Korner

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Developments in Ancient Israelite Religion as a Tool for

Dating Hebrew Bible Authorship

By Jason Korner

This paper attempts to date the origins of authorship for parts of the Hebrew Bible. By

examining parallels between the Canaanite god El and the Hebrew god of Yahweh, I argue that

the patriarchal narratives have origins in the mid-second millennium B.C.E. In observing the

Israelite condemnation of Baal worship during the divided monarchy, I argue in favor of dating

the original authorship of Exodus before the ninth century B.C.E. due to the book’s lack of Baal

condemnation. In addition to this, the changing role of Yahweh in the divine council as seen

throughout Hebrew Bible leads to the conclusion that Israel’s understanding of Yahweh changed

over time. Therefore, the origins of certain Hebrew Scriptures can be dated according to the

role of Yahweh in the divine council.

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The religion of the ancient Israelites parallels the religions of Israel’s surrounding

neighbors in many ways that offers a chance to date the authorship of the text based on both

biblical and extrabiblical texts. The Ugaritic texts that describe the roles of El, the chief deity of

the Canaanite pantheon, and Baal, the Canaanite storm god certainly play a large role in dating

the biblical text as Israelite interaction with Yahweh often reflects certain time specific events in

Canaanite religion. Yahweh’s developing position in the divine council and onomastic evidence

also help in suggesting a time period for authorship of parts of the Hebrew Bible. The suggested

time period for Hebrew Bible authorship in this paper differs greatly from the estimates given by

Hebrew Bible minimalists. These minimalists often date Hebrew Bible authorship in the sixth

century B.C.E, but substantial evidence points toward a much earlier estimate of Hebrew Bible

authorship. Through observing developments in ancient Israelite religion, origins and

authorship of the Old Testament is seen to take place over many centuries beginning in the late

second millennium B.C.E.

El and the Canaanite Pantheon

Ancient Canaanite religion included the worship of the god El, whose name the HB links

with the Hebrew god Yahweh. Scholars, however differ over the role of El in the Levant area in

the second millennium B.C.E. Some scholars contend that El is the god of Israel, and therefore

Yahweh. While other scholars insist that the Hebrew and Canaanite people merged the gods El

and Yahweh to form the Israelite god Yahweh. Still others argue that El and Yahweh are two

completely different gods who share common characteristics, but never merge as one god.

Discovering the origins of Ancient Israelite religion will help date the Hebrew Bible's

authorship, especially the narratives of the Patriarchs.

As the god of ancient Canaan in the second millennium B.C.E., El is a known as the high

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god from the Ugaritic pantheon. El resided as the chief god of the Pantheon for the first half of

the second millennium B.C.E. as K. A. Kitchen notes, but by 1500 B.C.E. the lesser god of the

pantheon, Baal, becomes the primary figure of worship in the area of Canaan.1 El is seen as the

king of the pantheon at Ugarit, and he exercises his authority as he pleases. Mark S. Smith notes

that El expresses his authority through his title as king, and is associated with a young bull.2 As

El was the chief and strongest god of the Pantheon, so he is associated with the chief and

strongest animal.3

As the chief deity of the pantheon, El rules the council of the gods as judge. Frank Cross

in his book Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic describes El as the god whose “word is, in effect,

the judgment or decision of the divine council, and it may be announced by the messenger of the

council or more directly to mankind in dream or visitation.”4 Although it may appear that El’s

role in the divine council gives him absolute power, the council is more balanced in that El acts

more as a father figure to the other deities than as the all-sovereign judge. As the pantheon

functions in Ugaritic mythology, El is the father of his fellow deities, and the word ‘ab, meaning

“father,” is applied to him.5

With El as the father, the deities of the divine council in the

pantheon form a kind of divine family. The mother of nearly all of El’s divine children, as Smith

states, is Athirat, often pictured as an elderly woman and the mother of creation.6 As father and

mother of the council of deities, only El, and not Athirat, exercises authority as chief deity and

receives credit for creating the physical world and the divine world.

Often in Ugaritic mythology, El is referred to as the creator and father of the world. For

this reason El is called ‘il yknnh, or “El who created him/her.”7 This gives him authority to

1 Kitchen, K.A. On the Reliability of the Old Testament . (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing, 2003), 332.2 Smith, Mark S. The Origins of Biblical Monotheism. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 135.3 Smith, Origins, 135.4 Cross, Frank Moore. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973), 177.5 Smith, Origins, 135.6 Smith, Origins, 135.7 Smith, Origins, 135.

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oversee the actions of the pantheon and control over the lesser gods which include Baal and

Anat.8 Still El’s authority is not absolute, and his role as father overshadows his role as divine

king. Instead of being seen as the royal king of the pantheon, the manner that El rules over the

council “suggests that his role is more that of a patriarch, or that of judge in the council of a

league of tribes, than the role of divine king.”9 As the patriarch of the council, El is notably

different from gods who rule over the natural phenomena of the earth. 10 Cross states that, “El is

in the first instance a social god. He is the primordial father of gods and men, sometimes stern,

often compassionate, always wise in judgment.”11 El is a much more realistic and personal god

when compared to the gods who rule individual aspects of nature. His function as patriarch best

reflects social structures that organize themselves by leagues, and kinship is chief means of tribal

organization.12 In the societies that worship El, “El frequently plays the role of ‘god the father,’

the social deity who governs all the tribes or league, often bound to a league or king with kinship

or covenant.”13 The personal creator god El, reflects ancient societies where patriarchal authority

is respected, but not to the point of dictatorship.

El, the creator of everything receives specific honor due to his great acts, as he is the

“Ancient of Days” in Canaanite religion. El is perceived as the creator and the ancient one who

is the father of all things on both heaven and earth, and this distinguishes him greatly from other

deities, especially Baal, who gradually took over El’s place as the deity worshiped in Canaanite

religion.14 Cross explains that El’s creation is more like theogany in that he is the origin of the

gods, as opposed to myths of Baal’s creation, which is seen more as cosmogony, in that Baal is

8 Smith, Origins, 135.9 Cross, Myth and Epic, 39.10 Cross, Myth and Epic, 42.11 Cross, Myth and Epic, 42.12 Cross, Myth and Epic, 43.13 Cross, Myth and Epic, 43.14 Cross, Myth and Epic, 43.

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associated with the origins and development of the universe.15 Since he existed before the

creation of both the universe and the gods, El needs not defend his title as ancient of days, and

chief of the divine assembly.

This divine patriarch still experiences a number of less graceful moments by possessing a

number of human characteristics including falling subject to the effects of alcohol. Cross recalls

story of the gods holding a banquet for their chief deity El. At this banquet, despite the warnings

of his servants, El becomes drunk and passes out under the care of the other gods. Even as the

father of all things, El is not immune to the affects of the things that he created.

The chief deity of the pantheon at Ugarit, the Canaanite god El, plays the role of judge

and patriarch of all of creation. He is the father of all and the ancient of days, creating the gods

with his wife Athirat, and creating earth with everything in it. As a personal god, El does not

rule the council or creation with an iron fist, but instead he enters into covenants, which reflect

the culture of those that worship him. The picture painted of El in the Ugaritic texts is one that is

relatable to second-millennium-B.C.E. social structures as the personal, divine ruler of the

pantheon.

Yahweh and El

Throughout the biblical text, the authors of the HB use the Semitic word “El” to refer to

both Yahweh and the Canaanite god El. This, of course, leads to much debate over the origins of

Yahweh, and his development as the god of the Israelites. Some scholars, such as Mark S. Smith

and Rainer Albertz, insist the people of the Levant gradually fused the Canaanite god El and the

Hebrew god Yahweh into one god Yahweh over a period of time, but other scholars, including

Patrick D. Miller Jr., claim that a distinct break occurred between El and Yahweh, preventing

15 Cross, Myth and Epic, 43.

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any fusion of the two gods. The identification of the god of the patriarchs as “El” and other “El”

epithets make deciphering the roots of Yahweh’s history all the more difficult. Whether or not

Israel made the Canaanite god El, their Yahweh plays a key role in identifying the order of the

origins of the HB, especially the patriarchal narratives.

The name “Israel” identifies the Israelites as a people ruled by God, but the ambiguous

term used for “God” does not distinctly refer to Yahweh as the exclusive god of Israel. The

name yisra’el , according to Albertz, means “God [or El] rules,” which may also mean “may God

show himself as ruler.”16 This is especially ambiguous since, “The name of the god El is the

same word used for ‘god’ in many West Semitic languages,” but often the name El refers

specifically to the chief Canaanite god of the West Semitic pantheon.17 Smith argues that

because the word “Israel” contains the name of “El” and not that of Yahweh, early in the history

of Ancient Israel, the Israelites worshiped El instead of Yahweh. He argues that if in fact the

early Israelites worshiped Yahweh instead of El, Israel’s name should have been yisra-yahweh,

or yisra-yah, which is closely associates Israel with the divine name of the Hebrew god

Yahweh.18

Particularly among the patriarchal narratives, the word El and common epithets for

El are used to refer to the God of Israel. Genesis 33 tells of the patriarch Jacob building an altar

in the area of Schechem, and he names the altar, El-Elohe-Israel .19 Albertz translates this as “El

the god of Israel” as he claims any alternate translations that seek to avoid the obvious reference

to the god El do not make sense.20 This use of the word ‘el , as Albertz claims, must refer

explicitly to the divine name of the Canaanite god El, from which he infers that in an early tribal

alliance, Israel worshiped the El and not Yahweh.21 At this point in ancient Israelite religion,

16 Albertz, Rainer. From the Beginnings to the End of the Monarchy (vol. 1 of A History of Israelite Religion in the

Old Testament Period : trans. John Bowden; Lousiville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1994), 76.17 Smith, Origins, 135.18 Smith, Origins, 143.19 Gen 33.20.20 Albertz, Beginnings to the End , 76.21 Albertz, Beginnings to the End , 76.

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Smith states El was still the head of the divine council, leaving Yahweh and Baal to compete for

outright second rank in the Canaanite pantheon.22 However, over time, Yahweh, the son of El,

replaced his father as chief god in the pantheon.

Other names and qualities known to refer to El appear in the patriarchal narratives. Just

as El fathered the gods, he also fathers humanity, leading him to be identified in relation to

humanity as the all-powerful creating being of the universe. A West-Semitic religious text

discovered in Anatolia, written in Hurrian-Hittie, refers to El as Elkunirsa.23 Smith claims that

this reference to El, ‘il qny ‘ars, translated as “El creator of the earth” is also found in Gen 14.19

and in other the West Semitic religious documents.24 However, a few shared names between El

and Yahweh do not automatically serve as indisputable evidence of El’s supremacy over

Yahweh in early ancient Israel.

Revelation of Yahweh to Moses identifies Yahweh as the god of the patriarchs and

associates common epithets for El closely to Yahweh. Exodus 6.2-3 states, “I am the LORD

[Yahweh]. I appeared to Abraham, to Isaac and to Jacob, as [El Shaddai], but by my name the

LORD [Yahweh] I did not make myself known to them.” This passage appears to explain the

usage of at least one common epithet also used to refer to the god El, as referring exclusively to

Yahweh. However, Smith disagrees: “This passage shows that Yahweh was unknown to the

patriarchs. Rather they are depicted as worshipers of El.”25 As worshipers of El, the patriarchal

narratives do not distinguish between El and Yahweh, but a later editor inserts the name Yahweh

into the patriarchal narratives even though the patriarchs did not know El as Yahweh.

While Smith argues that the patriarchs viewed El and Yahweh as the same god, Miller

claims Yahweh was initially associated as El, but then broke off as a separate deity. Miller

22 Smith, Origins, 144.23 Smith, Origins, 137.24 Smith, Origins, 137.25 Smith, Origins, 141.

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affirms, as Smith does, that the patriarchal narratives use common epithet imagery to describe El

such as, “El Olam and El Shaddai” and “El the transcendent creator God” to refer to the god of

Israel.26 However, Miller claims that the name Yahweh probably was originally served as a

cultic name for El, but then the cult of Yahweh broke off from El worship, worshiping Yahweh

exclusively.27 “Yahweh was thus, in origin, an El figure, as Exod 6.2-3 suggests rather directly

in identifying the pre-Mosaic manifestation of Yahweh as El Shaddai.”28 Therefore, the early

patriarchs may have worshipped El, but after the time of Moses, the Israelites distinguished

Yahweh as their exclusive deity of worship.

Although the HB repeatedly uses the word “El,” this does not necessarily link the El of

the HB to the Canaanite god El and not Yahweh. Cross claims, “El is rarely if ever used in the

Bible as the proper name of a non-Isrealite, Canaanite deity in the full consciousness of a

distinction between El and Yahweh, the god of Israel.”29 If the biblical author distinguishes El

from Yahweh, as Cross claims the prophet Ezekiel does in Ezek 28.2, the author uses El in

distinctly mythological terms that confirm that the Ezekiel possessed knowledge of the Canaanite

deity. Yet, by this time in Israelite history, the author of Ezekiel does not associate El with

Yahweh.30

Israelites, even during the period of the Judges distinguish between El and Yahweh. As

Cross notes, Judg 9.46 mentions the temple of ‘el berit , which was a common epithet for the god

El.31 This term is seen distinct from Yahweh, as Cross argues that the original audience would

have noticed a parallel between the title of the pagan god Ba’l berit , and therefore the author

recognized ‘el-berit as referring to a pagan deity.32 Cross concludes that references to El in the

26 Miller Jr., Patrick D. The Religion of Ancient Israel . (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2000), 24-25.27 Miller, Religion, 25.28 Miller, Religion, 25.29 Cross, Myth and Epic, 44.30 Cross , Myth and Epic, 44.31 Cross, Myth and Epic, 44.32 Cross, Myth and Epic, 44-45.

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HB do not indicate exclusive Hebrew worship of the Canaanite deity El.

If a fusion of El and Yahweh did occur, it must have occurred after the exodus and during

Israelite settlement of the Levant. Albertz gives historical background stating that at the time of

the Israelites’ exodus from Egypt, the people of Canaan had recently gained freedom from the

Egyptians that previously attempted to colonize and rule over the people of Canaan.33 The

Merenptah Stele states, which Albertz claims refers to the pre-Hebrew Levant people under the

oppression of Egypt, “Israel has not descendants.”34 Therefore recently freed, El worshiping

people of Canaan welcomed the Yahweh worshiping people of the exodus. Albertz insists the

people of Canaan and the Hebrews worshiped similar deities who were believed to have

delivered both the lower class people of Israel and the Canaanites from the Egyptians.

Consequently, the two religions merged and both groups came to prefer Yahweh over El.35 As

the all-powerful symbol of liberation for the Hebrews, Yahweh must have been an attractive god

to the people already living in Canaan whom Albertz claims sought a new identity after gaining

freedom from Egypt.36 Therefore the Israelites and the Canaanites over time fused elements of

El into the one, all-powerful Israelite god Yahweh. This did not occur immediately, but from

observing the song of Deborah in Judg 5, Albertz concludes that the fusion of El and Yahweh is

well on its way by the time of the judges. 37

In order to date the authorship of the HB in a chronological sequence, and particularly the

order of the patriarchal narratives, developments regarding the function of Yahweh and El in

Israelite worship must be identified. The patriarchs in Genesis did not know Yahweh by the

divine name, but instead worshiped the god El. While the patriarchal narratives probably have

33 Albertz, Beginnings to the End , 77.34 Albertz, Beginnings to the End , 77.35 Albertz, Beginnings to the End , 77.36 Albertz, Beginnings to the End , 77.37 Albertz, Beginnings to the End , 77.

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roots in the early second century B.C.E., the insertion of the name Yahweh in the text suggests

the narratives were edited some time during or after the life of Moses, to whom Exod 6.2-3 states

Yahweh revealed his divine name as never before. While the Israelites were not intentionally

polytheistic, evidence points towards the early worship of El in the patriarchal narratives and a

gradual assimilation of El into Yahweh. Using extrabiblical knowledge of El and the

Pentateuch, it appears that Israelite religion gained followers, as it incorporated elements of the

Canaanite deity El into the deity Yahweh. As worship of El began to fade in the mid-second

century B.C.E., the narratives of the HB that heavily incorporate El imagery and epithets appear

have origins in the second century B.C.E. as opposed to later dates preferred by many

minimalists.

Yahweh and the Divine Council

Like El, the HB portrays Yahweh as taking part in a council of gods that rules the

heavens and the earth. In this council, Yahweh apparently plays both the parts of the most

powerful god and the role of a lesser god who receives instructions from a greater deity. The

patriarchal narratives do not include this distinct imagery, but beginning with Deuteronomy, the

HB contains several variations of divine council imagery. The main questions that may help in

dating the earliest parts of the HB regard the role of Yahweh in the divine council and whether or

not the god’s role changes in relation to other gods.

First, Deut 32 contains interesting imagery of the divine council and Yahweh’s position,

as some scholars claim that it refers to Yahweh’s early position in the council as something other

than chief god. The passage of specific interest is Deut 32.7-938 as part of Moses’ song before

the whole assembly of Israel states:

38 All scripture references will be from the New Revised Standard Version unless otherwise noted.

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Remember the days of old,

Consider the years long past;

ask your father, and he will inform you;your elders, and they will tell you.

When the Most High [‘elyon] apportioned the nations,

when he divided humankind,

he fixed the boundaries of the peoplesaccording to the number of the gods;

the LORD’s own portion was his people,Jacob his allotted shard.39

Smith claims that Deut 32.7-9 portrays Yahweh as a son of the Canaanite god El, referred to as

‘elyon in this passage, which Smith uses to support his claim that the ancient Israelites made a

distinction made between Yahweh and El in early Israel.40 Passages such as Deut 32.7-9 appear

to suggest the early Israelites at one time or another identified Yahweh apart from the Canaanite

god El, but this is not always the case. Smith suggests that Yahweh was originally identified as a

divine warrior from the South, but the Israelites eventually came to identify Yahweh and El as

the same god, while Yahweh remained enemies against Baal, a competing warrior god.41 As

evidence, Smith notes that while the HB repeatedly condemns the worship of Baal, but it never

condemns the god El.42

J. Alberto Soggin sides with Smith, affirming the early Israelites, based on evidence

found in the biblical text, did not believe Yahweh to be the only god in the universe. He states

that a copy of the Septuagint from the early third century B.C.E. quotes Deut 32.8 as saying,

“according to the number of angels of God,” while the text of the Dead Sea Scrolls states

“according to the number of the sons of God [‘el ].”43 Soggin then claims this serves as evidence

that the copier of the Septuagint did not wish to express the polytheistic element imagery found

39 Holy Bible. New Revised Standard Version. (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1989).40 Smith, Mark S. The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel . (2d ed.; Grand Rapids:

Eerdmans Publishing, 2002), 32.41 Smith, Early History, 33.42 Smith, Early History, 33.43 Soggin, J. Alberto. Israel in the Biblical Period: Institutions, Festivals, Ceremonies, Rituals. (trans. John Bowden;

Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 2001), 29.

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in Deut 32.8, so the copyist changed the text.44

If Soggin and Smith correctly identify elyon in Deut 32.8 as the Canaanite god El and not

Yahweh, Israel, very early in its history, could have “originally asserted a form of henotheism:

every people is assigned to a deity.”45 However, elyon in Deut 32.8 does not explicitly refer to

the god El, as John H. Walton, Victor H. Matthews and Mark W. Chavalas comment, “In the HB

the term Elyon is usually used as an epithet for Yahweh.”46 Yet, Elyon is a common epithet used

for both El and Baal.47 While Elyon is an epithet used for both El and Yahweh, its use in Deut

32.8 most likely refers to a god more powerful than Yahweh. Deut 32.8, as Soggin and Smith

argue, portrays Yahweh as the God of Israel, but not as the all-powerful Yahweh later pictured in

the HB. Instead, the author of Deuteronomy paints Yahweh as a lesser god, subject to the chief

god of the pantheon, El, commonly referred to as Elyon.

Other passages such as 2 Chr 18.18-22 and Ps 82 envision Yahweh in the midst of the

divine council, but contrary to Deut 32, Yahweh takes the place not of a lesser god, but of the

God enthroned as the high divine power in the heavenly council. In 2 Chr 18, Micaiah explains

to Jehoshaphat how he sees Yahweh in a vision sitting in his divine council. Micaiah sees

Yahweh “sitting on his throne, with all the host of heaven standing to the right and to the left of

him.”48 Except this time, Yahweh poses a question to the heavenly hosts, and a spirit comes

forth to answer Yahweh.49 This instance models the pantheon of the Ugaritic texts, but the

account of the divine council in 2 Chr 18 excludes the existence of other gods. Walton, Mathews

and Chavalas note, “In Israelite belief the gods were replaced by angels or spirits—the sons of

44 Soggin, Biblical Period , 31.45 Soggin, Biblical Period , 30.46 Walton, John H. Victor H. Matthews and Mark W. Chavalas. The IVP Bible Background Commentary: Old

Testament . (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2000), 205.47 Walton, Matthews and Chavalas, IVP , 205.48 2 Chr 18.18.49 2 Chr 18.19-20.

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God or the heavenly host.”50 This text gives a very different account of the heavenly council

than that of Deut 32, and serves as evidence for the gradual development of Yahweh as the god

becomes the chief deity in ancient Israelite religion.

Another of the many passages containing imagery of the divine council, Ps 82, again

presents Yahweh as a chief deity, but in this passage he condemns the other gods of the divine

council to death for unjust acts. The Psalmist writes, “God has taken his place in the divine

council; in the midst of the gods he holds judgment: ‘How long will you judge unjustly and show

partiality to the wicked?’”51 Later in the passage Yahweh exclaims, “I say, ‘You are gods,

children of the Most High, all of you; nevertheless, you shall die like mortals and fall like any

prince.’”52 Ps 82 presents Yahweh as the all-powerful deity as and the ruling authority with

enough power to condemn other gods to death.

As Israel struggled to worship Yahweh alone as her God, biblical literature displayed

these trends. Miller states, “The God of Israel, who came out of the gods and in whom the world

of the gods can be discerned, stood over against all other gods, claiming a unity and

exclusiveness that ruled them out.”53

Yahweh is now the all-powerful God of the divine council,

and by his condemnation of all other gods in the council, he makes himself the lone deity worthy

of Israel’s worship. His decree pronounces the end to the existence of his competition. Miller

notes that texts such as 1 Sam 4-6 allude to Yahweh’s defeat of other gods and his jealousy for

Israel.54 Through the actions of Yahweh as described in Ps 82, Yahweh exercises his power as

chief deity as he pronounces a death sentence upon all other members of the divine council

except for him.

50 Walton, Matthews and Chavalas, IVP , 205.51 Ps 82.1-2.52 Ps 82.6-7.53 Miller, Religion, 28.54 Miller, Religion, 28.

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The people of Israel, attempting to be faithful to Yahweh, led the Psalmist to write Ps 82

in an attempt to suppress the worship of other deities. The worship of other deities in addition to

Yahweh existed among the Israelites, as Miller claims, but an orthodox faith, devoted

exclusively to Yahweh also existed.55 Psalm 82 demonstrates exclusive Yahwism forming in

Israel during the time of the united monarchy. The Psalmist in Ps 82 incorporates elements of

Canaanite religion through imagery of the divine council and the use of Elyon, except this time

Elyon certainly serves as an epithet for Yahweh. When compared to Yahweh’s position in the

divine council as depicted in Deut 32, Yahweh develops into the all-powerful chief god of the

divine council.

Frank Cross, while he doubts that the divine council referred to in Ps 82 referred to other

actual deities, explains two distinct literary patterns used when Yahweh sits in the divine council.

The divine council’s first form as described by Cross is the “‘address to the divine council’ made

by Yahweh or his herald.”56 Typically, this address to the council is followed by a “plural

imperative” from Yahweh to address his heralds.57 Yahweh’s first form of address to the council

directly commands the council to do a certain task.

Unlike the first of Yahweh’s address to the council, Cross notes the second form of the

council address follows the pattern of a rib covenant lawsuit.58 Ps 82 follows the rib pattern and

includes a summons, charge, evidence and verdict in which Yahweh plays multiple roles. Cross

notes the members of the divine council fade into the background as the rib covenant lawsuit

makes Yahweh the center of attention.59

Yahweh now plays a dominant active role in the divine council as he orchestrates the

55 Miller, Religion, 29.56 Cross, Myth and Epic, 187-188.57 Cross, Myth and Epic, 188.58 Cross, Myth and Epic, 188.59 Cross, Myth and Epic, 188.

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covenant lawsuit. “In the Prophetic lawsuit, a literary form secondarily derived from Israel’s old

political forms, Yahweh is both plaintiff and judge, and the witnesses of the covenant are

reduced to the ‘old gods,’ more or less innocuous members of the divine assembly.”60 Cross

notes that El communicates his will through his judgment and the decisions made in the divine

council.61 Much like El, Yahweh is seen as the ruler and judge of the divine council surrounded

by heavenly hosts. This is the dominant image of Yahweh in Israel during the writing of the Ps

82.62

Continuing the portrayal of Yahweh as divine judge of the court, the vision in Dan 7

depicts the Ancient of Days as both ruler and judge. The Ancient One, again borrowing a

common epithet from ancient Canaanite religion, harnesses and judges the beasts that wreak

havoc. Yahweh is even referred to as the “Most High63” as he rules as judge. By the time of the

writing of Daniel, Yahweh’s authority as sole judge and ruler of the divine council certainly was

in place.

It appears that since Deut 32, the position of Yahweh in the divine council changes from

the position of subject of the divine ruler to the enthronement as the king of the council. As

described in Deut 32, Yahweh receives Israel as his portion of the people on earth from Elyon,

god Most High, instead of choosing them by his own power sovereignty. In Deut 32, Yahweh’s

place in the divine council is just one among a number of gods, but he is still Israel’s god. Even

if Soggin’s claim of henotheism64 proves true, Yahweh is still Israel’s god in Deut 32.

As time progresses, the role of Yahweh in the divine council changes, as seen in 2 Chr

18. Yahweh is no longer one of the many sons of god, but instead as 2 Chr 18 describes,

60 Cross, Myth and Epic, 189.61 Cross, Myth and Epic, 177.62 Cross, Myth and Epic, 189-190.63 Dan 7.22.64 Soggins, Biblical Period , 30.

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Yahweh is the head of the council and sits enthroned surrounded by the heavenly beings. A

great change in the contents of the council takes place in that the angels and spirits replace the

lesser gods that once inhabited the divine council. These spirits are subject to Yahweh’s will and

do as he commands. Ps 82 then portrays Yahweh as the final judge of the divine council.

Yahweh makes a mockery of the other gods as he uses his authority to condemn them to death

for favoring the unrighteous. The gods mentioned in Ps 82 probably are not even actual gods,

but they only play the part of a literary device designed to express the power of Yahweh. By

attacking the syncretism of the day, Ps 82 seeks to establish Yahweh once again as the lone all-

powerful, divine being in the universe. Daniel 7 then confirms the place of Yahweh above any

other power in the universe as he tames the beasts. He is the “Ancient of Days”65 and the “Most

High,”66 controlling the evil powers in Daniel’s vision.

From the variations in Yahweh’s role in the divine council from Deut 32 to 2 Chr 18 and

Ps 82 and Dan 7 the conclusion can be drawn that Yahweh’s role in the divine council as seen by

Israel changed over time. Deut 32 presents a radically different picture of the role of Yahweh in

the divine council compared to those presented in 2 Chr 18, Ps 82 and Dan 7. Yahweh is subject

to the ruler of the divine council in Deut 32, but in 2 Chr 18, Ps 82 and Dan 7 he is the ruler and

judge of the divine council. This evidence suggests that these texts, which differ greatly from

one another, were not written at the same time, especially during post-exilic times as certain

minimalists claim.67 The changing role of Yahweh in the divine council indicates that the book

of Deuteronomy was written prior to the accounts given in 2 Chr 18, Ps 82 and Dan 7.

65 Dan 7.9.66 Dan 7.22.67 See Neils Peter Lemche’s The Israelites in History and Tradition for a minimalist argument for post-exilic

authorship of the Hebrew Bible.

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Yahweh and Baal

In the Canaanite pantheon, Baal is the god of storm and fertility, and one of the sons of El

the chief god. El’s supremacy over Baal continues until the mid second century B.C.E. when

Baal worship begins to supersede El’s popularity as the head deity. 68 Thus, Yahweh’s people

portray their god using Baal imagery, but in time this leads to syncretism, which the prophets

speak out against. In early Israelite religion, Yahweh’s theophany reflects that of Baal, but in

time this changes in order for Israel to distance itself from Baal worship.

Strong parallels evidently exist between the myth of Baal and the story of the Yahweh

defeating the Egyptians and leading the Hebrews to freedom in the exodus account. Miller

states, “At the heart of the Baal myth is the conflict with Yamm, representing the chaotic powers

of the universe.”69 Baal overcomes the evil powers of Yamm and establishes his temple. This

text apparently parallels Israel’s concept of Yahweh.70 The story of Yahweh and Israel parallel

Baal’s fight for power in that Yahweh defeats Egypt’s divine king and gains total claim to

authority in the divine realm.71 Miller suggests the first account recorded in the HB of this battle

occurs in Exod 15.1-18, as Yahweh, the divine warrior, harnesses the sea and defeats Pharaoh’s

army as it pursues fleeing Israelites.72 “Ugaritic, Mesopotamian and Israelite shared a common

theology to the extent that kingship over the cosmos was demonstrated in battle with the unruly

forces, and the throne and abode of the king is established forever.”73 Assuming that the exodus

occurred in the late second millennium B.C.E., the author of Exodus would have been aware of

common Baal myths.

68 Kitchen, OROT , 332.69 Miller Jr. Patrick D. “Aspects of the Religion of Ugarit,” in Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank

Moore Cross (ed. Patrick D. Miller Jr. Paul D. Hanson and S. Dean McBride; Philadelphia:

Fortress Press,

1987), 60.70 Miller, Ugarit , 60.71 Miller, Ugarit , 60.72 Miller, Ugarit , 60.73 Miller, Ugarit , 60.

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Other strong similarities between Baal myths and the story of Yahweh in Israelite

religion exist, especially in the way the two gods present themselves before their people. As the

god of weather/storms and fertility, the main from of theophany for Baal is of course elements of

weather and especially storms. Cross points out that early Israelite religion, the chief description

of Yahweh’s theophany uses the same language used to describe Baal’s theophany.74 Yahweh’s

theophany in the storm is seen in Exod 19.16 as the presence of Yahweh is marked with lighting

and a thick cloud and in Ps 29 as the God of glory thunders. This popular theophany

characterized Yahweh in early Israelite literature, but became less popular as syncretism

involving the worship of Baal grew in the times of the divided monarchy.

As their god, the Israelites saw all things as under the control of Yahweh, including

nature, but the prophets during the divided monarchy sought to distance worship of Yahweh

from Baal as syncretism grew. Cross states that at first, Israelite religion incorporated aspects of

Baal’s theophany, but as Baal worship increased, imagery involving storms in Yahweh’s

theophany decreased.75 “The threat was not so much that Yahweh be forgotten, but that he

subside into ordinary membership in the Canaanite pantheon.”76

Growing syncretism of Baal

and Yahweh worship led to reaction against storm theophany. The author of 1 Kings

intentionally adjusts Yahweh’s theophany to combat imagery associated with Baal’s theophany

in order to reduce syncretism.

The prophets, during the time of the divided monarchy took the lead in reducing storm

theophany of Yahweh. As seen in 1 Kgs 19, and as Cross points out, Elijah’s encounter with

Yahweh involves quaking, fire, and storm but Yahweh is not in any of these images. Yahweh is

in the silence, radically different from the previously normal storm theophany.77 Cross states that

74 Cross, Myth and Epic, 177.75 Cross, Myth and Epic, 190.76 Cross, Myth and Epic, 190.77 Crossy, Myth and Epic, 194.

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beginning with the prophets in the ninth century B.C.E., the biblical authors intentionally chose

to avoid Baal imagery and chose to use imagery associated with the messenger of the council of

El.78 The biblical authors don’t suppress the use of Baal imagery in old hymns, but they do

simply stop using divine storm imagery in their writings.79 The biblical authors did not see storm

imagery per se as harmful to Yahweh’s reputation, but the “attack was on Baal and not on the

notion that Yahweh controlled the elements of nature.”80 Therefore, a noticeable transition

occurred from Baal-like theophany with the intention of Israelites avoiding religious syncretism.

Early in Israelite religion, the myths of Baal and the accounts of Yahweh working

amongst his people parallel greatly. Yahweh and Baal come to power through similar

circumstances, as both defeat perceived deities to claim out right supremacy in the heavenly

realms. During the early stages of post-exodus Israelite religion, theophanies of Yahweh

strongly resemble that of Baal, but in time this leads Israel down the road of religious syncretism.

As Israelites begin to worship Baal, the god of the storm, along side Yahweh, whose presence is

often marked by storms, the biblical writers shy away from the use of Yahweh’s storm related

theophany. By no means does this indicate Yahweh does not preside over the powers involving

storms, but the prophets simply attempt to distance Yahweh from Baal.

It is interesting, as Kitchen notes, that the worship of Baal is not mentioned in patriarchal

narratives, which suggests origins in the middle of the second millennium B.C.E. which

preceded growing popularity of Baal worship among those living in Canaan.81 Also with the

strong association between early Israelite religion and the myths of Baal, it is suggested that the

authorship of the book of Exodus and other books containing strong storm imagery of Yahweh’s

theophany date sometime after the exodus but before the ninth century when biblical authors

78 Cross, Myth and Epic, 191.79 Cross, Myth and Epic, 191.80 Cross, Myth and Epic, 191.81 Kitchen, OROT , 332.

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sought to quell increasing Baal worship by moving Yahweh’s primary means of theophany away

from storm imagery.

The Onomastic Evidence

Theophoric names, referring to names containing the name of a deity, increase as from

the time of the patriarchs to the time of the united and divided monarchy that help date the

biblical text. According to Jeffery H. Tigay, the Masoretic Text contains an overwhelming

amount of distinctly Yahwistic names from the times of the patriarchs through the fall of

Jerusalem.82 These statistics exclude names that include ‘el and ‘eli since these terms can refer to

Yahweh or some other god. From the names compiled by Tigay, none related to Yahweh during

the time of the patriarchs, 3 out of 6 names during the Exodus related to Yahweh, 100 out of 163

names had a Yahweh root during the Judges-United Monarchy time, and 123 out of 127 names

compiled during the divided monarchy related to Yahweh.83 Based on the onomastic evidence

presented in the Masoretic text, distinctly Yahwistic names gained increasing popularity as time

went on. Onomastic evidence suggests that within the HB, as Israel grew better acquainted with

the god Yahweh, Hebrew religious writings reflected Yahweh’s increased popularity. This helps

to demonstrate the HB authorship as taking place over a vast amount of time in order for such a

large shift in onomastic evidence to occur.

Conclusion

Evidence inside and outside the biblical text helps confirm early authorship of much of

the HB, especially the patriarchal narratives. Strong similarities between the chief god of the

Canaanite pantheon El, and Yahweh, along with the absence of condemnation of the Canaanite

82 Tigay, Jeffery H. You Shall Have No Other Gods. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), 7.83 Tigay, No Other Gods, 7.

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god Baal suggest origins of the patriarchal texts before the mid-second millennium B.C.E.

During the mid-second millennium, Baal began to overshadow El as the chief deity worshiped in

Canaan, which the HB, beginning in Exodus condemns. Yahweh’s role in the divine council, as

seen in the comparison of Deut 32 to 2 Chr 18, Ps 82 and Dan 7 changes over time as he moves

from a son of the chief god to the undisputed ruler and judge of the heavenly council. The

composition of the council changes completely as the gods surrounding Yahweh are replaced

with angels and spirits, making Yahweh the lone all-powerful divine being in the universe.

Through the observation of Yahweh’s changing role in the divine council, one can conclude that

the text of Deuteronomy preceded authorship of texts containing imagery of the divine council

with Yahweh as chief god, as in time, those modifications developed within Israelite religion.

Baal, the Canaanite storm god and a popular deity in the pantheon, becomes the

pantheon’s chief figure of worship beginning in the mid-second millennium B.C.E. The

patriarchal narratives, with origins before the middle second century, do not mention conflict

with Baal worship because at that time their conception, Baal had not yet surpassed El as the

chief figure of worship. Therefore Baal worship did not present a significant problem for the

patriarchs in that Baal had not yet developed into a popular deity worshiped by the people in the

Levant. In other words, meager Baal’s status in the Canaanite pantheon at the time of the origin

the patriarchal narratives prevented Baal from competing with Yahweh for Israel’s worship.

Soon after the exodus, Israel even uses storm imagery associated with theophany of Baal in its

description of Yahweh’s theophany. However, starting in the ninth century, under the divided

monarchy, religions syncretism involving Baal worship develops which caused the biblical

writers to shy away from connecting storm imagery with Yahweh. Finally, the rapid increase in

percentage of names containing a reference to Yahweh suggests the development of Israel’s

allegiance to Yahweh, as Yahweh does not reveal his divine name until the time of Moses.

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All of the evidence listed above demonstrates that the text of the HB was not the

invention of theological masterminds after Judah’s return from exile in the sixth century as

minimalist critics contend. The Genesis text containing the patriarchal narratives certainly has

roots in the time before circa 1500 B.C.E. Likewise, the development of Yahweh in the divine

council suggests staggered authorship of other biblical texts as the Israelites understanding of

Yahweh’s role in the divine council changes over time. Decrease in Baal imagery in beginning

of the ninth century, suggests pre-ninth century B.C.E. authorship of Exodus, as it contains

passages paralleling Baal’s rise to power. Given the developments in Yahweh’s position in

relations to other gods, changes in Yahweh’s theophany, and the onomastic evidence presented

above, authorship of the HB seems to have taken place over many centuries, with origins before

the Hellenistic period.

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Bibliography

Albertz, Rainer. From the Beginnings to the End of the Monarchy. Vol. 1 of A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period . Translated by John Bowden. Lousiville:

Westminster John Knox Press, 1994.

Cross, Frank Moore. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UniversityPress, 1973.

Holy Bible. New Revised Standard Version. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1989.

Kitchen, K.A. On the Reliability of the Old Testament . Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing,

2003.

Miller Jr., Patrick D. “Aspects of the Religion of Ugarit.” Pages 53-66 in Ancient Israelite

Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross. Edited by Patrick D. Miller Jr. Paul D.Hanson and S. Dean McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987.

——. The Religion of Ancient Israel . Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press,2000.

Soggin, J. Alberto. Israel in the Biblical Period: Institutions, Festivals, Ceremonies, Rituals.

Translated by John Bowden. Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 2001.

Smith, Mark S. The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel . 2d

ed. Grand Rapids:Eerdmans Publishing, 2002.

——. The Origins of Biblical Monotheism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Tigay, Jeffery H. You Shall Have No Other Gods. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986.

Walton, John H. Victory H. Matthews and Mark W. Chavalas. The IVP Bible Background

Commentary: Old Testament . Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2000.

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