasm for the cause of labour and Communism.

I ll is little D icti onary is no t a sub stit ute for the study ofLeninism; nor is i t intended to encourage those who have aweakness for indulging in mere phrases.

i t i s in tended to show how Lenin himself def ined a number

of the terms most frequently used in political l i terature anddiscussion; and, by .......'.......... 1iteci qu otat ions , how tiedand deve loped the u u i o 1 i die de finitions.

T h e references I ol n > mcl Page in the Sduc ted Worksshould, ena ble the L i, Ig stu dy ing the 'whole passage inquestion., to obtain a still more complete elucidation of the idea.

One special remark, i t m u s t ' be remembered th at before

October, 1917, the name of the Bolshevik Party was RussianSocial Democratic Labour .Party (Bolshevik), and that thereforeLenin referred to the members of this Party as Social . Democrats. A lte r the revolution the na m e of the Ru ssian P;changed to Communis t and Communis t Pa r t i e s werein all countries; the old parties remaining Social DenSocialist or Labour,

This selection, or terms and quotations is limited ior reasons3


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of space, and is confined to those most fr eq ue nt ' Nodo ub t the read er w ill be able to thin k of other delnm . i andquota tions , im portant and usefu l, which he won! 1 hi likedto see included. B ut th a t w ou ld have entailed a It largerbook th a n is pract icable., for the m om ent. T h e cor ill begr atefu l fo r any suggestions, w hich ma y be sent dn u i H thepu b lishers ; all. such, suggestions will be carefully ?d in

relation to farther editions.T it o >. h i 1,1...

N O T E T O T H E R E A D E R

T h e quotat io ns (w ith one exception, , p. 17) are a1 t a i i fromthe twelve-volume edit ion of Lenins Selec ted W o j > m b ished

by L aw rence and. W ishart , L td . R eferences to th e il . q aotedare given in the following abbreviated forms:

S.1! 6, p. 56 , s tands for S e l e c t e d W o r i t s , Vo lume 6 , page 56 .i ../ .. / . 9, p . 13 , s tands for .L i t t le .Len ir, l b ra r v , V o l u m e 9 ,

page 13 ,

Where the two references , S .W. and L . L . L fia t the end of a quotat ion they refer to the same p ican be found ei ther in the Se lec ted Wo rks or in tin :iL ib ra ry , tho ug h the text used is always tha t of iWorks. A full l ist of th e L ittle L en in L ib ra ry w il t

the end of this volume.

(Ali Rights Reserved)


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A g r i c u l t u r e

The development of agr icul ture lags behind that of industry .This is characterist ic of all capitalist countries and is one of themost important causes of the d isproport ion in the development

of the different branches of national economy, of crises, and ofthe high cost of living.S.IV. 12, p. 274.

A l l i a n c e s

Only those who have no self-reliance can fear to enter intotemporary alliances even with unreliable people; not a single

political party could exist w ith o u t entering in to such all iances.S.TV., 2, p. 40. L .L .L . 4, p. 21.

But an essential condit ion for such an al l iance must be comple te liberty for Social ists to reveal to the w ork ing class tha tits interests are diametrically opposed to the interests of the

bourgeoisie.

S.TV. 2, p. 40. L .L .L . 4, p. 21,

Anarchismn differs from anarchism in that i t recognises the

n for the stale and for state power in a period of-revohi-ti nerat, an d in th e perio d ol tran sitio n from capitalismto socialism in particular.

S . W . 6. p. 56. L .L . l , . 9, p. 13.

Tin philosophy ot ihe anarchists is bourgeois philosophyiside out . T h eir individualist theories and their

individualistic, ideais are the ver y antithes is of socialism. T h e ir........ . . .press, not the future of bourgeois society, which is

irresistibly being driven towards the socialisation of labour, but

the prese nt and even the past of th a t the dom inationof blind chance over the scattered, i small produ cers.T h e ir tactics, w hich am ou nt to th e i ol the politicalstruggle, serve to disun ite th e prolet ind, in fact, toconvert them into passive part icipants of one or another setof bourgeois politics; because it is impossible for the workersreallv to detach themselves from politics.

ihfp. 3, p. 344,


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A n n e x a t i o n

N o t every ap pro priation oi foreign ' terr i tory may bedescribed as annexation, for, generally speaking, Socialists arein favour of abolishing frontiers between nations and theformation of larger s tates; nor may every disturbance of thestatus quo be described as annexation, for this would beextremely reactionary and a mockery of tl ie fundamental con--eef " ' e science of histor y; nor ma y every m ilitary app ro-

p ri terr itory be called annexation, for Socialists cannotrepudiate violence and wars in the interests of the majority oftin: l ion. T h e term ann exation m ust be applied onlyto ropriati on of territo ry against the will of the population of that territory; in other words, the concept annexation

is inseparably bound up with the concept self determination ofnations.

' S .I d . 5, p. 236.

it is not sufiicient tor the socialists in every country to pavbp service to the equality of nations, or to declaim, vow andsolemnly declare th at they are opposed to annexations. 'Thesocial is ts in every country must demand immediate and uncon

dit ional freedom of secession for the colonies and nations thatare oppressed by their own fa ther land.

S . IT . :>, p. 237.B a i A s

The principal and primary function of banks is to serve asan interm ed iary in the making' of pay m ents. In doing so thevtransform inactive money capital into active capital, ihat is,

into capita! producing a profit; they collect all kinds of monevrevenues and place them at the disposal of the capitalist class.

As hanking develops and becomes concentrated in a smallnumber of establishments, the banks become transformed, andinstead of being modest intermediaries they become powerfulmonopolies having at their command almost the whole of themoney capital oi all the capitalists and small business men

and also a large part of the means of production and of thesources, of raw materials of the given c ou ntry and of a nu m be roi countries . T h e t ransform at ion oi num erous in termediar iesinto a handful of monopolists represents one of the fundamental

processes in the transform ation of capitalism in to capitalistimperialism.

N. l'i. 5, p. 27. L.L.L. 15, p. 30.

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Bolshevism

Bolshevism as a trend of political thought and a politic;!!nartv exists since 1903A'

A.HA 10, p. 6 b

B o u r g e o i s i e

Bourgeois mea ns an owner of proper ty. T h e bourgeoisie areall the ow ners of p ro p er ty taken to gethe r. .A big bourg eois isthe owner of big property. A petty bourgeois is the ow ner o!small prooertw

AHA 2, p. 254.

The bourgeoisie has always and everywhere risen against

feu da lism in the na m e of the ab olition of social sta tus . . , ,The bourgeoisie has always and everywhere opposed the obsoleteframework of the estates and other medieval institutions in thenam e of the who le people within, w hich class con trad ictio nswere stil l undev elope d. A nd it was right, both in the West andin Russia, because the institutions criticised were actual!)'hamocrin- e v e r y b o d y .

S.PF. 11, p. 636.

B r i b e r y o f W o r k e r s

All of yon ead tra de unio n litera tu re know th a tthe re are no t inions in En gland , b u t also alliances

between w o r k alists in a p a rticu la r industry fo r thepurpose of ra and ot robb ing everybody else.

A.'HA 7, p, 419.Capita! : (aeeijimiltinort of)

T h e accumulation oj capital, i .e., the transformation or a partof surplus value into capital, not tor satisfying the personalneeds or whims oi the capitalists, but tor new production.

S . W . II, p. 26, L .L .I i . 1, p. 31.

* Al he Second Congress of the Russia i i l l ) urn lie LabourPoi i i-)()3, serious differences arose on v . i < n> a principle,

p nil i i 0 as to the churaoler of Ihe Part i iti n a I the ccao-pcv a a u its central institutions. The elecii a i i .. i u Commit tecand I la editorial hoard of the paper (isk i i It u > >ujority forl.enins followers. Hence the term liolshevik, meaning in Russian one ofihe majorily.


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C a p i ta l : ( g e n e s i s o f )

T h e historical cond itio ns necessary for ti ' r capitalwere, f irstly, the acc um ulation an d a rela i J In . i level ofdev elopm ent of com m odity pro du ction in gi econdivthe existence ot a lab ou rer w ho is free m a duuok. sense:

free from all constraint, or restriction on the sale of his labourpower, and free fro m th e land , and of all means of p ro d u ctio nin general, a propertyless labourer, a ; t proletarian, who cannotsubsist except by the sale of his labour power.

S . W . I I , pp. 25-26. L .L .L . 1, p. 30.Capitalism.

Uneven economic and polit ical development is an absolute

law ot capitalism, li en ee , the victory of socialism is possible. 'first in a few or even in one single country.

S . W . 5, p. 14 i.

T h e progressive fe atu re ot capitalism, consists precisely inthe fact that i t destroyed the old, cramped condit ions of humanl i fe , which dul led the mind and prevented the producers f romtaking the i r dest inies in to th e i r own hands . T h e t rem endo usdevelopment ol trade relations and world, exchange and theconstant migrations of vast masses of the population, shatteredthe ancient fe t ters of the tr ibe, family and terr i tor ia l community and created that variegat ion of development, that varieg ation of tale nt s and. w ea lth of social relatio ns " w hichpi a vs so g rea t a role in the m o dern his tory of the West.

S . W . 31, p. 628.C a r ie s s ; ( c o m b i n e s )

C arte ls come to agr eem ent on the condition' ' *......of payment, etc. T h ey divide the ma rkets amTh ey f ix the qua nti ty of goods to be prod uced. T h ey fix prices.They divide the profits among the various ent>

S W . 5, p. 19. L .L .L . 15, p. 22.

C ertain bou rgeo is wr iters . . . express the opinion th atinternat ional car te ls are the most s tr iking expressions of thein tern atio na lisat ion of ij it t an d th at they, the refore, givethe hop e of peace .m ir th e nation s u n d er capitalism.

* The word cartel is us ua lly applied to cembiiva lioi . . rntrolluy.!prices and sales, as distinct from those direeily eo n odn ctionovasis).

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Theoretically this opinion is absurd, while in practice i t is asophism and a dishonest defence of the worst opportunism.Internat ional car te ls show to what point capita l is t monopolieshave developed, and they reveal the object ol: the struggle

between the various cap ita list g roups.

8 . W , 5, p. 57. L .L . l , . 15, p. 68.

The statement that cartels can abolish crises is a fable spreadby bourgeois econom ists who at all costs desire to placecapitalism in a favourable light.

ihlT. 5, p. 25. L .L .L . IS, p. 27.G l a s s e s

Classes are large groups ol people which differ from each,other by the place they occupy in a historically definite systemof social production, by their relation, (in most cases fixed andformulated in laws) to the means of production, by their roiein the social organisation of labour, and, consequently, by thedimensions and method of acquiring the share of social wealth,th at they ob tain. Classes are gro up s of people one of 'which

may appropriate the labour of another owing to the differentplaces they occupy in the definite system of social econom y.

SJ'V. 9, pp. 432-433.

G l a s s C o n s c i o u s n e s s

Class consciousness means that the workers understand thatthe only wav to improve their condit ions and to secure their

emancipation is to fight, against the class of capitalists andfactory owners that was created by the big factories. J 'u rih o r-more, class consciousness means that the workers understand thatthe interests of all the workers in the given country are identical,that all the workers represent a single class, separate from allother classes. Finally, class consciousness means that the workersun de rsta nd th at in order to achieve their aims, the w ort , s mu st

strive to influence the affairs of state in the same vat as thelandlords and the capitalists influence it, and strive to influenceit still more.

SJV. 1, p. 4"5.

C l a s s S t r u g g l e

It is often said and writ ten that the core of Marxs theoryis the class struggle; b u t i t is no t true. A nd from this error

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very often, spring s the o pp ort un ist distortion >! M i -asm; itsfalsification to m ake it acceptable by th e bo ut . oisie. T h etheory of the class struggle was no t created b lai h u t byt l a iu r111>eoisie before M arx , and ge ne ra lly *>, i' m g it isc k i ' i ' d ^ c to the bourgeois ie. I'ho se who r& o_i only the

cl u i iuggle are no t yet M arx ists; those may' 1 h i m to havegone no fu r ther than the boundar ies o f bourgeon reason ing andbourgeois politics. T o lim it M arx ism to the them \ ord ina rypetty (and even big) bourgeois,................ . S W . 7, p. 33.

Communism : ( transition. to)

Theoret ical ly, there can be no doubt that between capi tal ismand communism there l ies a definite transit ion period. The lattercannot but combine the features and propert ies of both these

systems of social enterprise. T h is transit ion perio d ca nn ot bu tbe a period of struggle between m o r ib u n d capitalism andnascent communism-in other words, between capitalism whichhas been defeated , but not yet des t royed and communism whichhas been bo rn bu t which is still very feeble.

p. 3.

Communism (th e f i r s t p h a s e )In the Cri t ique o f the Gotha Programme, Marx: goes into

some details to disprove Lassalles idea that under socialismthe worker will receive the undirninished or whole proceedsof his lab ou r. M ar x shows tha t fro m the whole of the sociallabour of society i t is necessary to deduct a reserve fund, afund for the expansion of product ion, for the replacement of

w o rn -o u t machinery , and so on; then, also, f rom the meansof consumption must be deducted a fund for the expenses ofthe management/for schools , hospi tals , homes for the aged andso on. , . .

And it is this communist society . . , that Marx terms ther f i rs t/ or lower, phase of co m m un ist society.

The means of product ion are no longer the pr ivate property

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of indivi Inal 11ini mea ns oi p ro duct io n be long to the whole o!;ioc.iri.v. I ' ! ' m em ber of society, pe rf orm in g a certain part olsocially urn' uy labour, receives a. certificate from society le,the effect that he has done s u c h ;uia sucu au amount of work.A ccordin g to th is certi ficate, lie receives irorn the i l It i

houses, where articles of co nsu m pti on are stored i m L%p< i dmqu anti ty of products . D edu cting that , prowhich goes to the pub lic fun d, every worker, th i n i i n i\from society as much, as he has given it. . . .

Eq ual r igh t , says M arx , we indeed have here; bu t it isstill a bou rgeo is rig ht, whic h, like every right, presuppose? inequali ty . Ev ery right is an app lication ol the sam e measure

to dif ferent people who, in fact, are not the same and arc notequa l to one another ; th at is why equal r i g h t is rea lly aviolation of equality and an injustice. As a m at te r of fact,man having performed as much social labour as another n:an equal share of the social product (less the above-mendeductions).

But people are not alike: one is strong, an oth er is weak, one

is married, another is not; one lias more children, another hasless, an d so on. And the conclusion. M a r x dra ws is:

: . . . w ith an equal o 1.11:pur and hence an equal share in the soc ia l c onsu mp t ion fund, one wi ll it I'u 1 rece ive more thananother , on e wi l l he r icher than an > i i md so on, . . / '

Hence, the f irst p h ^ t of eomnm rrbih mn ot pioduM j t [itan d eq ua li ty ; ditici iu ( s. an d un ju s t chi t i in e e s , m < ill istill, exist, hut tin t> h s ta t io n of man In m in will h i r x < nimpo ssible, bec ause it will be impossi ble to seize rlh ? >/ iprodnct-ion, the factories, machines, land, et(property.

8 .W. 1 , pp. 83-85. L .L .L . 14, pp. 70-71.

C o m rm m is n i ( d i e h i g h e r p h a s e )

Marx cont inues:In a h igher phase o f Communis t soc ie ty a f ter the ensUiv iv )^subo rdin at ion ol: indiv idua ls und er divis ion ol labour, and therewith a lso the ant i thes i s betw ee n menta l and phys ica llabour, has vanished; a l ter labour has become not: merely

a. m ea ns t o l ive , but has b e co m e i tse l f the primary

necess i ty o l i i l e ; a f ter the product ive forces have a l so

increased wi th the a ll - round dev e lo pm en t o f the ind i Mu d tnd

a ll th e s p r in g s o f co - o p era l iv e w ea l t h f l o w m o re a b u n d n t h

the n can the narr ow hor izo n o f houro'e oise m'ijhit I') in 1 1m


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behind and soc ie ty inscr ibe on it s b a n n e r s : from eachto his abi li ty , to each acco rdin g to bis ne ed s .

S . W . 7, p. 87. 4, pp. 77'.

C om m un ism . . . is the na m e ly to a system un de rwhich people become accustomed to il l perform anc e of pu bl ic

dut ies without any specif ic machinery of compulsion, whenunpaid work lor the common pood becomes the genera!phenomenon,

5.7147 8, p. 239.

< o i i umisrn is the Sovie t po wer plus the electrification oii e co untry.

S . W . 8, p. 276.

C e w i p r o m i s e s

T o reject comprom ises on princ iple, to reject the a dm issibility oi: compromises in general., no matter of ... -hd, isch ildishnes s wh ich it is difficult even to take ser . . .T h ere are comprom ises and compromises. One m I ableto a n ah 'se t he situ atio ns and. th e c oncrete co nd itio > eachcomprom ise, o r of each form of com pro m ise. . . I ) j nlm esit is no t always possible to do this so easily. . . 1 m c n . i u ewho wan ted to inven t a recipe fo r the w orker t in loti ldprov ide read y -m ad e solutions of all cases th a t oc iu t i i h n , .,rwh o promised th a t the pol itics of the revol i it iomu\ t t t n i i twould never encounter difficult or intricate si tu u m. midsimply he a charlatan.

S . W . 1.0, pp. 76-77. L .L .L . 16, p. 22.

I 'o t ie ones hands beforehand, openly to tel l the enemy, whois at present better armed than v.re are, whether and when weshall l igh t him, is s tup idi ty an d no t revolut ionariness. T o accept

batt le a t a time w hen it is obviously advantageous to th e enemyand not to us is a cr ime; and those pol i t ical leaders of therevolu tiona ry class who are una ble to tack, to m anoe uvre, tocompromise, in order to avoid an obviously disadvantageousbattle , are good fo r nothing.

S . W . 10, pp. 118-119. L . L . L . It- , 58.

The whole point l ies in mowing how to apply tl < laeticsin such a way as to raise and not lower the general level ofp ro letarian class consciousness, revolutionary spirit., and abilityto t ight and to conquer.

S . W . 10, p. 116. L.1.-..L. 16, p. 56.


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C o n c e s s i o n s

The iundam.enral thing in IIk: m att er ; ! concess ions , iroeithe standpoint of political considerations , . , is the rule whichwe have not only mastered theoretically but have also appliedpractically, and which wil l, until socialism finally tr ium phs all

over the world, remain a fun d am en t ,1 1, 1 with, us, namely,[hat we m us t take adv antage ol the ant . .msms and co n tradictions between two capitalisms, 1.>h v i , i two sy stem s ol'ca pitalist state, inciting one ag ain st the oilier. As long as wehave not conquered the whole world, as long as, Jrorn theeconomic an d 'm ilitary stan dp oin t, we are w eaker than, the( w orld, we m us t adhe re to the rule th at we m os t know

1 take advantage oi the antagonism s and contradict ionse.usung amo ng the imperialists. H ad we not adhe red to thisrule, every one of us would have long ago been hanging froman aspen tree, to the satisfaction of the capitalists.

s : i r . 8, pp. 279-280.

C o n c i l i a t i o n

One view of un ity may place in the f orefro nt the reconciliation ol given persons, grou ps an d in stitution s. T h eidentity oi their views on party work, on the policy oi thatwork, is a m at te r of seco nda ry imp orta nce . D ifferences oiopinion must be hushed up, their causes, their significance, theirobjective conditions should not be elucidated. T h e principletiling is to reconcile person s and groups , if they do not

agree upon the carrying out of a common policy, that, policymust he interpreted in such a way a#to be acceptable to al l .hare an d let live. T h is is ph ilistine conciiiationisrn, whichinevitably leads to narrow circle diplomacy.

S . W . 4, p. 41.

T h ioO if ti i "in on dur in g the period of co un ter -m i l , ai i m i b i i 11 1 by the fol lowing pic ture . W ithii i i . ha i tl ;h v 1 ire pull ing our Pa rty waggonup a steep slope. . . . In the waggon sits a conciliator; he isa pic tu re of tender nes s. He has such a sweet, swee t face. liketh at o f Jesus. He looks the very inca rnatio n of virtue. An dmodestly dropping his eyes and raising his hands, he exclaims: I thank the Lord , th a t 1. am no t like .one of these ..a. nod inthe direction of the Bolsheviks and M enshev iks- vicious


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ilists wh o hin de r ail prog ress. " Hut the waggon moveslorw arri an d in she wa ggo n si is the roncH iatnr.

S. IV. 4, p. 110.

Constructive Work

J n co ns truc tive work you ca nn ot avoid a v; he r olrepetitions, you cann ot avoid tur ni ng back every again,you cannot, avoid testing wh at you have done, certaincorrect ions , adopting new methods, bending every effort to convince the backward and untra ined

khk 2 Si.

Co-operatives

There is no doubt that under the capital is t Stattives are collective capitalist institutions. . . . w

capitalism, co-oper ative enterprises differ from > iprise s as co llect ive enterprises di ffer from p. n iU nd er state capitalism, co-op erative enterpi iwstate capitalist e nterp rises, firstly, because they art i

p ri ses, and secondly because they are eo lJ ee tk. ..Under our system, co-operative enterprises diifecapitalist enterprises because they are collective emthey do not differ from Socialist enterprises irwhich they are s i tuated and the means of pro ducthe State, i.e., the working class.

en i)

-opera-private

en te rprises,

fromenter-

iwprises.i te

si -, h u t

onto

W hy w ere th e plans of th e old co-o pe ra i I m i i 1 i iDw en onw ard s, fantastic r because they dr i* i Ioltran sfor mi ng pre sent -day so. u li mlo Social! to t i l 1 I minto ac co un t a fu nd am en ta l like tin sg i 11class stru ggle , of th e wo rk ing l m u Uu ithe class enemies into class colleagues and the class struggleinto class peace (so-called civil peace), merely by organising thepopu la tio n in co-operative soc iet ies , as som ething romantic andeven banal.

S j r . 9. p. 407.


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P e E'BSigHCH

Demagogues are the worst enemies o Ibc working class.1 they arouse liad ins tincts in the crowd, because thei w orke r is un ab le to recognise his enem ies in m en w hoi : themselves, and sometim es sincerely rep res en t th e m selves, to be h is f r iends . . . in this period of d ispers ion andvacillation, when ovir movement is just beginning to take shape,nothing is easier than to employ demagogic methods to sidetrack the crowd, which can realise its mistakes only by bitterexperience.

S.IV. 2, p. 137.

D e m o w a e y

Can a class-conscious worker ignore the democratic strugglefor the sake of the Socialist struggle, or ignore the latter forthe sake oi the former? N o, a class-conscious w orker calls h im self a Social Democrat precisely because he understands theinter-rela tion between the two struggles. Me know s th at ther eis no other road to socialism but the road through democracy,thr o u g h political liberty. -He, therefore, strives for the co m

plete and consistent ach ievem ent of dem ocracy fo r the sake ofat taining the ul t imate eoal...-socialism.S . W . 3, p. i 53.

Democrats : (petty bourgeois)

Petty b ou iw io1 d. u lerats are dist ing uished by an aversionfro m the i i t u >*i! by the hope of getting along w ith ou tthe class i u n J , |M d,v ir ende avour to smooth over and reco n

cile, an d I t the edge off shar p corners. Su ch demo crats,there fore avoid recognisin g the necessity for a w holehistorical oi' tran sition from capitalism to com m unis mor regard it as their duty to concoct plans tor reconciling thetwo contending forces, instead oi leading the struggle ol oneof these forces against the other.

S . W . 8, i. 4.

B c v h m i -;

.By saying deviations we emphasise die fact that we do notyet regard them as something definitely formed, as somethin"absolutely and fully defined, but merely as the beginning of epolitical trend of which the Party m u st give its appraisal,

S'.if. 9, p. 123.


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A deviation is som ethi ng th a t can be rectified. Pe op le havej\ ist w andered som ew hat from th e path, or are beginn ing t.iwander from the path, but they can st i l l be put r ight.

S. iV . 9. p. 12(>-D i a l e e c i e s

T h e fun da m en tal thesis oi dialectics is: there is no suchthing as abstract truth, truth is always concrete.

S J F . 2, i. 463.

Dialectics, as understood by Marx, and in conformity withHegel, includes what is now called the theory of knowledge,

or epis tem ology, w h ic h , ' too, m us t regard its su bject matterhistorically, studying and generalising the origin and development of knowledge, the transition from (W-knovvledge toknowledge.

S J . II, p. 17. L .L .L . , p. 21.

Dialectics! Materialism

F red erick Enge ls writes: T h e grea t basic q uestion of allphilosophy, especially of m o dern ph ilosophy, is th a t concerningthe rela tion of th in ki ng an d be ing . . . sp irit to nat u re . . ..which is pr im ary, spirit: o r na tur e. . . . T h e answ ers which theph ilosophers gave to this question sp lit them, into two greatcamps. T ho se who asserted the primacy of spiri t to natu reand, therefore, in the last instance, assumed world creation insome fo rm or ot he r . . . com prise d the carnp of idealism. T h e

others, who regarded, nature as primary, belong to the variousschools of materialism.-

S.IV. .11, p. 15. .L.L.L. 1, p. 19.

.Marx and Engels cons idered the fu nd am en ta1 inml t on oithe o ld material ism, inc luding the m ateria lisn i 1 iii Inch(and. still m ore of the vu lga r ma teri alism of ogl

and iYlolescbott). To be:( ! ) Thai' th is mai:eria! isir! was p re do m in an tly me ehan ics' i ,

fa i l ing to take accou nt o f the la tes t deve lopcoexns o f chem is try and bio log y ( in our day it w ou ld Ira acc es sar y to acid: and o f the e lectr ica l theory of matter) .

(2) That the old m at er ia lis m i t u I i-a ) i .!, non-diaiecticai(metaphys ica l , in the sense o f tu t di I Oi il), and d id not:adher e con sisten t ly and com prefu re s tand no ire of

de v e l o pm e nt .16


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(3) T h a t it r eg ar de d i he hum a n e s se n c e i notas the e n s e m b l e oi; ail c on c r e te ly d e h n ed racialre la t io n s/ 5 and therefore only interpreted ?l die world. , wh ereas the po in t is to li chnn gc i t; ihnt is to say, i t did n ot un de rst and the im po rtan ce o f 5revo lut iona ry / ' p rac t i ca l- e

S . W . 11, p. 15, L .L .L . 1, pp. 19-20.

Die ia io r s l s s ip o f ih e Pro les 'f lr ia -

The dictatorship of the proletariat is the rule oi tine class,which takes into its hands tin: whale appai-aius oi the new scare,which vanquishes the bourgeoisie and neutralises the whole oithe pet ty-bourgeois ie, the peasantry, the lower middle class andintelligentsia.*

S . W . 10, pp. 51-52.D octrine

Our doctrine-said Engels, referring to himself and his famousfriend (M arx )- is no t a do gm a b u t a gu ide to action.

S. iV. 11, p. 53.

K e o n o m i s mT h e characterist ic features of this tenden cy are: in the maiter

of nrineirsles..-v ul ga ris ati on of M arx is m . . . in politics ast :> restrict or to frag m en tise poli t ical agitation and

pc In i I struggle , a failure to undersl u d tl unless socialD u n .I Is take th ship of the g im 1 u the masselm a Oi of the m ov em en t does n o t clinum h 'a n increases ouro M i'a,i i, to estab lish a strong and conn )h m. u tde u nio n struggle , because th, lau>->also embraces' ww O > la b ou r politics), an d let th e ]\!,)r.\i;>i,intelligentsia m i i h d 1He liberals fo r th e political struggii

S . W . 2, iv 41. L .L .L . 4, p. 22.

Sec also Class Sint^xle.


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Any tra de unio n secretary, an E ng lish one ix hili -tin; worker* to c on d uc t t he e co no mi c st ru ggle , > , ofactory abuses, explains the injust ice of the laws ue a^ .nwh ich ha m pe r the free dom to strike and the i: :o picuei(i.e., to w arn all and su nd ry th a t a strike is trig at a

certain factory) explains the partiality of arb iira 1: jud ge swho belong to the bourgeois classes, etc.. etc. ................ A, everytrad e union secretary condu cts and helps to cond uct Uneconomic struggle against the employers and the government. 'I t cannot be too strongly insisted that th is is not enoughto con stitute Social-Democ racy. T h e Social Dem oc rats idealshould not be a trade union secretary, but a tr ibune of the

peop le , able to react to every manifestation of tyranny andoppression, no matter where it takes place, no matter whatstratum or class of the people it affects.

A .lb . 2, p. A). / .. / .. A 4, p. 77.

RelocationWhen the bourgeois gentry and their uncr ' t r - i ! chorus o!

satel li tes, the social reform ists, talk p u i 11 about the ed u ca t io n of the masses , by educat ion suailv meansom ething schoolmasterly, pe dan tic, somet: demoralisesthe masses and im bue s the m w ith bourgeois ees.

The real education of the masses can nevei uu separated fromthe independent, the poli t ical , and part icularly from the revolutionary , struggle of the masses themselves. Only the strug gle

educates the exploited class. S J f 7 3, p. 6.

Fact ions

A faction is an organisation within ......*.......... ....... not In'its place of work, langu age , or o th er ob/i ' s. . . .E very fac tion is conv inc ed t h a t its plait in i m p !i are thebest m ea ns of ab olish ing factions, lo r no in . i f iu i le exis tence of factio ns as ideal. T h e only d factionswith clear consistent platforms openly ui ! 'd , n , latform,while unprincipled factions hide b e h in d . u q 1 u I u it t he irvir tue, about their non-factionalism.

A.if7 4, p. 100.

There is an objective logic in factional struggles which

inevitably leads even the best of peopleif they persist in


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occup ying a w ron g position- -to ;i position w hich actuallvdiiTers in no way from unprincipled demagogy.

S.I-'I . 9, p. 36.

Fatherland

The fa ther land , i.e., the political, cu ltura l an d socialen n niKiit. is the most j. i . u i tu l fac tor in the cLr-i 1juggleoi mi, i i ie ta ria t............Th e pi nli i ir ia t canno t t re a t tin p liticai,so u l t nl cu ltu ra l con dit ion s oi il strug gle with indifh h in e orcqui.i .uuily, consequently, i t cannot remain indifferent to thedestiny of its cou ntry. B ut it is intere sted in the destin y of its

country only in so far as it affects its class struggle, and not. byvirtue of some bourgeois patrio tism which sou nds altogetherindecent on the l ips of a Social-Democrat.

S . W . 4. pp. 327-328.

F ina n ce Capital *

The concentra t ion of product ion; the monopoly ar is ing there

from; the merging or coalescing of banking with industry, thisis the history of finance capital and what gives the term financecapital its content.

S . W . 5, p. 42, L .L .L . IS, p. 44.

.Finance capital, concentrated in a few hands and exercisinga virtual monopoly', exacts enormous and ever increasing- prolitfrom the floating of companies, issue of stocks, state loans, etc.,

t ightens the grip of the financial oligarchies, and levies tributeupon the whole of society for the benefit of the monopolists.

S . W . S, p. 47. L .L .L . , p. 49.

Frcmriers

The method of accomplishing a social is t revolut ion under theslogan dow n w ith fron tiers is utterly absu rd. . . . W e

maintain that the state is necessary and the existence of a statepre-supposes frontiers. T h e state may, o:i course, be ru led bya bourg eois govern men t, while we w an t Soviets. B ut evenSoviets are confronted with the question of frontiers. . . .T h e me tho d oi socialist revolution u n de r the slog an o! dow n wi th fro nti er s is a ho d re nodrre.

S . W . S, p. 309.

; See al so Imper iaUi/in .


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I li s t o r i ci! M o i c r l x H tm

In the preface tu lus CotiinhiUion :lo the LEconom y, Marx gives an ur '........1 f orm u la tio n < i iprinciples of materialism u u n d e d to hurr

histo ry , in 1:11e followin g \ v u" In the soc ia l pro duc t ion \ bn h me n c

i nt o d ef in i te r e la ti on s t ha t arc tndi-.j u s a b le 1 I

their wi ll ; th es e re lat ions of pi o h m o i corr i I ts t a g e o f de v e l o pm e nt o f the ir m i t u l f o rc e s [ isum. tota l o f the se re lat ions of juhHh imi co m 1

structure o f soc ie ty - ...the rea l foundat ion , on

and pol i t ica l superstructure and to whie .h f o r m s o f so ci a l c o nsc i o us ne s s . T h e m o d e o f p-l i fe dete rm ine s the soc ia l, po l i tica l and intel .in genera l . I t i s no t the consc io usn ess o f men that i ibeing , hut , on the contrary , the ir soc ia l be ing that

(Ua!Is

:erofite

. herierai

i ite

c o nsc i o usne s s . A.materia l forces of exist ing rei a t ionss ion for the same they have been a'

Hie forces of _pn>be gin s an e no ch o.r socia l io i u it n ida t ion the u < j k i i hy t.ransform ech i d o n io \ sh ou ld always h i h i i oi t he e c o no m i c

h e d e t e r m i n e d ivith the pre.polit ical , rel igious, aesthet i

s tage oli the ir deve lopment , th n soc iety co m e in con file t wi th th0 or wh at i s bu t a lega! expres - he proper iy re la t ions wirhin which

kr o m f o r m a o f de v e o pm e nl o f 1 relat ions turn. into fetters . T ho u

o u t i o m W i t h t h c ha ng e o f t h ire i$ more s forma L'innsermi trans-

:i. w h ic h can o d th l e g n i t , ideologica!

c II I 1)

oli

to.mas in wh ich m en b ec om e c on scio us of this conf l ic t and. f ight

i t out . ju st as our opi nio n of an indiv idu al i s n o i based or?, w ha t he thin ks oi: h im se lf , so can w e m. od t. of suc h a per iod oftran sfor m at ion by i ts ow n conscio ' n the contrary, this

c o nsc i o u sne s s m us t be e x p l a ine d n n t he c o nt r ad i c ti o ns

o f mater ia l l if e, f rom the ex i s t ing lu ' i l l m between the soc ia lf or ce s o f p r od u ct io n and th e rela tio ns o t p ro du ct io n, . . . . In broad out l ines w e can des ignate the As ia t i c, the anc ient , the f e uda l , a nd t he m o de r n bo ur g e o i s m o de s o f pr o duc t i o n a s so m a n y e po c h s i n the pr og r es s o f the e c o no m i c f o r m a t i o n o f

so c i e t v . S.V. 11, p. IB. L .L .L . L pp. 22-23.

.Spdper ia l i s m

Imperialism, or the epochL ( f developm ent of

iio nopolis t assoc.I ti i sts hav e ass o me

centrateci banking capital ha

.>! finance ii jthe fruits ot the work of the Second Intenvatii ts opportunist , social-chauvinist , bourgeois and jvdross, and has begun to effecl the dictatorship ol th

i (

i i ' i i iafcs

Rich peasa nts, p rofiteers in gra in . . .ir . thousands and hundreds of roubles by sereof gra in an d oth er p ro d u cts . . g ath erin g th Iinto the ir han ds; they are once more enslaving thi t

m nuns o lecond

u the soilii i t in a

l< i

t i i

il 'it i d>i

is

In ii i it,

i. 31.

iave raked3 the priceded estatesr peasants.

7 il , i 30.

E xp loiters and profiteers, w ho used their su rp iu lain. toen rich them selves a t the exp ense o f th e starv ing no i a> t n n'lturai

parts of Russia.S W . 162.

The experience of every revolut ion that has hi therto occurredm .iiurope offers striking corroboration of the fact that revolution .......... . .ab ly doom ed if the peasants do not throw off thedomination of ihe kulaks.

S . W , 8, p. 137.

L e a d e r A political lea de r is no t only respo nsible for the a> f e leads

but also for w h a t is done by those h e leads. S ons I m e i e doesnot know that, often he does not want that, bill h i to |> insih leail. the. same.

.S' P ' i 19.


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M a r k e t : ( h o m e )

'The home market appears when commodity jrodi/etion appears:i t is created by the developm ent of com m odity product io n: and thedegree to which social division, of labour has taken place determines the height of its development. . . . The degree ofdevelopment in the home market is the degree of development:

ril capitalism in the country.1, pp. 224-225.

M a r k e t : ( fo r e ig n . )

'The fact that capitalism stands in need, of a foreign marketis explained, not by the impossibil i ty of realising the producton the home market , but by the fact that capi tal ism is unableto repeat one and. the same process of production in the samemagnitude in unchanged condit ions (as was the case under thepre-capita lis t system), and th a t it inevitably leads to theunlimited growth of product ion which overf lows the old, narrowlimits of previrfns economic units.

S J F . 1, P. 376.

M a s s e s

'I 'he m ea nin g ot the term. masses ch ange s in a ccorda ncew ith the ch anges in the chara cte r of th e strug gle . . . . . 1.1the Party succeeds in enlist ing others besides i ts own membersfor the struggle, if i t succeeds in rousing non-Party workers aswell, it is the be ginn in g of the process of '.iutiiin_ 11m asses. . . . W he n several, th ou sa nd n o n -Pari' \ > \ >Jusu ally hav e a h u m d ru m life an d eke ou t a misei tl>l tinwho have never heard, about, politics, begin to act m a. revoket ionary m anner , you have masses bet ore yen. i f the m ovem entspreads and becomes stronger, it gradually grows into a real,revolu tion . . . . W he n the revo lution has been sufficiently

p rep ared , the term. masses acquires a. d iffe ren t meaning.Then, several thousand workers can no longer l ie calledmasses. . . , T h e term masses then m eans the ma jori ty; no tmerely the major i ty of the workers, but the majority of all the

exploi ted.S . W . 10, pp. 286-287.

B a t in ord er to achieve victory you m us t hav mpa thyof the m asses . An ab so lu te m ajo rity is n o t alw aj i - n ia l, bu tin -order to achiev e vic tory , in o rd er to ret ain j . is not

23


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only necessary, to hav e the m ajo rity o f the w orking class- -i usethe term wo rking cl as s here in the We st .European sense,meaning the industr ial proletar iatbut also the majori ty or theexploited and the toil ing rural population.

S.W. 10, pp. 287-288.

MenslievssmM enshevism was fo rm ed a t the .Second Cc of the

Russian Social Democratic Party (August, 1903) fri.............. l inorhyof the Iskra-ists (hence the name Menshevism) and f rom al l theoppor tunis t opponents of lskra/"

It is the un qu estio nab le and unco ntrovertibli '.at them inority was com posed of those members of our P arty who arethe most incl ined towards opportunism . T h e ts tha tcomprised the minori ty were those that were ady intheory, least stable in matters of principle. I t was irona the

R ig h t w ing of the Party that the minori ty ( the Mensheviks) wasformed.

S .W. 2 , p. 424.

T i s e M i d d l e P e a s a n t. . . Is a pe asa nt wh o does no t exploit the lab ou r of others,who does not l ive on the labour of others , who does not in anyshape, or fo rm take adva nta ge of the fruits of the lab ou r ofothers, but who himself works and l ives by his own labour. '

S . W . 8, p. 188.

M i s t a k e s

To admit a mistake openly, to disclose its reasons, to analysethe conditions which gave rise to i t , to study attentively themeans of correcting i t-.. -these are the signs of a serious part)''.;this means the performance of i ts duties, this means educationand t ra in ing the class, and then the masses.

S . W . 10, p. 98. L .L .L . 16, p. 40.

The fighting party of the advanced class is not afraid ofmistakes. The danger is when one persists in ones mistake, whenfalse pride prevents recognition of ones mistake and itscorrection.

230.

' I / h r n ( t h e S p n r k ) , the paper ed i t ed by Le nin s t r iv ingto organise a revolut ionary Party of the working c lass .

24


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W hat is said of in divid ua ls is appl icable ---wi.th necessar.modifications to politics and parties? It is no t the one whomakes no mistakes who is wise. T h e re are no sucli men, norcan the re be. H e is wise who makes not very im po r tan tmistakes and knows how to rectify them early and quickly.

R W . 10, p. 74. L .L .L . 16, p. 21.

We m us t no t conceal our mistakes from the enemy. W ho ever is airaid of talking openly about mistakes is not a revolutionary. If, however, w e openly- say to the worke rs, " Yes, wehave made mistakes, i t will prevent us Irom repeating thesemistakes in the future.

S.If. 10, p. 288.Communists must not s tew in their own juice, but iearn how

to penetrate into prohibi ted premises , where the representat ivesof the bourgeoisie exercise influence over the workers; and in thisthe} must not hesitate to make certain sacrifices and not beafraid to make mistakes, which are inevitable at first, in everynew and difficult 'undertaking,

S.IV. 10, p. 304.

M u n i c ip a 1 i s a t i on

T h e bourgeois intell igentsia of the W est, like the E nglishFabia ns, has con verted mun icipal socialism into a. separate t re nd p recisely bec ause i t d ream s of social peace an d classconciliation, and wishes to deflect the attention of the people

from the fundamental quest ions of the economic system as awhole and of the whole state system, to minor questions of localgove rnment . . . A ny at tem pt on the p ar t of social is t m un icipalities to go a little beyond th e bo u n d aries of th e ir norm al, i.e.,petty activities, which give no substantial relief to the workers,any attempt to touch, capital , is invariably and absolutely vetoedin. the most categorical fashion by the central government of the

bourgeois state.S'.IV. 3, p. 27.

N atio nal MovementsThroughout the world, the per iod of the f inal victor) ' of

capitalism over feudalism was l inked rip with national movements. T h e economic basis .of these mo vem ents is th a t in order

to achieve complete victory for commodity product ion the25


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isie mu st captu re the home market, rn iicalivm it i territ ories with a pop ula tio n spea king guage,,, h i ,..11 obstacles to the deve lopm ent ol this langua ge and !6its consolidation in litera ture are removed . Lan gua ge is themos t impor tan t -t ic 'in 1- of hu m an in te rc ours e; u n u " - '-i"ini'>geand un im ped ed dt i 'opi the most im po rt m i i 'm onsof a gen uine ly 11>< m ve com merc ial tu u im , i a c -spondirig; to rn o d n i i g , of a free and hi m i agiingof th e po pu latio n in ail th eir sep ara te classes; hn ill th. irea co ndi tio n for the close co nne cti on bet we en thi n i ^ andeach an d every prop rie to r an d pett y pro prie tor, self i i . I i u er.

The format ion of N atio nal sta te s, un de r which. :quire-men ts of m od er n cap italism are best satisfied is -e, thetendencv of every national movement.

' ,SYH 250,

To the ex ten t th at the bourgeoisie, of the op nation

struggles against t he oppressing one, to that extent. alwaysin t i rv case, and mo re resolutely th an am inr for it,1 c.ii'-e wc ar e the st au nc he st an d m os t copm'-u it i mi, s olopp ios-io n. In so far as the bou rgeoi sie of 1.1k o p m t ^ I n itionnuiu is loi its own bourge ois nation alism we an igm . n

S . W . 4, p . 266.

N a t io n a l i s a t i o n o f L a n d

The aboli t ion of private property in land does not by anymeans change the bourgeois fou ndat ions of com merc ia l andcapital is t agriculture . T he re is no thing more erroneous thanthe opinion that the nat ionalisat ion of the laud i somethingin. com m on w ith socialism, or even w ith th e i . | l 1 l igh t to theuse of the land. Socialism, as is well kn ow n, nn t ine abol itiono f com m od i ty pro du ction .

TJ7.. I. n. 208.

Private property in land is an. obstacle to the investment of

capital on land . . . . T h e possibili ties of free inv est me nt ofcapital in land, free comp etition in agriculture ;reaterun der the system of f ree rent ing than un der th i riva tep roper ty in land. N ationa lisa tion of the land, is, as it wer e,landlordism wi thout the landlord .

S J r . 1, p . 211.


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O p p o r t u n i s m

Opportunism is the sacrijice of the fundamental interests olthe masses to the temporary interests oi an insignificent minorityof the workers, or in oilier words the alliance of a section of theworkers with the bourgeoisie against the mass of the proletariat.

S J V . 5, p. 203. L .L .L . 2, p. 39.

Opportunism means sacrif icing 1umlamental interests in orderto gain temporary and partial advantages,

S.IV. 8, p. .281.

Opportunis ts always and everywhere pass ively abandon themselves to the stream.

S J f . 4, p. 74.'Opportunism in the upper ranks of the working-class move

ment is not proletarian socialism, but bourgeois socialism.Practice has shown that the active people in the working-classmovement who adheic to the opportunis t t rend are bet terdefenders of the bourg. oirw than the bourgeoisie itself. Withouttheir leadership of the \ ,nikos, the bourgeoisie could not have

remained in power.S.IV. 10, p. 1%.

O r g a n i z a t i o n

in the struggle lor power the proletariat has no other weaponb u t organisation. . . . the pro le tar ia t can become, and willinevitably become in ineible force only w hen its ideologicalun i ty round the p m iks of M arxism is consolidated by the

material unity of in i iisation, wh ich un ite s millions of toilersin the ar my of thi g class.

-.S'.ff'. 2, p. 466.

The role of a paper is not confined solely to the spreading ofideas, to political education, and to attracting political allies.A paper is not merely a collective propagandist and collective

ag itato r. It is also a collective orga nise r. ' S.IF. 2. p. 21.

P a r t y M e m b e r s

O nly those who . i fully study, po nd er over and i n d e pendently solve th e | a on 1-rns and des t iny of their Party deserveto he called P arty u . > rs and buil ders of th e w ork ers Party.

S.IF. 4, p. 134.

2 /


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Poli t ical Liber iy:al liberty' means the freedom oi the people to settle

1j i ielatin g' to the peo ple as a whole, to the stat e ...................i 'o b u il liberty m ean s the rig ht of the people to choose their

n n ( im i. i l ' , o call anv meet ings the\ pli .1 for the discussionn ill ( k ui' - of state, to pub lish v b a t* ' 1 papers and booksthey [i1! i itliont ha v in g to ask p u m ^ i i.

S J F . 2 , p. 246.

There is no other means and there can he no other means oi:f ighting poverty except the unification of the w orkers. B utmillions of people cannot unite unless there is political liberty.

S. IV. 2, p. 250. _

P o l i t i e s ! S t r u g g l e

W h at do we mean wh en we say that the st ruggle of thew orking class is a poli t ical s tru g g le? W e mea n th a t the work erscannot wage the s t ruggle for their emancipat ion without s t r ivingto influence affairs of state, to influence the administration oi the

state, the passing of laws.S . W . 1, p. 490.

P r i n c i p l e s

Principles are not an aim, not a programme, not tactics andnot theory. . . . T h e principles of C om m un ism are the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletar iat and the employment

of state coercion in the tran sit ion period. Such are theprinciples oi C om m unism , bu t not its .a im .

SJF. 10, p. 280.

P r o d u c t i v e F o r c e s : ( t h e G o l d e n A g e )

The s tory that pr imit ive man obtained al l his requirements asa free gift of nature is a silly fable that would call forth jeers

and ridicule even from f irst year students. O ur age was notpreceded by a G olden A ge; and prim itive m an w as absolutelycrushed by the burden of existence, by the difficulties of fightingarei.inst nature. T h e introdu ct ion of ma chin ery an d improve dn i l 's of production immeasurab ly , 1 1 m ans fig 1st

111 1 generally, and the produ ct ion o ' mi ,! in par t I ith i ! i become more difficult to p i t dm t iood ; it h i nemore difficult for the workers to obtain it because capitalist


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development has .inflated ground-rent ancconcentrated agriculture .in the handscapitalists, and, to a still larger extent, concentrated machincrv,implements and money, without which successful production isimpossible. T o explain the fact th at th

workers have become worse by the argnnceased to sh ow er her gifts implies t ha t one has becomc a.bou r geo i se apo 1o s is t .

S i l ' . 12, p. 55.

P r o l e t a r i a t

Throughout the whole of Europe , workers who own no land

and no workshops, who work for other people, for wages all theirlives, are called -proletarians. Over 50 years ago," the first callwas so un de d f or th e wo rkin g people to unite. i: Prol etarian sof all countrie s, un ite! D u rin g the p as t 50 yea rs these words,have sou nd ed and reso un de d all over the w orld. . . .

iS'J-f . 2. n. 250.'

A pa rt fr om the prol etariat, the o ther sections of the toilingand exploited mass (i.e., mainly the small producers) are onlypartly rev olu tiona ry in th e ir stragg le against the bourgoisic. To-be precise, th ey are revolu tionary only in view of their im pend ing tra ns fe r into the prol etar iat . . . they desert their ownstandpoint to place themselves at tha t o f the proletariat."(Communist. M anifesto) . . . . The proletar ia t represents the

whole at the to ili ng a nd exp loite d mas s . . . we accuse capitalism of being the cause of the poverty of the masses fandnot of the working class alone).

S. i t ' .2 . p. 232.

P r o p a g a n d a a n d A g i t a t i o n

A propagandist , dealing with, say. the question of unemploy-ment, must explain the capitalistic nature of crises, the reasonswhy crises are inevitable in. modern society, must describe how

presen t society m us t inevitably becom e transform ed into socialistsociety, etc. In a word, he m us t present m any ideas, so m a mindeed that they will be understood as a whole .only by a (comparatively) few persons. A or, however, speakin g on thesam e subjec t will take as Btration a fact that is most


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widely known and outstanding; among his audience, say, thedeath from starvation o) the family ol an unemployed worker,the growing, impoverishment, etc., and ulih u , his fael, whichis known to al l and sundry, will di rect 1 In eflo.it, If |senting a single idea to the masses, i.e. i i idea of ih m a

less con trad ictio n betw een the increase tl \ ia h h and im n tol novi -r iv he will strive to rouse discontent and indignationim j11 iiu in i i ijainsl: thi s crying injus tice, an d leave a moreoni] 1 ti c [i| m mo n I Ims co nt rad ic tio n to die p ro pag and is e

1 i i viqui.nii'v, H r pi .|Mf. ndi st operates I L .L . 7, p. 52,

If that is so, why do we not declare in our programme thatwe arc atheists? W h y do we not refuse C hristian s an d thosewho bel ieve in Cod, admission to our Party i . . .

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development bus inflated ground-rent and the price oi land,concentrated agriculture in the hands of large and smallcapitalists, and, to a still larger extent, concentrated machinery,implements and money, without which successful product ion isimpossible. T o explain the fact th a t the conditions oi theworkers have become worse by the argument that nature hceased to shower her gifts implies that one has become ab o u r r e o i s e a p o 1o t? i s t:.

S.Jr. 12. v. 55.

Proletariat;

Throughout the whole of Europe, workers who own no land

and no workshops, who work for other people for wages all theirlives, are called proleta rians. Over SO years ago,* the first callwas sounde d for the wo rking people to uni te . Proletar iansof all countries, unite! D u rin g the pa st 50 years these w ordshave soun ded and resou nd ed all over the wo rld. . . .

S.W. 2 . n. 250.

A pa rt from the proletariat , the othe r sections toilingand exploited mass (i.e., m ainly the sm all prod re onlv

partly revo lution ary in the ir s truggle against the bourgoisie. T ohe precise, they are revolu tion ary only m view o u p e n d ing tra ns fer into the pro let ari at . . . they de ir ownstandpoint to place themselves at tha t of if: tarial."(C om m un is t Man i fes to) . . . . The proletariat represents thewhole of th e toili ng an d exploited mas s . , accuse

capitalism of being the cause of the poverty of t >s ('andnot of the working class alone).

' S . I

Propaganda a n d Agitation

A propag and is t, de ali ng wi th, say, the qu es tion of e i t i, imerit, must explain the capitalistic nature of crises, f why crises are inevitable in modern society, must dep resen t society m u s t inev itab ly become transform ed irsociety, etc. In a w ord, he must, p res en t m an y ideasindeed tha t they wil l be und ers too d as a w hole onb > i >> iparatively) few persons. A n agitator, how ever, ssame su bje ct will take as an il lus tra tion a fact rh n i o.ist

Wriiten by Lenin in 1903. referring to the Co uwm ni s- i M 4$.

30


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widely known and o u tstan d in g am on g is is audienc e, say, thedeath from starvation o! the lavnily o( an unemployed worker,the growing impoverishment, etc. , and utilising this fact, whichis known to all and sundry, will direct all his efforts to presenting a single idea to the masses, i.e.. the idea of the sense

less contradiction between the increase of wealth and increaseol poverty; he will strive to rouse discontent and indignationamong the masses against this crying injustice, and leave a morecomplete explan ation of this contradict; le prop agan dist.Consequently', th e pro pa ga ndis t operate s i i by me ans of the

printed word; the agitator operates will m g word.

S . W . 2, p. 80. L .L .L . 4, p. 65.

P u t s c hT h e term pu tsc h in the scientific sense of the w ord,

may he employed only when the attempt at; insurrection hasrevealed nothing; but a circle of conspirators or stupid maniacs,and lias aroused no sympathy' among the masses.

S J V . 5, p. 303.

R e f o r m i s mReform ism , in general, means tha t people confine th e m

selves to agitation for changes which do' not require the removalof the main foundations of the old ruling class, changes thatare com patib le with the preservation of these foundations.

S.FF. 4, p. 145,

R e l i g i o n

Religion should be a private affair as far as the state isconcerned, but under no circumstances am we regard religionas a private aifair so Jar as our own .Party is co ncerned. . . .Everybody must be absolutely free to profess any religion he

pleases o r no t to believe in any religion ai: all, tha t is to be anath eist, as eve ry socialist usually' is. . . . T h e re m u st beabsolutely no subsidies; to a state church, no grants of government funds to church and rel igions societ ies, which must becomeassociations absolutely free and independent of the state,associations of citizens holding the same ideas.

s i k 11, p.. 659. L .L .L . 7, p. 12.

i f that is so , why do we not declare in our programme thatwe are atheists? W hy do we not. refuse Ch rist ians and those

who believe in C od , adm issi on to ou r Part y? . . .


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St would be absurd to think that in a society which is basedon the endless oppression and stultif ication of the work in/iclass n 'eligious prejudices can he dispelled me rely frypreaching, n would be bourgeois narrow-mindedness to forgetthat the yoke of religion on mankind is only a product andufl.


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Monky RoNT,The direct producer no longer turns over thep roduc t, b u t its price, to the landlord.

B .W . 1, p. 229.

Re n t i n Ki n d . T he direct producer produces the wholep roduc t on land which he h im self exploits and gives the la n d owner the whole of the surplus in kind.

S.IV. .1, p. 229.

R e p u b l i c

The Republ ic , i.e. (the bourgeois form) the form of Stateorganisation in which class relations appear in their most11n eo n ee a 1e d f o r m .

iSY/F. 11, p. 50.

R e v o l u t i o n

The working class is not severed by a Chinese wall Irom theold bo urgeo is society. Axid w he n a revoluti on takes place, itdoes not: happen as in the case of the death of an individualw hen the deceased person is s im ply removed. W hen the oldsocie ies, you ca nn ot nail the corp se of bou rgeo is societyinto and lower it into the grave. It disintegra tes in our

m idst; me corpse rots and poisons us. T h ere has not been andcannot be a single preat revolution otherwise.

S.IV. 8, p. .11?.

The socialist revolution is not one single act, not one singlebattle on a single front, b u t a whole epoch of intensified classconflicts, a long series of battles on all fronts, i.e., bat t les aroundall the problems of economics and polit ics, which can culminateonly in the exprop riation of th e bourgeoisie.

S . IV . 5, p. 268.

W ho ever expects a 11p ur e social revolu tion will 'never liveto see it. S u ch a person, pays lip service to rev olu tion with ou tunderstanding what: revolution is.

Vol. 5, p. 303.

Revolutionary Situation(1) When, it is impossible for the classes to maintain their

rule in an unchanged form: when there is a crisis , i ir one formor another , among the u p p e r classes, a crisis in the policy ofthe ruling class which causes f issures, through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst forth.

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Usually, for a revolution to break out i t is not enough for the low er classes to refu se to live in th e old w ay, it is necessaryalso tha t the up pe r classes sh ou ld be un ab le to livein the old way. (2) W he n the w an t and suffering ol theopp ress ed classes have become mo re acute th an usual. (T V> hen,as a consequence of the above causes, there is a eble.

s:w. 5, p. 174. L .L .L . I.

S e i f - l i e t e r its i n a 11onSelf-determination of nations means the polit ical, separation

of these nations from other national bodies, the formation of anindependent nat ional sta te .

S'.iV. 4, p. 251.

The prole ta r ia t cannot but l ight aga inst the Ion .::i:b!.c re tention .of the oppressed nations within the boundaries o] a - uhave changed. T h a t is an una void able evil , and it j n ii > >] uand overcome that. evil.

S.IV. 8, p. 149.

T o o often has it hap pe ne d w he n hist ory has I i) . i. . sha rpturn that even the most advanced of part ies has l ht > m ablefor a lon g tim e to adapt, themselv es to the new vt> jtu .i. I heycontinu ed to repeat the slogans that: w ere iorn u ii i hu t

34


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wh ich now had n r m ea n in g having ]o i that meanin g, as sud den ly ;)y the turn in history was sod 1 n

m i j . 6, p. 1 6 / .

Boeial Chauvinists

Socialists in word and chauvinists in action, people who arcin favou r of 11 natio nal defence in an imperia lis t war.

.SJ r . 6, p. 63.

S o c i s i i D e m o c r a c y

Social Democracy* is a combination of the labour movementwith socialism. Its task is no t passively to serve th e lab ou rmovement at each of i ts separate stages, but to represent theinterests of the movement as a whole, to point out to this,movement i ts ultimate aims and its polit ical tasks and to protectits political an d ideological ind ep en de nc e, isol ated from Socialdemocracy, the labour movement becomes pet ty and inevitably

becomes bourgeois; in conducting only the economic struggle,the working class loses i ts polit ical independence; i t becomesthe tail of other parties and runs counter to the great slogan:

T h e ema ncip ation of the wor kin g class mu st be th e task o(the workers themselves-

SJF . 2 , p. 11.

S oc i a 1 D en i o e r a i

To become a social democrat, a working man must have aclear picture in his mind of the economic nature and the social

and polit ical features of the ' landlord, of the priest , of the highstate official and of the peasant, of the student and of the tramp;he must know the i r s t rong and weak s ides ; he must unders tandall the catchwords and sophisms by which each class and eachs t ra tum camouflage.? its selfish strivings and its real na turelie m us t u nd erstan d w ha t interests certa in inst itut ions andcertain laws reflect and h ow they reflect them. T h is clearpicture cann ot be obtained from books. I t can be obtainedonly from living examples and from exposures, following hotafter their occurrence, of what goes on around us at a givenmoment, of what is being discussed, in whispers perhaps, byeach one m his own way, of the meaning of such and suchevents, of -n> li and such statistics, of suc h an d such co urt

* S e c e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e u s e o f t h i s w o r d i n t h e ' F o r e w o r d , p. 3 .

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sen tences , etc., eve., etc. Ti ie se universa l political ex posur es art'nil essential and fu n d a m en ta l condition for training the masse*in revolutionary activity.

S . W . 2, p. 89. L2L.L, 4, p. 68.

S o c i a l i s m

Socialism is the society which grows directly out of capitalism, . . th e h rs t torn) of th e new society. C om m un ism ......... isa higher form of society, which can develop only when Socialismhas taken a iirm hold. Socialism implies th e pe rfor m an ce ofwork without the aid of capitalists, it implies social labouraccompanied by the s t r ictes t accounting, control and supervision on the part of the organised vanguard, the most advancedsection of the toilers . M oreo ver, i t implies th a t s ta nd ard s oflabour and the amount of compensat ion for labour must bedetermined. T h ey mus t be determined bee m , ipitalist societyhas left us such relics an d ha b its as unc o-i i labo ur, lackol confidence in social econo m y, the old of th e small

producer , w hich prevail in all peasant con

S . W . 8, p. 239.

S o c i a I P a c a ii s i

A social pacifist is a Socialist in words and a bourgeois pacifistin deeds; bourgeois pacifists dream of an everlasting peacewi thout the over throw of the yoke and dominat ion of capi tal .

S . W . 6, p. 66.

Spot t i t s i sc i ly

'The spontaneous development of the labour movement lead

to its be co m ing su bo rd in at ed to bourgeoi s ideology . . . forthe spontaneous labour movement is pure and s imple t radeun io ni sm . . . an d tra de un ion ism me ans the ideologicalensla vem ent of the workers to the bourgeoisie. Hence, our task,the task of Social .Democracy, is to combat spontanei ty , todivert the labour movement f rom i t s spontaneous , t rade unionis t..striving to go under the wing of the bourgeoisie, and to bring

it under the wing of revolutionary Social Democracy.S.IF." 2, p. 62. L .L .L . 4, p. 41,

S f i i i e

The State is a machine for the oppression of one class byanother.

S . W . 11, p. 649. L .L .L . 23, p. 7.


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His to ry shows tha t the st at e as a s p e c i i u m l m f. 11of ( pi some of whom arc p--rrrsnen t.l\ i i m -at u i > ,>, ipij iu labour of others ^ Imi some {a >>1 iiluii c Ui> c

,S M i I p. 644, L-.L. l,. 23, p. 12.

Si a i e : ( d i f f e r e n t f o r m s o f )

S l a v ii-OWNiNG S t a t k .....in the s l a v e - o w n i n g state we hai l amonarchy, an aristocratic republic, or even a democraticrepublic. In fact the 1< nw of go ve rnm en t varied extreme!)' ,

b u t the ir esse the same; th e slaves enjoyed norights and ci i nu u 1 in *ppressccl c lass ; they were notre ga rd ed as him u i m,. .

6>.IF. II, ]). 649. L .L . i , . 23, p. 37.

Fe u d a l S t a t e . ..-W he n th e state was a m on archy the rule of one person was recognised; when it was a republic, the participat ion. in one degree or another of the elected representatives

of land lord society was recogn ised this was in feuda l society.Feudal society i t | u tnU 1 a division of I un de r wh ich thevast m a jo rity - c i ^ . ,.nt serfs---were teiy sub jected toan msign ifi cani m* i t ' -the landlo rd I ow ned the land.

S. l l . 1 1. pp. 650-51. . /...... 2, pp. 18-19.

( . ' " i T A i J S T Sj 1 1 l he I s t a t e was superseded by thecapit ili*l state jii 1 p : I i i l iberty for t he who le peop leas iib nli,gan, wmcU ,it . .nu-, t l i .u . i t expresses the will ol thewh ole p eo ple an d den ies th at i t is a. class state.

S.IV. U, p. 651. L .L .L . 23, p. 19.

The most democrat ic bourgeois republic was never, nor couldit be anything; else tha n a. m ach ine w ith w hic h cap ital su p

pressed the toilers, an ins trum en t of the political ru F >1 ij b

of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. T h ebourgeoisie rep u b lic promised the rule ol th e majiclaimed the rule of the majori ty, but i t could never pui mis inioeffect as long as the private ownership of the land and othermeans of production existed.

5JF. 10, pp. 35-36.

The most, perfect and advanced type of bourgeois state is

the parliamentary democratic repub lic : pow er is vested in37


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pm b n m u t I]ie state machine, tin u | ua t us and organ ofacinu i 1 i 11 mi is of the cu stomary 1 m l ivnsy, a

pol l ii (1 i bureaucracy which in j n n e is perm anen t andprivileged and stands above the people.

S.TV. 6. p. 55. L .L .L . 9, p. 12.

S o v i e t S t a t k . - ..For the first t ime in history Soviet or proletarian democracy created democracy for the masses, for thetoilers, for the workers and small peasants.

Never before in history has there been a state representingthe m ajority of the population, the actual rule of the majority,such as is the Soviet state.

S . W . 10, p. 36.

S u b b o t n i k s *

T h e Communis t subbo tn iks , organised by the workers onth e ir ow n initia tive, are positive ly of en or m ou s si, ' e. . . .It is th e beg in ni ng of a rev olu tion th a t is m uc h im o difficult,m ore ma terial, m or e rad ica l an d more decisive Mi >n he ov er

throw of the bourgeoisie, for it is a victory o v a j u oual con servativeness, ind isc ipline, pet ty bourg eoi s egot rn i vic toryover the habits tha t accursed capitalism left as a r e r r - >e t" theworker and peasant . O nly when this v ic to ry is c 11


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all , unskied labourers, who arc l iving under ordinary, i.e.,very hard, conditions.5

S.W. 9 , pp. 423, 435, 437.

S y n d i c a l i s mSyndical ism transfers to the masses of non-Patty workers ,

who are divided according to industry, the management olb ranches of in d u s try (the C hief Committees and C entralB oards thu s des troying the need for the par ty , and w i tho utcarrying on prolonged work ei ther in t ra ining the tnasses orin actually concentrat ing in their hands the management oj the

whole of national economy. S.H'7


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the theoretic;! '!, doctrine of Social Democracy arose quite independently of the sp on taneo us g ro w th of th e laboui movement,it arose as a natural and inevitable outcome of the developmentof ideas among the revolutionary socialist intelligentsia,

S . W . 10, pp. 90-91. L .L .L . 16, p. 33,

T r a d e U n i o n sT ra de unions represented enorm ous progress f corkin ';

class at. th e be gin nin g of the dev elop m en t of ca as thetransition fr o m the disun ity and helplessness i vorkersto the rud imen t s of class orga nisa tion . When, the highest formot proletarian class organisation began to rise, v revo lu tionary party o f th e proletariat (w hic h does not. dt e name

until i t learns to bin d the leaders with the clas ith themasses into on e single indisso luble whole), th un ion sinevitably began to reveal certain reactionary 1 certaincra ft narrown ess, a. certain tend enc y tow ard s g non-

political, a certain inertness, etc. B u t the deve of thepro le tar ia t d id not, and could no t, anyw here in d, p ro ceed otherwise than throu gh the trade unions. h their

inter-action with the party of the working class.' s . W . 10, pp. 90-9 l " L .L-L. 16, P. 33,

T o refuse to work in the reactionary trade meansleavi ng the hrm ffa 'ien t1)7 d e ve lo w d r~ ba ckw ard m T-


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historically inevitable organisat ions of the industr ial proletar iatwhich under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariatembrace nearly the whole of that class.

S . W . 9 , p. 3,

'he Party is the directly ruling- vanguard of the proletariat,

it is the leader. . . . The t rade unions are reservoirs of statetower, a school of Communism, a school or m an ag em en t, inthis sphere, the specific and main thing-, is -not adminis trat ion,b u t ' \c on lac is bet we en the ce n t r a l 1 ( and local ol course) s ta te adminis tra t ion, nat ional economy and the broad masses of the toilers.

S.IV. 9, p. 70.

I S h i r e s of t h e Work!

Inked States of the World (not ol Europe alone) isa state form of national federation and national f r eedo m whichwe connect with, socialism ....unti l the complete victory of communism br ings about the total d isa pp ea ran ce ol the state,inc lud ing the. demo cra tic state. As a sep ara te slogan, however,

the slogan of a United States of the World would hardly hea correct one, first, because it merges with socialism,; second,because it may be wrongly interpreted to mean that the victoryof socialism in a single country is impossible; it may also createmisconceptions as to the relations oi such a country to theothers.

Vol. 5, p, 14,

U n i t y ,

Unity is an advantage when it raises all those w mi tedto the level of the intell igent an d resolute p ro g rtm n if tilething that uni tes . Unity is a di sadv an tage whei raciesthose who are un ited to the level of the pte jud h of themasses.

S.i lV 2, p. 219.Utopian Socialists

' 'he earlier Socialists thought i t enough to prove their viewsby poin ting- to the oppression ol: the masses u n d er the existingregime, by point ing to the superior i ty ol a system under which


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every man w ou ld receive wha t lie him self had pro< iy

pointing to the h a r m o n y b e t w e e n this ideal system and 11nature, the conception of a moral life, and so forideemed i t impossible to be contented w ith such a 1.li e die! no t con fine him self to de sc rib ing the existin p,giving a jud gm en t oi: it an d co nde mn ing it; he gave f tc

ex pla na tion of it, re du ci ng th e exi sti ng sys tem . . .. to acommon basis-the capitalist social formation, the laws of thefunc tioning an d developm ent of w hich .he subjected to anobjective analysis.

S.H'. 11 P. 437.

V a n g a r i l

A vanguard perform? i ts task as vanguard only when i t is ablereally to lead the whole mass forward. W ith ou t an all iancewith non-


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W e arc no t pacifists. W e are opposed to impe rialist wars forthe division ol spoils among the capitalists, but we have alwaysdeclared i t to be absurd for the revolut ionary proletar iat torenounce revolut ionary wars that may prove necessary rll the interests of socialism.

S .H; . 6, p. 16. L.L.l.,. 8, p. 45.

WomenN o t a single democratic par ty in th e w orld , n o t even in the

mo st ad van ce d bou rgeois r epublic, h as do ne in tens ol >e.u - ah un d red th p ar t of w ha t we did in the very fi rs t 'year \u erein pow er. In th e literal sense of the wo rd, we did no t i .M ir asingle brick sta nd ing of the despicable laws w hich placed \ \uiiu n

in a s tate of infer ior i ty compared with men, of the laws restr icting divorce, of the disgusting formalit ies connected with divorce,of the laws on i l legi t imate chi ldren and on searching for theirfathe rs, etc. T o the shame of the bourgeoise and of capitalism,lie it said, numerous survivals of these laws exist in all civilisedcountries.

S .W . 9 , p. 440.

Woman cont inues to be a domestic slave, because petty housework crushes, stra ng W Wfies an d deg rade s her, chains herto the kitchen an d i ursery, an d w astes 'her labo ur on

barbarously , unprociv .tty. nerve-racking, stu ltify in g andcrushing drudgery .

S . W . 9, p. 44d.

There is no doubt that there is far more organising ialenl among the working women and peasant women than we are awareof. people who are able to organise in a practical, way and enlistlarge numbers of workers, and a st i l l larger number of consumers , for this purpose wi thout the abundance of phrases ,hiss , squabbling and chat ter about plans, systems, etc. , whichour swell-headed intell igen tsia or h alf-baked C om m un ists

suffer' " from.S I F . 9, p. 441.

Y o u n g C o i i T i m n m f s

T h e up br inging of the C om m unist yo uth ot consi stof all sor ts of sentim en tal speeches and m or a :s.

O'.H . v, p. 4/8-


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T h eLeagueevery stin the p

Young Communist League will justify its name as the:he Young Communist generation when i t l inks upi its tuition, training and. education with participationail struggle of all the toilers against the exploiters.

P- 479.


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r i ' j j : i . t P E N

1. T H E T E A C H I N G S O F K A R L MARX---

2 . T H T W A R A N D T H E S E C O N D\ ' v F IO N A ! ....................................................

3- S< h i \ iA S M A N D W A R ...............................

4 , M u IS T O BE D O N E ? .................

5 . I U P i A R1 S C O M M U N E ..................


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COLLECTED WORKS|PHiN il 1. ii i, based on the revised and edite1 I by

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exp lana tory notes and a d iction ary of names. Th e series willeventually include thirty volumes. T hey are nur withreference to the co m plete wo rk, bu t are issued heirinterrelation, rather than chronologically.

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