saklviTüal½yPUminÞPñMeBj ROYAL UNIVERSITY OF PHNOM PENH Khmer Krom Migration and their Identity A Thesis Presented to the Committee of the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport and Royal University of Phnom Penh In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Master of Arts by Chen Sochoeun December 2006
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saklviTüal½yPUminÞPñMeBj
ROYAL UNIVERSITY OF PHNOM PENH
KKhhmmeerr KKrroomm MMiiggrraattiioonn aanndd tthheeiirr IIddeennttiittyy
A Thesis
Presented to the Committee of the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport
and Royal University of Phnom Penh
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of
Master of Arts
by
CChheenn SSoocchhooeeuunn
December 2006
KKhhmmeerr KKrroomm MMiiggrraattiioonn aanndd tthheeiirr IIddeennttiittyy
Thesis submitted by
Chen Sochoeun
for the Degree of
Master of Arts in Sociology-Anthropology
Thesis Assessment Committee:
Prof. Dr. Bruno Maltoni (Supervisor)
Dr. Poch Bunnak (Assessor)
Dr. Brian A. Ponter (Assessor)
Dr. Hendri Locard (Assessor)
Dr. Im François (Assessor)
Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities
The Royal University of Phnom Penh
December 2006
ii
ABSTRACT
The issues of Khmer Krom were crucial in Cambodian history and the issues of migration had existed for decades noticeably since a separation of national territory between Cambodia and Kampuchea Krom. However, it was not well identified, especially relating to the issues of migration and identity. This study had been conducted in a community to address these issues with Khmer Krom migrants from Vietnam to Cambodia. The process of Khmer Krom migration to Cambodia varies according to the situation in both places: Kampuchea Krom and Cambodia and involves the three mainstreaming sectors: economical, social and cultural, and political issues. Beside theses factors, personal issues were also a cause of migration. However, those immigrants found at the research site were Khmer Krom who moved between 1980 and 2003. These people can be categorized into two groups: moved between 1980-1990 and 1991-2003. The first group was more involved in push factors at place of origin whereas the second group was involved in pull factors at place of origin. The Khmer Krom who lived in Phnom Penh could be largely identified by their family names and accent while speaking. Moreover, some other supplementary features could be used to identify them through cultural behavior, physical features, and types of business. Though Khmer Krom were considered as international migrants in term of crossing an international border, Khmer Krom and Khmer have the same ethnicity because of historical context, cultural practice, and social consideration. Either the Khmer Krom themselves or society viewed Khmer Krom as Khmer unlike other ethnic minorities in Cambodia. What was a bit different and led to some confusion was that Khmer Krom had been living amongst a Vietnam majority who were the dominant group. Some of their ways of behavior had changed and these changes can be identified. The Khmer Krom migrants in Cambodia did not create their new identity at the destination place. Living in Cambodia, they had potential to develop and assimilate with Khmer people. They could absorb, learn and develop all types of social behavior as well as cultural practices from Khmer in Cambodia to improve themselves as well as share it back to their people at the place of origin in Kampuchea Krom. However, these Khmer Krom migrants had limited resources and few possible ways to improve and strengthen their identity at place of origin. Most of them migrated empty handed and contrived to improve themselves at their destination. Moreover, some of these people had illegally moved to Cambodia and their citizenship was removed from their home society, along with strict and strong influence from the dominant ethnic group at place of origin.
i
CERTIFICATE OF AUTHORSHIP / ORIGINALITY
I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a degree nor
has it been submitted as part of requirements for a degree except as fully
acknowledged within the text.
I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in
my research work and the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In
addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the
thesis.
Signature of Candidate
Date
ii
CANDIDATE STATEMENT
I, Chen Sochoeun, the undersigned, the author of this dissertation, understand that the
Royal University of Phnom Penh will make this thesis available for use within the
University and allow access to users in other approved Universities and libraries.
All users consulting this thesis will have to sign the following statement:
"In consulting this dissertation, I agree not to copy or closely paraphrase it in whole or
in part without the written consent of the author; and to make proper written
acknowledgment for any assistance which I have obtained from it."
Beyond this, I do not wish to place any restriction on access to this thesis.
Signature of Candidate
Date
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The dissertation for this Master Degree Program would not have come into existence without the help of the people who determinedly assisted me in gaining entry into my fieldwork, in gathering data as well as in the thesis writing process. My first, utmost and profound gratitude is dedicated to my Supervisor Dr. Bruno Maltoni, University of Bologna, Italy for his enthusiastic provision of many continuous valuable and constructive comments from the start of the proposal writing until the end of the thesis. Immense thanks is also dedicated to New Humanity, and the people of Italy, through Father Toni Vendramin in cooperation with the Royal University of Phnom Penh (RUPP) for its contribution to financial support which made this study possible from the economic aspect. I would like to profoundly thank H.E. Pit Chamnan, Secretary of State of Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, Chairman of the Steering Committee of MA-SA Program and Dr. Neth Barom, Vice Rector of RUPP, Vice Chairman of the Steering Committee of MA-SA Program in his tireless effort to bring this program into existence. I also extend thanks to Mr. Réné Ayala M, and Mr. Mel Sophanna, the MA-SA Program Coordinator for assisting this program. I would like to convey my heartfelt thanks to H.E. Son Soubert, a member of Constitutional Council who provided me with invaluable comments. Thanks also to Dr. Brian A. Ponter, a Research Advisor at RUPP, and Dr. Poch Bunnak, head of Center for Population Study, and also Mr. Dork Vuthy, Lecturer of Sociology Department (RUPP) in helping me with consultations. Thanks to Mr. Chan Sambath, Southeast Asian Program Coordinator (UWS-US) and Mr. Sou Ketya, researcher (CAS) in providing me fruitful comments. I would also like to thank Andrew and Jenny McLeod, VSA Volunteers from New Zealand who enthusiastically helped to edit the English language. I also owe my grateful thanks to my friends Mr. Khan Sophirom, Mr. Saing Hay and Mr. Ith Sothea who assisted in fieldwork, and constructive ideas for the thesis writing, along with Venerable Thach Briecheakoeun and Venerable Chau Sang who provided me with valuable documents and helped to provide more information concerning Khmer Krom. Last, I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to all Khmer Kampuchea Krom Associations and Organizations, related officers in charge of Phnom Penh site, and all key informants and respondents for the kind contribution of their valuable time to provide me with numerous informational details and documents needed for this study.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page Abstract…………………………………………………………………………….. i
Certificate of Authorship / Originality……………………………………..…..…... ii
Candidate Statement……………………………….……………………………….. iii
Acknowledgement………………………….………………………………………. iv
Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………... v
List of Abbreviations………………………………………………………………. viii
List of Tables……………………………………………………………………….. ix
List of Figures………… …………………………………………………………… x
CHAPTER 1 Introduction ..........................................................................................1
1.1 Background to the Study..........................................................................................3
1.2 Problem Statement ...................................................................................................7
1.3 Aim and Objectives of the Study .............................................................................8
1.4 Research Questions..................................................................................................8
1.5 Research Methods....................................................................................................9
1.5.1 Research Tools..................................................................................................9
1.5.2 Participant Observation...................................................................................11
1.5.3 Small Focus Group Discussion.......................................................................11
1.6 Rationale for Choosing Site ...................................................................................12
1.7 Limitation of the Study ..........................................................................................13
1.8 Structure of the Thesis ...........................................................................................14
CHAPTER 2 Literature Review...............................................................................15
2.1 Definition of Migration and Application to Khmer Krom.....................................16
2.2 Migration Movement in Cambodia........................................................................16
2.4 The Characteristics to Identify Khmer Krom ........................................................20
2.4.1 Religious Practice and Belief..........................................................................21
2.4.2 Language.........................................................................................................22
2.4.3 Clothing...........................................................................................................23
2.4.4 Livelihood and Physical Feature.....................................................................24
2.5 Theoretical Framework..........................................................................................25
v
2.5.1 Theoretical Concepts of Migration .................................................................26
2.5.2 Theoretical Concepts of Ethnic Group and Identity .......................................27
2.5.3 The Concepts and Application to Khmer Krom .............................................30
CHAPTER 3 Khmer Krom Community in Phnom Penh ......................................32
3.1 Background to Kouk Khleang Community ...........................................................32
3.1.1 Geographical Area ..........................................................................................32
3.1.2 Population and Socio-economic Status of the Village....................................32
3.1.3 Administration ................................................................................................33
3.1.4 Education ........................................................................................................34
3.1.5 Religion, Belief and Health Care ....................................................................35
3.2 Respondents’ Background .....................................................................................36
3.2.1 Age, Sex, Place of Origin ...............................................................................36
3.2.2 Education Background....................................................................................37
3.2.3 Economic Background....................................................................................38
3.2.4 Political Background.......................................................................................39
3.3 Migration Process ..................................................................................................39
3.3.1 Reasons for Migration.....................................................................................39
3.3.1.1 Push Factors .............................................................................................40
3.3.1.2 Pull Factors ..............................................................................................45
3.3.1.3 Networking/Personal Motivation.............................................................47
3.3.2 Experience of Moving.....................................................................................49
3.3.2.1 Types of Migrants ....................................................................................50
3.3.2.2 Obstacle for Moving ................................................................................51
3.4 Living Situation in Phnom Penh ............................................................................52
3.4.1 Target Destination in Phnom Penh .................................................................52
3.4.2 Initial Life in Phnom Penh..............................................................................53
3.4.3 Challenges for Khmer Krom...........................................................................54
3.5 Insider and Outsider Relationship..........................................................................57
3.5.1 Home Visiting and vice versa .........................................................................57
3.5.2 Remittance ......................................................................................................58
3.6 Networking Creation and Group Maintenance ......................................................60
3.6.1 Through Association Establishment ...............................................................60
3.6.2 Social Interaction ............................................................................................61
vi
3.6.3 Through Marriage Tendency ..........................................................................63
3.7 Khmer Krom Identity.............................................................................................64
3.7.1 Language.........................................................................................................64
3.7.2 Naming............................................................................................................66
3.7.3 Types of Occupations .....................................................................................68
3.7.4 Housing ...........................................................................................................70
3.7.5 Other Supplementary Features Identifying Khmer Krom ..............................72
CHAPTER 4 Discussion and Conclusion ................................................................75
4.1 Discussion on Legal Status and Reasons for Migration ........................................75
4.1.1 Legal Status of Khmer Krom..........................................................................75
4.1.2 Reasons for Migration.....................................................................................79
4.2 Discussion on Khmer Krom Identity .....................................................................84
4.2.1 Strengthening and Conserving of Identity ......................................................84
4.2.2 Identifying Features of Khmer Krom .............................................................87
4.3 Conclusion ...……………………………………………………………………..88
References……..…………………………………………………………………… 92
Appendices......…………………………………………………………………...… 96
vii
List of Abbreviations
FKKA The Friendship of Khmer Kampuchea Krom Association
KKC Khmer Kampuchea Krom Community
KKCC Khmer Kampuchea Krom Coordination Committee
KKF Khmer Kampuchea Krom Federation KKKHRA Khmer Kampuchea Krom for Human Rights Association KKKHRDA Khmer Kampuchea Krom for Human Rights and Development
Association
KKKUBS The Khmer Kampuchea Krom of Union Buddhist Students
LDCs Least Developed Countries
NGOs Non Governmental Organizations
UNCHS United Nations Center for Human Settlements (UN-Habitat) UNHCR United Nations for Human Refugee Camps
UNPO Unrepresented Nations of People Organization URC Urban Resources Center
viii
List of Tables
Page
Table 1.1: Number of population in Kok Khleang community…………………..... 33 Table 1.2: Types of business in the community ………………………………….....69 Table 1.3: 21 provinces that named differently according to period…..................... 100 Table 1.4: Estimated data on the Khmer Krom migrants abroad………………….. 101 Table 1.5: The numbers of Khmer Krom Theravada Buddhist pagoda…………… 101
ix
List of Figures
Page
Figure 1.1: Khmer Krom house and their family in Kampuchea Krom…………...... 71 Figure 1.2: The family name in front of the house that can be identified Khmer
Krom's house in Phnom Penh...………………………………...……….. 71 Figure 1.3: Traditional clothes for old women in special occasions or at pagoda….. 73 Figure 1.4: Traditional clothes for young women in special occasions………...…... 73
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CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Most countries in Southeast Asia had experienced a similar background regarding
colonization and cultural influence. Social, cultural, and political boundaries had
separated those countries from one another, noticeably during the colonial period in
the 19th century. Later on, each of the countries tried to develop and conserve what
were regarded as necessary cultural identities in the importance of expressing the
identity of a nation. Any developed and prosperous country influences other less well
developed in those social, political, and cultural factors. In contrast, the countries that
were less well developed were also trying to develop and maintain their own culture.
This movement constituted two contrasting elements of culture –one being cultural
de-construction and the other cultural re-construction. The majority groups usually
tried to de-construct the culture of the minority groups, and sometime it was
advantageous to try to conform to the norm and values of the majority group in order
to adapt to the new situation. However, minority groups also tried to conserve and
strengthen their own culture in order to sustain an ethnic group. For minority groups,
if they were not strong enough to preserve and develop their own culture they would
merge into the majority group.
According to Cambodian history, Khmer used to have a very large territory but as a
consequence of both internal and external conflicts the size of the territory gradually
began to shrink. As in Khin (1967), Vietnam began to take over in Champa in the
15th century, and later begin gradually to gain more control of Cambodian territory
during the 18th century. Following that time a series of extraordinary events occurred
for Khmer Krom in these territories. During the French colonial power in 1949, a
remarkable event was the separation of Kampuchea Krom (known as Cochinchina)
from Cambodia. Khmer Krom had become an ethnic minority in Vietnam and was
gradually influenced by Vietnamese culture in various ways.
It was very difficult for a minority culture to continue to exist alongside a different
majority culture. Each group tried to develop everything as their own. However,
Vietnamese was the majority group and made it difficult for the Khmer Krom to
maintain their own culture. As a result many protestations were made in order to
1
conserve and practice their cultural heritage. Consequently, some Khmer Krom
activists were persecuted and some of them escaped from their original territory
whilst some others migrated to establish themselves in a more tolerant environment to
enable them to practice their own cultural beliefs.
In the opinion of Khmer Krom, “the process of assimilation of one culture into
another culture that was different to their own in their every practice means the
destroying of one ethnic group from the nation.”1 In seeing this, and along with the
reality of everyday practice, some Khmer Krom were motivated to migrate from
Kampuchea Krom into other countries, mostly to Cambodia. They had compared
Cambodia and Kampuchea Krom as mother and child. Cambodia was their mother
place; if they came to Cambodia they would be comfortable and able to have the
potential to develop their every day life practice because Cambodia was the same in
culture and came from a similar source of historical background.
As a result many Khmer Krom who faced difficult issues fled. Other Khmer Krom
from the intelligentsia who had already migrated to live in Cambodia and other
countries responded in a variety of ways. Some of them had gathered in groups
or/and established associations or organizations to strengthen and help each other.
They sometimes hesitated whether they would help these new migrants because it
might stimulate other migrants to leave their home country, and what could they
possibly do at their new destination place. However, there was a view that people who
can be patient to live and survive their difficulties and who were unable to sustain an
economic life in their homeland, had the right to leave their place of origin and
attempt to improve their lifestyle. The new migrants could be helped by means of the
previous Khmer Krom or Khmer Kampuchea Krom associations, especially in
expressing themselves.
Therefore, this study discussed the migrant's lifestyle and described the situation of
migrants in both place of origin and destination. Additionally, it attempted to
understand reasons for migration, the migrant’s knowledge and understanding about
the situation in Cambodia, and the location to be settled prior to them deciding to
1 Personal interviewed with a monk, a head Khmer Kampuchea Krom Organization, December 2005.
2
migrate. Furthermore, this study would consider possible ways for them to earn their
livelihood and other social services available to them. It also discussed the identity of
the Khmer Krom and the means by which they sought to strengthen that identity.
1.1 Background to the Study
Khmer Krom or Khmer Kampuchea Krom refers to people who lived in most areas in
the southern part of current Vietnam, whilst Kampuchea Krom refers to their territory.
The term Kampuchea Krom was interpreted as ‘Cambodia below’ or known as ‘South
Cambodia’ which is situated southeast of current Cambodia (see the Appendix A,
Map 1.1 for geographical border of Kampuchea Krom territory). There are 21
provinces (see the Appendix B, Table1.3 for the names of those provinces which had
been used differently from different eras) which cover an area of 67,700 square
kilometers2 which include two large islands - Koh Tral (Phu Quóc in Vietnamese)
593,1 square kilometers and Koh Tralach (Cón Dao in Vietnamese) of 75,2 square
kilometers3.
According to Traing (2005) the whole area of Kampuchea Krom was 120,000 square
kilometers which was separated into two parts. Northern Kampuchea Krom is a
mountainous area, full of forest which was named by the French as Commissariat of
Darlac in 1899 and become Darlac province. It was very hard to ascertain whether
Khmer Krom lived there and if Khmer Krom did live there they have become
Vietnamese. So Traing does not classify this area as Kampuchea Krom anymore.
Now he considers Kampuchea Krom to be only southern Kampuchea Krom or former
French Cochinchina, with millions of Khmer Krom living there (Traing, 2005).
From Kim (1971) Kampuchea Krom, formerly named Kampuchea Toeuk Lech, used
to be a flooding area. However, centuries later, it became a plain which was covered
with fertilized soil by the annual ebb and flow of the Mekong River. Over the years, a
numbers of Khmer came to live there and established a big Prei Nokor port, which
was separated into two main areas: Eastern Kampuchea Krom, at the east of Prei 2 According to the article published by webpage of KKF, it covers an area of some 89,000 km². It was bordered by Cambodia to the north, the Gulf of Thailand to the west, the South China Sea to the southeast and the Champa’s territory to the northeast. 3 http://www.unpo.org/member.php?arg=30, accessed January, 2006.
3
Nokor port was named Srok Donai which consisted of Koh Korng, Toul Tamouk,
Preash SouKear, ChangVarTrapeang and O Kab provinces. Western Kampuchea
Krom consisted of three main provinces - Long Hor, Moat Chrouk, and Peam, - and
was to the west of Prei Nokor port on the left bank of Mekong River (Kim, 1997).
According to Thach (1997) there were various names for Kampuchea Krom territory
and its people such as Khmer Anachak Phnom, Khmer Funan, Khmer Chenla Toeuk
Lech, Kampuchea Toeuk Lech, Khmer Cochinchin, and Khmer Kamneout. Beside
these words, some others were also used by the Vietnamese authorities as
‘Vietnamese of Khmer Origin’ and it was changed to ‘Original Khmer in South
Vietnam’ by Khmer Krom. The term ‘Khmer Puch Chinvong’4 is also used to refer to
Khmer Krom people (Thach, 1997). Khmer Krom is also called ‘Khmer Nambo’
which is Vietnamese and means ‘Khmer in Southern’.. Although used in a different
manner, the meaning is the same as referring to the term ‘Khmer’ people and their
territory in Vietnam.
The population of Khmer Krom, as estimated by Khmer Kampuchea Krom Federation
(KKF), has over 7 million Khmer Krom living in Kampuchea Krom and about 2
million Khmer Krom living abroad, mostly in Cambodia which is approximately 1.2
million5 (see Appendix B for the number of Khmer Krom living abroad). Whereas a
Vietnam 1999 census showed 1,06 million6 of Khmer Krom. However, in 2000,
many Khmer Krom organizations identified that number as being nearer 12 million7.
Approximately 80 percent of them live in the Mekong Delta, and a small number in
other provinces throughout the southern part of Vietnam. From Thach (1997) most of
Kampuchea Toeuk Lech people in Kampuchea Krom were originally from Prey
Kabash, Tonle Bati in Takeo and Kampot province. They fled to live in the end of the
country, which was Kampuchea Krom, during tensions in the country. The people in
Preash Trapeang were called Traing Troeuy Koeut, whereas the people in Khleang
4 This name is probably derived from the Khmer drama that refers to a family who usually faces obstacles but still lives. 5 http://www.khmerkrom.org//publication December, 2005. 6 Traing (2004) claimed it is an attempt to shrink the number of the whole Khmer Krom to keep the world ignorant about this ethnic minority group. 7 Khmer Kampuchea Krom Federation, Toronto-Canada, there are 12 millions of Khmer Kampuchea Krom, whereas according to the archive office of Khmer Kampuchea Krom in the United States there are 8 240 000 of Khmer Kampuchea Krom in 2000.
4
Bassac were called Traing Troeuy Lech. These words used during that time referred
probably to the Khmer Krom people who were living around the Mekong Delta
(Thach, 1997).
In historical context, the Khmer Krom people have been in existence in part of the
peninsula since the beginning of the first century. The ruined port of Oc-Eo (O-Keo
in Khmer) in the province of Rach Gia in today’s southern Vietnam was the busiest
port in the region. The township of Prei Nokor was a commercial center for the
Khmer Empire from the 9th century to 15th century. It was an international port where
the Khmer, Cham, Chinese, Indian and probably Europeans did their trading (Then,
2005).
Vietnam began to take over in Champa in the 15th century, and later began gradually
to gain more control of Cambodian territory during the 18th century (Khin, 1967,
translated from French by myself). Following from Thach (1997) there were
remarkable events between Khmer Krom and Vietnam since the Vietnamese court
received permission from the King of Cambodia in 1623 to station its troops in Prei
Nokor, and then its people constantly moved toward Kampuchea Krom. By 1698,
Vietnam totally occupied Prei Nokor and baptized it with its new name, Saigon (until
the 1975 communist victory when it was re-named Hochiminh City). The other
villages, towns and cities were renamed in Vietnamese.
From Saing (1973) in 1834 to 1841, the famous governor of Preah Trapeang, a
pacifist Khmer Buddhist, gave himself up in exchange for the Vietnamese court's
recognition and agreement for the Khmer Krom to have their rights and freedom of
worship, wear their traditional costumes and practice their education in Khmer
language. Subsequently, most Khmer Krom rose up against the Vietnamese armies
(Saing, 1973). Traing (2005) also stated that during this time there was more pressure
on Khmer Krom, especially in Preash Trapeang. They were forced by the Vietnamese
King Minh Man, to change their customary practices as: 1) Khmer Krom monks had
to dress the same as Vietnamese Mahayana Buddhist monks and knock on go² no² 8
while preaching 2) They had to shave their hair but not the eye brows and eat their 8 It is a Vietnamese word that refers to an instrument seen as fish head, and it is used for knocking while Mahayana Buddhist monks are preaching.
5
meals as other human beings. 3) Lay people, both men and women, had to have long
hair and wrap it (Traing, 2005:54).
After the French conquest in 1859, the French colonial administration confirmed the
separation of the Mekong Delta from the rest of Cambodia, administering it as the
separate colony of Cochinchina, despite the fact that Khmer Krom were still the
majority9. From Kim (1971) in 1862, the French colonialists (under the name of
French protectorate) controlled Kampuchea Krom and named this area “La
Cochinchine”. The French joined with Vietnam and made a secret convention
between French and Vietnam to have the three main provinces under the control of
Annam (middle Vietnam) whereas, from Thach (1997), in the same year, the Khmer
army also drove the Vietnamese out of the three provinces of Khleang (Sóctrang),
Preah Trapeang (Travinh), and Kramoun Sar (Rach Gia).
Thach (1997) had further demonstrated that in 1958, Viet Minh10, a north communist
block made a false promise to Khmer Krom through helping them to liberate and
retrieve their popularity with the Khmer King. As a result, many Khmer Krom
participated in this movement. They used propaganda to Khmer Krom, especially in
Tranvinh province, to make them rebel against the South Vietnamese. In contrast,
South Vietnam which was pro American formed a soldier group known as Thiéu-Ky
which had many Khmer Krom soldiers in its ranks. Consequently, the North
Vietnamese communists took over in 1975, many of the Khmer Krom died, the
remaining Khmer Krom who were involved in these political issues yielded to Yeak
Cóng or fled to Cambodia (Thach, 1997). Subsequently, some who defected decided
to migrate to Cambodia.
A report of Khmer Krom for UNPO (2003) noted that during the midst of 1980s,
social movement had occurred and claimed Khmer Krom involvement in country
liberation and rebellious behaviour. Consequently, some were murdered and arrested,
i.e. the patriarch of Travinh province. As a result, during this period, hundreds of
thousands of Khmer Kampuchea escaped the Vietnamese persecution and crossed the
border to Cambodia (KKF, 2003). 9 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khmer_Krom, access March, 2006. 10 The name was called variously, some known as Yeak Cóng or Viet Cóng.
6
1.2 Problem Statement
Cambodians used to refer to people in Northeast Cambodia and some provinces of
Thailand bordering Cambodia as Khmer Loeu, those living in central Cambodia as
Khmer Kandal (middle Khmer) and those living in Southern Vietnam as Khmer
Krom. These people used to come together in the past, at one time known as the
Khmer Empire, but later were gradually separated. The Khmer Krom had been
invaded and influenced by the Vietnamese since the seventeenth century.
Subsequently, it was controlled entirely by Vietnam in 1949. The Khmer Krom had
become an ethnic minority in their original territory. Though, they lived in Vietnam;
the feeling of being Khmer people was lodged in their heart. It was noticed that
Khmer Krom migration to Cambodia was gradual.
Though, Khmer Krom had moved to Cambodia over a long period of time and had
sometimes been confused with the Vietnamese ethnic minority in Cambodia, the
issues of Khmer Krom migration were not frequently studied, especially issues
involved with identity. In contribution to the academic research as well as an
understanding of the situation of Khmer Krom, this study would be focused on the
migration process of Khmer Krom from Vietnam to Cambodia and would be linked to
their identity. This study would reveal the status of Khmer Krom in the society and
how they improved and strengthened their identity in their new relocation in Phnom
Penh.
Even though this study was conducted on a small scale and did not represent the
whole situation of Khmer Krom in Cambodia it could contribute to a better
understanding of Khmer Krom’s life in Phnom Penh and the problems of their living
conditions on the one hand, and on the other hand it would contribute to identification
of appropriate actions the government could take to remedy the situation. It would
provide an understanding on how the migrants make an effort to support their
homeland. It would also be used to clarify Khmer Krom features that are easily used
to distinguish between Vietnamese migrants and Khmer Krom migrants.
7
1.3 Aim and Objectives of the Study
This research aims at identifying that through the process of migration and joining
together in a community with the establishment of associations, how Khmer Krom
can be identified and discuss the perception whether or not they want to conserve and
strengthen their cultural identity such as religious practice in both place of destination
and motherland.
In order to achieve this aim, some of the main objectives are targeted as follows:
- To identify the Khmer Krom identity.
- To find out the purposes of migration into Cambodia, and their relationship
between destination place and place of origin.
- To better understand their living condition with other Cambodian people in
Phnom Penh.
1.4 Research Questions
The study attempts to address the following questions:
1. Why did Khmer Krom decide to leave their homeland in Kampuchea
Krom?
2. In Cambodia, why did Khmer Krom choose Phnom Penh as their
destination place?
3. What challenges did they experience before and after living in Cambodia,
and how do they support themselves and their family?
4. How can we understand the identity of Khmer Krom?
5. What are the differences between their lifestyle in Kampuchea Krom and
Phnom Penh? And how can they improve their lifestyle and strengthen their
identity?
8
1.5 Research Methods 1.5.1 Research Tools
Sex Approaches
Sampling technique
Sample size
Male Female
Quantitative random 40 20 20
Qualitative snowball 15 8 7
Focus group
Discussion
purposive
5
4
1
Observation with a daily note was conducted for clarification and elaboration in dada collection technique.
A quantitative approach was partly used to fulfill only basic information as part of
research. A short questionnaire had been used for collecting some information
relevant to economic activities in Phnom Penh and/or occupations, their personal
backgrounds such as sex and education, description on the migration issues and their
living situation. Descriptive statistic will be done through frequency, percentage and
cross tabulation. A small sample of 40 (as identified in the above box) out of about
230 Khmer Krom were selected randomly from three communities: Kouk Khleang I
which has about 45 families from which 10 families were selected, Kouk Khleang II
where 1 family was selected from 5 and Kouk Khleang III from which 25 families
were selected from 176 families.
A qualitative approach was largely applied to obtain understanding about Khmer
Krom migration and their identity; a semi-structured interview method was used to
collect information from the target people. An in-depth interview had been conducted
with each respondent to gather enough information, and used as a basis for analysis.
While conducting the interview, observations and daily records would be kept to
understand their attitude, social communication with outsiders and insiders and every
day practices.
For sample selection, snowball was the most suitable technique and made
identification of Khmer Krom easy, because the researcher personally had difficulty
9
in distinguishing between families who were Khmer Krom or Vietnamese or Khmer
people who came from the rural areas of Cambodia. More importantly, if the
researcher made personal attempts to directly communicate with them respondents
may not be very confident and would provide only information that they thought the
researcher wanted to hear. So the best way was to first contact the Khmer Kampuchea
Krom Associations and they referred me to see the next Khmer Kampuchea Krom
Association, then they introduced me to those people from one to another. Following
this way, the interviewees may trust the researcher and could speak candidly about
everything they had in mind.
It was also expected that there would be many potential respondents, so the snowball
and purposive technique was used in an attempt to clarify who among them could be
selected in order to obtain sufficient information. The researcher selected 15 potential
respondents: 8 male and 7 female, who had been in Phnom Penh for a long time
versus new migrants, permanent versus temporary migrants, with an open mind and
no obvious political tendency. Key informants in the village were chosen with the
help from the head of the village or head of community, along with personal
observation to select wanted interviewees. If they refused to be interviewed or gave
insufficient information, the researcher came back to re-examine the identified people
or asked the chosen respondents to indicate another person whom s/he thought to be
able to provide the information.
The researcher had contact with many organizations11 that were working with the
Khmer Krom’s issues. Contact was also made with local authorities and the head of
each studied community to receive basic information, identification of problems and
lifestyle of Khmer Krom. Moreover, the researcher had carried out an informal
interview with the Khmer people living with Khmer Krom in the community to
understand the every day social interaction among the communities.
11 It is Khmer Kampuchea Krom Organizations and Associations such as FKKKA, KKKHRDA, KKHRA, and KKCC, KKC, and KKKUBS.
10
1.5.2 Participant Observation
Participant observation is necessary for an anthropological study in order to build trust
and to enable clarification and elaboration of information from the interview which
the data cannot reveal such as behavior and attitude of the respondents. The researcher
had participated in observation with Khmer Krom in Vietnam for five days during a
Vietnamese and Chinese New Year day. The researcher had visited six Buddhist
temples of Khmer Krom, visited An Giang museum, and did informal discussions at
home with five Khmer Krom communities in Moat Chrouk province. Additionally, in
three of the communities studied, the researcher had participated in observation and
stayed with villagers in the local community to see how they live and to verify the
answers to the questions and also learn more detail about relationships in these
communities so reliable interpretation would result.
The researcher was introduced to the community’s members of the Khmer
Kampuchea Krom association by a Khmer Krom monk who had the trust and respect
of the villagers. The monk brought the researcher to the community and sought
permission to stay in their houses for a period of time. So the researcher was able to
have sufficient time to observe several things happening in the community. The
researcher frequently woke up in the early morning and walked around the
communities to see what people were doing, and how people in the community
communicated with each other, especially between Khmer Krom per se and
Cambodian. Sometimes the researcher stopped for long hours in small areas selling
food in the community to see how people behaved; and often chatted with people who
were selling and buying food and drink. The researcher often drove by motorcycle
around the community and stopped many times in front of the villagers who were
known for small conversations.
1.5.3 Small Focus Group Discussion
Due to having visited a particular community many times the researcher was able to
built up a good relationship with the community heads and the Khmer Krom in the
village. The formal focus group discussion was conducted at the house of one of the
villagers where each of the group members was selected from different locations. One
11
was selected from Kouk Khleang I, and one from Kouk Khleang II, and three were
selected from Kouk Khleang III. Besides formal group discussion, an informal group
discussion with people who were working in the Khmer Krom Association was also
conducted with less preparation. Initially there were only three participants. Later
there were three more people participating in sharing their ideas actively over the
reason for doing migration, their difficulty encountered in living in Phnom Penh so far
and some other characteristic of Khmer Krom who live in Kampuchea Krom and
Phnom Penh.
1.6 Rationale for Choosing Site
Khmer Krom exist in many places in Cambodia and they live scattered in various
provinces or in specific communities within the whole country. The site where the
research was conducted was a new community. It was established specifically for
people living in slum areas or who did not own homes in any of the seven districts of
Phnom Penh. It was also meant for Khmer Krom because one of the communities
was initiated by the Khmer Krom association. The community was available for new
residents but any families wanting to participate must share their money to buy
resident land. It was located in Khan Russei Kaev in northwest of Phnom Penh (see
Appendix A, Map 1.2 for research site). This community consisted of many Khmer
Krom who group together, unlike others where the residents are scattered. Moreover,
most of them had their own house, unlike some others where many lived in slum areas
in rented houses.
Recently, some of the Khmer Krom families had sold their land, or they did not come
to live in the community because they had experienced difficulty in making their
livelihood while far from the center of the city. Buyers had been Khmer, Vietnamese
and other Khmer Krom and they came to live together. However, the head of
community was aware of their new location and they were able to be accessible for
data collection. Information obtained from these Khmer Krom would help the
researcher to understand some of the reasons why some of the families decided not to
live in the new areas.
12
It was identified that this community development would become a model for other
developing areas available for the urban slum in the city. This community
development could be an experience for other resettlement development areas to take
appropriate action. The community provided a good opportunity for the study of the
identity of Khmer Krom while they were gathering together and living in a specific
community oriented towards Khmer Krom. It was also providing experiences for
other Khmer Krom migrants when they came to the city (see Appendix A, Map1.3 for
the separation of communities in the village).
1.7 Limitation of the Study
Khmer Krom had been living scattered over the whole of Cambodia. Some of them
were living in urban areas and doing petty business or were paid workers, and many
of them were living in rural areas doing farming and crop plantation. In the provinces
their living place is not concentrated in urban areas. Among the many provinces that
had communities of Khmer Krom were Kandal province, Battambang province,
Preyveng province, Svayrieng province, Takeo province, and Phnom Penh. But due
to time and budget constraints, this research could not be conducted in all the areas
which contain the Khmer Krom.
Thus this research did not study about Khmer Krom as a whole but it would deal with
the context of urban migration. This research had to be conducted in Phnom Penh
which was a center of cultural pluralism with many Khmer Krom institutions trying to
integrate together and strengthen help for Khmer Krom both in Cambodia and
Kampuchea Krom. The researcher had chosen one specific community, Kouk
Khleang which was established specifically for Khmer Krom. In this community, it
would find out the migration process and identify their situation, education, economic
condition, relationship with Khmer Krom in Vietnam and Cambodia, and some other
relevant factors that could reveal the Khmer Krom identity, and whether they wanted
to conserve and strengthen it or not while living in Cambodia.
The study was only done on the site chosen for the research and tries to reveal their
difficulties in both place of origin and place of destination. The researcher did not
have time to investigate the situation in Kampuchea Krom and concentrated on
13
Phnom Penh. The information that revealed the living condition of Khmer Krom in
Vietnam was based on the target group and key informants who migrated to
Cambodia. It would be partly based on some articles that had been attached in
WebPages by Khmer Krom Federation, and UNPO. It was recognized that this was
only a small site study; the result was not representative of the situation of Khmer
Krom as a whole.
1.8 Structure of the Thesis
The thesis had been divided into four chapters that corresponded to chronological and
thematic issues. Chapter 1 showed an introduction to the general situation in
Kampuchea Krom, location and the historical background, objective of the study, and
methodology. Chapter 2 illustrated the definition of migration and its application to
Khmer Krom, migration movement in Cambodia in relation to the case of Khmer
Krom, and other cultural features that identified the Khmer Krom. Chapter 3 revealed
the situation of migrating to live in Phnom Penh, their difficulties, relationships with
host and destination places, and how could Khmer Krom be identified and how could
they strengthen their identity. Chapter 4 was a discussion and conclusion, this chapter
discussed the legal status of Khmer Krom, the reasons for migration, living conditions
in Phnom Penh, and in what way that Khmer Krom strengthen their group identity.
14
CHAPTER 2
Literature Review
In recent years, the issues of migration and asylum have risen to the top of
international attention, and it has become partly a question of numbers. It has been
revealed that around 175 million people live in a country other than the one in which
they were born (Boswell and Crisp, 2004). It is not surprising that a larger proportion
of international population movements are between developing countries. It is
demonstrated that the Asian region has witnessed a substantial increase in the scale of
migration during the last three decades. The migration has diversity and complexity of
population movement with the highest level of rural-to-urban mobility (Nguyen,
2001). Cambodia is one of the developing countries in Asia where internal migration
is an important issue, in that most people have moved, especially from rural to urban
areas. International migration is also a noticeable issue in the last decade, with many
people moving abroad, particularly for economic reasons. Whereas the issue of
Khmer Krom is crucial in Cambodia history it has not been investigated as it should,
and the study on migration of Khmer Krom from Vietnam to Cambodia has never
been undertaken; especially migration and identity issues. There are only a few
literature reviews that identify the difficulties and history related to Kampuchea
Krom, and only a few have been reported in Cambodia.
To better understand Khmer Krom in the context of migration and their identity, it is
important in this chapter to review the definition of migration, some migration
movements in Cambodia, and general features of Khmer Krom in Southern Vietnam.
It could be argued that the reason for Khmer Krom migration does not only originate
from an economic purpose but for other reasons including cultural or political issues
that some can consider as forced migration. They may come to Cambodia for
strengthening their identity and to send back support to people at home. It is also
viewed that those who came to live in Cambodia for years are integrated into Khmer
society but new comers sometimes meet with constraints or are confused with
Vietnamese ethnic minority migrants.
15
2.1 Definition of Migration and Application to Khmer Krom
The population handbook had demonstrated migration as the geographical movement
of people across a specified boundary for the purpose of establishing a new permanent
or semi-permanent residence. Along with fertility and mortality, migration is a
component of population change. The terms “immigration” and “emigration” are used
to refer to movement between countries - ‘international migration’ (Haupt and
Thomas, 2000). The glossary of migration clearly defines that “international
migration was considered as the movement of persons who left their country of origin
or the country of habitual resident to another country establishing themselves either
permanently or temporarily. An international frontier is therefore crossed” (IOM,
2004).
The two definitions would make it difficult to identify Khmer Krom who moved to
live in Cambodia in the category of internal or external migration. Khmer Krom
migration could hardly be considered as international migration, even though they
have crossed a national territory, because their historical background, especially on
culture, ethnicity and nationality, comes from the same source of Khmer. Prior to
1949 the national territory for Khmer Krom is borderless. Even living under the
authority of Vietnam, they usually consider themselves as Khmer origin nationality,
and would also be considered as such by Cambodia on having arrival in Cambodian
territory. However, considering a border separation between the two countries,
Vietnam and Cambodia; it can be expressed as international migration because they
have crossed an international border. On the other hand, they are living under the
authority of Vietnam in the status of an ethnic minority, and become to be Vietnamese
citizens.
2.2 Migration Movement in Cambodia
Cambodia is also one of the developing countries where migration is an important
factor, especially after the opening of the economy to the world system in 1993 after
the election. It has led to the country being more stable, secure, and encourages
foreign investments, especially garment factories to locate in some urban areas.
According to the general census of 1998, the population of Cambodia was
16
11,437,656, and 31.5% of the total population had experienced migration while the
percentage of male migrants (32.47%) is slightly higher than female (30.51%). Most
of them are lifetime migrants who have moved permanently into the place of
enumeration from their place of birth.
Among migrants, in the five years prior to the census, 58.2% had moved from one
rural place to another rural place, 33.7% of migrants were from rural to urban areas
and between urban areas, and only 8.1% were from urban to rural areas. Large
movement from rural to urban areas in Cambodia was not a surprising matter due to
84% of the country being dominated by rural areas. The census also showed that most
of the movement was short-distance migration; the large majority of migration was
internal (94%), whereas crossing international border movement was only 5.92%
(NIS, 2000).
On the other hand, Phnom Penh is like other cities in several developing countries. It
is the center of social, cultural, political, and economic institutions (Derks, 2005). It is
also the centre of commercial, national and international organizations, and contains
several embassies. These factors have attracted more and more people to live in the
capital city due to more convenient accessibility to all kinds of infrastructure and
services. This has resulted in the growth of labor markets in Phnom Penh city, such as
in the construction sector, garment factory workers, service providers for hotels and
restaurants and street vendors. Goldstein and Guo (1992) maintain that in nations
where cultural, educational, and health resources are concentrated in a limited
numbers of cities or where the quality of services are strongly skewed toward the
more developed areas, temporary rural-to-urban migration may well occur for other
than economic reasons (Goldstein and Guo, 1992).
The census showed various reasons for migration with only 13 % of people moving
for natural reasons such as marriage, 14% shifted residence due to repatriation or
displacement while 22.6% of the population moved for overtly economic reasons
related to employment. Moreover, there were many reasons for living away from
home like: poverty, debt, improving economic standard, getting married, and studying
in higher education (NIS, 2000). Even though the census did not specifically mention
Khmer Krom migration issues, such data does include information about them,
17
especially long term Khmer Krom migrants. This was reinforced by the general
secretary of Khmer Kampuchea Krom Coordination Committee. Some Khmer Krom
hid or changed their birth place identity and even their family name used in
Kampuchea Krom when giving information because they wanted to be considered as
original Cambodian. Furthermore, the census did not separate whether they are Khmer
Krom who migrated recently from Vietnam, or Khmer in Cambodia but the same as
Cambodian people. Moreover, research of KKKHRDA (2003) on the situation of
minority rights in some geographical areas of Cambodia also identified several Khmer
Krom had changed their original place of birth while they were living in Cambodia.
Studies of the causes of emigration which have distinguished between refugee flow
and voluntary economic migration identified that the factors triggering migration
usually comprise a complex mix of political, social and economic conditions, as well
as individual psychological factors, and in many cases it makes little distinction
between forced and voluntary movement or between refugees and the migrants. From
the perspective of migrants, the possibility of temporary or permanent migration can
be considered regarding supplementing incomes, supporting families at home, or
having access to a better way of life. For refugees, it can mean safety from conflict,
violence or persecution (Boswell and Crisp, 2004).
2.3 The Situation of Khmer Krom Migration
However, the case of migration for Khmer Krom, in this context, would reveal
noticeable differences from the issues mentioned above. However it was similar to
the three main issues of migration: political, social, and economic motivations. What
was more, the brief report of Cambodian Communication Institute had identified that
the reasons for the migration of Khmer Krom were a little different in accordance
with the situation in both countries, Cambodia and Vietnam. In Sangkum Restre
Niyum, Khmer Krom moved to Cambodia as a consequence of fleeing from the war,
for education in Cambodia, and for strengthening a movement group against Vietnam
repression. In Democratic of Kampuchea (1975-79), moved from intimidation or fled
from being arrested because of the social movements against Vietnamese authority
and some were mobilized by the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Krom who moved after
1979 were involved in a complex variety of reasons, generally fleeing from Vietnam’s
18
interference in social, cultural, political and economic affairs, moving from poverty
and to protest against Vietnamese authority in suppressing their rights of living in
Kampuchea Krom (Ly, 2006). However, this article did not give strong evidence to
support these ideas. It just mentioned brief points that were based on interviews
conducted with key informants.
It also revealed that the moving of Kampuchea Krom to Cambodia was not a new
event; they had been migrating to live in Cambodia since 1956. Evidently, there was
in existence a Rong Veng (long flatter house) in Phnom Denh, a refugee camp for
Khmer Krom migrants from Vietnam, on the border of Cambodia-Vietnam in Takeo
province (Ly, 2006). According to Thach Sira, in his book of Khmer Krom suffering,
there were difficulties and social tensions between Khmer Krom and Vietnamese,
which resulted in the moving of the Khmer of Kampuchea Krom Association from
Khleang to Phnom Penh in Kampuchea Krom Avenue in 1949 (Thach, 1997).
In a history of Kampuchea Krom by Cheng (1969), he reported that since 1961, there
were over two thousand Khmer Krom fleeing Vietnam to live in Cambodia which did
not take account of others moving to live elsewhere. Some moved in groups and
others as individuals. They included many different types: monks, officials, students,
merchants and farmers. These refugees had been recognized and they had provided
information on their former occupations. Farmers received a plot of land from the
authorities for farming and other accommodations for supporting them in the first year
that they arrived (Cheng, 1969, translated from French). So it could be identified that
migrants included many kinds of people, both laymen and monkhood who moved for
different purposes.
Some Khmer Krom went out to establish pagodas in order to promote Theravada
Buddhism which was practiced widely amongst Khmer Krom and seen as a
fundamental institution for conserving the Khmer Krom identity. About 560
Theravada Buddhist temples were established in Kampuchea Krom and about 50
others abroad12 (see Appendix B, Table 1.3 for the number of Theravada Buddhist
pagodas abroad). The Cambodia Daily Newspaper reported that Khmer Krom
12 http://www.khmerkrom.org//publication, accessed December, 2005.
19
supporters had taken 10 000 Khmer language Buddhist books to Khmer Krom
pagodas in Southern Vietnam but they were not allowed entry because they did not
have passports (The Cambodia Daily, 2004). Another article explained that there were
about 11 Khmer Krom organizations under the umbrella of the Khmer Kampuchea
Krom Community working together in Cambodia to promote and support human
rights, especially for Khmer Krom. Moreover, these organizations had celebrated the
Anniversary day which reminded the day (June 4th 1949) of Kampuchea Krom was
transferred to Vietnam every year with many participants both laymen and monks
who were mostly Khmer Krom (The Cambodia Daily, 2003).
The survey of KKKHRDA (2003) conducted in five provinces, including Phnom
Penh, demonstrated only a small difference in the type of problems. Most of the
Khmer Krom were living in low social status in both social and economic matters.
They were facing difficulty in temporary rental housing or in slum areas, bad living
conditions because of a heavy burden of many children, limited understanding, no
skills, no family book, no identity card, discrimination, do not understand the law and
tradition, lack of attention from the local authority and lower enrolment of children to
attend the schools, especially the new comers in Phnom Penh. They also raised the
difficulty of receiving family book and getting a passport if Khmer Krom used their
original place of birth in Kampuchea Krom. On the other hand, KKC (2002) had also
revealed that some local authorities did not allow them to register for a family book
and identity card because they were confused with Vietnamese people, especially for
Khmer Krom in Phnom Penh, Kandal, and Kosh Kong provinces (KKC, 2002).
However, the report did not give more description about these issues. Moreover, this
study targeted mostly vulnerable group which was not representative of the situation
of Khmer Krom as a whole. Khmer Krom who moved for a long time or in the last
decade had their own house and probably did not face these problems.
2.4 The Characteristics to Identify Khmer Krom
Many characteristics both in physical and cultural features can be used to identify
Khmer Krom who live throughout the country in Southern Vietnam, especially in the
Mekong Delta area. However, it can be seen that five provinces had many Khmer
Krom settling there, such as Preash Trapeang, Khleang, Kromoun Sor, Moat Chrouk,
20
and Polleave. There are seven other provinces where quite a number of Khmer Krom
reside, e.g. Toeuk Kmao, Prek Russey, Long Hor, Peam, RongDomrey and Prei
Nokor city. However, the remaining provinces had smaller numbers of Khmer Krom
(KKKHRA, 2002).
2.4.1 Religious Practice and Belief
There are many different religions in Vietnam. Mahayana Buddhism is practiced by
most Vietnamese, some follow Christianity, and a very few follow Theravada
Buddhist which originated from Khmer. Theravada Buddhist is largely affiliated with
only the ethnic Khmer minority13, with approximately 95 percent of the Khmer Krom
being Buddhists. This is one factor that easily identifies Khmer Krom. Theravada
Buddhism has kept the culture of Khmer Krom alive in Vietnam for decades. Khmer
Krom can be identified by their Buddhist monastery - where there is a Buddhist
monastery you will find Khmer Krom. There were more than 580 temples throughout
Kampuchea Krom. Some temples were built many centuries ago and are still standing
today, but many others were destroyed during the wars. Now there are 55614
Buddhist pagodas with over 10,000 monks in Kampuchea Krom playing a
fundamental role in all aspects of life and acting as guardians of the Khmer culture,
noticeably in the field of education. Theravada Buddhism has been part of the core
value of Khmer Krom identity and culture, and is practiced by virtually all Khmer
Krom. They view Theravada Buddhism as a national religion, possessing a coherent
philosophy to reduce violence.
As a result, about 99.9% of Khmer Krom youth had dressed in yellow robes as
Buddhist monks. Usually, after leaving the monkhood, they were well respected by
their neighbors. They believed that those who participated in monkhood were well
educated people who knew what was good behavior, knew good from bad and what
things should be performed and what should not. They thought of these people as
intellectual people who were called “antith” (ex-monk) which means “pandith” 13 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Religion_in_Vietnam#Buddhism, access August 2006. 14 Different sources give the number of pagodas as different too, 1-Khmer Kampuchea Krom Federation (Internet, 1998) there are 550 pagodas, 2-F.X. Bonnet, chercheur en géopolitique, Université Paris VIII, Paris 1999, there are 450 pagodas, 3-Indradeve 10-25 October, 2000, there are 560 pagodas, Office of Khmer Kampuchea Krom Federation-Columbus-USA, there are 500 pagodas, 4-Vietnamese Newspaper (Nhán Dán) 14 October, 2000 over than 400 or 467 pagodas.
21
(KKKHRA, 2002). Following this way provided social understanding and
conservation of Buddhist practices, as well as the Khmer Krom identity. However,
now it had been observed that Khmer Krom who had attended a Vietnamese school
from an early age, expected to get a job rather than learn and understand the Khmer
language. Therefore, they did not want to spend the time to be ordained. Khmer
Krom in Cambodia also did not want to be ordained because they would rather learn
Khmer at school.
The newsletter of Khmer Kampuchea Krom has demonstrated that Khmer Krom
follow the same kinds of traditional practices as the Khmer, in terms of culture and
beliefs. They celebrate all the special ceremonies that relate to religious practice such
as Kathina, Meak Bochea (ceremony of Buddhist birth), Pisak Bochea (ceremony of
Buddhist dead), Water Festival, and other social ceremonies such as Khmer New
Year. Rites of passage are also similar to Cambodian (KKKHRA, 2002). However, it
is seen that there are slight differences in performance in accordance with different
social circumstances, lack of available resources for ceremonies, low social
understanding, and being surrounded by Vietnamese people.
During the 1970s virtually all traditional religious activities ceased. People could not
even afford to buy a robe for their children to be ordained. Vietnam had forced
people in Kampuchea Krom to forgo their traditions, language and Theravada
Buddhism and Khmer had to learn the Vietnamese language. They regulated the
family names for Khmer Krom due to the provinces where they live (Hin, 1986 cited
in Thach, 1997). Up to now these names are still used but do not belong to any place.
In Moat Chrouk province (Chao Doc) people prefer Chao for male and Neang for
female. In Khleang and Polleave provinces Thach, Ly, Yib, Tieng, and Danh, tend to
be popular, whereas in Preash Trapeang and Long Hor people favor Kieng, Son, Lim,
and Thach (Thach,1997).
2.4.2 Language
Khmer language is the native language of Khmer Krom and it is used in all Khmer
Krom families and communities. However, the accent of Khmer Krom is rather
different from the Khmer in the middle and Khmer Leour, due to Khmer Krom living
22
under the power of Vietnam for centuries they speak roughly with unclear accent, and
mix in more Vietnamese words. The accent of Khmer Krom also varies according to
the location where they live and can be identified as being different from the accent
of Vietnamese people even though they can speak Khmer.
As stated by KKF, the Khmer language is taught at home and in the temples and
about 10% of Khmer Krom are able to speak and write Vietnamese correctly.
However, the Khmer language is not permitted in any official business. There has
been a struggle for years with the Vietnamese government to allow the use of Khmer
in school or public places, but no satisfactory result has been achieved. In many
instances, Khmer Krom were accused, jailed, tortured, deported, or persecuted for
speaking, learning or teaching the Khmer language and Khmer history15. However, it
is observed that with this small number who can speak Vietnam is only aging people
as they dissatisfy to learn but the young Khmer Krom speak Vietnamese almost
exclusively. Within the Vietnamese school curriculum, there is also a Khmer study
but it is limited with time and subject.
2.4.3 Clothing
Traditional Khmer Krom tend to wear a long, black skirt, or Sampot Chong Kben.
However, now it is hard to find people using this form of dress. It is found in some
areas, both for men and women, and mainly by old people for special ceremonies, in
Svay Toung areas of Moat Chrouk province. Young people with an average income
wear the Sampot (skirt) and white shirt, while those with a lack of income wear black
trousers and white shirts. Middle aged people tend to wear black trousers and white
short shirt like Vietnamese shirt (BáBa), but short and not separate at the bottom part
of the shirt. Until the 1960s some old women tended to wear black trousers and a long
black shirt (called Ao Lanh). For farming, both men and women usually use a Krama
(scarf) covering their head, and sometimes added the Doun (Vietnam hat) to protect
them from the sunshine. For wedding ceremonies they dressed very similar to Khmer
in Cambodia (Traing, 2005).
15 http://www.khmerkrom.org//publication, accessed December, 2005.
23
2.4.4 Livelihood and Physical Feature
Agriculture dominated the economy of Khmer Krom in Vietnam while industry and
services sectors were not so important. Agriculture was even more favorable in the
Mekong Delta, where the Khmer Krom lived. Therefore, about 95% of Khmer Krom
had been involved in farming activity (Traing, 2005). Khmer Krom were the original
people, so they usually owned more farmland than other ethnic groups. However,
there were a series of policy reforms that affected the life of Khmer Krom farming.
KKF demonstrated that after 1975 (land reform acts), in the name of the proletariat
revolution, no one was allowed to own land. The only means to make a living for
Khmer Krom was stolen16. Whereas other sources revealed that after the economic
reforms of the early 1980s, called "đổi mới" (Renovation), the Vietnamese economy
was noticeably being improved17. In spite of these changes, Khmer Krom still based
their livelihood on agriculture activities. Khmer Krom tend to concentrate to live in
communities consisting of Khmer Krom. As a consequence it had been noticed that
some of the provinces contain more Khmer Krom than others.
On the other hand, physical shape is an external feature that can also be used to
identify Khmer Krom. Generally, Khmer Krom are people with a chubby body which
is strong and solid, black curly hair, black eyes, big nose and brown skin color. Males
have an average height of 1.65 centimeters, and females 1.55 centimeters.
Vietnamese are different from Kampuchea Krom, in that they have black fine hair
with a fair white skin but have the same physical body. Khmer Krom are closely
related to the Kleoung (Kalinga) whereas Vietnamese are closely related to Chinese.
Characteristics of Khmer Krom are firmness, inflexibility, but faithful and
characteristics of Vietnamese people are modesty and flexibility with the situation
(Traing, 2005). The above mentioned physical traits can partly identify who is Khmer
Krom and who is Vietnamese.
16 http://www.khmerkrom.org//publication, accessed December, 2005. 17 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnam, accessed July, 2006.
24
2.5 Theoretical Framework
There have been several studies about migrants from different perspectives such as
migration and age, sex, race, education, forced and voluntarily; which focused upon
the characteristics of migrants in volume of migration, and reasons for migration or
the assimilation of the group of migrants at the destination. Anthropologists assured
that the issues of ethnic identity have been very important because of the changing
demographics, including birth rates and increasing numbers of immigrants and
refugees (Quanipa, 1998). However, can Khmer Krom who recently moved from
Vietnam be categorized as a different ethnic group in Cambodia? Nearly all external
migration has been studied in the same context of different ethnicity between place of
origin and destination; migrants who come to live in a foreign country and set about
constructing their identity at destination place such as the Chinese or Vietnamese who
migrated to live in the United States. In these migrations they have created their
cultural identity in their specific destination community in order to maintain
differences from the majority group. They have created a different culture at the
destination place and brought with them their own culture. In contrast, this study
considers different aspects of migration. It will study the ethnic identity at the
destination and consider this in relation to the ethnic identity at the place of origin; it
will focus on Khmer Krom who migrated to Cambodia from Kampuchea. In 1949,
remarkably, Khmer Krom had to cross an international border to immigrate to
Cambodia. Through migration, they have tried to preserve their identity at their
destination through mutual relations, economic improvement, extension of
networking, and maintaining ceremonies, following these ways try to strengthen and
improve it back to their hometown which is dominantly by a different culture.
Initially this study will consider some anthropological theories on criteria used to
identify groups of ethnic people, and then consider whether or not Khmer Krom is an
ethnic group. Following this it will critically analyze the case of Khmer Krom who
lived in Cambodia in order to reveal whether they want to re-construct or de-construct
their identity. Part of this section will discuss some theoretical concepts of migration,
identity, and ethnicity; these concepts will become a guide for the next steps for this
research study.
25
2.5.1 Theoretical Concepts of Migration
There are several theories that address the perpetuation of international migration.
Those theories use different models and contexts to explain migration; i.e.
neoclassical economic theory discusses migration as being dependent on supply and
demand for labor and the gap between them at the place of origin and the destination
(macro theory), and is dependent on individual rational actors who make decisions to
migrate based upon a cost-benefit calculation that indicates a positive net return to
movement (micro theory). However, this theory is only partly suitable in the case of
Khmer Krom migration. Alternatively network theory and push and pull theory of
migration attempt to explain migration in different approaches and are more
appropriate to the Khmer Krom situation.
Network theory stresses that migrant networks serve to reduce the costs and risks of
international migration and thus to increase likelihood of this movement. The
development of such networks is often facilitated by government policies toward
family reunification and migrant networks can make international flows. Whereas,
Ethier (2003) on his social network theory had identified that social network theory
involves the mappings connecting one individual to others (or the process of
connecting people together) and one can evaluate the social capital of that individual.
“Social capital refers to the network position of the object or node and consists of the
ability to draw on the resources contained by members of the network”. Basically the
more mappings a person has in the social network and the more mappings the social
network has, the more knowledge, influence, and power the original person will
control. Social capital can have a substantial influence on a person’s life; affecting
such aspects as job searches and potential for promotions” (Ethier Jason, 2003).
From Ethier’s view, it was considered that Khmer Krom who moved from their place
of origin for the purpose of promoting their social network not only moved to live in
Cambodia, but also to countries such as the United States or Canada in order to
strengthen their social network, because a social network could make them strong
both at the place of origin and destination through exchange of all kinds of services.
Social networking was a stimulus to other migrants and provided a good opportunity
26
to receive sources of information or accommodation at the place of destination. This
was an important factor to promote their identity.
Push and Pull Theory, originally stated by Lee (1966) considered a wider range of
factors affecting people’s migration behavior. Here migration was often interpreted
as a function of people’s response to two presumably distinctive sets of factors: push
at place of origin and pull at destination; both factors would include economic and
non-economic components. Economic factors mainly included those concerning
income differentials, and employment opportunities, etc. whereas non-economic
factors included those such as housing, health care, marriage, family ties, “bright
lights” entertainment, social tensions, languages, and harsh ethnic/racial
discrimination, and so on (Nguyen, 2001).
Thus varieties of theories of migration were used in different contexts of migration.
However not all the theories could be applied in this study. Push and pull theory was
used for a long time and was also more applicable for the case of Khmer Krom
migration to Cambodia, especially for those Khmer Krom who moved in the 1980s
because it might be viewed that the reasons for Khmer Krom migration involved the
situation in both places; place of origin and destination place. In addition networking
theory was partly relevant, especially for Khmer Krom who moved after Cambodia
became more stable in 1991. These theories would be used as a link to
anthropological theory of ethnic identity, especially relating to migration movement.
2.5.2 Theoretical Concepts of Ethnic Group and Identity
Many famous anthropologists have identified a comprehensive body of knowledge
and theories on the problems of ethnicity and identity. They used various approaches
to explain an assortment of phenomena. Namely, Benedict Anderson (1991), Thomas
Hylland Eriksen (1993), Judith Nagata (1979), Barth Fedric (1969), and George De
Vos, strongly concentrated on ethnic groups and the identity which was focused in a
different context of their studies. Anderson cited in Sambath (2005) identifies nation
and identity and notes that the concept of nation is new to history coming about in the
19th century or so and it is created by our imagination. He argues that the nation is
conceived in three ways: 1) Sovereign-meaning independent 2) Nation is limited
27
(geographical limited) regarding boundary and border 3) Nation is imagined as
communities because all members share equality as citizens (Sambath, 2005).
De Vos emphasized in his study the cultural continuities and change which are mostly
in an urban context. He provided a general definition of ethnicity as the attribute of
membership in a group set off by racial, territorial, economic, religious, cultural,
aesthetic, or linguistic uniqueness. He stressed that, like other forms of social
identity, ethnic identity is essentially subjective, a sense of social belonging and
ultimate loyalty. He also identified that economic factors contribute in a complex
manner to ethnic definitions and identity maintenance. An ethnic minority can be well
dispersed within another population and still defend themselves from assimilation by
maintaining a certain amount of economic autonomy (De Vos & Ross, 1982:13). This
theory is more applicable to Khmer Krom who moved to live in Cambodia in order to
strengthen both themselves at destination and the people left behind at the place of
origin, thus providing mutual support in the purpose of constructing their cultural
identity, and group maintenance. In narrative sense, ethnic identification was defined
as self-awareness within a specific group, which was followed by a great sense of
respect and pride, and it constituted a base for the development of a healthy self-
concept.
In the context of migration and identity, Eriksen has raised that “frequently, people
who migrated try to maintain their old kinship and neighborhood social networks in
the new urban context, and both ethnic quarters and ethnic political groupings often
emerge in such an urban setting. Even though the speed of social and cultural
changes can be high, people tend to retain their ethnic identity despite having moved
to the new environment” (Eriksen, 1993:8). In terms of Khmer Krom living in the
city, most of the migrants live in squatter areas and have kept their relationship with
the people from the group they belong to for emotional support from people who
come from the same background. Those Khmer Krom might not reveal their cultural
identity in urban migration but assimilate with the Khmer in Cambodia.
Nagata cited in Sambath (2005), ethnicity could be examined in two ways. In her
discussion of ethnicity, she asked, what happens…when there was a discrepancy
between ethnic ascription of natives and those of observers or even between insider
28
(the emic) and outsider (the etic) view of members of the same local society? (Nagata,
1979 cited in Sambath, 2005). These concepts would be used for viewing Khmer
Krom who were living in Phnom Penh; whether they viewed themselves (the emic) as
people different from Cambodian people, and how outsiders (the etic) viewed these
people.
Barth’s (1969), notions on ethnic groups and boundaries indicate that the boundary of
an ethnic group is more significant than the cultural material that it encloses. An
ethnic group is a minority which is disliked and unaccepted by the majority (Barth,
1969). In contrast, Khmer Krom who come to live in Cambodia cannot be
categorized as an ethnic group because they prefer to assimilate with Khmer in
Cambodia in terms of the acceptance of all ways of performing as Khmer.. Moreover,
they are accepted as Khmer by the government. Otherwise, the feeling of belonging
to the Khmer is inherent in their heart.
Charles and Marvin (1958) stressed that in an ethnic group “the members of group: 1)
Experience a pattern of disadvantage or inequality. 2) Share a visible trait or
characteristic that differentiates them from other groups. 3) Self-conscious social unit.
4) Is usually determined at birth. 5) Tend to marry to the same group” (Charles and
Marvin, 1958). Using this theory, it is difficult to classify Khmer Krom, especially
after the separation from Khmer by national territory, not cultural features.
From the points of views mentioned above, are Khmer Krom an ethnic group in
Cambodia? There are some characteristics of the Khmer Krom who come to live in
Cambodia to consider.
Still being regarded as Khmer: Even though national territorial separation
occurred, the sense and feeling of being Khmer remained in the heart of Khmer
Krom. As stipulated in the statement of King Norodom Sihanouk, Khmer Krom
were entitled to become Khmer citizens when they entered into Cambodia
territory. Therefore, Cambodia regards Khmer Krom as Khmer too; however,
some Cambodians have misunderstood Khmer Krom for Vietnamese and vice
versa. At any rate, there is a stigma on Khmer Krom and they seem to stand in
the middle of both side’s point of view. For the Vietnam government, Khmer
29
Krom are regarded and treated as an ethnic minority who automatically have
Vietnamese citizenship. Whereas in Cambodia, when Khmer Krom migrate to
Cambodia, they are hardly regarded as emigrants and they do not consider
themselves as such.
Borderless for Khmer Krom: Despite there being a Cambodia-Vietnam border
which limits both countries’ citizens by their respective borders, Khmer Krom
still wish to have access to Cambodia for better living conditions, for most of
them irrespective of national territory. This is quite different from the case of
Mexico’s migrants who illegally migrate to the USA through a river which
separates both countries regularly returning to their home country, Mexico, during
special occasions. However, the difference between the two cases is that Mexico’s
migrants are emigrants to the USA whereas Khmer Krom are hardly emigrants for
Cambodia, although Khmer Krom do return to visit on special occasions. Based
on this concept, it is quite difficult to classify Khmer Krom’s migrants as
emigrants to Cambodia.
Come from the same social and cultural pattern: They think of themselves as
originating from the same source as Khmer. Though Khmer Krom lived under the
authority of Vietnam with some limits on the way of life they still follow the
cultural patterns that exist in Cambodia, practice Theravada Buddhism, conduct
the same social ceremonies like marriage, and have the same traditional dress.
Overall, what is followed in Cambodia in a cultural way is also followed by
Khmer Krom. Therefore, they consider the relationship between Khmer Krom and
Cambodia as child and parents. So they cannot be regarded as ethnic minority for
migrants living in Cambodia.
2.5.3 The Concepts and Application to Khmer Krom
Identity: Many anthropologists use the term 'identity' in a variety of ways to explain
a phenomenon such as: identity construction, identity crisis, self-identify, and national
identity. Those concepts are used in explaining identity. For the purpose of this paper,
'identity' is 'both internal and external features' which can be used in order to identify
Khmer Krom who moved from Vietnam and now live in Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
30
They are identified by language, naming, social performance, and partly type of
business, and skin color. They strengthen their identity by mutual support between
destination and place of origin, establishing of networks and a sense of self belonging.
Construction: Many studies have concentrated identity in some main categories such
as self identity, gender identity, and even nationalism as constructed by people in
society. These identities have changed over time but in its particular way. They do not
have a priori existence but come into existence from the creation by members of the
society which includes norms, values, beliefs or other social performances. These are
part of the construction of identity; it is part of the building in the process of social
life. In addition, the defining of construction in this study is about the strengthening of
cultural feature through actions of every day life that people perform for their needs,
and what people try to do to promote their own culture at both destination and place
of origin.
31
CHAPTER 3
Khmer Krom Community in Phnom Penh
3.1 Background to Kouk Khleang Community 3.1.1 Geographical Area
Kouk Khleang is one of the villages in Sangkat Phnom Penh Thmei, Khan Russei
Kaev, and Phnom Penh. It covers an area of about 4,750,000 square meters, and is
bordered by Chres village to the north, by Damnak and Dei Thmei village to the
south, by Dei Thmei and Roungchak village to the east, by Damnak and Krangthnong
village to the west. Various ways can be used to access the community, but the
easiest way is to proceed along Russian Boulevard, about forty meters west of
Pochentong market; turn right directly into street 2011and continue for approximately
two and half of kilometers until see the gate named “Sahak Kum Borei Prei Nokor
Thmey” (New Borei Prei Nokor Community). Most of the people in this community
are reallocated from the urban poor slum areas. It is divided into three communities
which excludes old residents. Kouk Khleang I covers part of the village in the east,
and Kouk Khleang II covers part in the middle. Whereas Kouk Khleang III is at the
west with five hectares of land which organized and designed into place for residents,
school, social memory where pictures of some Khmer Krom heroes are put in the
stupa, and a big market which has not yet been activated.
3.1.2 Population and Socio-economic Status of the Village
Based on table 1.1, the total population of Kouk Khleang village is 3,433 with 1,761
being females, and 2,220 being over the age of eighteen. Within this population, there
are about 746 families18. However, this number does not distinguish between Khmer
Krom and other ethnic minorities. According to the deputy village chief and head of
the group (Mehasib Knong), nearly half of the population (about 45 families) in Kouk
Khleang I are people who have moved from Kampuchea Krom, a few families in
Kouk Khleang II, and two thirds of total population in Kouk Khleang III are Khmer
Krom.
18 Personal interviewed with vice village chief, May 2006
32
Table1.1: Number of population in Kouk Khleang community
Community Number
of families Male Female
Age under
18
Age over
18
Total
population
I 107 269 318 215 372 587
II 82 210 188 232 166 398
III 265 447* 440* 214 673 887*
Others 292 746 815 552 1009 1561
Total 746 746 815 1213 2220 1561
Source: Statistics from the deputy village chief by personal interview, May 2006.
(* It is estimated data from head of administrative Office of the community)
There are many different types of occupations for the people in this village and it
varies between the people who have been there for a long time and the new
resettlements. It is not a completely urban area, and many of the people here are from
urban poor families who used to live in slum areas. Consequently very few families
are engaged in planting and raising animals and most of the villagers rely heavily on
self-employment as their staple occupation for livelihood, engaged in small businesses
in the community such as street vendors, including bread seller, mobile baby-duck
egg sellers, and garbage collectors. However, they also benefit from employment in
the industrial sector, especially for the younger generation: they can go to work as
garment factory workers, and as office staff. Most of the old inhabitants mostly work
in small business in the market, garment factory worker, company and government
staff, self-employed as motor taxi driver and paid workers at construction building
sites.
3.1.3 Administration
Even though the village is separated into three main different communities, Kouk
Khleang I, Kouk Khleang II and Kouk Khleang III, they are closely interconnected.
The head of Kouk Khleang village chief takes responsibility for all issues for these
communities that relate to government administrative authority, and is also involved
and participates in the decision making process in the community in case of need such
33
as road development, and community plans. However, each community has its own
representatives whose authority extends over the entire community. They participate
in the development action plan and implementation of all kinds of work in their
community.
Furthermore, Kouk Khleang I and II are under the jurisdiction of the Khmer, not
Khmer Krokm. But the head of the group who is called Mehasib Knong (head of fifty
households) in Kouk Khleang I are all Khmer Krom. Though objectives are targeted
to all types of people, they are oriented towards Khmer Krom because they work
closely in the community, as many of them are living there. Kouk Khleang III was
initiated by Khmer Krom from the Human Rights and Development Association, and
they lead this community. Kouk Khleang III used to be known as Un-resident
Community and was initiated in 1995. Later on, it had gathered 624 poor families to
settle in the community (some families had sold their land after receiving it for
months). However, before advancing partial payment of $165 for buying land that
covers four by nine meters they have to participate in the saving group. When
establishing the house it is determined by each family whether they want to pay
monthly for depreciation throughout their group and the community build the house
fro them or build it by their own families (KKHRDA, 2004). However, their mission
is not exclusively concentrated on Khmer Krom. They act for people irrespective of
ethnicity and race and although there is a majority of Khmer Krom living there,
recently a few Vietnamese families has settled.
As each community was set up they initiated specific and different projects in their
community according to the need of their membership. Many families were bound
into small groups for helping each other participate in the community’s work.
Working in these small groups also makes it easier for villagers to have access to
other services such as borrowing money from savings in the poor fund, and gradually
paying the money back from building a house.
3.1.4 Education
Normally, education in Kouk Khleang has run in two ways, formal and informal. The
two education systems have recognized each other in cases of students changing from
34
one to the other. In formal education, children go to the state school, studying general
knowledge with different subjects. One primary school is at the south end part of the
village. Beyond the primary level of education, students can go to any secondary
school that they prefer. Most students go to Somraong Andeth, which has both lower
secondary and upper secondary levels. On the other hand, informal education is
supported by NGOs and by the head of association in each community. In each class
level they study three hours a day with alternative times for each one19. Besides
informal primary schooling there is a vocational training center which provides tuition
in sewing and hair dressing skills. However, from field observation, it is not running
well.
3.1.5 Religion, Belief and Health Care
Nearly all villagers believe in Buddhism and they often bring food to the pagoda on
the holy days, especially the older people. Moreover, the pagoda is considered one of
the social institutions that help people in both social and psychological support. It is
not only to house the monks, but also some children and poor students stay with the
monks. The pagoda is in the north of the Community. It is Somroang Andeth which
is more popular regarding Buddhist practices because of a famous head monk who is
also a Khmer Krom. This pagoda has about 150 monks including both Bhikkhus and
Samaneras (young monks), and about ten nuns who manage activities in the pagoda
such preparing food or cleaning for the monks.
People often regard other pagodas located in the neighboring regions, such as
Taingkrosaing and Angtaminh as playing a role as centers of Buddhist followers.
These pagodas also support children from poor families who go to live and learn
there. They are accessible to all poor people from all over Cambodia. The pagoda is
still the religious place for all levels of people; a place for ceremonial celebration as
well as an education center, especially for the poor.
Culturally, the local people still believe in traditional medicine, and praying for Neak
Ta, though they live in the city. The belief of Neak Ta is that, if the people have small 19 From a personal interview with a teacher at the primary school in informal education on March, 2006.
35
illnesses, especially for children, and they do not quickly recover, they suspect that
Neak Ta has exerted influence for them to have their sickness. This is especially in
the case if couples live together without marriage or practice heavy drinking without
praying to Neak Ta; they would make Neak Ta angry. Consequently, Neak Ta will
make trouble in their health and economic life. So if they show respect to Neak Ta
this will help them for their everyday life. Kouk Khleang I has Neak Ta Seri Sour
Sdey and Kouk Khleang II and III have Neak Ta Kouk Khleang. In observation, each
community has their own small cottage with Neak Ta inside who is symbolic of
superstitious power for the community’s prosperity and human welfare.
Furthermore, as far as modern medicine is concerned, these communities are rather
far from the health centers which are situated in the neighboring villages such as
Toeuk Tla health center in the east of the community and Pochentong health center in
the west of community. These centers are not big enough for the patient to stay but
just a center for a medical check, and providing some special services such as
vaccinations for women and children. However, the patients can to go to the hospitals
in the center of Phnom Penh, or they can go to see the private health practitioners or
request a home visit by those private practitioners20.
3.2 Respondents’ Background 3.2.1 Age, Sex, Place of Origin
In general it was viewed that adult age tend to migrate rather than young or aged
population. Moreover, the study on gender of migration revealed that more men than
women participate in migration, especially for international migration. However, as
mentioned in the methodology, due to the snow ball sampling which was used; the
gender difference was not taken into consideration. The fifteen qualitative respondents
consisting of seven females and eight males (as identified in box of research tool in
chapter 1) who were selected for qualitative data collection and interviewed, were all
over the age of thirty. It was difficult to find any Khmer Krom who was over the age
of seventy in the community. Young single migrants were not available and would not
to be targeted for the interview.
20 From a personal interview with deputy village chief, May, 2006.
36
All the respondents were married and had children. Five of them were married to
Khmer Krom wives in Kampuchea Krom before coming to live in Phnom Penh.
Three of them moved while they were single which included two who were monks
and a layman. After arrival they married in Cambodia; two got married to Khmer
women and another got married to a Khmer Krom who was a previous migrant.
Whereas all female respondents were married to Khmer Krom men before migration
to Cambodia. All respondents had moved from Preash Trapeang province, except two
who came from Khleang province. They had come to live in Cambodia in different
years between 1980 and 2003 because they had access to low priced land and houses
since the initial establishment of the community. It was hard to find anyone who
moved after 2003 and lived permanently in the community. The respondent migrants
were categorized into two groups. Five respondents moved between 1980 and 1991
after the peace accord. Another category, ten respondents moved between 1991 and
2003. In addition to these two groups other people came from a small group
discussion and key informants who had come from some other provinces such as
Moat Chrouk, and some had just moved in the last few years.
3.2.2 Education Background
Many of the interviewees who came from Kampuchea Krom did not have a high
education because no Khmer formal education center was allowed to open, only
Vietnamese schools that the Khmer Krom did not find interesting. For example,
thirteen of the fifteen respondents had not even completed primary level in a
Vietnamese formal school. Most of their families were poor and that did provide not
favorable conditions for study. As a result most of them did not read and write Khmer
language, especially the females. Some of the females had tried hard to study Khmer
in the pagoda but since they never read and wrote it for their every day life, four
among the seven female respondents had forgotten it as if they had not studied Khmer
literature. Male respondents had good opportunity to participate in Khmer pagoda
schooling or entered into the monkhood studying with monk teachers, so they could
be able to read and write the Khmer language. Seven among the eight respondents had
devoted some years of their life to monkhood, so they had learnt Buddhist theory and
also knew how to read and write Khmer language.
37
Even though they were in Vietnam where there were many Vietnamese formal
education centers, half of Khmer Krom respondents can only speak Vietnamese but
cannot understand how to write it, especially for older aged people because they were
not very interested with learning the Vietnamese language. Some other reasons that
can a barrier to learning at school include family poverty, family background and
serving in the army against the North Vietnamese government. Though they were
working hard they had few opportunities to get a good job or a good position as a
government official. As a result, most of those who had migrated to live in Phnom
Penh and were interviewed did not have a high education from a Vietnamese school.
Amongst the respondents, only two had completed Vietnam secondary school.
Khmer Krom were the Khmer who had low education, most of them
had only completed primary school, and went back to do their
farming activity because they all thought that even though having a
high education (at a Vietnamese school), they still not yet were
accepted for a high ranking job but could only be a low paid teacher.
Also, if it was discovered that one of their ancestors used to be a
Thiéu-Ky soldier, they would also not attempt to be qualified (A 41-
year-old female migrant teacher from Preash Trapeang).
3.2.3 Economic Background
The main economy of Khmer Krom living in Vietnam was farming activities. About
95% of Khmer Krom in the total population are farmers (Traing, 2005). They had
spent a lot of time rice farming and doing some crop plantation after rice harvesting.
All respondents said that they were farmers, completely dependent on farming
activities for their livelihood, except two: one respondent used to live in an urban area
and worked as a primary teacher and the other who lived in a rural area was also a
teacher. However, those two people used to depend on their parents who used to do
farming, and are also familiar with farming work.
Even though they were farmers, most of them felt that they did not have enough food
to eat for the whole year. As a result, they viewed that a life of farming with their little
farmland would result in them still living in poor condition. Some Khmer Krom said
38
another issue was that there were too many members in their family, and owning a
small area of farmland was hardly enough to sustain them for a whole year. Moreover,
after they were married they had heritage on a small plot of land that cannot support
their family life. Consequently, it forced the younger generations to go somewhere
else so they can support their life better than they can by working in the rice field.
3.2.4 Political Background
Two of the respondents used to be involved in some social movements and were
accused of political activities against the Vietnamese policies. As a result most of
them were afraid of being taken for interrogation, and afraid of being arrested; so they
escaped to live in Cambodia. Two respondents were afraid that the Vietnamese
government would interfere in their life because their fathers joined with the US army
against Vietnam Communist government, and thought that it had interfered with their
living conditions. However, many other respondents had not been active with any
political issues, especially those who moved after 1991.
One respondent told that he was accused of involvement in Khmer Front for
Liberty21, so he decided to flee to Cambodia. Another person who used to be
involved in monkhood and used to try to disseminate the Khmer culture such as
getting Khmer children to understand their history, was personally afraid of being
taking for questioning so he moved to Cambodia, and went to stay in refugee camps
on the Khmer-Thai border. After the integration of government, he worked as a
policeman. Now he has given up his police duties and helps with his wife’s work.
3.3 Migration Process 3.3.1 Reasons for Migration
Generally, when facing problems, people tend to make an effort to solve the
problems. Certain issues that are not serious can be solved by themselves without
21 That was not clear with the name of this movement, some informed as it was created in the purpose of extension of Khmer culture or demanding their freedom from the Vietnamese government, and even become a struggling group. Whereas from the view of many Khmer Krom people it is a Vietnamese trick in order to arrest and intimidate some Khmer Krom nationalist people. This movement was sometime called “KC50”.
39
intervention and if it is continues then with patience they may struggle to cope with
the situation. Otherwise, if it goes beyond their resolving possibility, the decision to
leave their place of origin and to look for a new place to live in could be a solution.
This is the situation of Khmer Krom.
The process of migration from Khmer Krom varies according to their surrounding
environment and self motivation. Some people had migrated from their homeland due
to bad economic conditions such as natural calamities, or less access to economic
activities. Some Khmer Krom migrated due to political repression, whereas others
left because of social and cultural limitations with their daily way of life. Beside
these external factors there are also issues caused by their own personal factors at the
place of origin that forced them to escape, or social networks motivated people to
move. Therefore, there were various types of migration such as return migration,
temporary and permanent migration, labor migration, and forced migration. These
differentiations need to be considered as separate types of movements, each with its
own characteristics. Parts of these motivations have been categorized as push and pull
factors and are dependent on economic orientation and non-economic orientation.
Both factors involve the three mainstreaming factors of society which includes
economical, political, social and cultural issues.
3.3.1.1 Push Factors
Existing conditions at place of origin play an important role in motivating people to
leave their home country to migrate to anywhere that their need can be met. Based on
the reasons of migration, push factor can be seen as one side affect that forces people
to leave their place of origin. This push factor can be seen as cultural depression,
economic poverty, social and political limitations. For some Khmer Krom, migrating
to live in Cambodia was as a result of such push factors. Sometimes this was thought
of as forced migration. However, some were seen as voluntary migration. So, there
were different types of factors that stimulated the Khmer Krom to leave their place of
origin and migrate to Cambodia.
Relating to political issues, as demonstrated by KKF (2005), Khmer Krom used to be
limited and were not considered to be the indigenous people living in their former
40
territory. Reacting to such considerations, Khmer Krom had protested to conserve
their personal features of ethnicity such as, language, and other cultural identities.
Consequently, tension had occurred, many people were tortured, and some were
intimidated in other ways. Some people have escaped from being arrested and moved
to live in Cambodia. Some people were arrested while they were moving to
Cambodia. (KKF, 2005) As a key informant revealed, his ancestors had migrated to
Cambodia because they were involved in this protestation.
Political Depression: Respondents in the research site had revealed that there were
two tense issues in the early 1980s that forced the people to leave their place of origin.
Firstly, the government of Vietnam had designated all land resources to be communal
property and in the control of the Vietnamese government. After that the government
re-distributed land to all families in accordance with the family size. Khmer Krom
who had inherited more land from their ancestors had lost this benefit from this
reform. It was generally Khmer Krom people who had a lot of land and Vietnamese
families who usually had less land than the Khmer Krom did. Secondly, there were
some social movements against the Vietnamese government. According to key
informants, and other interviewees, this movement was considered from different
points of view: from the Vietnamese government viewpoint this movement was a
form of nationalism established by some monks, and laymen which is known as
Khmer Front for Liberty.
Moreover, in the midst of 1980s there were prohibitions on the extension of Khmer
culture through teaching and managing the pagoda: especially learning Khmer
language. During this period, the situation was becoming tumultuous in Preash
Trapeang province. This tactic as seen from Khmer Krom point of view was a
deliberate attempt of the Vietnam Communist Party to harass and prevent the
extension and development of Khmer Krom’s culture, and to disrupt an attempt to
restore Khmer Krom culture. As a result, the provincial head monk of Preash
Trapeang, was arrested and put in prison, and he eventually died. This was a result of
his activities in improving Khmer history, culture, and language through teaching
these to the younger generations (KKKUBS, 2005). One respondent was involved in
this issue and was intimidated and felt afraid; so, he decided to move to Cambodia.
41
One respondent told, while other key informants also mentioned, in the midst of
1980s Khmer Krom culture nearly disappeared, especially in Preash Trapeang,
because some pagodas where monks were forced to do farm work, raising and digging
the canal as laymen. Some of the Khmer Krom fled from this tension to Cambodia in
order to seek ways to resolve the pressure on the Khmer Krom. This migration was
noticeable after the killing of a provincial head monk, and other people who suffered
near death; some of the migrants escaped to the Cambodian-Thai border and informed
their difficulties to Son Sann22, and details were broadcast on the radio channel of
Voice of America.
Social and Cultural Factors: Some people do not want to live in Kampuchea Krom.
This was revealed especially when talking with the young migrants who considered
everything had been headed by Vietnamese citizens. Vietnamese citizens governed in
all administrative affairs; there were only a very few Khmer Krom who can be local
authorities and then only deputy chief or civilian staff who do not have much
responsibility at work. They expected that in the future they would have lost Khmer
Krom cultural identity and they would become Vietnamese if they were still living in
Kampuchea Krom. Limitations on performance of their rights and freedom such as
Pchom Benh which was shortened from 15 days to 3 days, and Kathina which was
shortened from 29 days to one day that affected to the practice of Buddhism amongst
Khmer Krom (KKF, 2005).
Some respondents gave reasons of education in Khmer language at their homeland.
They preferred learning Khmer language, culture, and history but not the Vietnamese.
In contrast, no formal Khmer education was allowed to be established. Formal
education was totally Vietnamese schools which had a few hours of Khmer language
study inserted for the Khmer Krom community. The Khmer language was not
considered to be a core subject and there was no test for the final examination.
Although Khmer study was available in the pagoda, it was only an unofficial
education system without any formal grade and was not well recognized.
22 Son Sann, headed the refugee camps in Khmer-Thai border and he was one of the side who joined peace record in Paris in 1991. In 1993 he was elected as a parliament member in National Assembly because he had won a seat from his political party.
42
The classes in pagoda learning are usually taught by monks that results in difficulties
for female students to learn. It is not a complete education, just for those who do need
to know Khmer language and introduce them to know how to read and write. The
monks spend a few hours during their free time. However, people can learn better if
they have been ordained for few a years. During this period of ordination they can
learn both language, and social morality but they cannot learn Khmer history or
geography of Khmer as published in Cambodia but possible if it is published by
Vietnam. They are allowed to teach only mathematic, or physics, which are not
relevant to the reality of Khmer Krom and Cambodia in the past. After studying
Khmer for a period of time, they want to further their education in Cambodia. The
monks' school consisted only a few primary level and lower secondary Bali school. In
addition, Khmer Krom were not allowed to create any cultural associations that were
seen as independent in order to cultivate Khmer Krom culture.
Economic Difficulty: Many Khmer Kroms were farmers, mostly growing rice. During
the time of migrating to Cambodia after 1980; their farming activities could not
sustain their family for a good livelihood (as revealed in the box below about cause
and situation of migration). There were very few families, who had enough land to
sustain their family for the whole year. The majority of families had little land and
not enough to eat, so they had to borrow rice from someone else. A few families had
reported that their families used to have enough land for growing rice and crop
plantation but those lands were confiscated to be development areas and for
government institutions, and when compensation was made it was at a very low price.
A 55-year-old man from Preash Trapeang was born in a poor family with four brothers
and a sister. All of them were not well educated, neither Vietnamese school nor Khmer,
due to family difficulty. They all migrated to Cambodia, except one. Now he has seven
children with three boys and four girls; five of them are married to Cambodians.
The motivation factors which led him to migrate were economic. He was involved in
rice farming and also some vegetable plantation. Every year, he had not enough capital
to buy seed, fertilizer, and pesticide. So he had to borrow money from his neighbors or
the state. Unfortunately, he had bad crop yields both rice and vegetable because of
43
insects. As a consequence he sold his available rice and part of land for the debt, and
thought of moving to Cambodia for small business… His brother had previously moved
to Cambodia and found it easy to earn a livelihood. While visiting home his brother
brought him and his family to cross the border in Kampot province. Crossing the border
he was afraid of police, especially Vietnamese. “If they know that we were trying to
cross to Cambodia they would arrest us for interrogation. Sometimes they accused us of
being bad citizens or traitors to the nation because of fleeing from homeland… They do
not want Khmer Krom contact with Cambodia.”
First arriving in Phnom Penh, he stayed with his relatives for a few days until he could
find a rental house near by. It was very difficult to have money to rent a house, buy
food, and others necessities without having a job. Two months later life began to get
better when a relative assisted him obtain a job as a house construction worker. His
children were also getting to know the situation in Phnom Penh and began to sell Lot
Char (a kind of food), and baby-duck eggs. His wife was not very well; she just stayed
at home, did house work and prepared things for the children. Psychologically, starting
life in Cambodia was not too difficult because the community near National Pediatric
Hospital contained many Khmer Krom and Khmer in rural areas. It made him
accustomed to those people in terms of language speaking, and behavior.
Living in Cambodia, he had never confronted serious problems with anyone because he
usually bowed and showed respect to other people when he went out. “Many other
people view us in a good way as a gentle and kind people that never caused problem to
anyone.”
Living in Kampuchea Krom, those Khmer Krom did not have any business besides
farming activities. After being free from the farming season, some families began to
grow some crops in order to support their livelihood. Although following such
activity, the Khmer Krom still had a poor living condition. Despite some new couples
who came from poor families inheriting a small parcel of land for settling or doing
farming they had collected any available money and made their journey to Cambodia
in order to gain a better way of life.
In view of these difficulties, it stimulated them to go anywhere that could be better for
them. They began to consider where they could go. However, they were reluctant to
44
go anywhere, either rural or urban, dominated by Vietnamese. They imagined that
only Cambodia was worth the risk they would take by migrating. They realized that if
they went to live in Cambodia, they were the people who would be faced with several
difficulties but their children in the next generation would be able to learn Khmer
language and have a good job in the future.
In contrast, a few people had decided personally to go to Cambodia, even though their
parents were not happy with their decision making. Their parents want them living
close to them. It will make their parents worry about them if they live in Cambodia as
they are out of sight. Moreover, their parents need their children to help him with
their farming activity.
3.3.1.2 Pull Factors
Social and cultural factor: Khmer Krom usually consider themselves as Khmer in
Cambodia and they do not want to cut ties with Khmer from the middle area. They
view that Khmer Krom, Khmer Leou, and Khmer Kandal are the same as Khmer:
there is nothing to make a difference. These Khmer groups come from the same
background of the Mon, and used to live together under one famous history in Angkor
Empire. Especially, Khmer Krom and Khmer in the Middle area are very similar in
all kinds of cultural features ranging from religious practice on Theravada Buddhism,
language, dress, belief, and some other special occasions such as Khmer New Year,
Water Festival. Moreover, they have compared the Khmer in Cambodia to their
“parents” and Khmer Krom as “children”. Parents and children are the people who
have the same blood and always take care of each other. So they moved closer to
their ‘parents’ for help in case of need with the expectation of being easily assimilate
with their culture and people. They hoped that Cambodia would give a warm
welcome for their presence.
Beside this motivation factor, education is one of the main causes that encouraged
Khmer Krom to migrate to Cambodia. One of the monk migrants said Khmer Krom
loves Khmer people and the Khmer nation that used to be a famous society during
Angkor time which was more than seven centuries ago. So they wanted to learn about
Khmer culture, language, and history. These things cannot be developed in their
45
home country, they only exist in Cambodia. This reason is usually found from the ex-
monks who have migrated from Kampuchea Krom with their yellow robe, and tried to
find another temple to continue their education. Thereafter, some of those have given
up monkhood and lived as lay people in Cambodia.
On the other hand, a few families who have enough financial resources sent their
children to study in Cambodia staying with their relatives. After finishing education
and growing up, they had married to Khmer in Cambodia. The KKC bulletin which is
involved with education, praised Khmer Krom children in Phnom Penh saying that
they are hard working students. It mentioned the example of four children at Stung
Meanchei primary school. Either parents or children had a strong motivation to study
Khmer language and that was why their children showed a good result at every stage
(KKC, 2002).
“Due to our Khmer language was limited to study a little bit at
pagoda through Buddhist monks, and we had worry about our
future life. So we have decided to move to Cambodia with all
family members with two nephews for them have good education
in Cambodia and have good life in the future” (Sokhorn, a male
migrant from Preash Trapeang Province).
Economic factor: This played the most important part that pulled the people to move.
Many people migrated to live in Phnom Penh for this reason. Nearly all of them had
no prior experience in migration and had never been to see Cambodia. People who
previously moved to Cambodia had informed them about the favorable conditions for
earning a livelihood. One of the migrants said “if we worked hard, we would soon
receive the money”.
While in Kampuchea Krom they used to see their neighboring people visiting their
homeland wearing a beautiful dress, having enough money to celebrate ceremonies
for their ancestors. Some others have sent their money home to build a new house for
their parents, buy fertilizer for rice farm, and for hiring labor during rice farming
activities. These events are noticed by other people at the hometown and can be a
guide for other people who want to move to Cambodia too.
46
Besides the economic factors mentioned above, other migrants viewed that in early
1980, Cambodia had a low population density with many areas of un-occupied land.
It was a very favorable location for people who want to migrate from everywhere to
settle in Cambodia. Anyone wanting to do farming could go and live in rural areas.
Those migrants who moved for economic purpose and were involved with a small
business came to live in Phnom Penh. After staying a period of time, they felt pleased
with their living conditions and decided to stay permanently.
Moreover, the migrants who moved after 1991 linked the purpose to the attraction of
working in the city. They told that Phnom Penh had better stability and development,
and was an attractive place for national and international investment. It was the center
of all services. It became the focal point for Khmer Krom who wanted to move and
live in the city. Especially working as a street vendor that was a very favorable means
to get money. In addition, it is easy to across the border through business people.
Many Khmer Krom have moved to Phnom Penh during that time to do small business
and many others became paid workers on construction sites.
3.3.1.3 Networking/Personal Motivation
Besides the above reasons, another reason that stimulated Khmer Krom to move was a
social network which was demonstrated by Jason (2003) as mapping connections. It
was also among the most important factors that motivated them to leave. Khmer
Krom have their networks with other Khmer Krom who had moved previously and in
some cases had moved dozens of years earlier. Those are their relatives, friends or
neighboring people who previously moved there and informed them about living in
Phnom Penh. Sometime those previous migrants guarantee work for their followers.
However, other migrants had moved due to some member of their family, such as
husband, had stayed in Cambodia for months, and they came to join them.
Many Khmer Krom migrants did not understand at all about the situation in Cambodia
but they sought of information from relatives, friends or neighboring people who used
to stay in Cambodia over time, and then they took a risk to go there themselves.
However, some of them did not understand well where their relative’s residence was.
47
But it can be attractive for their hope and expectation to find those people. These
groups of people can be of assistance to them when they first arrive in Phnom Penh.
In comparing Khmer Krom who moved between the early 1980s and mid 1990s there
was a bit o difference. Khmer Krom who moved in the first group in the 1980s were
usually at risk. They had traveled from their place of origin to destination without any
intervention from other people to help them cross the border. Moreover, they were
not known by anyone at the destination places. Most of them moved with the whole
family at one time. In the process of migration, they had not planned to live in Phnom
Penh, so they had not arranged any place to stay. After arriving in Cambodia, they
had changed their accommodation many times until they were able to find favorable
and permanent accommodation in Phnom Penh. People who moved during the 1990s
gradually moved toward the establishment of their networks in order to help them.
They would find information from previous migrants in Cambodia, especially from
those who lived in Phnom Penh. Such information could help them to prepare
themselves before moving with regard to place to stay and jobs to be found.
Most Khmer Krom who moved in the second category tended to move first alone,
living in Phnom Penh for a period of time, until they were ensured that it could be
safe for their family if they came to follow; they would then go back and bring their
family with them. Some people just informed their family to move to Phnom Penh
and sent them some money for transportation. A study of Graves and Grave (1974)
supported that “a common practice is for a man to migrate himself first, spend months
or even years in the urban area saving for passage, and then bring over his wife and
dependent children”.
However, some Khmer Krom had moved to Cambodia for other reasons than
mentioned above. Some Khmer Krom moved for other personal issues or families tie
which is seen as natural migration. Family ties were one of the main factors that
attracted them to live in Cambodia which they had never planned before. Some just
came to stay with their relatives for a period of time, and then got engaged with
people in Cambodia. They got married to Cambodians and decided to live here ever
since. However, a small number of people moved who were involved in gambling
48
debts or loan money which was mentioned indirectly by some respondents and also
key informants. This case was not found with any samplings.
On the other hand, some people crossed to Cambodia with the goal of reaching the
refugee camps in Khmer-Thai border23 and made contact with other people whom
they knew in order to help them to gain access to third countries such as Canada, or
the United States, especially those who moved in early 1980s. Unfortunately, they
became stuck in refugee camps24, and some of them did not even have a good
opportunity to go there and they stayed in Phnom Penh. As a male migrant stated, “I
did not plan to live in Cambodia; I wanted to go United State but while arriving in
Phnom Penh; I did not have opportunity to reach to the border. Waiting until I had
opportunity to reach the border, everything was over. Consequently, I had been
stucked in Cambodia; anyway I did not want to back home.”
3.3.2 Experience of Moving
Nearly all migrants had never previously been in Cambodia and coming to live in
Cambodia was a risk. Many of the Khmer Krom had no clear direction where to be
settled at the destination, especially in the mid 1980s, but they all had the hope that
Cambodia would accept them as their own. It would delight them because they could
come to live under the leader of their own Khmer nationality. However, before
moving to live in Cambodia they would attempt to find any people who had
experience about Cambodia to seek guidance and information, and sometimes these
people took them across the border. In contrast, people who moved for economic
attraction at the place of destination had prepared themselves before they decided to
move. They had well established social networks in Phnom Penh with people who
had moved previously.
23 During that time, people live in the refugee camps had more opportunity to go to any third country if they had their relatives in abroad. 24 After the Peace Accord in Paris, those people have integrated into the Royal government of Cambodia, and many of those people had moved from the camps to live in Phnom Penh.
49
3.3.2.1 Types of Migrants
Many different types of Khmer Krom migrants moved to Cambodia, including low
ranking officials, grassroots people and monks. Those low ranking officials used to
work in social institutions such as teachers and local authorities in Kampuchea Krom.
These migrants often were involved in political issues. The grassroots people such as
farmers and less paid workers who moved mostly refer to economic reasons, whereas
migrant monks moved to continue their education or were involved in social issues.
In addition, the people who moved for the purpose of being involved in social, and
political issues, especially, for those who were educated and used to work in social
institutions such as teacher, and local administrator, left to go to Phnom Penh in order
to join together for mutual support. Most of these people came to establish
associations in which part of the title uses the term “Kampuchea Krom”. The
objectives of the associations are to help all kinds of people from macro or general
level, but for Khmer Krom at the micro level. These kinds of people had moved and
other members of their family followed them. Generally, they moved largely as a
result of pushing from the place of origin.
People who moved largely as a result of pulling motivation were mostly seen as the
grassroots people who used to be farmers. This category of migrant frequently moved
for economic purposes. They preferred to move in separated sections of migration.
Men are usually the first and establish a temporary living. After living there for a
short time and feeling that they can sustain their family, they would go back to collect
or just inform the rest of their family to follow him. After this they would set up their
permanent living at the destination.
In the case of monkhood migrants, they were seen as different from the laymen with
more obstacles due to the fact they were more likely to be considered as key people in
the expansion of the ideas of Khmer patriotism, and the culture of Buddhist practice at
the temple. As a result, monks are seen as having many difficulties in crossing the
border. They were not in the same situation as business people who cross the border
everyday. They were very different from laymen in term of dressing and savings and
so they attracted more attention from the checking police, and other lay people.
50
3.3.2.2 Obstacle for Moving
It was not easy for Khmer Krom who migrated to live in Cambodia, whether they
have planned to live temporarily or permanently. They had to cross the international
border which was controlled by Vietnam and Cambodia because they live under the
authority of Vietnam and become a Vietnamese citizenship. Therefore, they
immigrate to Cambodia; legally they should have a passport from the Vietnamese
government if they wanted to go to Cambodia and vice versa. In the case of Khmer
Krom, those who cross the border to Cambodia did not have any legal documents to
identify their travel as they considered that Cambodia was also their country.
However, they did not allow free entry between the two countries. As a result, most
Khmer Krom were very scared while they were crossing the border. Sometimes they
were arrested by the Vietnam police and sent back to their homeland because they
were suspected of moving because of some avoidance of a criminal case. However,
they did not give up their attempts; they would find another border place to cross.
“I never went anywhere far away from home, and I never came to
Cambodia. I was worried so much since I left from Preash Prapeang. I
had spent a whole day from my homeland to reach the border in
Kampot. Arriving at the border, I felt so much afraid they do not let me
get through to Cambodia. The Vietnamese looked at me and called to
the office for interrogation. I told that I was staying in Kampuchea
Krom and wanted to visit my relatives in Cambodia. They had arrested
me for three days in the office and they had connected to police at the
homeland because they were afraid my leaving related to criminal
case. There after, I had been released and informed to go back to my
homeland. However, I did not give up my decision making; I had
crossed at another border” (A 31 female migrant from Preash
Trapeang).
The migrants had worried about their moving from the time of departure to the time
of arriving at the destination place. But for Khmer Krom there was a strong feeling for
them when crossing the border. They felt more afraid while they were crossing at the
Vietnamese checking post, especially during the interrogation by police. It was a
51
dilemma for them to provide a satisfactory answer whether they pretend to be Khmer
Krom, also a Vietnamese nationality, or to be a Khmer. If they could get past the first
barrier they would proceed to the second barrier which was the Khmer check point.
They were sometimes confused with being Vietnamese because of their unclear
accent, and not allowed entry into Cambodia. But it was not as difficult to cross the
Khmer check point; they had the same physical features as Cambodians, and resemble
original people in Cambodia.
Due to unauthorized movement without a passport, or any permission letter, they did
not usually move through the official international border check points, but went
through smuggling areas or farm roads in the border where there was less police
control. It was safer than going through the official check points. In case they had
any problem, it was easy to solve by spending only a little money and pleading in
order to get through the border; it would be less expensive.
However, some Khmer Krom did not cross the border directly on their own; they
would find someone who used to go back and forth over the border of the two
countries such as business people to help them. Sometimes they went to see people
who used to take people across the border. These people were usually Vietnamese
business people, and paid them money. So they were not too afraid to cross the
border. On the other hand, a few people had moved with their relatives or friends who
were familiar with crossing the border.
3.4 Living Situation in Phnom Penh 3.4.1 Target Destination in Phnom Penh
For the cases of Khmer Krom, Cambodia was seen as the best place of destination
because of easy assimilation and welcoming. They felt relieved when they arrived in
Cambodia. However, they wished that they could come to live in the city and change
their lifestyle. Therefore, Phnom Penh could be seen as their target place. One of the
migrants expressed that “when living in Kampuchea Krom he was a farmer, and
viewed it as difficult to have a better living condition”. That was why he took the risk
to change his life from a rural lifestyle with farming based livelihood to city life.
52
Phnom Penh is seen as a good place for paid workers and self employed. In the early
stages they did not own any land in Cambodia for either farming or homes, but lived
in rented houses in slum areas; but they can access jobs easier than in the countryside.
Moreover, in the urban areas they can obtain a job in accordance with their
qualifications. If they do not have enough skills they can work as construction
workers or street vendors. In contrast if they went to stay in countryside and with no
land to farm and place to stay; they would have no means available to be able to make
a livelihood.
Others expressed the opinion that they wanted to live in the city because it is the
center of all kinds of services and resources. If they had available money they could
afford many things. Moreover, it is the location of the most important social and,
cultural institutions, and the political center. They can participate and perform actively
without being disturbed or intimidated. In contrast they do not want to live in the
provinces due to a lack of services and do not favor a life of farming any more. They
want to become city people so their children could have easy access to higher
education and other services.
On the other hand, migration networks play an important role in attracting people to
move to Phnom Penh, and help people to reduce their risk when they arrive. The
previous migrants or the people they know in Phnom Penh can help them to move and
get jobs. Moreover, those people can be their social and psychological supporters and
let them stay temporary with them until they can self-support. More importantly, there
were many Khmer Krom associations or/and organizations located in Phnom Penh for
helping Khmer Krom whose rights had been violated and they were able to improve
their social awareness by living in a democratic country, i.e. the General Secretary of
The Friendship of Khmer Kampuchea Association told that he had allowed anyone
who is Khmer Krom to register in their association, and if there were any confusion or
risk of being violated, it would intervene on behalf of those people.
3.4.2 Initial Life in Phnom Penh
When they were first living in Cambodia, especially in Phnom Penh, they were facing
many difficulties for their new life, ranging from a place to stay, food to eat,
53
employment in order to support their livelihood, and assimilation with the new social
environment. Moreover, in the city they have to spend on every thing such as food,
rice, water, and electricity but they only have a little money with them. In order to
solve these problems, any Khmer Krom who had relatives or friends in Phnom Penh
attempted to stay with them on a temporary basis until they could find a place to stay
of their own and get a job.
Therefore, most of them went to stay among the slum areas or in cheap tiny rooms.
They often changed the place to stay many times that could be favorable to their
economic condition. Emotionally, early in their new life, they preferred to live in
amongst the same people who came from the same background, from Kampuchea
Krom. They preferred living among the Khmer Krom who had come previously.
Those people could be their friends, relatives, or people who came from the same
place. They considered that living among the people who had the same background
could help them to share their happiness and sadness. They are the only people who
would understand their feeling rather than any other else. They also could help each
others in case of need. Moreover, they had the same social status, along with feeling
of self belonging.
3.4.3 Challenges for Khmer Krom
Due to moving with low economic status, the accent with which they speak Khmer
being different, and along with ways of behavior and their habits they used when
surrounded by Vietnamese, many of the Khmer Kroms were often discriminated by
some people who are living in Cambodia, especially for the new group who initially
arrived in Phnom Penh. Therefore, some Khmer Krom were frequently identified and
confused as belonging to the illegal Vietnamese migrants in Cambodia and some
Cambodian people called them “a youn” to insult these people. Some illegal
Vietnamese situated themselves within the Khmer Krom in order to easy assimilate
into Cambodian; therefore, some Cambodians generalized Khmer Krom as the
Vietnamese group. Though Khmer Krom do not wish to speak Vietnamese while they
are in Cambodia, sometimes Vietnamese words occurred when they were speaking.
One of the female migrants had expressed her feeling this way “some people treated
me badly while I went out for my small business. I felt disappointed while arriving in
54
Cambodia and was insulted by some people; I was also Khmer and expected that
Cambodian would give me warm feelings and hope. Instead, I was sometime called “a
youn” that I didn't need at all while one of the Khmer in Cambodia, if it was in
Vietnam may no problem for me”.
Most Khmer Krom who migrated to live in Phnom Penh rented a house in slum areas
and/or they changed their living place many times, and having no legal document to
express their personal identity, most of them were not allowed to register for a family
book, or identity card. Some of the officials had been confused that they belonged to
the illegal Vietnamese group. Whereas for some families that owned their land and
house, if they wanted to register for official citizenship of Cambodia; they were often
told to alter their place of birth from an address in Kampuchea Krom to some place in
rural Cambodia. However, some Khmer Krom families personally intended to change
their place of birth when they registered for a family book, and asked for an official
Cambodian identity card. They considered that if they did not change their place of
birth, people would think that since their origins were now in Vietnam, then they
would be stereotyped as Vietnamese migrants, and it would make a physical problem
for them.
Due to fears that they may experience these problems, some Khmer Krom living in
Phnom Penh not only changed their place of birth, but changed their family names. In
doing so they were expecting that they would more easily assimilate with living in
Cambodia, and achieve a higher status by being considered as original official citizens
of Cambodia. However, some were told to change the place of birth by the officials
who served this service. As a 41 year old female migrant from Preash Trapeang said
“I used to live in Battambang with my uncle, while I registered for family book the
police informed me to use this place as my place of birth”.
When they arrived in Cambodia, Khmer Krom apparently did not understand the
Cambodian law very well because of being used to living in a different social
environment, new life in the city and being poorly educated. Consequently they had to
live in a terrible and fragile situation. The situation in this context of urban migration
is similar to that of Thai women in rural-urban migration; they were poorly educated
and inexperienced, they were ill-equipped to challenge employers and other
55
authorities. They encountered low wages, unhealthy working conditions, arbitrary and
unfamiliar forms of labor discipline, and inadequate legal protection. These
constituted a baseline of exploitation to which rural-urban migrants had little choice
but to submit (Mill, 1998).
Most of them stay in Cambodia without formal registration such as a family book. So
most of them do not have an opportunity to get a good job. They often work as a
construction worker or street vendor and some of them take over the work of buying
collected rubbish that used to be done by Vietnamese living in Cambodia. This
results in more confusion. Some Khmer Krom used to experience that during earning
their livelihood, sometimes a bad person who annoyed them by eating their food
without giving payment and insulted them because they were new people. They did
not know the situation in Cambodia. So they were in a vulnerable situation when
faced with such situations; they had to tolerate, calm down, and did nothing but just
sit down and cried.
Society provides people with equal status in jobs and other services but a number of
Khmer Krom have not had access to good jobs in Cambodia. An interviewee said that
she does not want to find a job in a public company or any work place, because she is
afraid that somebody will look at her in different way from other people. “I do not
want to see people confused me with Vietnamese and hear someone else call me as
“a youn”, because I am really Khmer, but I was born in Kampuchea Krom which is
occupied by Vietnamese authority” (a 41 female migrant from Preash Trapeang). In
contrast, many respondents linked such problems to their low education, less skill, and
having no relatives who are working in these social institutions which they called
Kséar.
Some Khmer Krom have expressed their difficulties to their social status of
citizenship in Cambodia expressed by lack of two important documents which include
family book and personal identity card. These can legally identify people as members
of society and be used to receive other services like employment and school
enrolment, provided by society. Obtaining a passport to cross the international border
to visit their relatives in Vietnam is dependent on possession of these legal
documents. They need a passport to legally cross the border though they were born in
56
Vietnam and used to have Vietnamese citizenship; but after they had illegally left for
years they had removed themselves from being Vietnamese people. Moreover, they
have the view that if they cannot have access to a family book they will not send their
children to the public schools. They cannot find a job from the public or private
companies. It will be assumed that they are staying in Cambodia illegally. Another
thing is that most of the Khmer Krom in Cambodia cannot get a passport if they use
their original place of birth in Vietnam. However powerful Khmer Krom can obtain a
passport and identity card using the original place of birth in Kampuchea Krom by
advocacy.
3.5 Insider and Outsider Relationship 3.5.1 Home Visiting and vice versa
Even though they were living in Phnom Penh, a destination place and were separated
from the authority of their hometown, they were often communicating with their
relatives in Kampuchea Krom. Especially for families who had a better economic
income. They can have available means to visit their relatives in their home country.
They often went to Kampuchea Krom if it had a celebration of marriage or any
relatives did the ceremony for their ancestors. Moreover, Khmer Krom, whose parents
were alive and living in Kampuchea Krom, frequently visited them.
However, any family whose parents had died, or most of their relatives had also
moved to live in Cambodia, rarely visited their hometown. It did not mean that they
had forgotten their mother land; it was still felt in their mind. Many constraints made
it difficult to visit Kampuchea Krom very often other than in very special cases. Those
obstacles include the long distance between Phnom Penh and place of origin which
was mostly in Preash Trapeang; they have to spend a lot of money for transportation.
They have to cross the international border but do not have any official documents for
travel. If they did go they were sometimes interrogated by police at the border and
turned back home. A few people who fled from their hometown because of
involvement in political issues were afraid of being arrested and did not go back. They
shifted the responsibility of visiting to other members of their family.
57
Due to my personal constraints, I had never visited in the motherland
since I left home; however my feeling cannot forget it because it was
a place where our placenta was buried, otherwise my wife used to go
there for taking part with nephew’ wedding ceremony (From Choéng,
a 62 male migrant from Preash Trapeang).
In contrast their relatives who are living in Kampuchea Krom were often able to visit
Phnom Penh and/or take part in special ceremonies such as wedding, or anniversary
ceremonies. Sometimes those people come to stay with them for a while in order to
get to know the lifestyle in Cambodia, and returned home bringing with them the way
of performing those patterns with them. Moreover, they often bought with them some
material items of Khmer material culture such as clothes, horoscope books, and
Khmer song/tape records. There were some other people who had come to stay with
their relatives in Phnom Penh for the purpose of learning some life skills such as
motor repairing or hair dressing, and returned to their hometown after they could
perform those skills.
Most of Khmer Krom migrants said that since they migrated to live in Phnom Penh
over ten years ago they had only visited Kampuchea Krom three or four times. They
could not visit very often because there were so many difficulties such as crossing the
border, not have any free time, and not have enough money to spend for
transportation because of the money that they could earn every day was just enough
for their every day life.
3.5.2 Remittance
Due to the constraints on visiting, they did not visit Kampuchea Krom very often but
they sent money home for their relatives, especially parents for special occasions
or/and in case of need. Since all respondents are permanent migrants, this generally
occurred during some special occasion such as Khmer New Year, Pchum Benh
festival, or Kathina25. This meant their parents could have some money to prepare
25 In Khmer, “Kathen”. The ceremony that is aimed at renewing Bhikkhu’s robes, offered during the months following the Rain Retreat, normally during October-November. Otherwise, partly offer the necessary things for the temple such as money, Buddhist script, etc.
58
food for monks or celebrating other necessary things that help to strengthen Khmer
culture through Theravada Buddhist pagodas. Moreover, they can send in large or
small amounts of money for building house and sometimes they can send and/or lend
their relatives money in case of need such as having health issues, and so on. One of
the male migrants said:
“In the last five years, while I worked as middle businessman with
Thai people to sell second-hand-motorbike in Toultompong. I could
earn more money send money home very often…I sent it in good will,
so he could buy food, medicine, and spend for worship ( as Buddhist
practice). I sent money back home to build house for my parents. I
had already exchanged money into Vietnamese currency and send it
through anyone who can be trustable such as neighboring relatives
or friends who went to visit there or anyone visited here. But now
just for some special occasions such as Khmer New Year and Pchum
Benh (From Pho, a 38-year-old male from Preash Trapeang).
In contrast, their parents and relatives in Kampuchea Krom also send or lend them
money when they need some capital resources for events such as buying motor,
buying residential land or house. Some families did not have good living conditions in
Phnom Penh, and after being visited by their parents, they were sent money to help
them for a better livelihood and improve their status. A 31-year-old female migrant
from Preash Trapeang said:
“My mother came to visit me and she found that my living here was very
difficult as a Cyclo driver, after going back to Kampuchea Krom; she
sent me (about four hundred dollars) for buying a motor and my husband
could be a motor taxi driver.”
Besides sending them money, many people used to send food, clothes, and other
cultural productions such as CD and VCD of Khmer songs, traditional books, and
some other materials to do with Khmer culture. They sent these things for their
relatives or parents. One of the migrants said that:
59
“My father was an Acha, he needed every things that served for Khmer
culture, so he could have available means to meet the need of insufficient
ceremonial celebrations. I frequently sent him horoscope books, and a set
of Khmer wedding materials. Beside those things, I used to send him
Buddhist book, and also VCD or CD (the songs in Khmer). But those
things were hidden while going across the border that felt afraid of being
accused in relation to political issues by Vietnamese or breaking down of
Vietnam State policy if those things were seen and would not allow me to
get through.”
3.6 Networking Creation and Group Maintenance 3.6.1 Through Association Establishment
From the small group discussion with the representative people of the Khmer Krom
Associations in Phnom Penh, it was revealed that there were many ways that they are
trying hard to help Khmer Kampuchea; those in Cambodia and recent arrivals from
Vietnam, with improving of human rights awareness and the status of citizenship.
Preserving Khmer Krom identity is one of the objectives of the association. They try
to preserve their identity throughout some of the main cultural elements such as art,
religious practice, and other special ceremonies. According to this point of view,
Buddhism is an important tool that preserves Khmer Krom identity and distinguishes
the ethnicity of Khmer Krom from the Vietnamese. Many Khmer Krom associations
that were working not only in Phnom Penh, but also in some of the other provinces in
order to help Khmer Krom who are considered as a vulnerable group, and also
promote democracy and human rights by a course of training. Participants were also
supported in both social and psychological encouragement. They created recreational
activities, offered informal education and other skills and provided sources of advice
or legal aid in emergencies.
In the center of Kouk Khleang III there is a Khmer Krom association which serves as
a key factor helping to heighten solidarity in the community, and promote the status of
Khmer Krom. They take control in everything in the community as an independent
administration under the supervision of all Khmer Krom members in its association.
Members in this community feel there is a lot of common sense in the community
60
because they experience the same difficult life and background. That was why they
have to tighten their community spirit, and be tolerant of each other if any problem
occurs within their group. In addition, they have celebrated a meeting for Khmer
Krom on every special occasion such as during a Pchum Benh day, and Khmer New
Year. They had invited people in the community and from outside the community to
participate in their meeting ceremony. Moreover from a key informant, Khmer Krom
Associations or organizations have marked the anniversary of France’s concession of
Khmer Krom territory to Vietnam every year26. It was observed that many Khmer
Krom both monks and laymen had participated. Some of the respondents also
participated in the celebration.
Besides what has been mentioned, people in the community who used to be involved
in the Khmer Krom association have created a voluntary association. They vary in the
degree to which they serve generalized or specialized functions such as a savings
group and sharing group in order to help the poor and supported the family when there
were any members in the association who died. However, some respondents felt that
they may be frustrated if they participate now because they think that it may not
provide benefits for the participants. Consequently, many of them seem not to want
to be involved in such helping because now they want an independent livelihood.
3.6.2 Social Interaction
Many respondents viewed that they interact with and know a lot of other Khmer
Krom rather than Khmer originated in Cambodia. Among those Khmer Krom, some
have been known since they have been living in Kampuchea Krom, and some were
introduced to them after living in Cambodia. However, there is no clear idea whether
they want to interact with any specific groups per se. Consequently, if they
communicate with other people in different types of background beside Khmer Krom,
it may affect the communication by stereotype. They may view Khmer Krom to be a
Vietnamese ethnic group in Cambodia, especially when they first arrived in
Cambodia. A 41 year old woman teacher from Preash Trapeang said:
26 From a personal interview with the head of Khmer Kampuchea Krom Community on 14-08-2006.
61
“I can tell any one who is trustable, but someone who is not so clear and
just seeing them from the outside, I do not want them to know me as
Khmer Krom. I was afraid that they would easily confuse me as
Vietnamese group, so generally no one knows me as Khmer Krom is
better.”
In the comparison Khmer Krom to Vietnamese, some respondents have identified that
they just want to insult Khmer Krom, though most of them thought that Khmer Krom
were also Khmer people. However they were closer with Khmer Krom in terms of
coming from the same place of origin and can understand each others feelings well
because of experiencing the same living condition. From Khmer Krom per se, they
strongly view that they are also Khmer and they do not want to distinguish or
discriminate between Khmer Krom and Khmer in Cambodia.
Generally, in Kampuchea Krom, people tend to show respect for anyone who used to
dress in a yellow robe. They definitely considered that people who participated in
monkhood were more tolerant, and were educated in all kinds of social norms, social
ethics, and other values in society. Even though, they moved to live in Cambodia but
they retained the respect among Khmer Krom and satisfy to offering. Furthermore,
the people sometimes send money and Buddhist script for their old parents as well as
for the pagodas, especially during the Kathina ceremony. They considered they can
participate and benefit their country through improving supporting religious activities.
The people in the community tend to engage with Khmer Krom monks rather than
with monks who originate in Cambodia. Most of them tend to think there are
different values between these groups of monks and they prefer to follow the Buddhist
practices of the Kampuchea Krom monks. Thus, not so far from the community, some
pagodas existing of Khmer Krom monks, such as in Samrong Andeth, Taingkrosaing,
and Angtamign. Some of the Khmer Krom monks in these pagodas were quite
familiar with people in the community. They frequently offer food for those monks in
these pagodas, especially on holy days. Additionally, in the case where they had any
special ceremonies such as marriage or doing a blessing at home; they preferred to
invite the Khmer Krom monks to participate. Reth, a 52 man from Preash Trapeang
told that:
62
“I prefer to invite a monk from Kampuchea Krom while my families
having sermon because he is practically with Dharma, and I also want to
help him. Moreover, he can have money to be supported for his study in
Phnom Penh.”
Beside the above mentioned, many people in the community had viewed that they had
no strong preference to living among Cambodian people or Khmer Krom people. But
they feel equal in terms of social classification in terms of living among Khmer Krom.
In contrast, there were some people that viewed that Cambodian people are very kind
to Khmer Krom as a result of Khmer Krom being gentle and faithful and do not like to
have a quarrel with anyone.
3.6.3 Through Marriage Tendency
Marriage tendency is an important factor in sustaining their cultural features and
ethnic group maintenance. It is also necessary for the next generation’s performance
to express themselves as an ethnic group. Intentionally, parents seem to prefer
engagements with any Khmer blood rather than any other ethnic group, even though
most of their parents had viewed that the engagement of marriage is up to the decision
making of their children. Otherwise, they seem to tend to be involved with
Cambodian people rather than other ethnic groups. They want to assimilate more
closely with Khmer as they are living in Cambodia. If they had more connections
with other Cambodian people through marriage ties they can be more satisfied and
feel more comfortable because those are people here.
In contrast parents tend to discriminate against taking Vietnamese to tie with their
children through marriage. However some Kampuchea Krom have married to
Vietnamese; it happens occasionally in the special cases such as when they go a long
way to continue their studies or for doing work and they meet and fall in love with
each other. Khmer Krom do not want their children to marry with Vietnamese
because they do not trust the family a lot and they view them as being of different
ethnic classification. Moreover, their daughter/son-in-law may not treat their parents-
in-law well and in the manner they have seen their neighboring families being treated.
63
More difficult, they had to spend a lot of money and conduct a complex celebration
ceremony on both sides27.
The children of most of the families in the community had become engaged to
Cambodian people since they are growing up in Cambodia and can be considered
Cambodian or alternatively Khmer Krom. They do not seem to be satisfied with any
ethnic group who are not Khmer, so parents do not seem to be accustomed to a
different cultural performance.
3.7 Khmer Krom Identity 3.7.1 Language
Language is an identity marker to identify groups of people and to identify to which
groups they belong. It is lucky for Khmer Krom who can be considered as having a
special heritage. It can make a separation between Vietnamese and Khmer Krom
people, even though they are in Vietnam or Cambodia. In terms of language in this
context, it is concentrated on their way of speaking, with words and intonation/accent.
Fortunately, Khmer Krom inherits a strong tone in their voice that can be identified
when they speak out, especially for those who are native Kampuchea Krom, though
they had lived a long way from their hometown and for a long time in Phnom Penh.
Their accent is strongly inherited and that cannot be changed. Such accent is
especially easy to identify for Khmer Krom from Preash Trapeang. Additionally, from
a small group discussion, it was raised that nearly all Khmer Krom who lived in
Battambang province for many years surrounded by people like themselves, even
their children who were born in Cambodia were still not be able to follow the
Cambodian accent, but inherit the accent of the older generation.
Here, the accents in terms of the language of Khmer Krom are noticeably different
depending on the areas from which they came. It is possible to distinguish between
people who come from Preash Trapeang, Moat Chrouk, or Polleave. In general, we
can identify three different categories or main groups that include: 1) To the east of 27 A personal interview with Khmer Krom during observation in Vietnam in 2006, even though they are Khmer girl or Khmer boy, for inter-marriage between Khmer Krom and Vietnam, the ceremony is celebrated on both sites in according to each culture. The ceremony can be large or small. It depends on the economic income for each family.
64
Tonle Bassac areas such as Khleang, Polleave, Kramoun Sor. 2) To the west of Tonle
Bassac such as Preash Trapeang, Long Hor, Kompong Russey. 3) In the border with
southern Cambodia or among Moat Chrouk province.
What is noticeable for Khmer Krom in group one is that they tend to speak without
the sound of “ró” especially with double vowel or consonant such as: “Sré” (rice
farming land) changed the sound to “S é”, “Chraen” (many) they sound like “Ch
aen”, “Chrouk” (pig) sound like “Ch ouk”, “Króm” change sound to “Kó m”. They
sound “ró” as quite similar to the people who live in Kampot-Takeo border province
in Cambodia, but Khmer Krom is speaking a longer sound. This correspondent to
what Thach (1997) demonstrated; most people living in this area fled from Kampot,
and Takeo during the period when the country was faced with many difficulties
(Thach, 1997:39).
For group two, they speak with a totally different sound from people from areas of
Cambodia. It sounds strong, a bit softer and a bit longer. People who have never
heard the sound of their speaking often confuse them as Vietnamese but once they
become familiar with them it is easy to distinguish. For this group their accent does
not change, even though they live in Phnom Penh for dozens of years; their accent
seems to change “p” to “b” and “thór” to “thér”. For example, “Preash Thór”,
(Dhamma) sounds like “bresh thér”__ “krabai” (buffalo) sounds like “kraboeu (y)”.
Whereas for group three in Moat Chrouk, they sound nearly similar to people in Siem
Reap province. They speak with a long and softer voice such as “Preash vihear”(great
building in pagodas) sounds like “Preash viher”__ “póngtear” ( duck egg) sounds like
“póngter”__ “kmearn” (nothing) sounds like “kmern”__ “niyeary” (speak) sounds like
“anyery”.
Furthermore, comparing the intonation between Cambodian, Khmer Krom, and
Vietnam, there are differences that can be identified, even though the accent of people
is a little bit strange from place to place. It has been noticed that Vietnamese cannot
follow words in accent as well as Khmer Krom do, even they had been living near
Khmer Krom families for years and try to do, especially words that have a double
consonant sound, e.g. Cambodian pronounce “Ksach” (sand) -Khmer Krom can give
65
very similar pronunciation but it is a bit longer- whereas Vietnamese cannot do it as
well. They speak this word with a different accent as “sít”. Moreover, for
Vietnamese people who come to live in Cambodia for a long time, they can follow the
accent very nearly as a Khmer. However, for the Khmer Krom they cannot change,
especially those who originate in Preash Trapeang areas.
For Khmer Krom in Kampuchea Krom, respondents had demonstrated that Khmer
language is still being used at home and in community amongst Khmer Krom people.
Though they are living as a minority group, and there is a strong influence from the
majority of Vietnamese, there were many Vietnamese words included in their
everyday communication. As identified by Traing (2005) about a combination of
word using during their speaking, i.e. Cambodian “chéis kóng” (riding a bicycle) =
“chéis xe may is used by Khmer Krom__ Cambodian “tov montiphet” (go to hospital)
= “tov nha thuong”. During official ceremonies Khmer Krom tend to use native
Khmer words (Traing, 2005).
Obviously, most of the Khmer Krom people are very conservative with their old
words. Some of the words that have been used for their everyday life are not
understood or used in Cambodia today. This also probably due to the fact they are
living in Vietnam surrounded with one group of people who are strongly different in
culture and not have good opportunity to apply and develop new concepts. Moreover,
there are some words used by Khmer Krom such as “korn yoéung” (pouk yoéung =
we are) that are completely different from Cambodian like: “pakór” (komseave dam
toéuk = boiling pot), “anteach” (pan té = tea pot), “cheng mar” (kao aiy = chair).
3.7.2 Naming
Naming is a special cultural feature attached to place, ethnicity and social
environment that can be identified for Khmer Krom. Therefore, the family name of
people in Kampuchea Krom is different from that in Cambodia, and significantly
different from Vietnam. According to Thach (1997) Khmer Krom used different
families name such as Thach, Son, Kien, Kim, Chau, Danh and Ly. He had identified
that these names were used by the Vietnamese authority in order to distinguish Khmer
Krom from Vietnamese (Thach, 1997:79) whilst the Vietnamese tend to use their
66
family names of Nguyén, Ngó, Hó and Phan. Moreover, most of the people from
Preash Trapeang commonly used the family name of Thach which is often used both
for men and women, but women insert Thi between first name and family name, i.e.
Thach Thi Nhán (Thach is family name, Thi refers to female, and Nhán is her own
name).
Whereas people who came from Moat Chrouk normally prefer to use the family name
of Chau, especially for men, and women prefer to use Neang at the beginning, i.e.
Neang Kim Ghiey (Neang refers to female, Kim is family name, and Ghiey is her own
name). A general name is “Son”. This term is usually confused by most of
Cambodians as the name of Vietnam, and if they are angry with them; they use a
Vietnamese phrase to insult and curse them such as “dú mé á Son”. Actually, this
word does not refer to the Vietnamese but to Khmer Krom and can be used for their
name in all areas.
There is a contrast when compared with Cambodian family names. Cambodians tend
to use their father or grandfather’s name for their family name. So, it is easy to
identify this difference whether they are Khmer, Khmer Krom, or Vietnamese.
With regard to the Khmer Krom who moved to live in Phnom Penh, and especially in
the studied community, there were many people who have kept their family names,
and this conservation not only occurs for the people who originated from Kampuchea
Krom, but it is also used for the next generation who were born and grew up in
Cambodia. One of the migrants had expressed that:
“The family name was used from my parents, so I do not want to change it.
It is necessary to keep. Also other children that follow me and born here
used this name of Thach, even I had opportunity to change it” (from
Chéong, a 62 male migrant from Preash Trapeang).
Additionally, he had empathized that his children also used the family name of Thach,
and only his grandchildren had changed their family name to Khmer as a result of his
children being married to Khmer people. They want to follow to the ways that Khmer
have done.
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Otherwise, a few families had changed their family names from the above mentioned
to their parents name as Khmer normally use, and also their last name to sound like
Cambodian rather than like Kampuchea Krom, e.g. “reng” to “ren”. They changed
their name because they wanted to hide where they came from and wanted to appear
as if they were Khmer who came from another place in Cambodia. Additionally,
these people changed the name of their birth place from Kampuchea Krom to
Cambodia. Place of birth was one of the most important background features that
could express who they were and where they came from. As expressed by KKC
(2002) that “if they want to express whether they are Khmer Krom or they are
Vietnamese, they can be asked some questions such as the name of the village,
commune, district, and province (the names of the areas were nearly changed from
what Khmer used to call them). Most Khmer Krom can clarify their resident name
that used to be called by Khmer but Vietnamese it is more difficult to clarify.”
Moreover, Khmer Krom tend to identify themselves as belonging to a particular
Buddhist temple that can be identified. This does not occur for Vietnamese.
3.7.3 Types of Occupations
The Khmer Krom who had migrated to live in Cambodia for many years have more
opportunity to achieve a good occupation than the Khmer Krom who migrated to live
in Cambodia in the last few years. They have been engaged in various occupations in
accordance with their effort and opportunities. It was seen that Khmer Krom who
were well educated have had access to higher ranking government official positions,
or work in other social institutions. Whereas some Khmer Krom who fled for political
reasons, and have higher understanding, may have the target of living a long life in
Phnom Penh in order to work in Cambodia and establish a local organization which is
entitled to use the term “Khmer Kampuchea Krom”. These organizations can be
oriented to help Khmer Krom living in Cambodia and also those who live in
Kampuchea Krom. Another different type of migrant is the monks. One of the heads
of the monk association for the Khmer Krom monks stated that most of the Khmer
Krom monks had left for many different purposes. Some wanted to continue their
study, some wanted to help in social work, some wanted to live in the third countries
and some wanted to go back to their homeland to teach those people there. He also
estimated that about 2,000 Khmer Krom monks are living in Cambodia. The most
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difficult task of the monks is to find a place to stay because there is no one to help
them with this problem. However, for people who moved to live in Cambodia a long
time before, it is rather difficult to identify them from the outside, especially if just
concentrated in types of occupation.
However, one of the groups of Khmer Krom which it is easy to identify, are Khmer
Krom who are grassroots people who moved recently. But this kind of person is often
confused as being Vietnamese due to their unclear pronunciation or less
understanding in being able to express themselves. They are sometimes occupying the
work that Vietnamese used to perform such as buying the collected rubbish (tign éth
chay). In addition for this matter, what can be used to identify Khmer Krom for this
group are the types of their business they use for their everyday livelihood. The
General Secretariat of the Khmer Kampuchea Krom Coordination Committee
emphasized that “types of business is one of the external features that can partly
identify Khmer Krom who are living in Phnom Penh, most of them can be seen as
working by pushing, pulling(cart), and carrying.”
Table1.2: Types of business in the community
Number Percentage
Types of Business
Mal
e
Fem
ale
Tota
l
Mal
e
Fem
ale Total
Percentage
Pushing and pulling cart 7 4 11 17.5 10 27.5
Construction worker 2 9 11 5 22.5 27.5
Motor Taxi Driver 8 0 8 20 0 20
Small Selling 0 5 5 0 12.5 12.5
Others 3 2 5 7.5 5 12.5
Total 20 20 40 50 50 100
Additionally, a survey with forty Khmer Krom which is not representative of the
whole population; in Table1.2 supported that most of Khmer Krom are working as
pulling and pushing the cart (27.5%) such as Lot Chhar, Bouk Lahong, coconut and
sausage seller of which 10 % are male participating at such work that is usually
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controlled by females. Whereas construction worker is similar to the number who
push and pull the carts (27.5%). Besides this work they mainly work as Motor taxi
drivers (20%- completely occupied by males), small sellers (12.5%), and others
(12.5%) such as buying collected rubbish, teacher, police and housewives.
One way for the people who escaped from political difficulties who prefer to work
with Khmer Krom organization is to attempt to solve difficulties and promote the
status of Khmer Krom. While some other Khmer Krom migrants, especially for
females who had less power and lower education, used their ability to survive their
everyday life. This group of people tended to work independently, without control
from anyone and could be seen as self employed. In term of working, it was seen that
Khmer Krom were people who encountered a big struggle with their life. They had to
work from morning until night. Pulling or pushing the cart, and carrying objects such
as Bouk Lahong, Lot Chhar, grinding soybean, selling baby-duck egg, prohit (chess),
oyster and as coconut sellers. These occupations were mostly carried out by Khmer
Krom. These types of works were transferred and introduced from one to another
while the first arrived in Phnom Penh. Though the new migrants never used to do
such work, but after arriving in Phnom Penh, they tried to develop it by their own, and
often were informed and taught from the previous migrants.
A KKKC’s secretariat general supported that saying: “Most of their works are under
their own responsibility, not under any master such as construction workers, or street
vendors. Some of them come to Cambodia selling something just finding some money
and send it to their homeland to build a new house or helping their family, not have
the purpose to be permanent living in Cambodia.”28 However, this mention was
strongly responded to by Khmer Krom who first arrived in Cambodia. Sometimes
they are threatened by gangsters who go to their homes late at night.
3.7.4 Housing
Superficially we cannot identify Khmer Krom or Vietnamese’s homes from the
outside of their houses in Kampuchea Krom, because the style of the houses is
28 Personal interviewed in his office, March 2006.
70
seemingly in similar form. Khmer Krom’s houses were built in wood. They tend to
build directly on the ground, and houses are about 6x9m. The wall is made of
bamboo and the roof is made of Sleak Chak29. The rural cement houses are not as
large as in the town. The roofs were mostly made of zinc. This is the general aspect
of the rural housing in Southern Vietnam. However, there are some special features
that can be identified which differentiate the house of Khmer Krom and Vietnamese.
Generally, Khmer Krom tend to live in their specific community far from
agglomeration, and do not prefer to live near water resources or urban areas as
Vietnamese. Furthermore, it shows much variety if looking at interior house
decoration. Due to the difference in culture and practice of their religions, the
Kampuchea Krom’s house usually has a small Buddha’s altar for worship, whereas
the house of Vietnamese usually contains a small altar with Mahayana’s Gods for
their worship. For a cement house, the Khmer Krom tend to add something that can
be identified of Khmer Krom’ house, such Khmer art on the top and bottom of the
pillar, and there were many houses having Khmer scripts on top of the roof that tell
the year of building the house.
Figure 1.1: Khmer Krom’s house and their family in Kampuchea Krom.
Photo: Thida, 2005
Figure 1.2: The family name in front of the house identified Khmer Krom's house in Phnom Penh.
Photo: Choeun, 2006
When they moved to live in Phnom Penh, most Khmer Krom tended to live in slum
areas when first arriving at their destination place. However, their dwelling cannot be
distinguished between Khmer Krom or poor Cambodian people who moved from
other provinces in Cambodia. After living in Phnom Penh for a period of time, they
could earn some money and join together into poor associations in the urban city. As 29 Sleak Chak is a kind of tropical tree that some of Cambodian, Vietnamese, and Thai use its leaf to roof their house.
71
a result, the studied community which was initially established by KKKHRD, allowed
all urban poor from many of the slum areas to come, especially focusing on Khmer
Krom, and participate and they provided a plot of land of 4 x 9 meters for housing.
All houses that were established were generally in the same model because those
houses were constructed by the association with support from some NGOs such as
UN-Habited. The house owners gradually paid for the house until repayment was
achieved in a few years. According to the basis of the contract, the monthly payments
could be big or small. In front of these houses was scripted the name of its owner
which begins with Thach and the supporting institution While inside the house they
have small altar with Buddha status or picture for worship.
3.7.5 Other Supplementary Features Identifying Khmer Krom
In addition there are some other characteristics that are noticeable for Khmer Krom.
These supplementary features include manner of dressing that range from their every
day usage to special occasion, and part of their external physical features.
Clothing: As a result of modern technology, the styles of dressing and clothing seem
to become global. People have exchanged and recreated from one to another that
make it hard to identify which ones belong to any particular group of people. This is
especially so for their everyday dress. However, each group of people has its own
special dressing style and clothes model that can be identified; and they usually use it
for special occasions. Whereas Khmer Krom’s dress is not so different from Khmer
in Cambodia, it is noted that old Khmer Krom in Kampuchea Krom traditionally tend
to wear a long, black skirt, or Sampot Chong Kben. (However, now it is hard to find
people who use this dressing). It is found in some areas both for men and women,
especially, for old people and is used for special ceremonies, in Svay Toung in Mout
Chrouk province. Youth who have an average resource wears Sampot (skirt) and
white shirt, and for those lacking of resource use black trouser and white shirt.
Middle aged people tend to wear black trouser and white short shirt (called BáBa) like
Vietnamese short shirt but no fork. In the 1960s some old women tended to wear
black trouser and long black shirt (called Ao Lanh). For farming, both men and
women usually used Krama (scarf) covering their head, and sometime double with the
Doun (Vietnam straw hat) to protect from sunshine. For wedding ceremony they
72
dress like Cambodian. (Traing, 2005). However, it is noted that most of Khmer Krom
who are living in Vietnam tend to wear trousers rather than Sampot.
Figure 1.4: Traditional clothes for young women in special occasions. Photo: Travinh culture, 2005
Figure 1.3: Traditional clothes for old women in special occasions or at pagoda. Photo: Choeun, at An Xiang museum, 2006
The Khmer Krom who live in Cambodia are not quite noticeably different in their
manner of dressing as Cambodian. The people in the studied community were well
integrated to Cambodia because they had been living here for years, and dressing in
the Sampot, and Avpark for ceremonial participation, the same as for as Cambodian.
But it is noticed that women tend to wear trousers and girls prefer to wear trousers in
their uniform for their every day life.
Physical Features: In term of physical features, Khmer Krom are noticeably different
from Vietnamese, but they are the same as Cambodians. As Traing mentioned, there
are some physical features that identify Khmer Krom. He expressed that Khmer
Krom are people with a chubby body, strong and solid, black and curly hair, black eye
color, big nose, and brown skin color. For men there was average height of 1.65
centimeters, and female with an average height of 1.55 centimeters. Vietnamese are
different from Kampuchea Krom, having black fine hair with a fair white skin, but the
similar to the height. He compares Cambodian and Khmer Krom as originally and
closely related to the Kleung “Kalinga” whereas Vietnamese are closely related to
Chinese. The characteristics of Khmer Krom are to be firm and inflexible, but faithful
73
unlike the Vietnamese people who are modest and flexible with situations (Traing,
2005). In term of physical features, Khmer and Khmer Krom are very similar because
they used to come from the same source of Khmer; and Thach S. (1997) raised that
some of Khmer Krom migrated from Takeo and Kampot province where it is now in
Cambodia.
But for what contributes to confusion between physical features of Khmer Krom and
Vietnamese is that there are some Khmer Krom women who have a fair white skin,
and black fine hair because some of them have Chinese blood, along with wearing
trouser with their uniform which makes them more similar to Vietnamese. As told by
a wife’ respondent , she had been confused as Vietnamese while she goes around in
the city for selling because she has a fair white skin, and wears a bracelet that is
tended to use by Vietnamese girl.
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CHAPTER 4
Discussion and Conclusion
4.1 Discussion on Legal Status and Reasons for Migration 4.1.1 Legal Status of Khmer Krom
Before getting to know what the Khmer Krom are doing in Cambodia and how they
have attempted to conserve and strengthen their identity, we must first look at the
legal status of Khmer Krom - especially in Cambodia. This important factor
determines their role in society and is relevant to their identity in the place of origin
and at the place of destination. In this situation, it is not concentrated on Khmer Krom
who came to Cambodia a long time ago (before 1980) because this group of people
has assimilated with Cambodian people, but it is focused on who moved to Cambodia
during the last two decades – those people who moved before the first election in
1993, and the last few years. These people were sometimes discriminated against and
some have not yet achieved their status as official Cambodian citizens.
In Kampuchea Krom, the government of Vietnam categorized Khmer Krom as one of
the 54 ethnic minorities (Angiang museum, 2006). This minority group is called
“Khmer or Mién” and sometime as “Khmer Nam Bó30”. Khmer Krom hold
Vietnamese nationality. They never wanted to become Vietnamese, even though in
1949, during the time of the Bao Dai emperor, the term “Vietnamese of Khmer
Origin” was used by Vietnam when Cochinchine was transferred to Vietnam. Some
Khmer Krom nationalist interpret the term to mean Khmer are immigrants who came
to live in Vietnam and wanted to have official Vietnamese Nationality. Another point
of view is that Khmer are the ethnic minority or a hill tribe who came and sought
Vietnamese nationality. Consequently, there were many Khmer Krom monks who
demanded a change from this word to the status of ethnic group in order to keep their
status of Khmer (Thach, 1997).
In Cambodia, on the other hand, Khmer Krom who unofficially migrate to live there
are still vaguely accepted as Khmer. There is no article of law that particularly 30 Nam Bó is a Vietnamese word that means southern part, so the term Khmer Nam Bó refers to Khmer in southern part of Vietnam.
75
mentions whether Khmer Krom are Cambodian people or not. Consequently, new
migrants who have just arrived from Kampuchea Krom face some difficulties. They
find it difficult to register for a family book as well as an identity card or a passport31.
One reason for this is that they are illegal migrants who crossed an international
border, and another reason is that some of the migrants live in temporary rental
housing. However, in some other cases they can possibly register for those services
because they have changed their place of birth from Kampuchea Krom to some place
in Cambodia. Khmer Krom are often confused with Vietnamese migrants because of
their accent and sometimes their use of Vietnamese words in their speech.
De Vos and Ross (1982) stressed that “like other forms of social identity, ethnic
identity is essentially subjective, a sense of social belonging and ultimate loyalty”. As
identified below, Khmer Krom were also Khmer, as other people in Cambodia were,
because they aligned themselves to Cambodia as a common origin with the same
cultural mores, history, and feeling of self-belonging. Additionally, based on the
“emic” Nagata (1979) theory, which also supported Khmer Krom, ethnicity is
dependent on who people consider themselves to be. However, some people
discriminate against Khmer Krom in the same way they discriminate against
Vietnamese people. Khmer Krom themselves do not want to be distinguished as a
different group of ethnicity from the Khmer. Khmer Krom usually see themselves as
children of Cambodia with Cambodia as their parent who will look after their
children, especially when confronted with obstacles. However, personal consideration
is not enough to categorize groups of people. Only society has the power to categorize
and decide to which ethnicity they belong.
From social considerations, some supporting documents express the legal status of
Khmer Krom as Khmer, especially while they were in Cambodia.
Firstly, based on the historical context, Kampuchea Krom and Cambodia were not
separated, and borderless. Thereafter Kampuchea Krom territory was gradually
administered by Vietnam, and it was then completely integrated by the French
administration. Since that time there has been separate administration between
31 Khmer Kampuchea Krom Human Rights Organization, Advocacy Activities, Report may, 2006.
76
Kampuchea Krom and Cambodia, with Kampuchea Krom under the control of the
Vietnamese authorities. However, Khmer Krom retained a strong heritage from the
culture of their ancestors. They still spoke the Khmer language, practiced Khmer
culture and beliefs and went to the Khmer pagoda. They still kept a strong of feeling
of identity with the Khmer people, and did not want to change their identity to any
ethnic group. From migrants it also became clear that both Khmer in Cambodia and
Kampuchea Krom share the same heritage because they came from one original
ancestor. Therefore, they tried to conserve and follow Khmer cultural practice. The
study had shown that all respondents had viewed themselves as Khmer, even though
some had categorized their group as Khmer Krom but they still thought of the two
groups as the same.
Secondly, the King’s statement demonstrated that “in the decade of 1950s and 1960s
during the time of Kingdom of Cambodia and Sangkum Reastr Niyum; both male and
female Khmer who were born in Kampuchea Krom were inevitably part of Cambodia,
and had been illegally integrated into their own territory by Annam in the 18th
century. Furthermore, this territory was then integrated by French colonialists in the
19th century. Even though they had Vietnamese nationality while living in Southern
Vietnam when it was the lower part of Cambodia. These Khmer people can keep their
legal rights as full Khmer when they initially step on to current Cambodian
territory”32. In reference to this statement, Khmer Krom were legally entitled to
Khmer citizenship and to keep their status of original Khmer even though they were
now living abroad or in Cambodia. This statement is a welcome reference for Khmer
Krom and could be used for advocacy with any local authority if they disagree with
Khmer Krom people’s rights for citizenship in Cambodia. As a result, many Khmer
Krom people are working in Cambodia based on this statement that seems to reassure
and help Khmer Krom in their legal status in Cambodia.
Thirdly, based on general law that identifies the status of Khmer nationality as: firstly,
Cambodian Constitution Article 33, and Article 2 of Law on Nationality mentions that
Khmer citizens shall not be deprived of their nationality, exiled or arrested and
deported to any country unless there is a mutual agreement on extradition. Moreover, 32 Translated from the statement of King Norodom Sihanouk’s on 22 October, 1992 , while he was the head of Supreme National Council (SNC).
77
another comment in Article 3 of Nationality Law maintains that “citizens of
Cambodia who are living abroad: 1 - have a support through an ambassador, 2 - and
can not autonomously lose their nationality”. Whereas in Article 4 of Law on
Nationality mentions, people shall obtain Khmer nationality/citizenship regardless of
the place of birth for: (a) any legitimate child who is born from a mother or a father
who has Khmer nationality/citizenship, (b) any illegitimate child who is born from
and recognized by mother or a father who has Khmer nationality, or (c) any children
who is not recognized by the mother and father, when upon the court passed a
judgment stating that such child was really born from a mother or a father who has
Khmer nationality/citizenship.
Based on legal procedures Khmer Krom can legally be citizens of Cambodia, and
Khmer ethnicity, while they are living in Cambodia and this category is consists both
of self-identification by Khmer Krom and Society. However, it may need a clear
identification to integrate them officially as Cambodian citizens. A small number of
local authorities and police officials have difficulty in accepting these people as
officially Khmer citizens when there is no article of law for Khmer Krom as Khmer
citizens when they live in Cambodia. However, some respondents gave the reasons
for the hesitation to issue them with official resident books, or allow them to stay in
Cambodia. They may need something else - such as money to pay a bribe to the
officials.
According to the representative of Khmer Krom for refugees, two cases had occurred
differently for Khmer Krom status. Four Khmer Krom have received refugee status
from UNHCR so far. These people used to actively participate with the formation of
Khmer Krom associations for the benefit of Khmer Krom and dissemination of
Khmer culture, and books or other cultural material33 that revealed the difficulties of
Khmer Krom. Consequently, some were arrested, interrogated and intimidated. As a
result, they moved to Cambodia and asked for asylum status. In contrast, nearly one
hundred Khmer Krom fled in January 2005 to Phnom Penh because of behavior of the
Vietnamese authority regarding issues of human rights repression, threatening
behavior, and intimidation. They had asked for refugee status from UNHCR. They 33 Those include with books, Khmer songs, and bulletins that were mostly produced by Khmer Kampuchea Krom Federation.
78
failed to refer to the King’s statement and nationality law. The government of
Cambodia considers them as Cambodian and there is no need to provide refugee
status as Cambodia is also their nation.
However, it is rather different between the new migrants and the older ones. The older
migrants have had a good opportunity to access official legal status in Cambodia, by
receiving a family book, identity card, and they are able to use their place of origin in
Kampuchea Krom if they need. Amongst the old migrants, most families have their
own house and if they personally lack understanding of access to those services, it is
not impossible to access them. Whereas in the case of new and temporary migrants
they may need to be investigated more thoroughly by the local authority as to whether
they are real Khmer Krom or not. Their difficulty occurs since they begin by illegally
crossing the border and they are often confused with Vietnamese people. The border
police station does not allow them to pass. For these new migrants it is hard to access
official status as a Cambodian due to the fact they are living temporarily in Phnom
Penh, and sometimes return to their home in Vietnam. In addition, the Khmer Krom
may not have shown any official identification letter as Khmer Krom, known in
Vietnam as Khó-me/Mién. These people may not be aware of the legal procedures
required to clarify or advocate to local authority or police officials. Furthermore, they
live in rented accommodation or in slum areas, so they live without official
registration of citizenship.
4.1.2 Reasons for Migration
As mentioned in the literature review, many types of migrants came to live in
Cambodia caused by different factors. The three types of social main streams were
economic, social and cultural reasons, and some from political issues that are linked to
the causes of Khmer Krom migration and it responded to the reasons of migration
mentioned in the literature review, along with a few other factors. However, the
reasons expressed regarding the difficulty at the place of origin and the favorable
conditions at the place of destination vary in accordance to when they arrived in the
country of destination. It has been identified that many Khmer Krom moved to
Cambodia since the late 1940s, evidently, the reallocation of The Friendship of
Khmer Kampuchea Krom Association from Kampuchea Krom to Phnom Penh
79
(Thach, 1997). In 1961, two thousand Khmer Krom fled to live in Cambodia (Cheng,
1969) and some others moved gradually in the following year. However, among the
respondents in the studied community, no respondent was found to move before 1980
or after 2003 – just a few people coming to visit their relatives. The people in the
studied community have provided different reasons from one to another for their
migration, according to the types of people and the work they were doing, i.e. whether
they were street vendors, government staff or members of civil society.
Politically, the issue of Khmer Krom is connected to the political situation in
Vietnam. The Vietnamese government used to consist of two separate governments -
the Northern government sought implementation of communism, while the
government of the South sought to have a free society as a bulwark against the spread
of "international communism" in the region. There was a civil war for more than 10
years, in which Khmer Krom participated. At the end of the war in 1975, the South
fell to the North and that was why most of the southern people emigrated to a second
country in the region, including Cambodia34. Khmer Krom were among those
emigrants as well. This is a case of the ‘push factor’ that forced many Khmer Krom to
move to Cambodia.
According to the interview, some of the respondents said they decided to migrate to
Cambodia because they belonged to some social movement or were political activists
against the authority. Some of them were accused of acting with a political purpose.
As a result, most of them were intimidated and felt afraid they might be arrested for
interrogation before they could escape and live in Cambodia. Two respondents said
clearly that they were afraid the Vietnamese government would disturb their lives
because their father used to fight with the US army against the Vietnam Communist
government during the Vietnam War. This showed how some Khmer Krom tried to
link their reason for migration to Cambodia to political issues and the events in the
1970s and later. However, they did not move close to the time this situation was
happening but instead moved within the 1980s, so it was not the fundamental reason
for migration. It was only a side affect but reasons came together with other purposes.
34http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnam, accessed July, 2006.
80
Furthermore, some of the respondents were accused of involvement in Khmer Front
for Liberty that was established in name, without any clear body35. As a result, some
Khmer Krom were arrested, such as the Venerable head monk in Preash Trapeang.
Other people were intimidated and moved to Cambodia, which included one of the
respondents. This reason showed a relationship between a particular situation
happening and the time of moving to Cambodia.
People who moved because of political issues rarely visited their place of origin
because they were afraid of being arrested, even though this had never happened to
them while they were in their country of origin. Members of their family, especially
their wives, used to visit instead of them. Such people felt pleased to join in any
Khmer Kampuchea Krom association for the purposes of strengthening Khmer Krom
rights.
Economically, many people had livelihood difficulties and controversial issues after
1975 that encouraged them to want to live in Cambodia. However, at the time they
mentioned the difficulties they still hesitated to move to any country or decided not to
move at all. However, in the late 1980s and early 1990s most of them had moved
because of pulling factors at the destination. Importantly, this movement can be linked
with the situation at the destination place. Generally, most people migrated due to
economic purposes. They moved from unfavorable economic conditions to ones
better suited to their living conditions. Moreover, their communication network
played an important role in stimulating them to move to Phnom Penh. Many of them
heard through previous migrants such as friends, or relatives who had come back to
visit from their homes in Phnom Penh, that Phnom Penh, where it is called “srok
khmer”, was a very good place for them, with better economic conditions and if they
worked hard they would soon get a better income.
Some other sources supported that after South Vietnam collapsed to North Vietnam in
1975 and until 1986 Vietnam formally used a centralized planned economy, economic
conditions were in an unsettled condition. Neither all Vietnamese nor indigenous
35 Raised by head of Khmer Kampuchea Krom Community from a personal interview on August, 2006.
81
people living in Vietnam have their own property rights and freedom36. Therefore,
this might have been an incentive that led hundreds of Khmer Krom to move to
Cambodia in the early 1980s. This has been substantiated by comments made by some
of the respondents. There were tension issues in the early decade of the 1980s that
forced the Khmer Krom people to leave their birthplace and migrate to Cambodia.
Firstly, the government of Vietnam had collected all land resources to become
communal property and controlled by government. Thereafter, the government re-
distributed to all families in accordance with the family size. Khmer Krom who had
inherited more land from their ancestors lost its benefit from such reform.
Many Khmer Krom revealed that there were many children in their family and they
owned a small farmland that could hardly sustain all members of the family.
Moreover, after getting married they inherited a small plot of land that could not
sustain their family for the whole year. They did not have enough food to eat and had
to borrow rice from friends or relatives. This forced younger generations to want to go
somewhere that could support their life better than working in rice fields. A few
families have reported that their families used to have enough land for growing rice
and crop plantation but those lands were confiscated to become development areas
and government institutions, and recompense was at a very low price. However, it
can be argued that people who decided to leave their homeland were normally the
landless families.
At that time Vietnam’s economy was not very developed. Their lifestyle was not as
prosperous as in Cambodia so they flocked to Cambodia in order to access a better
life. However the Vietnamese economy vastly improved, especially from 1989 when
the Sixth Party Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam formally abandoned its
centralized planned economy and began introducing market elements as part of a
broad economic reform package called “đổi mới” (renovation). The Vietnamese
economy had achieved around 8% annual GDP growth from 1990 to 1997 and
continued at around 7% from 2000 to 2002, making it the world’s second-fastest
growing economy37. Vietnamese and some Khmer Krom did not want to leave their
land and emigrate outside. Therefore, it would seem to me that this was one of the 36 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnam, accessed July, 2006. 37 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnam, accessed July, 2006.
82
real factors and why today it can be noticed that the illegal emigration of Khmer
Krom had seemingly decreased from day to day. On the other hand, unemployment in
Vietnam has been rising steadily in recent years due to high numbers of migration
from the countryside to the cities. As revealed by migrants, now some Khmer Krom
tend to have improved their living conditions and if they move they will go to urban
areas in Vietnam as restaurant and factory workers. For a few who moved to
Cambodia, it was only temporary migration for a vocational training course or
seasonal migration and some used Cambodia as a temporary home before immigrating
to other countries such as Thailand or Malaysia.
Most respondents said that before the 1990s, Cambodia was a good place for them to
live, because it was easy to earn money as construction workers or street sellers. That
was very different from the southern part of Vietnam where they depended only on
farming on a small plot of land, whilst in their daily job in Cambodia, they earned
enough for their living expenses. Some migrants were able to save and send some
money back to help their family in Vietnam. They said, “I just push my Bouk Lahong
cart and I can access TV, save extra money for my own house and send some money
back to my siblings in Kampuchea Krom”38. Because of this, many of their friends
and relatives decided to migrate to Cambodia. However, today things have changed.
They said now in Kampuchea Krom, though their culture was strongly influenced,
their relatives’ lifestyle was much improved. This improvement started from the
reform policy when privatization was reintroduced in 1989. Now, besides going to
work in the rice fields, some Khmer Krom in Vietnam territory have extra jobs, such
as motor or radio repairers, resulting in an improved lifestyle. They say, “We came
here (to Cambodia) because we needed a better lifestyle, but now everything has
changed. In the past, some families had their children migrate to Cambodia because
the lifestyle there was more reliable, but now some of the new comers to Cambodia
usually get financial support from their family in Vietnam. In Vietnam they had land
in their hand where they could grow anything, but in Cambodia they had to start from
with nothing.”39
38 Personal interviewed on June, 2006 with a 62 male migrant from Preash Prapeang in 1993. He raised the issue after he had arrived in Phnom Penh in the first few years. 39 Personal interviewed with a 38 male migrant from Preash Prapeang in 1984, on June 2006.
83
Besides those reasons mentioned above, another reason was found that some migrants
came to live only for the purpose of crossing to other third countries, but after arriving
in Cambodia they remained there and later on decided not to return to their home
country.
Khmer Krom linked their difficulties to their social environment badly influencing
their way of life; people could not access a good job because most of them were not
able to access higher education in Vietnam or achieve any professional skills. They
lived in Vietnam and they spoke both Khmer and Vietnamese but they did not know
the Khmer language very well as in writing and their pronunciation is not correct.
Most of them used simple Khmer in the family without proper education. It was the
same concerning the Vietnamese language. Most of them only had the chance to
learn in the public school from grade 1 to 3 and then had to stop because of poverty.
This was why when they migrated to Cambodia they did not have access to a good job
where most Cambodian people had more opportunity to access higher education.
4.2 Discussion on Khmer Krom Identity 4.2.1 Strengthening and Conserving of Identity
Identity is the most important feature to mark a human group and makes it able to be
distinguished from one ethnic group to another. If people have conserved and
developed their own identity, they can identify themselves with the particular group to
which they belong. The identity can be categorized into many different types that
make up a national identity, social and cultural identity, and self-identity. National
identity can be identified with the national flag, national songs, and national music.
Social identity exists of social ceremonies, social performances and the way people
perform in society, such as types of respect shown for other people and so on.
Whereas self-identity includes behavior patterns that people use in every day life to
present themselves as to whom they are. Alternatively, people can use self-identity so
they can situate themselves in any group they prefer. National identity will not be
discussed here but the discussion will focus on the aspects of social and self-identities
of Khmer Krom, which identifies them as who they want to be. This includes how
they can be identified as Khmer Krom once they have moved from Kampuchea Krom
(the place of their origin) to live in Phnom Penh, Cambodia which is an urban area.
84
Moreover, it will discuss how they re-construct their identity at the new living place,
and how they can help to maintain the identity of the place of origin.
In terms of when Kampuchea Krom were living in their place of origin, they had
significantly kept their identity and performed cultural practices as other Khmer
people did in Cambodia - though some of this was limited. They tried to keep their
identity through speaking the Khmer language at home and amongst Khmer people in
their community, learning Khmer scripts at Buddhist pagodas, wearing Khmer dress
during special ceremonies, celebrating Khmer festivals. The most important element
that played a fundamental role in conserving Khmer Krom identity at their place of
origin was their Buddhist pagoda. Theravada Buddhist temples were not only an
important social symbol for Khmer Krom, but also a core value that had huge benefits
for Khmer Krom such as teaching the Khmer language, social norms, and improving
the solidarity of monks and old people. As mentioned in Chapter 2, 99 percent of
adolescents had dressed in a yellow robe in order to learn from the pagodas Khmer
scripts, social norms and value, Dharma. Furthermore, from their parents’ point of
view, it was important their children assume monkshood for a period in order that
there was continuous existence of Theravada Buddhism in their home country. As a
result, research had found that the majority of male migrants had dressed in the yellow
robe and, sometimes, there had been movement of some of these monks to Cambodia.
Living in Cambodia, Khmer Krom could improve and strengthen their identity
because every social and cultural practice was the basic pattern of practice as a model
and socialized people come to live here. They learned to improve their Khmer
cultural practices through wedding ceremonies, death ceremonies and Khmer
concepts. When they went back to their homeland; they were more familiar with
these patterns and they learned behaviors to perform or introduce to the people at their
place of origin. However, it was very rare that people wanted to return back to their
home country after a long stay in Cambodia. They mainly just wanted to serve it
indirectly from a distance. One of the migrants said, “I try hard to better myself from
the point of starting with nothing until my family’s living conditions improve but today
I do not want to go back there (Kampuchea Krom) - it is better just visiting them
85
occasionally”40. If they wanted to go back, they could strengthen their economic
situation as well as their Khmer culture because their farming land was mostly
transferred to their relatives for occupation, and it could be given back in case of need.
Consequently, it was difficult for them to be accepted in Vietnam as a social member
because they moved to Cambodia for a long time without a visa. Looking at the
social structure at the place of origin, they seemed to have less power and more
poverty at educational, political, and social levels within the larger Vietnamese
society.
In the case of Chinese or Vietnamese migrants living in the United States; these
people had strengthened or developed their ethnic identity by establishing associations
and cultural centers to perform and express their culture so that other people would
understand, due to significant differences between the original people and the
migrants, such as culture, language and so on. In this situation, there were many
people developing their identity at their destination place and when they visited their
home; they brought new cultural patterns and behavior from western people which
influenced the people at their place of origin. After they returned to their destination
place, they brought the original culture back to develop there. Whereas in the case of
Khmer Krom who had situated themselves in Cambodia, it was considered that
Khmer Krom and Khmer in Cambodia were the same Khmer people. However, there
were some differences because of Khmer Krom living under the authority of Vietnam
and they were therefore changing some parts of their pattern of cultural practice.
While they were living in Cambodia; they were trying to develop from existing
cultural practices and patterns of behavior, and accepting new cultural elements to
improve themselves. That was why it might not be necessary for Khmer Krom to
express their cultural identity as being different from Cambodian but they learned
culture in Cambodia and disseminated it to their people at place of origin.
It had been noticed that Khmer Krom were trying to disseminate those cultural
patterns back to their hometown, such as sending traditional books, Buddhist scripts,
CD and VCD of Khmer song, visiting and celebrating Khmer cultural ceremonies
such as death anniversary for their parents or ancestors. Sometimes they joined their
40 Personal interviewed on June 2006 with a 53 male migrant from Preash Prapeang.
86
relatives in Kampuchea Krom to celebrate the wedding ceremony that was the most
familiar ceremony in Khmer traditional culture. As already raised, due to lack of
access by Khmer Krom to some resources in both materials and ceremony celebrating,
some of the stages of ceremony celebrating were not activated (KKKHRA, 2002).
Responding to this matter, people who migrated to Cambodia, or their younger
generations who were already living in Cambodia shared their contributions and
offered some Buddhist scripts, and other materials for monks at monasteries in
Kampuchea Krom such as by the Kathina ceremony or individual migrants who
provided these materials for their relatives in Kampuchea Krom.
Khmer Krom had strong contested themselves living in Phnom Penh for development
of their family as well as partly for their relatives living in Kampuchea Krom.
Though they had met difficulties in the first few years in Phnom Penh they could
assimilate and learn a new environment in an urban area to strengthen themselves as
the original Khmer. In this context, after they had understood the pattern of cultural
practice and had enough resources, they could share this pattern and perform their
cultural practices for the people in Kampuchea Krom.
4.2.2 Identifying Features of Khmer Krom
Normally, Khmer Krom were different from Vietnamese in both physical features and
attitudes, as raised by Traing (2005) in Chapter Two, but they were very similar to
Khmer. However, some features that could identify the originality of Khmer Krom
migrants were their family names, place of birth, language and accent, cultural
patterns and some other physical features. These characteristics could combine to
reveal clearly whether they were Khmer Krom or Vietnamese or Khmer people from
rural Cambodia. Family names mostly tended to be Thach, Kim, Son, Tréng, and
women often had Thy in the middle of their names or Neang at the beginning. Even
though some of them did not understand where these family names came from, they
still favored the use these family names because their parents used these names. They
need not change to Cambodian names as their names had been used by their next
generation, even in Cambodia. Another thing was that most of them did not tend to
change their original place of birth. They thought it would be wrong to tell a lie by
changing their place of birth from Kampuchea Krom to Cambodia; whereas some
87
other people wanted to express themselves as Khmer, not the one who were born in
Cambodia but the one who were born in Kampuchea Krom. Moreover, the head of
KKCC had raised that “it is not so difficult to identify whether they Khmer Krom or
not. I just visit them and ask some questions such as: which pagoda you attend, give
the names (in Khmer of village, commune, district, and province) of the place you live
in Kampuchea Krom, and watch their pattern of behavior. We can also listen to their
accent”41.
Sometimes, if they were living collectively as Khmer Krom there were not many
noticeable features that expressed their identity as Kampuchea Krom, especially in
physical traits. Khmer Krom were nearly the same to other Khmer from rural
Cambodia in physical feature. They did not create the new identity different from the
Khmer in destination place. On the other hand, after Khmer Krom lived in Phnom
Penh for many years they were more assimilated as other Khmer in Phnom Penh.
However, Khmer Krom were different from Vietnamese. Moreover, Khmer Krom
could be distinguished from Vietnamese by giving the name in Khmer of the place
they came from and listening to their accent. They would be able to identify as Khmer
Krom or not.
4.3 Conclusion
The issue of Khmer Krom migration was not a new phenomenon but had existed for
many years. However, there had not been many studies regarding this issue so far.
This issue was interesting when this migration movement was just beginning after
separation between Khmer and Khmer Krom. Now time had passed; people in
Kampuchea Krom and in Cambodia seemed to cut ties gradually from one another. In
fact, Khmer Krom migration issues were initially noticeable from 1950, and there
were different causes for people deciding to move to Cambodia, whether they were
farmers, government staffs, or monks. People who used to serve as government staff
in Kampuchea Krom tended to flee from political reasons. Farmers moved from
41 Personal interviewed with general secretary of Khmer Kampuchea Krom Coordination Committee on February 2006.
88
poverty or family issues, whereas monks tend to be involved in social and cultural
motivation such as for further education.
Khmer Krom that were subjects of the study could be categorized into two groups
according to the time they moved. The first group moved in the 1980s and the second
between 1991 and up to 2003. The first group had more involvement in political
issues and difficulties for their livelihood at place of origin that can mostly be seen as
push factors. Some of them had become Cambodian government staff or members of
local NGOs, especially in Khmer Krom organizations. The second group moved to
gain better economic conditions which they had considered the cost and benefit before
they decided to move, especially from communication with the previous migrants.
Most of the second group moved because of the attractions and favorable conditions
in Phnom Penh; whether permanent or temporary migrants. The causes of their
migration were responding to pull factors as well as networking at destination place.
On the other hand, a few other Khmer Krom migrants moved to Cambodia for other
reasons such as moving to a third country in order to spread out their network
connections as well as improve economic status. Moreover, they moved from their
homeland not only for their own prosperity but also participated in government
institutions, NGOs staffs. They were also able to help their relatives to improve their
living conditions by improving their understanding of social norms, education,
economic and improvement of human rights awareness.
However, different people came at different times and for different reasons and the
study revealed a different trend between the migrants of the first and the second
groups. The common purpose for all migrants was to identify themselves as Khmer
people in order to try to develop what was Khmer culture and disseminate it back to
people in Kampuchea Krom to conserve and strengthen their identity. Otherwise, it
was considered that it would disappear from their original homeland. As a result of
their low level of understanding and their lack of ability to improve their cultural
performance, along with the fact that they were living surrounded by a different
majority group who had authority over them. More or less, Khmer Krom migrants
could help to conserve and strengthen the identity of Khmer Krom in the place of
origin.
89
Moreover, the study had found that Khmer Krom and Khmer was the same ethnic
group because of historical context, cultural practice, and Khmer Krom personally
considers themselves as such. Moreover, the society did not categorize Khmer Krom
as other ethnic minorities, and accepted Khmer Krom as Khmer. As a consequence of
them having lived amongst a Vietnam majority which was the dominant group some
of their ways to behave were changed and were able to be identified.
In the case of Khmer Krom migration to Cambodia, though it was seen as
international migration, when living at he destination place they did not create a new
identity. They had strongly integrated themselves into Cambodia in relation to the
historical background and as though coming from the same source. Though they used
to live in Vietnam, Khmer Krom had still maintained their cultural heritage as Khmer.
Therefore, they had the potential to develop and easily assimilate with Khmer after
their migration. They could absorb and learn all types of social performances to
improve themselves as well as transfer it back to their people at place of origin where
a majority group surrounded them.
This was a new model of strengthening identity - it came from a place of destination
and improved it back at its place of origin through migration process. For other cases
of international migration, such as Chinese or Vietnamese, they brought their origin
culture from the place of origin to express and strengthen at the destination place. For
those migrants, when they were going back to their hometown, they brought with
them a new cultural influence to shock people at the place of origin. Whereas the case
of Khmer Krom went in reverse, they brought every thing from Cambodia to place of
destination to strengthen at the place of origin. In overall study with Khmer Krom in
this community, it could be assumed that they were limited to strengthen their identity
at home country through their migration. It was difficult to communicate with their
relatives in Kampuchea Krom and if they did, it often involved them in illegal
traveling. Most of them had low living condition at the place of destination.
However, this study was conducted on a small scale that could not express the
situation of Khmer Krom migrants as a whole in both place of origin and destination
place. Further intensive research was recommended that could be focused on the
90
migrants who moved before 1980 or new migrants what were either temporary or
permanently living in Cambodia. Migrants who moved from various provinces in
Kampuchea Krom would need to be studied further for more understanding of the
living condition in each province. Moreover, further study at the place of origin was
strongly suggested to investigate. It could help the researcher to understand how and
which way Khmer Krom developed their identity in their new circumstance.
Following this guide, I would expect that it could provide opportunity for the
researcher setting up a new model of identity theory for the case of Khmer Krom.
91
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Appendices
96
Appendix A
Map 1.1 The 21 provinces in Kampuchea Krom
Source: Khmer Kampuchea Krom Federation, 2000.
97
Map 1.2 Identification of Kouk Khleang Community
Source: National Geographic Department, 2004.
98
Map 1.3 The border of Kouk Khleang village and the communities
Kouk K
hleang I
Kouk K
hleang II
Kouk K
hleang III
Source: Deputy Village Chief, redrawing 2006.
99
Appendix B
Table 1.3: 21 provinces which have been named differently according to period
(since 1990 the Vietnam government decided to use the names used during French
colonial era).
No. During
Khmer Control
During French colonial
1867-1949 (1956)
During
1956-1975
During
1976-1990
1. Kampong Kor Tan An Long An Long An
2. Khleang Sóctrang Ba Xuyén HáuGiang
3. KohKorng/Kampong
Russey Go Cong Long An Long An
4. Long Hor Vinh Lóng Vinh Long Cuu Long
5. Me Sor My tho Sinh Tuong Kien Tuong
6. Moat Chrouk Cháudoc AnGiang An Giang
7. O Kab O Cáp Phuoc Tuy Vuntaocondao
8. Peam Há tién Kiengiang Kiengiang
9. PeamBarach Lóng Xuyén Long xuyén Long xuyen
10. Phsar Dek Sadec Kién Phong Dóng Thap
11. Phsom AmBeosh Bentre Kien Hoa
12. Polleav Bac lieu Bac lieu Minh Hai
13. Preash SouKear Ba Ria Phuoc Tuy Vuntaocondao
14. Preash Trapeang Tra vinh Vinh Binh Tra vinh
15. Prei Nokor Saigon Saigon (GiaDinh
pre1867) Hochiminh
16. Prek Russey Can tho Phong Dinh HáuGiang
17. Reachea/Kromoun
Sar Rach gia Kien giang Kien giang
18. RongDomRey Táy Ninh Táy Ninh Táy Ninh
19. Toeuk Khmao Ca mau An xuyén Minh Hai
20. Toul Tamok Thu dau mót Binh duong Sóng Be
21. TraPeangChangva
(Kampop Srakatrey) Bién Hoá Binh Tuy DóngNai
Source: (Kampuchea Krom, Traing, 2005:191)
100
Table 1.4: Estimated Data on the Khmer Krom migrants abroad
No. Country Population No. Country Population 1. Australia 1 000 8. Japan 80 2. Austria 200 9. Netherlands 80 3. Canada 500 10. New Zealand 383 4. Denmark 40 11. Switzerland 40 5. France 3 000 12. United 240 6. Germany 120 13. USA 30 000 7. Italy 200 14. Others 4 000 Source: KKF, 2001 available at http://www.khmerkrom.org//publication.
Table 1.5: The numbers of Khmer Krom Theravada Buddhism
No. Country Number of Pagodas Number of Buddhist monks 8. Vietnam 560 20 000 9. Cambodia 30 500 10. USA 7 38 11. Australia 2 10 12. Canada 1 1 13. France - 3 14. Others 10 50
Total 600 20 550 Source: Khmer Kampuchea Krom Federation (KKF)
101
Appendix C
1. Guideline for Research Interview
A-Personal Background
- Sex/Age/Marital Status (married to Khmer Krom/Vietnam/Khmer)
- Number of family (in Kampuchea Krom and who live in Cambodia)
- Number of children (some live in Kampuchea Krom or Cambodia)
- Origin province/Year to come
- Education level (Vietnamese formal education/Khmer non formal education)
B-Reasons for Migration
1. What difficulties interviewee used to face in Vietnam?
2. Why did interviewee decide to migrate? (Why didn’t interviewee go to
Vietnam urban areas, but come to Phnom Penh?)
3. What did interviewee view on Cambodia?
4. What did interviewee want to do in Cambodia/plan or risk? (anyone stimulate
interviewee to come/Who-Khmer Krom or Khmer or Vietnam?
5. Whom did interviewee leave with? and How did interviewee cross the border?
6. Where did interviewees stay at first time? And lately staying with whom?
Why?
C-Economic Situation
7. What does interviewee do now? and how long has interviewee worked?
8. How can interviewee access to job opportunity?
9. What kind of job does interviewee like? Why?
10. How much does interviewee earn (a day- a week-a month)?
11. What did interviewee do with money interviewee make? (Enough or not, if
not who help-Khmer Krom or Khmer; what things they spend on?)
12. Have interviewee ever sent money to relative in Kampuchea Krom? (When/
how much/through whom/why?)
13. Did interviewee join any association to improve livelihood, i.e. saving group?
Why?
i
14. What problem have interviewee challenged at work? Have interviewee
accessed to family book and personal identity card? What name and place do
interviewee used?
D-Relationship between origin and destination country
15. Have interviewee ever returned/visited home country? (Why/when/how
often/how to cross the border)
16. What things interviewee bring with when going to Kampuchea Krom?
17. Is the Kampuchea Krom people ever communicate with interviewee? Why?
do they have mutual supporting?
18. What obstacle for interviewee and people in Kampuchea Krom communicate
each other?
19. What challenges after living in Cambodia and before living in Cambodia?
E-Khmer Krom identity
20. How can we identify Khmer Kampuchea Krom in Vietnam?
21. What are changed of identity after living in Cambodia?
22. How can interviewee come to settle in Cambodia/assimilate with living in
Phnom Penh?
23. Does interviewee like living near Cambodian or Kampuchea Krom people?
Why?
24. How does interviewee view themselves (as Khmer Krom/Khmer/Vietnam)?
25. How does Khmer authority and other people view on them?
26. With whom does interviewee prefer their children to get married?
Language
27. What Khmer Krom words especially different from Cambodia?
28. What kind of accent to identify Kampuchea Krom?
29. How it go different from Vietnam if they speak Khmer?
30. How Khmer language important for Khmer Krom in their hometown?
Culture
31. What are noticeable differences of culture between Khmer Krom and
Cambodian?
ii
32. What make different in belief between Cambodia and Kampuchea Krom? Do
they practice in the same while come to Phnom Penh?
33. How can interviewee strengthen their culture (Cambodia/Kampuchea Krom)?
34. Does interviewee think Khmer Krom-Khmer are different or the same? Why?
35. Who inherits the property, when they come here? How can they inherit?
Networking and Group Maintenance
36. Does interviewee know anyone in Cambodia (more Khmer/ Khmer
Krom/Vietnam)?
37. Does interviewee know other people in foreign countries?
38. Does interviewee know Khmer Krom association in Cambodia? (participate or
not) why?
39. Does interviewee know any Khmer Krom monk? What sort of relationship/for
what purpose?
40. Which community do they prefer to live with?(Khmer Krom/Khmer/Vietnam)
Why?
41. Has interviewee ever joint any ceremony conducted by Kampuchea Krom
(married, funeral)?
F-Others
42. If Cambodian and Kampuchea Krom have the same situation, does
interviewee want to return?
43. Finally, does interviewee want to give ideas or suggestion?
iii
2. Interview Guideline for Small Group Discussion
1- Why did Khmer Krom migrate to live in Cambodia?
2- What are Khmer Krom difficulties since they migrated to Cambodia?
3- How can we identify Khmer Krom?
4- What are differences in language Khmer Krom speak from place to place?
5- How can Khmer Krom improve and strengthen their identities in both places of
origin and destination?
iv
3- Questionnaire
Khmer Krom Migration and their Identity
No.:.................................. Date:……./………/ 2006
Personal Background
a- Sex: Male Female Age:…………
b- Number of family?................ No. brothers……….No. sisters………..
c- Which province did you come from?......................When.....................
Education
a- Do you go to school? Yes No Khmer School-Grade:…..
Vietnam school-Grade:……
b- Do you write and read Khmer? Yes No
Economic Situation
a-What does your head of household do?
Father: Worker.................. Motordoup Small business
Garbage picker Others……………………….
Mother: Worker Motordoup Small business
Garbage picker Others……………………….
Sibling: Worker Motordoup Small business
Garbage picker Others………………
v
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