Kroncong and Tanjidor: Two Cases of Urban Folk Music in Jakarta

University of Texas Press

Kroncong and Tanjidor - Two Cases of Urban Folk Music in JakartaAuthor(s): Ernst HeinsSource: Asian Music, Vol. 7, No. 1, Southeast Asia Issue (1975), pp. 20-32Published by: University of Texas PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/833924 .Accessed: 26/01/2011 13:56

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KRONCONG AND TANJIDOR - TWO CASES OF URBAN FOLK MUSIC IN JAKARTA*

by Ernst Heins

Authenticity is a 19th century illusion.

Aren't we grateful to the enterprising person who, some 400 years ago, spoiled the 'authenticity' of gamelan in Java by adding a rebab to it? Or to the medieval artisan-musician who applied a fingering mechanism to the traditional dulcimer and thus constructed the rather unauthentic instrument which we are still happy to have around as the piano?

Every culture changes, from day to day, and all its component elements change accordingly. However, some things may remain unchanged in themselves but, put in other hands, may have gained other connotations. The cases of kroncong and tanjidor, two types of Indonesian folk music, examplify this phenomenon of changed reality while the components, viz. musical instruments and in some cases melodies and texts remain relatively unchanged over a stretch of 3-400 years, as we shall see.

For a long time the unauthenticity of kroncong and tanjidor has been taken for granted, and therefore until now neither has received much musicological attention. This is mainly due to the fact that neither type is 'beautiful', 'high', or 'pure native music' in the sense of earlier ethnomusicology. Jaap Kunst makes only marginal mention of kroncong in his standard work Music in Java (1949, 3/1973:375). It is played, he writes, "with enthusiasm and unmistakable musicality, but without the slightest real musical culture." In the M.G.G. (vol.6:1796) he writes, "Diese Musik besitzt einen oberflachlichen Charme, etwa in der Art der sogenannten Hawaiian Music. Dasz ihre Pflege in rein javanischen Kreisen auf Kosten der ihr hoch iberlegenen, eigenen Tonkunst Boden gewinnt, ist sehr zu bedauern." The other type, tanjidor, is not even mentioned by Kunst.

The aim of this paper is to place before you these two essentially different types of contemporary Indonesian urban music by way of a first acquaintance. Both flower in Indonesia's

A slightly different version of this article was presented as a paper at the 23rd Conference of the International Folk Music Council at Regensburg, 1975.

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capital, the metropolis of Jakarta (population; four million). Both reflect several kinds of changes in that they originated in a foreign culture, but could only come to full development in exclusively Indonesian surroundings, while maintaining strong elements of the original musical cultures. The process of 'Indonesification' has taken a couple of hundred years, but in the case of kroncong this process has gone so far, that is has even outgrown the boundaries of one single urban area to become one of the most important facets of the country's national repertory of commercial popular music.

Yet kroncong and tanjidor are far removed from Indonesia's modern elite circles. Jakarta's modern urban elite, i.e. those politically, socially, financially and intellectually eminent, content themselves either with the traditional arts from their regions of birth or descent, viz. gamelan, wayang puppetry and traditional theatre, or with a large supply of home-made rock (called ben from English band), internationally styled night-clubs with floor-shows and steambaths, or the elite pops up occasionally at either end of the continuum.

In sharp contrast with this, Jakarta's orally transmitted urban folk music is the music of the proletariat, living in disproportionately populated kampongs (city quarters) behind and around modern business districts, downtown along the narrow canals and the roads, railways and rivers leading to the city.

In order to better understand kroncong and tanjidor we have to go back in Indonesia's colonial history, to the arrival of the first Portuguese ships in the archipelago. In the early 16th century the Portuguese set up loosely connected trading- posts all over Indonesia as part of their overseas policies, which were directed at obtaining trade monopolies with the local population. They set up factories and fortresses and established Portuguese settlements, while simultaneously converting the local population to the Roman-Catholic version of the Christian faith to strengthen their strong anti-Muslim power. Pockets of such old Portuguese strongholds were to be found all along the colonial trading routes, such as in Southeast Africa, West and East India, the Malay Peninsula, and at the farthest point, at the Moluccas in East Indonesia. Even at this moment, Portugal still possesses half an island in the Indonesian East: Timor, which lately has reached the headlines.

However, these Portuguese merchants' ships did not only carry Portuguese Caucasians, but other races as well: Africans, continental Asians from India and Ceylon, and Malays. These had originally been taken along as slaves but had joined Portuguese households, converted to Christianity and in many cases were freed. Many of these so-called "black Portuguese"

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settled in the neighbourhood of the various trading posts where they set up new families. Soon they became known as Merdequas, Mardicas, which later changed into Dutch Mardykers, a term derived from Sanskrit mahardika, litt. "tax-exempt", later used in the sense of free, Christian foreign settlers. Their cultural baggage consisted primarily of foreign-ness, mixed African-Indian descent, Christian religion, European-derived dress, a language based on Portuguese, and Portuguese-derived musical forms (Abdurachman 1974).

Mardika settlements are still known in Ambon (Moluccas) and Tugu, a coastal village to the Northeast of Jakarta. The Portugueseness" of the Tugu-Mardika people was strongly demonstrated in their music, and still is. Present-day Tugu is still inhabited by descendants of the original Mardyker population. They form a rather closed network of Christian families (main occupations of the men: fishing and craftsmen), which are outspokenly proud of their kroncong music-tradition. They perform it at night, gathering on the front porch of one of the houses; thus almost any social gathering is embedded in kroncong music. Singers perform in turns, often volunteering impromptu texts to allegedly old, classical, original tunes. Although they claim otherwise, the "Portugis" community at Tugu cannot be proven to be a group of descendants of Portuguese Europeans. At most it can be said that their ancestors were slaves in Portuguese service who, after their masters were replaced by the Dutch colonists, were freed and gained a some- what special status based on religion, foreignness, language and music. Their religion was Christian (predominantly Protestant), their language an overseas-Portuguese dialect which only in the 18th century gave way to "Indio-Dutch", in later times to be almost entirely replaced by modern Indonesian. Their family names have a strong Lusitanian falvour: Quico, Delcroes, Da Costa. So have Christian names: Jakobus, Domingus, Evangelina, Estrellita, with Dutch names like Jan, Piet, Klaas, incidentally slipped in. Kroncong musical terminology includes many Portuguese words.

In 1619 when the Dutch captured the village of Jakarta, built a military fortress and formed a settlement from which they directed their inter-insular mercantile operations in vehement competition with their predecessors, the Portuguese. The Dutch authorities made it their policy to have the growing city inhabited by free settlers from the other islands and even from abroad. These free settlers, however, were by far outnumbered by slaves, at first from South Asia, and later from the archi- pelago itself. Chinese, too, were encouraged to settle in Batavia, as it was soon called. Out of these ethnic groups an entirely new ethnic group has grown, that of the Batavians. The original groups used to live in special, separate quarters, but this territoriality has been weakened by the cross-pattern of settling largely by occupation and socio-economic status (Castles: 1967).

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Taking the census of 1930 and that of 1961 as his basis, Lance Castles estimates 22.9% for the indigenous Batavians and ca. 5% for Batavians of Chinese descent. The largest percentages go to the Sundanese (32.8%) and Javanese and Madurese (25.4%) (ibid: 185, table VI). In spite of the fluidity of ethnic groups in Jakarta and the diminishing distinctions of such ethnic groups caused by the "powerful assimilative forces that have always been at work in Jakarta" (ibid: 159), a variety of ethnic idiosyncracies, notably of language, folk theatre and music, continue to exist. Very dominant is the stylistic influence of the Chinese-descended group in the shaping of to-day's folk music in Jakarta, but this paper is limited to two non-Chinese but equally Jakartan types of contemporary Indonesian urban folk music.

Kroncong is the (onomatopoeic?) Indonesian-Malay name of a musical instrument. It is a small five-stringed guitar resembling the Polynesian ukulele. Kroncong, however, is also the pars pro toto for the entire musical ensemble (of which this instrument is only a part) and, thirdly, the term indicates the genre and style performed by this ensemble. In the kroncong ensemble, the instrumentation stresses plucked chordophones of European origin: a pair of kroncong, one to three guitars, a violoncello and an ad lib mandolin. Further it comprises one or two violins (bowed), a transverse flute (seruling) and some small percussion (triangle, tambourine). A look at the score of the dance tune "Kafrinyo" (Ex. 1) reveals some of the musical parameters.

"Kafrinyo" is considered by the people of Tugu as an example of the old, authentic type of kroncong music. In a sense it is Western music, not only in its instrumentation, but also in its use of functional harmony consisting of European chords (triads, dominant sevenths), and some of the chord progressions. Furthermore its title and words are in a Portuguese patois, which the performers call bahasa kristang, bahasa kristal or even papia kristal, the "language of Christians". Thus, the title Kafrinya, or Cafrinha describes 'a Goanese mestiza or more probably a Black-African cafre,

mestiza (hence the name Cafrinha) (Pinto da Franca 1970, quoted in Abdurachman 1974:10). The instruments are tuned in European tempered tuning; guitar chords and melody follow the patterns, of European harmony. The Spanish-type guitar (Hongkong made) and the kroncong are manufactured locally from one piece of wood.

Rhythmically, too, the melodical material of the first violin, voice and flute stand close to European concepts in their rigid 4/4 metre, low degree of ornamentation, prolongation of the stressed first beat, etc. The role of the second violin is revealed in the Ex. 20, 'Kucing Hitam' where it is seen as a "crooning" countermelody based on chord relations with the

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leading violin and the flute. The role of triangle and tambourine is one of stressing beats and off-beats respectively, but in other pieces the tambourine rhythm might be adjusted to that of the cello. In the Tugu group the guitars have simply a metrical-harmonic function, whereas the mandolin carries either the main melody or ad libs a simple counter-melody. In other groups the mandolin is often replaced by another guitar. The kroncong itself is typically only strummed on the off-beats.

The second violin plays a heavily prettified "improvised" melody in a crooning style filled with rubati, sforzandi, heavy vibrato on sustained notes, with big melodic jumps often exceeding the octave, and broken chord passages. The matching first violin sticks relatively close to the main melody, doubling flute and voice. The vocal line itself usually floats languidly away from the strict metres of the accompanists, no doubt thus stressing "feeling" or "sentimentality", depending on the standpoint of the observer. So far there is nothing very sensational, however, if certain characteristic traits of pre- war European cafe-chantant style are kept in mind.

But the truly striking trait of the kroncong ensemble is the plucked cello. Kroncong musicians themselves explain it as an imitation of kendangan (drum-playing; they even apply the technical (drumming-)term rangkep, double) but they are not specific as to which style is applied. It seems, however, that the plucked kroncong cello has many characteristics in common with the gay and lively syncopated drumstyles of itinerant street musicians, of the ciblon (batangan) patterns in the Central Javanese gamelan and of certain drum patterns in West Javanese gamelan degung. Example 2B below may serve to clarify these stylistic parallels. There are no grounds, however, for assuming yet that the cello patterns in kroncong are literally deduced from certain patterns, rather than closely imitating a quick, two-handed drum style, since Sundanese and Central Javanese musical styles do not originally belong to the sphere of the original Jakarta population. Regional, i.e. non- Jakartan, versions of kroncong, such as kroncong jawa, however, may have a still closer relationship to the predominant type of drumming in the area.

Another quite unique trait of original Jakartan kroncong and of later compositions "in the original style" is the way in which chord functions are treated. In "kucing Hitam", in the randomly chosen "Kota Priangan" (Ex. 3) and "Kroncong Moresko" (Kusbini 1972:22-23) immediately following the introduction the tonic makes way for the subdominant, it returns after a few measures and is dutifully followed by a dominant seventh. However, a shrill secondary dominant is inserted between the tonic and its dominant. The surprise is not yet over, because this dominant seventh is again followed, not by the tonic but

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by a sustained subdominant chord, after which the song is finished with the conventional I-IV-V-I cadence. The supposedly oldest kroncong pieces like the old chestnut "Nina Bobo" (Ex. 4) and the allegedly archaic "Jan Kagaleti" (Ex. 5) do not have these surprising chord progressions. Nor do they show traces of an unmistakable Chinese melodic influence found in many later Jakartan kroncong songs. It shows that kroncong music suits other groups as well as the one at Tugu. Today's repertoires of kroncong and the Jakarta Chinese folk ensemble gambang kromong have a number of songs in common. "Jali-Jali" is a case in point. Due to its wide distribution among the poorest of Jakarta's population it might be labeled the capital's national anthem. It is, of course, performed in completely different styles: Style is culturally determined, but melodies are not, especially when they can travel easily between adjacent or even amalgamated cultures such as in Jakarta.

Also in other urban centers farther removed from Jakarta, such as Bandung (Sunda), Jogyakarta, Surakarta, Semarang and Surabaya (all in Central and East Java) kroncong now has a firm foothold. Local groups perform either songs composed in the Jakarta style, in which case they are classed as kroncong, or they have introduced local musical traditions. In the latter case the generic term langgam is used (Kusbini 1972 however uses a different terminology). Langgam is kroncong with at least two ingredients of local traditional music: 1) text in the regional language and 2) scales and rhythms derived from regional musics (e.g., "Sunda Kelapa" (Ex. 6) with its imita- tion of the Sundanese sorog mode). Central Javanese songs like

Piyen katon apa , Kembang Kacang and a number of others are vivid examples of borrowed regional modes, especially pelog, in langgam kroncong. The instrumentation, however, is that of traditional Jakartan kroncong ensembles but it sounds sometimes as if we are hearing gamelan music transfered to Western instruments. The parallels are obvious: violin: rebab; flute: suling; melodic guitar(s): celem-pungan; kroncong ("cuk"): ketuk; cello: kendang ciblon/batangan; plucked bass (when used): gong. Association with gamelan, however, is absent from diatonic Javanese kroncong.

The history of kroncong remains hidden. Its popularity in large urban centers with a mixed racial population is documented since the early 20th century, but it was doubtless preceded by a hitherto unrecorded past in which some type of sixteenth century Portuguese folkmusic must have played a decisive role, alongside with possible African and South Indian influences. Involuntarily a parallel forces itself upon the music historian: the Portuguese fado. It shares some, but certainly not all, of the characteristics of kroncong, musical and otherwise, such as the preference for harmonic and melodic plucked chordophones to accompany a languidly "crooning" vocalist.

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Another common element which may not be overlooked is the social context in which both fado and kroncong grew: both are specifically urban musics originally meant for and composed by a probably multi-racial group (Alberto Pimentel 1904, quoted by Gallop 1961:254). Much further research is needed, however, to trace the analogies between kroncong and fado to a common ancestor in Portugal's colonial past.

Considerable information of the more recent past of kroncong is offered by Kusbini (1972), himself a performer and composer of kroncong music since the 1920s, when the kroncong tradition became institutionalized and therefore changed from an oral to a (partly) written tradition, probably due to the demands of the expanding radio stations in the larger towns of pre-revolutionary Indonesia (Surabaya, Surakarta). Already in the early years of this century kroncong went through a remarkable development. The Komedi Stambul folk theater, a then new kind of vaudeville theater run by a Eurasian entrepreneur in Surabaya (ca. 1900), started to use kroncong songs on stage as interludes and as parts of the drama itself, thus generating a special type of kroncong, called Stambul II. Originally these songs were part of the sentimental scenes on the stage, but gradually they were also performed outside the theater.

Stambul II (the "II" cannot, as far as I know, be accounted for) differs from the old and other new kroncong type in mood rather than in style and form. Kusbini lists these differences as follows: "Stambul II is to be sung by a single singer in the ordinary kroncong style, but more refined, softer and moving ("lebih halus lembut, mengharukan"). He further describes Stambul II melodies as "beautiful (indah) and full of popular sentiment (penuh sentimen kerakyatan)"; Kusbini 1972:28). He presents the score of the song "Masuk Kampung Keluar Kampung', describing a wandering musician, as an example of "Andante con dolorosa" which he thinks suitable to the character of Stambul II and adds that unlike in ordinary kroncong, the cello should play his "drumming (kendangan)" in single and not in double (rangka ) rhythm. The other instru- ments, too, are not allowed livey (lincah) or joyful (gembira) improvisation but are supposed to stress a longing (rindu sad (sedih), and moving (mengungkapkan) character. Singing style, too, should be refined and soft (halus lembut), estetis, dinamis, serieus. (Kusbini 1973:31). Rarely, if at all, does one come across outspoken characterizations by Indonesians about their music; musical mood and the emotional significance of music, e.g. gamelan compositions or gamelan playing styles, is implied in the musical, dramatical or social situation itself rather than being explicitly verbalized. Significantly, though, one finds tempo indications and characterizations in most written kroncong sources. Kroncong songs are invariably

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labeled andante, andante con brio, con dolorosa or moderato, which indicates the diversity of the ethnic groups which produce and consume kroncong.

Traditional kroncong words rarely deal with anything else but love. Usually synonyms for love, sweet girls and nearness to the heart make up the framework of the texts. Often Malay pantun verses are quoted or paraphrased impromptu, the length of the melody permitting.

In summary it may be stated that kroncong came into being out of a multi-racial situation within the colonial system of the Portuguese in the late 16th century in the periphery of their mercantile strongholds and settlements. Initially it was the music of the Christian Mardijkers, especially those of Batavia (Jakarta), drawing heavily on Portuguese folk instruments, diatony, Western harmonies and Portuguese overseas patois. Gradually most other reminiscences of Lusitanian culture disappeared but kroncong remained, drew in other ethnic groups such as that of the growing Indo- European group and expanded towards other urban areas. Its musical tradition, embodying elements of Western and non- Western musics, changed from an orally transmitted one which was the cultural property of the original Batavians (non- Sundanese, non-Javanese) to a written music influenced by the popular, commercial folk theater Komedi Stambul, and subsequently by the establishment of radio stations in other major urban areas in the early decades of the twentieth century. The introduction of electric guitar, Hammond organ and vibraphone and the rhythm of the Latin-American ballroom and later, of rock, marks the next stage in the history of kroncong and its dissolution into national Indonesian popular music.

Illustrative of the urban situation in Jakarta and its immediate surroundings (the regencies of Bogor to the south and of Krawang and Bekasi to the East) is the case of tanjidor. To my knowledge no research, Indonesian or otherwise, has been done on this type of music with one exception: the Indonesian anthropologist Paramita Abdurachman (1974) mentions tanjidor in her paper "Portuguese presence in Jakarta". I quote: "Another form of music, associated with open-air music, is the tanjidor, the brass-bands so named after the Portuguese tanger, to play on musical instruments. Although a tangedor was originally a player on stringed instruments, the word became associated with open-air music, appropriate to a procession and also a military display [...]. Tangedores are still part of religious processions and other festivities in Portugal. There is little knowledge on the history and function of the 'tangedor' in Indonesia, but open-air bands were seen and heard in the streets of Jakarta during festive occasions, in particular around the new year [...]" (Abdurachman, 1974).

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I allow myself, in the light of such scarce evidence, to add that another aspect of the colonial situation in Indonesia was the large number of slaves in the households of Jakarta's leading European families. Unlike kroncong, which served primarily the needs of non-Europeans, the Mardykers of Tugu, these Batavian house-slaves, who originated from any part of Indonesia (but mainly from Bali, Sulawesi, Ambon and Java itself), were the principal carriers of musical life among the European colonists. Almost all Dutch colonists up to probably the 1900s left the making of music, even if it was meant for exclusive European consumption, to Indonesians. Slaves and soldiers at first, then paid musicians, servants and soldiers after abolition. These Indonesians, thrown together in the cultural melting pot Batavia, were given European musical instruments on which they had to provide music at the numerous social events with which the Europeans tried to fight boredom in the Indies: parties, soirees, receptions, parades, etc. These civilian and military ensembles consisted mostly of wind instruments, such as clarinets, trumpets, cornets, French horns and drums. Their repertoire consisted (and still partly includes) originally European tunes, but was gradually extended to incorporate the tunes and rhythms known in the streets and squares of old- Batavia, i.e. the local traditional folk music. The well-kept instruments being durable, then were handed down to later generations. The bands they form still carry their original Portuguese name, tanjidor, sometimes known as Orkes Kompeni. Although originally meant to play marches, polkas and other 19th century European ballroom and parade music, the repertoire has been gradually replaced to such an extent, that Tanjidor may be loosely described as kroncong, Jakarta-Chinese, and Sundanese gamelan music played on the instruments of the European brass band, with the inevitable addition of some small local (traditional) percussion, such as a gong and a kecrek.

Tanjidor is the festive music of the streets of Jakarta's outskirts. Unlike kroncong, it is open-air music par excellence. In dazzling heterophony, which defies any rule and regulation of European musical theory and practice, the clarinet plays the leading melody part in a style related to that of both the Sundanese rebab and tarompet (oboe), accompanied by three trumpets and cornets, a trombone and a sousaphone, the latter playing two-note kempul-gong patterns of the Sundanese gamelan style in those pieces which are derived from Sundanese gemelan repertoire. Two drums (a snare drum and a bass drum, both hand-beaten and giving the effect of gamelan-drum patterns), a set of small cymbals and a small gong complete the ensemble. The musicians, of whom none is musically literate, are seated on chairs in a semi-circle. When they play at festive occasions (the same occasions at which elsewhere ceremonial gamelan are played) they draw huge crowds.

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The number of these tanjidor bands, who own their instruments collectively, is as yet unknown. I recorded them in South Jakarta and the regency of Krawang, but they are reportedly in big demand in other neighbouring regencies, such as Tangerang and Bekasi. The fact remains, though, that this sparkling open-air music is never used at official state- occasions by the Greater Jakarta authorities but stays confined to the village sphere. Research on the hitherto neglected folk musics of Jakarta and other urban centers has barely begun. Yet is may reveal significant facts regarding the values which rule the sound of music in Jakarta's back-alleys.

WORKS CITED

Abdurachman, Paramita R. 1974 'Portuguese' presence in Jakarta. Unpublished

paper read at the International Association of Historians of Asia. Yogjakarta.

Castles, Lance 1967 The ethnic profile of Jakarta, in: Indonesia

II: 153-205 (Ithaca).

Gallop, Rodney 1961 Portugal. A book of folkways. Cambridge.

Kunst, Jaap 1973 Music in Java. The Hague.

Kusbini 1972 Kroncong Indonesia. In: Musica 1:19-43.

Yogjakarta.

Manusama, A.Th. (1918) Kroncong als muziekinstrument en als gezang.

Batavia.

Original tape recordings and slides, made in Tugu and in Desa Parung, Greater Jakarta, by the Collecting Team of the Jakarta Arts Council in cooperation with the author, September 1973.

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