Katarzyna Maksymiuk, The Parthian nobility in Xusrō I Anōšīrvān court, in: Elites in the Ancient World, v. 2, eds. D. Okoń, P. Briks, Szczecin 2015, 189-198.

ELITES IN THE ANCIENT WORLD

ELITES IN THE ANCIENT WORLD

Szczecińskie Studia nad Starożytnościąvol. II

Series editor:Danuta Okoń

Volume editor:Piotr Briks

Editorial staff:Michał Baranowski, Piotr Briks, Małgorzata Cieśluk, Danuta Okoń

in cooperation with:Kamil Biały, Jerzy Pachlowski, Kamila Swinarska

Szczecin 2015

UNIWERSYTET SZCZECIŃSKI

Dyrektor Wydawnictwa Naukowego Wydziału Humanistycznego US MINERWA

prof. dr hab. Barbara Kromolicka

Redaktor Naczelnadr Katarzyna Szumilas

Recenzent tomudr hab. Sebastian Ruciński

Redakcja technicznaJerzy Chrapowicki

Skład komputerowyDawid Pechan

Druk i oprawavolumina.pl Daniel Krzanowski

Publikacja finansowana ze środków Badań Statutowych Wydziału Humanistycznego Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego

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WydawcaWydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Humanistycznego US MINERWA71-017 Szczecinul. Krakowska 71-79tel. 91 444 32 37e-mail: [email protected]

Table of contents

Preface ........................................................................................................... 7

Stefan Zawadzki Mesopotamian Elite in the First Millenium BC ............................................. 9

Piotr Briks Reforms of King Josiah of Judah (640–609 BC) – defeat or success? ........ 35

Henryk Kowalski The Priests in Rome during the Late Roman Republic: Religious Elites and Power Elites ................................................................................ 49

Aleksey Egorov The Party of Sulla: The Union of Aristocrats and Marginals ..................... 61

Daria Dymskaya Anti-elite of Roman Society of 60-s. BC: The Catilinarians ....................... 81

Mireille Corbier The Women of the Domus Augusta .............................................................. 91

Christer Bruun The Town Elite in Imperial Ostia: The Contribution of the Augustales to Its Renewal ......................................................................... 107

Candice Greggi Le sang des élites romaines ...................................................................... 133

Danuta Okoń The Origo of Severan Senators – A Comprehensive Approach ................ 153

Andrzej Wypustek NUDAS VIDERE NYMPHAS in a Inscription from Aque Flavianae: Abduction of Hylas? .................................................................................. 167

Michael Sommer Les notables de Palmyre – Local Elites in the Syrian Desert in the 2nd and 3rd Centuries AD ......................................................................... 173

Peter Herz P. Aelius Septimius Mannus. A Governor of the 3rd Century AD and his Origins .................................................................................................. 183

Katarzyna Maksymiuk The Parthian nobility in Xusro I Anoširvan’s court .................................. 189

Benet Salway Redefining the Roman Imperial Elite in the Fourth Century AD .............. 199

Abbreviations ........................................................................................... 221

Bibliography ............................................................................................. 223

Katarzyna Maksymiuk(Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach)

The Parthian nobility in Xusro I Anoširvan’s court

On 30 Mehr/28 April 224 CE at the battle in the plain of Hormzdagān, the local ruler of Fārs Ardašīr vanquished the Parthian monarch Ardavān IV (216–224)16. The Arsacid Dynasty that ruled the country for nearly 500 years 17 was dethroned from Ctesiphon while the the Sasanian dynasty of Persia took over power18.

Sources rewritten by order of Persian rulers (Pārsīg) in 6th century di-minish the role of the Parthians (Pahlav) in the official history of Iran. In Xwadāy Nāmag a method of the Parthian reign recalculation to half of its actual duration was applied19. Propaganda forgery of Xusrō I (531–579) so called Nama-ye Tansar 20, shows Iran before power takeover by the Sasanian dynasty as a decentralized and corrupted state but even as “heretical” one. Contrast to the weak power of the Arsacid royal house had to be kingship of Šahanšah Ardašīr (224–242) who centralized administration relying on the Mazdean faith21.

The below deliberations are aimed at showing dominant role of the Parthi-an nobility in Persian government system22. They are also attempt to answer the question whether administrative reforms initiated by Kawād I (488–496,

16 Tabarī (1999) 815–818. 821, Maksymiuk (2005) 32–35, Daryaee (2010) 236–255.17 Ghirshman (1962), Bivar (1983), Olbrycht (2010) 161–222, Olbrycht (2013).18 Christensen (1944), Frye (1983) 116–180, Schippmann (1990), Daryaee (2009), Olbrycht

(2010) 223–285, Maksymiuk (2011), Maksymiuk (2012)19 Shahbazi (1990), Olbrycht (2010) 216. 20 Boyce (1968).21 An ideology of early Sasanian kings: Rahim Shayegan (2011).22 Elites in Sasanian Iran: Tafazzoli (2000), Rubin (2004), Wiesehöfer (2007), Howard–

Johnston (2008), Gyselen (2008), Pourshariati (2008), Börm (2010), McDonough (2011).

190 Katarzyna Maksymiuk

498–531) and continued by his son Xusrō I Anōšīrvān23 were directed against status of the Parthian noblemen in Iran.

The picture of Iran that emerges from late Sasanian propaganda sources is in contradiction to information that royal inscriptions of the 3rd century C.E contained. Two texts: Šāpur I (242–272) from Naqš-e Rostam (ŠKZ)24 and Narseh (293–302) from Pāikūlī (NPi)25 show the influential presence of the Parthian dynastic families within authority structures of the Sasanian Em-pire since its inception. The great noble families: Wārāz, Sūrēn, Andēgān and Kārin26 are mentioned on the court list of early Sasanian kings as wuzurgan. There are only vassal kings and dynasts (šahrdaran) and princes of the royal blood as well as members of royal families (waspuhragan) having a higher rank. Furthermore, Moses of Khorene informs that after the battle in the plain of Hormzdagān only the Arsacids of Armenia and Kārin clan took up fights against Ardašīr I. The other Parthian dynastic families recognized the author-ity of Sasanian usurper27. This record accords with the text of the ŠKZ, in which representatives of the Kārin family: Pērōz, Gōk and Ardašīr were men-tioned. The Sasanian-Parthian confederacy confirms usage of both languages (Middle Persian and Parthian) in the most of the first Sasanian kings’ inscrip-tions and several appeals of Narseh to the Parthians and Persians in NPi28.

The circumstances of the accession of King Šāpur II (309–379) are evi-dence of powerful status of the Royal Council which consisted of the great Parthian clans. After Hormozd II’s death (309) great statesmen striving to keep their status in the state killed the oldest son and natural heir – Ādur Narseh and blendened the second one. The youngest Hormozd escaped on the Roman territory. The courtiers and the clergy placed the crown on the womb of his mother when she was pregnant with Šāpur II29. In the midst of the supposedly powerful ruler Šāpur II the house of Sūrēn Pahlav played the key part. Ac-cording to classical sources a member of Sūrēn clan commanded Persian army

30, but what is of greater importance he carried out negotitions which result-ed in the peace treaty of 363. He was also active in the negotiations with the 23 Rubin (1995), Gariboldi (2006).24 Back (1978) 284–371. 25 Skjærvø (1983).26 ŠKZ 29/24/57,31/25/62, 32/26/62; NPi 16, 23, 32, 46.27 Moses Khorenats’i, 2. 71.28 NPi 5, 10, 32, 74, 75, 78, 83, 86.29 Agathias, 4. 25. 2–5; Ḥamza Eṣfahāni, 38; Tabarī (1999) 836.30 Ammianus Marcellinus, 24. 3. 1, 24. 4. 7; Zosimos, 3. 15. 5–6, 3. 19. 1–2.

191The Parthian nobility in Xusro I Anoorvnvs court

Emperor Valens (364–378)31. Ammianus Marcellinus describes this digni-tary’s status as the Second Person After the King (Surena potestatis secundae post regem)32. Another representative of the Parthian clan in Šāpur II court was Mehrān commanding the army that made military moves against Julian the Apostate (361–363) in Xūzestān in 36333. The Sūrēn family kept their status in the court in the 5th century. Their representative Mehr-Narseh Sūrēn was acting during the reign of four Sasanian kings (Yazdgerd I, Bahrām V, Yazdgerd II and Pērōz)34. The title wuzurg framadar of Mehr-Narseh35, given in text Sūr i saxwan36 is placed directly below the King and the princes of the blood. This is corroborated by the evidence of Ammianus Marcellinus saying about high rank of house of Sūrēn. Mehr-Narseh’s three sons obtained titles which might suggest they were leaders of the Sasanian society classes in Iran: Zurwāndād became hērbedan herbed the leader of the clergy, Kārdār as artēštaran salar commanded warriors and Māhgušnasp titled wastaryošan salar took the lead of the cattle breeders37. After Yazdgerd II’s (439–457) death Rahām (Bahrām) of the Mehrān family of nobles, a military commander had killed Hormozd III (457–459) and enthroned his younger brother Pērōz (459–484). The new King’s marriage to a daughter Aštād of the Mehrān house enhanced the family status. At the same time her brother and the King’s brother in law Īzad Gušnasp was named foster brother of Pērōz 38. Rivalry for influence on the court intensi-fied when Kawād (488), a younger son of Pērōz, ascended the throne. His moth-er was Zarmehr’s daughter of the clans Kārin. The dominant role in the young King’s court played hazaruft Suxrā his maternal uncle. No one had access to the king besides the all-powerful hazaruft. In public opinion Suxrā controlled everything except the king’s crown39. Kawād managed to rid of the uncle’s tu-telage with the support of the spahbed Šāpur of Ray, from the Mehrān family40.

31 Ammianus Marcellinus, 25. 7. 5, 30. 2. 5; Malalas 13. 27, Zosimos, 3. 31. 1. 32 Ammianus Marcellinus, 30. 2. 5.33 Ammianus Marcellinus, 25. 1. 11, 25. 3. 13.34 Tabarī (1999) 866, 868, 871, 872; Pourshariati (2008) 60–70; Gyselen (2008a).35 Back (1978) 498: MNFd 1–2.36 Daryaee (2007) 6.837 Tabarī (1999) 870, Daryaee (2012).38 Ełišē, 242, Ghazar P’arpec’i’s (1985) 3. 60, Pērōz with military assistance from the

Hephthalites: Tabarī (1999) 872 (sic!).39 Ebn Esfandīār, 94–95, Firdawsī, 38. 1–2, 39. 2–3, 40. 1–2; Tabarī (1999) 877, 880, 885.40 Bel‘ami, 147–148; Firdawsī, 40. 2; Ghazar P’arpec’i’s, 3. 79–80, 88–89; Tabarī (1999)

885.

192 Katarzyna Maksymiuk

The crucial event during the reign of Kawād was a social revolution called the Mazdakite movement41. Mazdak – a religious reformer and a heretic of the Mazdean faith – propagated the antagonism between Light and Darkness (the Mixture of Light and Darkness in human being and the cosmos came into being by coincidence)42. Initially he was solely a religious leader but his doctrine had tremendous social consequences in the Public Sphere. Mazdak went against a background of social misery and hunger and he was aiming at achieving social justice. He preached the distribution of wealth. Sharing of women postulate hit previous social standards, mainly the widespread polyg-amy of the rich and lack of wives for the poor. Despite pacifist guidelines of Mazdak’s doctrine it was disastrous drought that accelerated social upheaval radicalization and resulted in outbreak of the Mazdakite uprising. The nobles rebellion in 496 resulted in Kawād’s ouster and his brother Zāmāsp’s eleva-tion to a throne43. The majority of sources inform that the main reason for dethroning Kawād was his support for the Mazdakite doctrine 44. Some ex-treme thesis impute to him employing social unrest for fights against the great dynastic families45.

Kawād regained his throne after three years and initiated major adminis-trative reforms46. The King’s first decision was to carry out political purges47. At the same time Zarmehr Kārin, who was a son of the Suxrā killed by the King48, in the name of Kawād massacred the Mazdakite heretics49. Mahbod Sūrēn became the King’s trusted adviser. He contributed the deposition of Siyāwuš who was supreme commander arteštaran salar and negotiator in peace talks with Rome. About 525 Siyāwuš was accused by Mahbod of de-liberate mishandling of peace negotiations and thus sabotage of the propos-al for endorsement of Xusrō by Justin I (518–527). He raised Lazica’s case although he was not empowered to do it. Siyāwuš was sentenced to death

41 Shaki (1978) 289–306, Crone (1991), Wiesehöfer (2009).42 Shaki (1985) 527–543.43 Firdawsī, 40. 3.44 Agathias, 4. 27. 6–28. 1; Bel‘ami, 148–149; Firdawsī, 40. 6; Procopius, 1. 5. 1; Tabarī

(1999) 886; Yeshu‘ the Stylite, 23.45 Rubin (1995) 229, Nafisi (2013) 948. 46 Firdawsī, 40. 4–5, Tabarī (1999) 960–961.47 Kawād killed those who wanted to have him executed, i.a. Gušnaspdād: Procopius, 1. 5.

4–6, 1. 6. 18. 48 Zarmehr accompanied Kawād during his escape: Firdawsī, 40. 3–4, Tabarī (1999) 886.49 Firdawsī, 40. 7.

193The Parthian nobility in Xusro I Anoorvnvs court

officially for his wife interment what can suggest his sympathies with Maz-dak’s doctrine50. The power struggle between great noblemen intensified after Kawād’s death. Mahbod Sūrēn demanded voting on a new king election from the Royal Council. On the basis of Kawād’s testament presented by Mahbod his older son Kāvūs was ousted. The Council enthroned Kawād’s youngest son Xusrō I Anōšīrvān51. The new king was affianced with a lateral branch of the Sūrēn clan (in some sources Ispāhbudhān)52. Xusrō’s wife was a daughter of the commander of the Kawād I’s 53 army named Bōē and Šāpur’s sister54. The King’s enthronizing met no wholehearted acceptance. As a result of un-successful nobility’s plot against Xusrō and bringing to power his juvenile nephew Kawād (about 532) both King’s brothers Kāvūs and Zāmāsp lost their lives. There was Šāpur, the maternal uncle of Xusrō I, among other con-demned55. After several years Zaurān eliminated Mahbod Sūrēn in a similar way56. Īzad Gušnasp from the Mehrān family, who i.a. negotiated fifty-year peace with Byzantium became ambassador after Mahbod57.

In the present study one should rethink the rather popularly accepted thesis saying that the Mazdakite uprising diminished the great noblemen what en-abled Xusrō to finish a series of his father’s reforms. Moreover the initiated

50 It seems that Siyāwuš’s death about 528 finished the Mazdakite movement and it is the terminus post quem for the beginning of reforms; Procopius, 1. 11. 25; Hartmann (2005); Daryaee, Safdari (2010) 3.

51 Procopius, 1. 21. 20–22.52 Ispāhbudhān was the Title of two dynasties of Tabarīstān: Ebn Esfandīār (1905) 91;

Karimian (2008) 108; In my opinion Ispāhbudhān clan is Sūrēn one in fact. There was no Ispāhbudhān /Aspāhbed family. Ispāhbudhān /Aspāhbed is not the family name but rather mistaken form of the spahbed title. On the basis of text, Sebeos (1999) 14: Hormozd (IV) killed the great asparapet, Parthian and Pahlaw, who was descended from the criminal Anak’s offsprings. He was the father of Xusrō II’s mother and two sons, Besṭām and Bendōy. Armenian tradition generally names the murderer as Anak, a member of the Parthian Sūrēn family. Agathangelos (1976) 13; Moses Khorenats’i (1978) 2. 67, especially 2.74.

53 asṭbid: Yeshu‘ the Stylite, 59; ἀσπέtioς: Theophanes, 228; ἀσπαβέδης: Procopius, 1. 9. 24.

54 Procopius, 1. 11. 4.55 Procopius, 1. 23. 4.56 Firdawsī, 41. 3. 1–2; Ζαβεργάνης: Procopius, 1. 23. 25, 2. 26. 16–19.57 A detailed account of a mission of Īzad Gušnasp is likely included in a work compiled

by Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus: Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 89–90; Menander Protector, 11; Procopius, 2. 28. 16–17, 2. 28. 31–44. 8. 15. 1–7, 8. 15. 19–21.

194 Katarzyna Maksymiuk

significant changes were aimed at consolidating central authority through weakening of the dynastic families’ power.

Let me analyse this problem by an example of the military and administra-tive reforms. According to Tabarī until the Xusrō’s reign there was only one supreme military commander (Iṣbahbadh al.-bilad, Eranspahbed, artēštaran salar) in Iran58. With no doubt this title defines the overall military leader but not the cavalry commander. In the playing chess manual vizarišn i catrang ud nihišn i nēvardašēr appears artēštaran salar (contemporarily called queen) as the chief of the warriors and aswaran-salar (horse or knight at present) as the chief of horsemen59. Despite this Karnamag i Ardašir i Pabagan as well as Muslim authors (the latter drew upon information based on the lost Gah-nāmag) confirm that the spahbed title denoted the highest military rank

60. He led diplomatic missions e.g. Sūrēn61 during the reign of Šāpur II, Bōē62

and Siyāwuš63 during the reign of Kawād. Šāpur of Ray Mehrān was also a supreme military commander but there is no knowing about his diplomatic activity64.

The basis of military reform in 6th century was replacement of the single commander by four spahbeds beholden directly to the king65. The quadripar-tition of military power was employed: a quarter of the east (kust ï xwarasan spahbed ), a quarter of the south (kust i nēmroz spahbed), a quarter of the west (kust ï xwarbaran spahbed ) and a quarter of Ādurbādagān (kust ï Ādur-badagan spahbed). The term abaxtar (north) was generally avoided because of its negative religious connotation66.

A reply to the question if the reform had to weaken the Parthian dynastic families’ influence will be possible on the basis of spahbeds origin study who were appointed to the four quarters of the realm by Xusrō I.

58 Tabarī (1999) 869; spahbed by the name of Raxš in ŠKZ 30/24/58 and NPi 16, 32 is mentioned

59 Daryaee (2002) 300, Maciuszak (2003) 95–97.60 Christensen (1944) 265, 524–525; Nyberg (1964) 16. 8.61 See note 549.62 See note 571.63 vadrasta,daran sala,vnhj: Procopius, 1. 6. 18, 1. 11. 25.64 Bel‘ami, 147; Tabarī (1999) 869.65 Tabarī (1999) 894, Gyselen (2001), Gyselen (2001a), Gyselen (2007).66 Firdawsī, 41. 1. 3, Daryaee (2002a) 11–14, Daryaee (2007) 66 note 7, Daryaee, Safdari

(2010) 2–4.

195The Parthian nobility in Xusro I Anoorvnvs court

On the basis of the discovered collection of bullae (seals in the form of clay impressions) dated to the reign of Xusrō I we can specify 6 spahbeds: Čihr-Burzēn, Gōrgōn, Sed-hoš, Wēh-Šāhbur, Xusrō and Bahrām67. In the present study we will also take advantage of a seal of Wistaxm dated to the reign of Xusrō II Parvēz (590–628)68.

1. Čihr-Burzēn …bed ud hujadag Xusrō wuzurg ērān – kust ī xwarā<f>ānspāhbed He probably originated from Kārin clan. According to Nihayatand Dınawarı the family of Kārin were appointed to the governorshipof this region by Xusrō I69.

2. Gōrgōn ī Mehrān … ud hujadag Xusrō wuzurg ērān – kust ī Ādur-bādagān spāhbed

3. Sed-hoš ī Mehrān šahr aspbed ud hujadag Xusrō wuzurg ērān – kustī Ādurbādagān spāhbed

With no doubt members of the Mehrān family are shown on both seals. Gōrgōn of the seals is likely to be identified as the Gołon Mihran mentioned by Sebeos when describing Armenian war in 573–57570. Bahrām VI Čōbīn (590–591) was probably his great-grandson71. Sed-hoš is not mentioned in any literary sources.

1. Wēh-Šāhbur aspbed ī pārsig ud šahr (?) bed ud hujadag Xusrō wuzurgērān-kust ī nēmrōz spāhbed

Admittedly in the Armenian chronicle P’awstos Buzandac’i Sūrēn ap-pears twice in connection with parsig72, but in most cases he is known as Pahlav. One cannot rule out that the title of parsig might have been reserved for the Sūrēn family. Gyselen thinks so when supposing that at least a group of them adopted the dynastic epithet73.

2. (Xu)srō ādurmāhān …k Xusrō wuzurg ērān-kust ī nēmrōz spāhbed67 Gyselen (2001) 35–45.68 Gyselen (2001) 18–20, dates the seal to the Xusrō I but Poushariati’s argumentation

that it concerns maternal uncel of Xusrō II is persuasive. Pourshariati (2006) 163–180; Poushariati (2008) 107–110.

69 Dīnawarī (1967) 102–103, Nihayat (1996) 380.70 Sebeos (1999) 68, 70.71 Poushariati (2008) 103.72 P’awstos Buzandac’i’s (1985) 4. 36.73 Gyselen (2001) 39, 46.

196 Katarzyna Maksymiuk

3. Bahrām ī …(Xu)srō ādurmāhān …k Xusr(ō)… ērān-kust ī nēmrōz spāhbed

Both spahbeds lineage remains unclear. Perchance they were sons of Adarmahān marzban of Nisibis74.

4. Wistaxm ī ud hazārbed …hud(ag)… Xusrō wuzurg ērān-kust ī xwarō<f>rān spāhbed

Presumably Wistaxm should be identified with Besṭām, maternal uncle of Xusrō II from the Ispāhbudhān family 75. In my opinion Ispāhbudhān clan is Sūrēn one in fact 76. Anyway with no doubt we can face the fact that he was a member of the Pahlav family. One should accept that spahbed in kust ï xwarasan was Pahlav as a result.

Study on spahbeds identity can corroborate the continued participation of the Parthian dynastic families in the post-reform period. There is not any doubt that function of spahbed xwarasan was transferred by Xusrō to Kārin, spahbed Ādurbadagan to Mehrān whereas xwarvaran to Sūrēn /Ispāhbudhān. Of course one can assume that allocation of the territories far from homelands of the families had to weaken their power in the empire77. The question is the following: if Xusrō’s assumption was such why a member of Mehrān family became spahbed in the traditional lands of this family that is Ray in Gūrgān?

If reforms had to destroy the power of the major Parthian families why in three out of four kust i the power was given to the members of the Parthian nobility?

None of the Persian kings was powerful enough to implement changes without an agreement with the Royal Council. Even Xusrō, who was shown in Arabic tradition as an all-powerful monarch and whose Arabic name Kesrā became synonym of a king (like Caesar or Charles the Great in the culture of Europe), was not all-powerful. The most important Xusrō’s cooperators originated from the Parthian nobility. They were not only in command of the army like Šāpur of Ray from Mehrān (known also as Mermeroes under re-cords of Procopius and Agathias) or mentioned above spahbeds but they also supervised diplomacy (Mahbod Sūrēn at the beginning, Īzad Gušnasp from

74 Chronicle of 1234, 74; Chronicle of 724, 145. 12–19; Evagrius, 5. 9, 5. 20; John of Ephesus, 6. 6, 6.13, 6 17; Theophylact Simocatta, 3. 10. 6–11.1, 3. 17. 8.

75 Pourshariati (2008) 104–110.76 See note 570.77 Pourshariati (2008) 97.

197The Parthian nobility in Xusro I Anoorvnvs court

Mehrān family later). One should also mention that Wuzurgmihr ī Bōxtagān, winarbed of Xusrō whose wisdom was a legend of the East, came from the Parthian Kārin family78.

On the basis of the above information one should assume that Sassanian rulers governed on the basis of major Pahlav families to which they very often were blood relations through marriages to women of the most import-ant clans. Thus one cannot presume that 6th century reforms were aimed at undermining the power base of the Parthian dynastic families in Iran because nor Kawād nor Xusrō were able to implement them without the Parthian wuzurgan’s approbation.

Plates:

1. Ardašīr’s I rock relief, Fīrūzābād I, Iran (Eugène Flandin 1840)2. The Pahlav inscription of Šāpur I (ŠKZ), on the west wall of the Ka‘ba-ye

Zardošt, Naqš-e Rostam, Iran3. Mehr-Narseh (Gyselen 2008a, 46)4. The seal of Xusrō ādurmāhān (Daryaee, Safdari 2010, 8; Gyselen 2007,

III/16)

78 Khaleghi Motlagh (1989) 427–429, Shaked (2013) 216–275.

198 Katarzyna Maksymiuk

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