June, 2014 Editor: Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle Newsزوين نكوك Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June, 2014 Editor: Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle Foreword IN THIS ISSUE Impact of Migration

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Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June, 2014 www.kokannews.org Editor: Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle

Foreword

IN THIS ISSUE

Impact of Migration to the Middle East.. 3

Bharat Jyoti Award 11

Special Education 12

Smt. Sumitra Mahajan 16

Urdu Poems on Kokan 22

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THE e-NEWSLETTER OF THE KOKANI DIASPORA COMMUNITY

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Source: Pudhari, Ratnagiri, 3rd

June, 2014

Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June 2014

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Impact of Migration to the Middle East on Rural Ratnagiri

By Sudha Gogate

Source: A Reader in Urban Sociology, Edited by M.S.A. Rao, C. Bhat, L.N. Kadekar, New Delhi, Orient Longman Limited. 1991, P. 371- 388

The scale and volume of migration to the Middle East cities from India and other Asian countries has been

unprecedented anywhere in the world since the oil boom in the part. The outflow of migrant workers and the consequent inflow of remittances as well as their physical absence in the places of origin are bound to have a multifaceted impact on the economic conditions, educational activities, interpersonal relations in the house hold, stresses and strains in the family and the aspirations and outlook of the members of the migrant household. This paper is an attempt to analyse the impact of overseas migration to the Middle East of Konkani Muslim migrants and their families from four villages in the District of Ratnagiri on the Konkan coast of Maharashtra. The number of families selected for coverage in each of the four villages was broadly in proportion with the scale of migration from that village. In all 103 families were covered; 30 from Furoos (Taluka Khed); 25 from Kaluste (Taluka Chiplun); 33 from Merjoli and the neighbouring hamlet (Taluka Chiplun) and 15 from Kadwai (Taluka Sangameshwar). The fieldwork was done in 1982-83.

Konkani Muslims

Konkani Muslims, like the Maplas of Malabar, are one of the Muslim communities who made their home on the coastal areas of Western India. They speak Marathi although many of them know to read, Write and speak Urdu or Hindustani. They belong to the Shafai sect of Sunni Muslims. There are two groups among Konkani Muslims – Jamaati and Daldi (or Mahigiris). The former are relatively well-off compared to the latter. Some of the Jamaatis were ‗Khots‘ (rentier landlords) until 1950. They were the intermediary class of people who settled in the villages, organized cultivation and had heritable rights of collecting rent from the tenants. A few Jamaatis had business in some of the African nations. The Khoti Abolition Act of 1950 and the independence of several African nations adversely affected their economic position, but they remained cultivators, gardeners and traders in many villages.

Ratnagiri district has a tradition of sending migrants to Bombay and other nearby cities in Maharashtra and also

to African countries. The region is characterized by hilly terrain and subsistence agriculture. Nearly half a million people of Bombay are natives of Ratnagiri district. Since the Jamaati Muslims have had historical links of trade with African countries, the employment opportunities following the oil boom in Middle East attracted the Jamaati youth in large numbers.

There are in all 196 male earners in the 103 sample families in the four villages. Out of these 154 (78 per cent) of them are overseas migrants to the Middle East, and 4 per cent of them have migrated to other towns in Maharashtra. Only 17.8 per cent of the earners have remained in the villages. Thus each family, on an average, has more than one person employed in the Gulf countries. The majority of the migrant earners are in the U.A.E., Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Oman. Most of them are below the age of 40 and have been staying in their places of destination from two to ten years. The majority of the first migrants and those who followed them were married before they migrated. Two-thirds of them have completed the Secondary School Certificate Examination. Based on their education and skills, they are employed in skilled, white-collar, professional and business occupations. The average income of the migrants varies from one occupational category to another. While it is Rs. 2080 per month in the case of unskilled workers, it is around Rs. 8000 for the professionals and Rs. 12,000 for those engaged in business. Similarly, the monthly remittances vary from Rs. 650 to Rs. 2000.

The motivation to seek employment in the Middle East has been economic either to get a job or to secure a better job and income. Out of 154 migrants, only 21 were unemployed and the others were either in service and farming or were student trainees before migration. The kin network provided the necessary information and help in getting them jobs. The relatives and friends also provided other sources of security in smoothening the problems of adjustment of migrants in their places of destination.

Impact of Overseas Urban Migration Several studies have noted a rise in the level of consumption in the migrants‘ families under the impact of

migration to the Middle East (see Gulati 1983; Mathew and Nair, 1978; Prakash, 1978; Radha Krishna and Ibrahim,

1981). In this section, we shall consider the impact of urban Gulf migration on the levels of living conditions, investments

and savings, education and socialization of children, women‘s education, interpersonal relations in the family, status of

women, nature of female headed households and extended family, and problems of loneliness.

Levels of Living

Most importantly the food and nutrition standards of families of migrants have improved. They are consuming

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more varieties of food items in greater quantities; some items are of better quality than earlier while certain other items are being newly consumed. Most of the respondents (67 out of 103, i.e. 65%) have acknowledged that there has been some change in their food habits and level of consumption while the rest (35%) indicated that there has been no change at all. Fifty per cent of the families registered noted an increase in consumption of butter and eggs, and almost the same percentage of families (thirty-nine per cent) mentioned an increase in consumption of vegetables and fruits. Nine families have recently substituted wheat or rice for ragi and eleven families for the first time, have included milk, butter and eggs in their daily intake of food. Though traditionally meat-and-fish eaters, seven families mention having newly started consuming meat and fish on a regular basis and eight families have included vegetables/fruits as common items of their daily food.

On the whole this change is welcome except for the displacement of ragi, or more nutritious high-protein grain, by rice.

The table below gives the information in greater detail:

Since this table includes only those families which have mentioned some change in their food, the figures do not add up to 103 families.

In terms of clothing the impact of migration announces itself to a visitor to the village initially through the

imported fabrics worn by the members of the migrant‘s families, as they go about their daily routine. It is to be expected that young women will deck themselves in imported synthetic fabrics. However, it came as a surprise to find elderly l adies, who normally wear cotton saris in the traditional fashion, donning synthetic fabrics. Walking, barefoot, which is common 'inside the home' in rural India is vanishing among the more effluent migrant-workers' families. Often young men are smartly dressed in imported trendy clothes. Wearing perfume is no more a rarity but is becoming a habit for a few who are keen to announce their new-found affluence to the world.

It is a common observation of the labour-exporting countries that the migrant-earners in the Middle East invest

most of their savings in building new and bigger houses for their families back home in their native land. It would be interesting to know what migrants from the Konkan do in this respect.

Most of the families of migrants from Konkan have their own houses, howsoever small or humble they might be.

Only four of the families surveyed were living in rented houses. Fifty two of the 103 families lived in ancestral houses. Forty five families built their own new houses and two families purchased them during the past 5 to 10 years. Twenty two families specifically mentioned that they were financed by the migrant member in building their houses. Of the fifty two families who live in ancestral houses, forty two have carried out repairs and renovations in the old houses. Ten families rebuilt kitchens to introduce modern facilities and six constructed water-taps and/or septic tanks in their bathrooms/toilets. Twenty-six families made additional changes besides renovating kitchens/bathrooms/toilets. In all sixty-six (64%) families have improved in the recent past, water facilities for domestic use: 35 have made arrangements for pipe water, 26 built storage water tanks and 5 have dug wells.

The increase in the use of electricity and the introduction of cooking gas by migrants‘ families is quite significant.

While electricity has been available in the area for the past 15 years, 31 families took advantage of it in their houses only during the past 5 to 7 years. Other families said their consumption of electricity has increased with their children burning the midnight oil for studies and the use of kitchen gadgetry. Nine families, however, still go without electricity. Fifty-seven families of these migrants now use L.P.G. cylinders for cooking while two families have installed gobar gas (bio-gas) plants. Thirty-eight families, however, still depend exclusively on firewood while six use kerosene stoves. These improvements in living facilities and standards are largely supported by the migrants‘ home remittances.

Of the 103 families of migrants, 93 possessed consumer durables which were either brought by the migrants or

S. No.

Food Items No. of Families Consuming

More Better Quality Newly Introduced

1 Milk / Milk Powder 52 (50 %) 1 4

2 Butter / Eggs 42 (40.7 %) - 7

3 Rice 12 (11.6 %) 18 (17.47 %) 2

4 Wheat 11 16 7

5 Fish 22 (21 %) 22 2

6 Meat / Chicken 39 (38 %) 2 5

7 Vegetables/ Fruits 40 (38.8 %) 1 8

8 Dry Fruits 17 - 29

9 Bread / Biscuits 22 - 10

10 Sweets 22 - 10

11 Cold Drinks 5 1 12

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bought with the help of their remittances. These include ‗foreign‘ tape recorders, two-in-ones, radio transistors, cameras, digital wrist-watches, electronic wall clocks, mixer-juicer machines – all the proverbial symbols of the image of the ‗Gulf-goer‘. The amount spent by families on consumer durables varied between one and fifteen thousand rupees.

Seeking medical aid of an allopathic doctor has been an accepted practice in the Konkan for the past 25 to 30 years at least. The majority of migrant‘s families (76), therefore, said there was no change in recent times in the nature of the medical aid they received. However, twenty-two families of migrants said that they now consult private doctors or visit private clinics instead of Government clinics or hospitals. A significant impact of migration to the Middle East is observed in the increasing demand for private doctors. According to the elite and community leaders of the taluka towns of Chiplun and Khed, there has been a noticeable increase in medical facilities during the last ten years in the number of doctors, clinics and hospitals besides specialists like surgeons and gynecologist‘s. This was largely due to the inflow of money to migrants‘ families. Some of these families are known to enlist the services of doctors from urban centres like Bombay and Miraz. According to a community leader, the health and childcare practices of the community have considerably improved owing to women‘s education, improved standards of living and the availability of modern medical facilities.

All the respondents (89) in the present study with an exception of 14, said that their commutation and use of

vehicles have increased in the past 5 to 7 years. Apart from the increase in the availability and exploitation of transport facilities, there are now new reasons for commutation and travel. Children commute to high schools, colleges and technical institutions in taluka towns; the women of the family commute for household purchases and banking operations. When migrant men return from abroad, the young family goes out on visits and tours. In occasional cases, the visiting bridegroom and the young bride go for a honeymoon or on a sight-seeing tour – something unheard of earlier. The older couples go on pilgrimages and to the Hajj. Indeed there is greater exploitation of the increasingly available transport facilities in this relatively inaccessible hilly region.

Most of the families (75%) resort to the buses of the State Transport service to commute daily. This organization

maintains a highly efficient network of services in the area. Auto-rickshaws on hire and private bicycles are other vehicles which are much in demand. The absence of good roads in the hilly tracts has discouraged the purchase of scooters or motor-cycles. However, two families in the sample have bought bicycles and one has a motor-cycle.

Investments and Savings

It is difficult to say how reliable the data is regarding investments and savings in migrants‘ families because the

respondents were reluctant to reveal information regarding their ‗private‘ financial matters. Sixty respondents from 103 families of migrants answered negatively to questions regarding family‘s property and investments. Positive answers however received to questions regarding savings.

Houses built by twenty-two families, with the remittance money of migrants to the Middle East, have already

been mentioned. Eleven families are known to have invested in agricultural land in addition to the purchase of house or gold. Twenty-one families invested in better seeds and fertilizers to improve agricultural yields. In all, thirty-two families said that they bought poultry birds or milch cattle or both cattle and poultry. However, the amounts invested in these are so small (from Rs. 500/- to Rs. 5000) that they suggest domestic use rather than dairy or poultry farming.

No investments in machinery, business or shares were mentioned, excepting in one or two cases. However, 70

families (i.e. more than two-thirds of the total number) said they have invested their savings in schemes like postal and bank savings, National Savings Certificates, Units of the Unit Trust of India, Government Securities and, in a few cases, Life Insurance Corporation. The amounts invested vary from Rs. 1,000 to Rs. 50,000. More revealing than this data is the increase in the number of banking offices of commercial scheduled banks in Ratnagiri district from 78 to 149 (almost 100% increase) during the decade of 1970 to 1980. In one of the taluka-towns of the area, with a population of 21,000 in 1981, there are 13 banking offices today. According to the information available, two of these banks alone collect foreign remittances to the tune of Rs. 800,000 per month. Out of this, only 10 per cent is withdrawn per month by the families of about 280 remittent and rest of the amount is invested in various bank savings and fixed deposit schemes.

Migration, Education and Socialization of Children

Being a hilly and inaccessible region, educational facilities were extremely poor in the erstwhile Ratnagiri district

almost until the late 1950s, and early 1960s. In the absence of adequate facilities for education, children of the richer families of Konkani Muslims were often sent to Bombay, Pune, Miraj, Kolhapur or the district towns in the ‗Desh‘ (the interior) part of Maharashtra State for their education. With the opening of high schools in many villages, especially after the formation of Maharashtra State in the 1960s, there is little need now for children to go out of their villages for high school education. Even college or technical education is available in the district itself at taluka places like Khed or Chiplun. Now there are even Kindergarten schools (Balwadis) in many Muslim villages of Konkan.

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Ratnagiri district has today a fairy high literacy rate (47.6%)1 in the State of Maharashtra. It is not surprising,

therefore, that all the children of school-going age, i.e., below 12 years, from the migrants‘ families attend school. It is

not surprising, therefore, that all the children of school-going age, i.e., below 12 years, from the migrants‘ families attend

school. It is already noted that the migrants‘ jobs and remittances from abroad prove to be a great help in the education

of the younger members of his family. Apart from the migrant‘s own children, the beneficiaries of financial help for

education are not only brothers and sisters (in 26 families) or nephews, nieces and cousins (15 families), but also

occasionally other kin and family relations (5 families). This speaks of the strength of the three-generational network of

family relationships, as also of the value set by the community on education. It may be noted that migration and the

consequent economic affluence have not led to any general indifference to education in this community though, some

older men complained about it. In fact, families now spend probably much more money on children‘s education than

ever before.

While taking of changes concerning education, many families mentioned special tuition that was being given to the children of the family or that children were being sent to attend special classes in certain subjects over and above their regular classwork. Some families mentioned that they have made arrangements for their stay at the taluka-town or in the city specifically for their eduction.

2 Another important change relating to children‘s education is the attraction of

English language schools. The children of the Konkani Muslim community, especially of the richer families, increasingly go to schools where the medium of instruction is English instead of Marathi (the mother tongue of the community). New schools claiming to offer instruction in English are springing up not only in taluka towns but also in villages. In the absence of the knowledge of Arabic, familiarity with the English language is considered to be useful for those who aspire to go to the Middle East for work. More importantly, English is a symbol of high social status in the new situation. Several families covered in this survey send their children to English medium schools. The promotion of girls‘ education is yet another aspect of this change.

Where both parents migrate (as sometimes found in Goa or Kerala) it can create serious problems for the socialization and education of the children of the family. The migration of one working parent may also create problems regarding the care and education of the young, especially in the context of nuclear families. However, in families surveyed in Konkan, the migration of male workers has not given rise to any insurmountable difficulties specific to the care and education of the young. The region has had a tradition of outmigration of working maIes or all communities over the past century. The Konkani Muslims, who lead the present migration to Middle East from the district, have had an additional tradition of international migration, both for manual and skilled work as well as business. A large number of males in the working age group were in Bombay either for service or business, and visited home on long vacations once in one year or two years. So what is happening today is not entirely new except in scale and new trend.

When the adult male members of the family migrate for work, the women and the remaining elder and younger male members look after their children and also take care of the family's land or business. The three-generational family proves a boon for the young mothers. There are other females in the family who help her in the task of childcare and looking after the children of school-going age. The retired grandfather or younger high-school or college going uncle of the child provides him/her differential role models, besides the mother/aunt or grandmother. The absence of a father, in fact, inculcates in a growing boy a sense of responsibility towards his mother and sisters in the environs of the family. The socialization of children on the whole is not a problem for the family.

Women's education in the Muslim community of Konkan, has received tremendous impetus in the past 20

years, partly under the impact of new and progressive attitudes towards women's education in the larger Indian society and, partly, as a reflection of the community‘s increasing affluence. The taluka town of Chiplun, in the northern part of the district offers facilities of college education for girls (and for boys together). Girls from better-off and middle income Muslim families of these villages today obtain college education in ever increasing numbers.

Today, more girls

3 than boys appear to be taking college education. The boys prefer to go to technical school on

completion of their School education especially if they aspire for a job in the Middle East. Neither are boys keen to get married before they are settled in 'Gulf jobs'. Though girls may get engaged during the last year of their high-school education, they not only complete their high school education but prefer to study at a college in the taluka town instead of sitting idle at home. The parents too, who can now afford their daughter's college education, accept and encourage this trend.

College-going girls commute daily in State Transport buses if their village is close by, or they stay in the women‘s hostel or a relative‘s place in the taluka town if the village is relatively far off. Besides their education, this exposure to the outside world at a young age, the opportunity to move about independent of the family, coupled with the improved economic condition, gives these girls a rare confidence and self-reliance. Thus equipped, they are now better prepared than the earlier generation of women of their community (and also the Hindu women deprived of higher education) for better health and childcare. Through their education they are, to an extent, exposed to new knowledge of health and childcare practices. Observers and community leaders note that the women of the community today look healthier are most self-reliant, and their children‘s health too has improved when compared to women and children of the earlier generation.

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Of the 103 original migrants, nearly 60 per cent are below the age of 35 and are likely to have young children.

However, among the 103 migrants, 9 are still unmarried and 31 were married only during their vacation-visits to India.

Itis not surprising, therefore, that more than one-third of the migrant-workers (38) do not as yet have children. The

migrant workers‘ aspirations about their children‘s education would be an important factor that would shape children‘s

lives and are symbolic of future changes. Among the questions asked about education, one was on migrant-worker‘s

aspirations about the education of their sons and daughters. These aspirations are expressed as follows:

There are several differences between the aspirations they have regarding their son‘s and daughter‘s educa-tion. However, it is noteworthy that two migrant-fathers hope for professional education for their daughters. Also 19 fathers of daughters, as against only 15 fathers of sons, aspire for college education for their children. There is indeed, a high standard of aspiration and it speaks of considerable change in their attitude towards women‘s education among the Muslims of Konkan.

Impact on Family Migration to the Middle East has caused some unanticipated changes in the structure of relationships, authori-

ty, division of labour between sexes, and, especially, in women‘s roles and responsibilities in the family. There is a considerable extent of freedom with which the women of this Muslim community move about in the village or in the taluka town during their fortnightly or monthly visits. While this freedom is not entirely due to the recent migration, it seems to have been underlined or enhanced by the male migration to the Middle East during the past ten years. As a result, the women seem to emerge as a relatively independent person with greater authority and decision making pow-er than earlier. A new kind of relationship which we may describe as ‗conjugal relationship‘ – seems to be emerging between husband and wife. With women‘s increasing education and awareness, the husband-wife relationship seems to be gaining in importance – even a central place – in the three generational set up of the family. Though this change cannot be attributed entirely to male migration to the Middle East, it seems to be an important contributing factor, one of the many strands in a complex process of change that has encouraged women‘s education and self-reliance. Among the various factors that stimulate change in the woman herself and her position in the family and community are her emerging roles and responsibilities. With large scale male migration and adult men abroad, women have to take on responsibilities which were earlier carried out by the men in the family. Among these the most important are the operation of finances, purchases and marketing for the household, and the supervision of matters relating to children‘s education. In most of the migrant-workers‘ families today these have become women‘s responsibilities.

Among the 103 families surveyed in Konkan, 32 families registered no change in women‘s responsibilities while women from 71 families said they had to take up new responsibilities due to the migration of male members of their families. In all 47 (45.6 per cent) families indicate supervision of children‘s education (such as admitting them to schools, helping them in homework, meeting teachers and paying fees), bank transactions and purchase of household requirements as the three new major responsibilities being carried out by women in the family. There are 24 families who have included responsibilities like care of milch cattle or looking after the family‘s farm or shop in the village in addition to those already mentioned. On the whole, women‘s responsibilities have increased and their work now is not confined to the kitchen or household, but draws them out into the world outside home, makes them handle new tasks and forces them into public life. These necessities taking decisions on various matters on their own. Handling bank-transactions means dealing with the family‘s money. In fact, in a large number of cases money is remitted in the name of the wife by the migrant-worker. Shopping for the family and household also implies some decision making on the priorities of family‘s needs. Looking after children‘s education involves representing the family in the school system and playing the role of an instrumental agent of socialization of the child. These new roles, thus, inevitably put new power in the hands of women, especially the young and the educated ones.

Nearly two-third of the total number of families studied receives their remittances in the name of a female

member of the family. In 47 families (i.e. 45% of the total and 50% of the married migrants‘ families) it is credited in the

name of wife (wife and children in a few instances) and in 17 families, it is received in the name of the mother of the

migrant worker. Only in 26 families did the money come in the name of the migrant-worker‘s father. Only five families

receive it in the name of the members other than the father/mother/wife and children. In the remaining families (8), no

specific information was available. The fact of remittances being sent in the name of the migrant‘s wife immediately

gives her an identity and status in the family besides the economic power.4

Kind of Education No. of Migration-fathers who aspire to educate their children

For Sons For Daughters

Professional Education 18 2

College Education 15 19

SSC - 10

Tenth/SSC + Technical Education 5 -

As much as Son/Daughter would learn 24 17

No Response 3 -

Total 65 48

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Changes in certain other areas of life, following migration, also contribute to the women‘s freedom. As already mentioned, the improvement in earnings and the standard of living has inevitably led to the use of modern amenities and equipment in the kitchen in many families of migrant-workers. We have noted that sixty six families have improved water facilities for their household. Women in two-thirds of the total number of families are now freed from the drudgery of drawing water from wells or carrying it from the distant river of village well. Remittances from abroad have made it possible for several families to bring running water right into the house. The electric or gas stove and gadgets like mixer grinders, are lightening the women's burden in the kitchen. A few families (35) have engaged servants for the household work (6 families have engaged servants for the farm work). These amenities have reduced the woman's drudgery. All these changes seem to go a long way in building self-confidence among the Konkani Muslim women in rural Ratnagiri.

The changing attitudes of the women are apparent from their responses to a specially designed questionnaire

on the relationship with the emigrant husband. 78 women, out of the 81 studied, exchanged letters with their husbands; 51 corresponded fortnightly, 10 monthly and 17 every week. The high degree of marital fidelity is expressed by as many as 73 women who emphatically denied any possibility of their husbands' involvement abroad with another woman. 'We trust each other' or 'I have faith in him' were the more common responses. One young wife confided: 'My husband is too much in love with me to be able to do that. A middle aged woman mischievously said 'My husband is too old for that now!'. When their husbands returned home on vacation, most of them went out with their husbands to the taluka town to watch a play or film, or for social visits. Sometimes they took their children on sight-seeing tours or visits to Bombay and other cities. Long separation of the young husband from his wife and children must be a factor that intensifies the couple's mutual emotional ties.

All these responses are indicative of a new kind of relationship between husband and wife which, in all

likelihood, was absent among the couples of earlier generations. In the additional structure of three generational families there has been little room for relation of companionship between husband and wife, especially until they crossed the middle age. The responses mentioned above, however, suggest an emergence of 'conjugal' relationship between husband and wife.

With the development of a new personality in the woman-educated, independent and confident (in relative

terms) – is noticeable an emergent new relationship between husband and wife. Male migration to the Middle East alone may not have caused it, but it appears to be a facilitating factor in the emergence of such 'conjugal relationships. A recent and fashionable trend among the migrant-workers' families is to send the newlywed couple on 'honeymoon', a practice totally unheard of in this region. These are indicative of changing attitudes of the community to women, their roles, their place in their family and in marital relationships.

FEMALE HEADED HOUSEHOLDS

The fact that the woman's responsibilities have increased and her role is undergoing significant change in the migrant-worker's family is reflected in the composition of the family itself. There are families where male members are totally absent and households are composed almost exclusively of females. Sometimes, young male children are the only male members of the family. In a couple of cases, the household consisted of only one woman since all the sons, or sons and husband are abroad. Many of the households are thus female centered and in many families women are playing the role of the 'head of the family whose responsibility is to manage the affairs of the family'. In other words, the woman today is playing the role of the householder.

In Maharashtra, the incidence of female-headed households was 10.3 per cent while in Ratnagiri district

percentage of such households was as high as 35.6 per cent according to 1971 census. The incidence of female-headed household is as high as nearly 50 per cent among the out migrants' families. In Kerala too incidence of such families is comparatively high (Gupta, 1983).

With the emerging new power, status and role of women, there is a gradual disappearance of patriarchal ethos,

which just lingers only at a formal level. But there is no indication of any decline in so far as three-generational family ties or kin-networks are concerned. In fact, the three-generational family relations and even wider kin-networks are fully exploited for the emigrant worker's migration and stay abroad, as well as for the assistance of his wife and children left behind in the village. Such mutual dependence among the members of family and kin groups in tum contributes to the strengthening of the three-generational family

5 and kin relationships.

This aspect is illustrated earlier in the context of the migrant worker's dependence on family members and

kin-network as a source of information and support system in getting jobs in the Middle East.6 The strength of the three-

generational family network is seen also from the support the migrant receives from his family members or near kin abroad during his own initial period of stay. In his turn the help he offers to his close relatives for migration, job-fixation or stay abroad, once he is settled in the Middle East, speaks of the strength and solidarity of the three-generational family.

Of the 103 migrant-workers abroad, 35 (i.e., one-third of the total) have arranged for and / or supported the job-migrant of their kin from the extended family while 11 migrants have received similar initial support from a member of their three-generational family): brother/father/son/uncle/nephew/cousin.

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The strength of the three-generational family is also seen in the support the migrant-worker's wife and children receive from it. When the migrant-worker migrates to the Middle East his wife (and children) continue to live

7 with his

three-generational family consisting of migrant's parents, his married/unmarried brothers, married brothers wives and children, unmarried sisters and may be, some other one or two close kin. Of the 103 migrant workers from Konkan villages, 63 were married prior to their migration, 31 got married after migration during visits home, and 9 were still unmarried at the time of this survey. Of the 63 married, 10 had their wives and children with them at the place of work while the families of the rest (53) were in the villages.

After migration, the wives and children of 81 (i.e., 86%) of the married migrant-workers (63+31=94), lived as a part of three-generational families in the villages. In fact, a considerable number of women (55%) preferred to live with their in-laws while only 30 per cent wished to live independently with their children. A very small number of (10%) indicated a preference to live with their own parental family. Wives and children of 5 married migrant workers went with

them to the Middle East and wives and children of 8 migrant-workers lived in the Taluka town on in other cities. The reason given was 'for children's education'. As many as 78 per cent of the respondents sought the help the parent-in-law/in-laws in the event of any crisis or difficulty. This reinforces their dependence on the three-generational family as a residential unit.

Earlier we have discussed the financial support given by the migrant-workers to the education of his younger siblings or even of nephews and nieces in the family. This information is corroborated further from the response to another question on the beneficiaries of the remittances. In twenty four families, the wife and children were the exclusive beneficiaries. In the rest of the families, however, other members besides the wife and children are mentioned as receiving help from the migrant. The following data illustrates the point in detail:

Apart from indicating the type of beneficiaries of migration, this data almost indicates the composition of the families of migrant-workers and suggests the strength of the extended family network.

WOMEN AND LONELINESS

An inevitable aspect of large scale male migration is the loneliness and lack of male companionship that women face while coping with new responsibilities of the family. The male migrant abroad also faces loneliness which, however, is the obvious consequence of his dislocation and, therefore, draws immediate attention and sympathy. The woman‘s loneliness in terms of lack of male companionship and sexual deprivation, however, remains under cover since she is apparently surrounded by family and kinsfolk.

Among the migrant-workers‘ wives there is a kind of acceptance of loneliness, a getting used to it as part of their life. Though it is not a desirable condition they realize that there is no use in worrying over it. At times they suffered the pain of separation but on the whole they were happy that other family members were around. Also the work in the house and children‘s responsibilities kept them busy. Occasionally they went out with their kin or with their (female) friends to the nearby taluka-town for shopping or visiting the family doctors or watching a film. These fortnightly or monthly visits provided them a diversion which they really much looked forward to.

A local doctor from the taluka town, who had a considerably large clientele in these villages of migrants to Middle East, agreed that there was an occasional case of hysteria or depression among the wives of migrants. However, there was hardly any notable incidence of mental illness or of pathological mental conditions among his clients from these villages. Some women needed attention and, therefore, often visited the doctors in the taluka-towns for minor complaints. Escaping the drudgery of routine on the pretext of a visit to the doctor was one of the diversions for some of these women.

The loneliness due to lack of male companionship is certainly a problem that migrants‘ wives have to face. The

majority of women living in this region have faced this problem and coped with it. The absence of any incidence of talaq

(divorce) is one of its major indicators. The economic and social security of the family life, education, changing roles

and the new identity seem to enable women to cope with the lack of male companionship in their routine life.

No. of Migrant‟s Families (Total : 103)

Beneficiaries (Members relation with Migrant-Worker)

24 Wife and Children

13 Wife and Children + Mother

18 Wife and Children + Parent

13 Wife and Children + Parents + Brothers and Sisters

2 Wife and Children + Brothers + Sisters

19 Wife and Children + Parents + Brothers and Sisters + Other members from three-generational family

2 Parents

11 Parents + Brothers and Sisters

1 No Response

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Notes

1. With increasing educational facilities the Ratnagiri district has made conspicuous progress in education. In literacy rates, the district ranks high in the State, with rates of 59.6 per cent for males and 38.2 per cent for females, in 1981. These rates are second only to the district of Metropolitan Bombay (Total 68.2%; Males 73.9%, Females 60.7%). The literacy rate of the district (47.6%) is today slightly higher than the literacy rate (47.1%) for the whole Maharashtra State.

2. An affluent family occasionally purchases a house or hires a flat in taluka town or a city where some members of

the female camp to look after children‘s education. This sometimes becomes a ruse of young wives in the family to live away from the parent-in-laws in greater freedom.

3. In reality, however, the number of young Muslim men (below 40 years of age) with some college education is

likely to be higher than the number of young Muslim women (below 40 years) with some college education. Among the migrants‘ families there are 35 such young men while the number of such young women is only 14.

4. In Kerala the remittances coming in the name of wife have been mentioned as a source of strife in the family

and strain for the wife, especially a young wife (Gulati, 1983). The social group to which this reference is made is not identified. However, no such effect was observed or heard in Konkan villages by the present researcher during her field trips.

5. During her field trips to different villages the researcher had a few opportunities to share meals at migrants‘

homes. The younger generation of women, married and unmarried, also joined the males at the same chaddar (sheet/table) for meals an event unheard of in the past.

6. The tendency to depend on family and kin network and strengthening of extended family ties has been noted in

relation to Kerala emigration to Middle East (Gulati, 1983). 7. A few (11) families which lived in another town/city where migrant was working before going abroad, came to

live with the migrant-workers‘ three-generational family in the village.

References Gulati, Leela 1983. ‗Male Migration to Middle East and the Impact on the Family: Some Evidence from Kerala‘,

Economic and Political Weekly, Bombay, Vol. 18, No. 52 and 53, Dec. 24-31. Mathew, E.T. and P.R. Nair Gopinathan 1978. ‗Socio-Economic Characteristics of Emigrant Households: A Case

Study of Chavakkud Village in Kerala‘, Economic and Political Weekly, Bombay, Vol. 13, No. 28, July 15. Prakash, B.A. 1978. ‗Impact of Foreign Remittances: A Case Study of Chavakkud Village in Kerala‘. Economic and

Political Weekly, Bombay, Vol. 12, No. 27, July 8. Radhakrishnan C. and P. Ibrahim 1981 ‗Inward Remittances and Economic Development‘. The Man Power Journal,

Jan-March, Vol. 16 No. 4, New Delhi.

Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June 2014

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Bharat Jyoti Award and Many International Awards to Dr. Abdulghani Dalvi, PO Pangari, Tal: Guhaghar, Dist: Ratnagiri. MS. India

Dr. Abdulghani Dalvi The India International Friendship Society (IIFS) is a NGO organisation based in New Delhi, India whose stated aim is to strengthen the ties between India and its expatriate community in hopes of using the resources and potential of these expatriates to benefit India. The organisation's chief activity is the awarding of the "Glory of India Award" (also called the "Bharat Jyoti Award") in ceremonies held regularly in New Delhi and in international cities with large expatriate Indian communities.

The society also aims to enhance India's broad relationship and forge greater friendship and cooperation with all the countries on the globe, irrespective of small or big, developed, developing or underdeveloped yet there is always a need for greater understanding and it is our endeavor to set a new rapport of closeness and real understanding among all people of the world. It is desired that all human being should live together in peace, love and brotherhood. The society has an essential role to play in fulfilling this objective by creating conditions for exchange of views among all the people, especially of Indian origin. Its aim is to create a sense of national and International friendship and understanding where it can have a programme to share with others. The society has also a programme of coordinating India‘s and N.R.I.'s efforts in creating joint ventures. For this purpose it has an advisory committee in which some talented and highly respected Indian experts in diverse fields, such as Economists, journalists, Socialists, Industrialists, Scholars, Engineering Experts, Member of Parliament and some retired Generals are involved. Many a time the society has invited N.R.I.'s from distant places to confer with their Indian counterparts to have a successful collaborative and fruitful discussion. In addition to Bharat Jyoti Award in March 2014, Dr. Dalvi received many international awards for his pioneer contribution in science such as (1) Two Awards from International Desalination Association (IDA) in 1993 and 1999 (2) Almarie Award in 2002, (3) Prince Sultan International Awards for Water 2006-2008), (4) SWCC, Governor Awarded for best work in controlling corrosion and air pollution in desalination plants in kingdom of Saudi Arabia in (2008) Dr. Dalvi is honorary member of Kokan News and presently working as a Researcher in SWCC, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. For more information visit: http://www.kokannews.org/?page_id=309

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Special Education

Special education is the segment of the education domain that deals with students experiencing difficulties in the regular system. To deal with these students, special education has developed a wide array of its own particular methods and materials. Although paralleling the regular education system, the promotion of an assortment of different procedures and techniques has caused special education to face continually a fundamental question: Is it effective the purpose of this chapter is to explore that question.

Depending on the perspective taken, special education can be defined as follows: a legally mandated system of services that ensures access to educational provision for disabled students and their families; a mechanism that ensures some, but not all, children will be afforded access to life opportunities as a consequence of historically inequitable educational provision; or as an institutional safeguard to protect students and teachers in the general education system from the problems posed by disability and difference in public schools. Despite recent efforts that call for ―inclusion‖ in public schools through the return of disabled students to the general education classroom and their neighborhood schools, special education continues to predominate within practice. In teacher education programs, inclusive education now forms part of the curriculum, either replacing ―special needs‖ provision or coexisting uneasily with it. According to Slee (2001), inclusive education has been adopted enthusiastically by special educators because it has enabled them to continue their practices from a publicly acceptable base and to convert the student teacher into a ―card carrying designator of disability‖. Rather than retell the often-told story about special education and its origins in the Western world, what is offered is an attempt to trouble that which Brantlinger (2003) casts as the ―peaceable kingdom‖ narrative of continuous progress in the field of special education. We draw from primary sources and the analyses of some historians (Foucault 1977; Richardson 1999; Trent 1994) to question the naïve interpretation of linear progress that typically frames special education despite its obviously problematic core assumptions. These include the following: (1) disabilities are pathological conditions that students have, (2) differential diagnosis is objective and useful, (3) special education is a rationally conceived and coordinated system of services that benefits diagnosed students, and (4) progress results from rational technological improvements in diagnostic and instructional practices (Skrtic 1991). We also draw on contemporary scholars (Baker 2002; Slee 2001, 2004) to trace some of the key elements in the trajectory of special education and to analyze the nature of its resilience. THE GENESIS OF SPECIAL EDUCATION

Depending on the perspective taken, special education histories trace back over centuries, with origin stories that generally begin with a recounting of educational provision in special schools for deaf and blind students early in the 1800s and, later, for students with physical, cognitive, and emotional disabilities. The creation of the special school in contexts across the world isolated the disabled individual from the community as such facilities were typically located in rural settings where educational provision was impairment specific and cast in the rhetoric of individual and specialized instruction. Undeniably, contemporary special education is informed by multiple histories, some more nuanced than others and some that remain, as yet, unexcavated. Our analysis aims to inform awareness of the conditions that emerged to establish the need for special education and its unyielding resilience. Our insights fall outside the narrative of rational technical progress in the field of special education ―proper‖ as this remains a naive and unproblematic history of self-congratulation among professionals for the hard-won rights of children.

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COMPULSORY SCHOOLING AND SPECIAL EDUCATION

Richardson (1999) provides insight into the effects of compulsory attendance laws that ultimately served as an ―essential precondition‖ for the development of policy and the systematic provision of special education services. The evolution of European-based practices of book learning and apprenticeships in the trades, accompanied by mandatory ―enrollments of indenture‖ that included a range of student abilities, would, no doubt, inform inclusion as it is cast in the present moment. What is pertinent here, however, is that by the mid-nineteenth century, ―standardized‖ education across society was becoming common. At roughly the same time, the ―invention‖ of idiocy signaled the launch of processes to differentiate dependent people throughout society. In the language of contemporary special education discourse, the early nineteenth century signaled the beginning stages of the development of qualification criteria, needs identification, assessment, and the necessary legal authority to act on behalf of children with special needs. Through these established disciplinary mechanisms for social control, as Foucault (1977) has argued, communities were empowered to exercise compassion and benevolence toward the ―poor and the infirm.‖ This nascent form of special education turned on securing the legal authority to supersede the traditional rights of parents in favor of arguments for the promotion of a broader welfare. Over time, these disciplinary mechanisms advanced a form of professional zealotry common among many special education professionals who position themselves as advocates driven to act in the ―best interests of the child.‖ Despite mounting evidence that long-term placement in special education yields poor academic and social gains for children (National Council on Disabilities), the profession maintains that theirs is a moral calling to act on behalf of children with disabilities (for an insightful critique of the profession, see Skrtic 1991; Slee 2001, 2004; Tomlinson 2004).

SPECIAL EDUCATION PRACTICE

Public school classes for mentally defective children were common throughout Europe in the late 1800s and as early as 1867 in Germany. Although some institutions in the United States imported the European model, others pressed for a community based response to the education of feebleminded children. Citing decades of limited success among the American institutions to sort successfully the feebleminded from the ―merely‖ backward youth, Walter E. Fernald, superintendent of the Massachusetts School for the Feeble-Minded, called for improved technologies and the creation of special classrooms in urban public schools (Fernald 1904). He was at once sympathetic to families forced to institutional-ize their children in their ―tender‖ years and critical of those families who ―lacked‖ the desirable moral and intellectual influences necessary for encouraging proper developmental gain among their offspring. This early campaign to relocate children from institutions to their local community and schools slowly shaped the view of special education as a place rather than a service—an enduring problem inherent in our dual system of service delivery model in the twenty-first century. SPECIAL EDUCATION AS PLACE

By 1917, compulsory schooling was well under way in the United States, and for students unable to progress through the system of a graded curriculum, the ―special class‖ emerged. Similar in structure to the special school, provision in the special class was disability specific and cast in the rhetoric of individual and specialized instruction. A close examination of the historical record of compulsory education provides insight into the organizational dilemmas posed by enacting schooling for the ―backward child‖—the then commonly used terminology for students in need of schooling that was ―less for the head and more for the hand,‖ as Ware (forthcoming) has observed. Earlier distinctions of difference included terms such as ―troublesome, truant, backward, defective, retarded, slow, mentally deficient, those with excessive ‗badness‘ and those with physical and mental markers of imbecility or idiocy‖ (Ware forthcoming). Buried within these descriptors was reference to the foreign born and burgeoning immigrant population. Under the auspices of improved social welfare, kindergarten age students at the Training School at Vineland, New Jersey, were enrolled in a curriculum that emphasized ―punctuality, obedience to authority, patience, teamwork, and respect of the rights of others‖ (Trent 1994:109). Vineland researchers noted this population included ―those whose minds have not developed normally‖ and ―American born children of parents who have not succeeded . . . [and who] . . . are deprived from birth of the possibility of even a moderate degree of success‖ (Irwin 1913:67). Armed with new protocols to medicalize difference, these early researchers contrasted the ―familiar‖ East Side neighborhood populated by first-, second-, and third-generation Americans with their target community—one in which the ―foreign-born population swarms the streets and a strange language meets the ear from every hand‖ (Irwin 1913:67). It was initially projected that roughly 1 percent of children younger than 14 years of age enrolled in the public schools were ―defective mentally,‖ but data collected in 1920 indicated that in New York City,31 percent of the population labeled ―mental defectives‖ were immigrants. Exploring the intersections between immigration and special education would obviously enrich contemporary analyses of the overrepresentation of minorities in special education; however, in the United States, such excavations are rare compared to the rich analyses undertaken by British sociologists, who have persistently probed these critical connections. Their insights trouble the previously blurred lines between ensuring educational provision for those children who were formerly institutionalized and the creation of the urban special class that served as the mechanism to absorb increasing student diversity in the public schools. Although the threads may appear less evident when attempting to link the parallel development of curriculum for both populations, the section that follows indicates how disenfranchised youth on both sides of the Atlantic, whether disabled or ethnic, were tracked into a skills-based education that targeted vocational ends and minimized exposure to enriched educational experiences. Thus, their life options were circumscribed by institutionally sanctioned limits on learning.

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THE SPECIAL EDUCATION LEGACY

The stigmata associated with disability have historically centered on perceptions of deviance; as a consequence, individual conditions have been considered alternately mysterious and deserved, dangerous but exploita-ble, and alien yet innocent. While interactions with the nondisabled community were infrequent, the public perception of disability was readily shaped by fear, pathos, and scorns so as to fix our gaze on the person labeled mentally retarded. As a consequence, research aimed no further than individual pathology and social problem. That the original interventions of Séguin‘s system of physiological education have witnessed little fundamental innovation in more than 150 years is both evidence and indictment of special education‘s enduring legacy—an inability to move beyond patholo-gizing discourses that unproblematically demand perfecting technologies, as Baker (2002) has noted. Not only does this lesson endure, but we are temperamentally unable to unlearn it and unable to resist the ―hunt for disability.‖ Slee (2001, 2004) concurs, arguing that the continuing dominance of special education has had a domesticating and taming effect on inclusive education. Special education continues to be preserved, while inclusive education discourses are silenced, not least of all by professionals, who hold a vested stake in protecting their own interests in segregated education by issuing dire warnings about the ―illusion‖ of full inclusion. In the United Kingdom, the defense of special education is less emphatic but no less effective. Both Baker and Slee contend that the legacy of special education can only be challenged by reframing it as cultural politics and by encouraging professionals to turn the gaze back on themselves and, thus, to better understand their own complicity in preserving special education.

With the passage of The Persons with Disabilities Act in 1996, India has joined the few countries that have legislation to promote integrated education. This is a landmark step as India has now overcome a major legislative hurdle. A number of unique challenges still need to be overcome in order to implement the key objectives enshrined in the legislation. Attitudinal barriers engrained as part of India's historical response to disability must be changed through education programs for both teachers and the general populace. These programs require financial and collaborative commitment from key national and state education stakeholders, and partnership with universities to support research-based initiatives. Success in achieving integrated education will ultimately depend on how Indian educators and educational systems can collaborate to deal with difference in India's culturally charged context.

References:

Baker, B. (2002). ―The Hunt for Disability: The New Eugenics and the Normalization of School Children.‖ Teachers College Record 104(4): 663–703. Brantlinger, E. (2003). ―The Big Glossies: How Textbooks Structure (Special) Education.‖ Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, April, Chicago. Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and Punish. London: Penguin. Richardson, J. G. (1999). Common, Delinquent, and Special: The Institutional Shape of Special Education. New York: Falmer.Skrtic, T. M. (1991). Behind Special Education. Denver, CO: Love. Slee, R. (2001). ―Social Justice and the Changing Directions in Educational Research: The Case of Inclusive Education.‖ International Journal of In-clusive Education 5(2–3): 167–177. ———. (2004). ―Meaning in the Service of Power.‖ Pp. 46–60 in Ideology and the Politics of (In)Exclusion, edited by L. Ware. New York: Peter Lang. Tomlinson, S. (2004). ―Race and Special Education.‖ Pp. 76–88 in Ideology and the Politics of (In)Exclusion, edited by L. Ware. New York: Peter Lang. Trent, J. W. (1994). Inventing the Feeble Mind: A History of Mental Retardation in the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press. Ware, L. Forthcoming. ―A Difference of Degree: Special Schools in the American Context.‖ In Eugenics in America, 1848–1945: A Primary Source-book in Disability, edited by D. Mitchell and S. Snyder. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Further Readings:

Friend, Marilyn (2012). Special Education: Contemporary Perspectives for School Professionals, 7th ed., Pearson Education. Hallahan, Daniel P. (2014). An Introduction to Special Education. 13th ed. Pearson Education, Reid, Gavin (2013). Handbook of Special Needs in Education. Wiley-Blackwell Reynolds, Cecil R. (2014). Encyclopedia of Special Education. 4 Vols. Set. 4th ed. Wiley-Blackwell Smith, Deborah Deutsch (2013). Introduction to Contemporary Special Education. New Horizon White, Raymond H. (2014). Assessment in Special Education. Pearson Education.

Websites

The Disability History Museum, http://www.disabilitymuseum.org

National Council on Disability (NCD), http://www.ncd.org

Child Support, https://www.childsupport.in/html/special_education.html

Bureau of Indian Education, http://www.bie.edu/Programs/SpecialEd/index.htm

National Council on Disability, http://www.ncd.gov/

ADAPT, formerly The Spastics Society of India, http://www.adaptssi.org/home.html

Teacher Vision, https://www.teachervision.com/special-education/teacher-resources/6640.html

Education World, http://www.educationworld.com/a_curr/curr139.shtml

Useful Resources for Special Education http://www.edudemic.com/resources-for-special-education-teachers/

Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June 2014

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Hero of www.dnaworld.org Abdulrahmanji جسانطح ري

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Smt. Sumitra Mahajan (Speaker, Lok Sabha)

Smt. Sumitra Mahajan (born 12 April 1943) is a politician and the Speaker of the Lok Sabha. She belongs to Bharatiya Janata Party. In 2014, she won the Lok Sabha elections for the eighth time, one of three members of the 16th Lok Sabha to do so, and the longest-serving woman member. She has been representing the Indore constituency of Madhya Pradesh since 1989. She is the eldest woman member of parliament who won the lok sabha election for the eight times (1989.1991.1996, 1998, 1999.2004,2009, and 2014).

She is a former Union Minister of State of India .She was minister from 2002 to 2004 and held the portfolios for Human Resources, Communications and Petroleum. She is the eldest and senior most among woman members of parliament in the 16th Lok sabha MP's list. She is the second woman after Meira Kumar to be elected as Lok Sabha Speaker. An active parliamentarian, she not only headed important committee, but has also been a keen debater and avid questioner inside the house, often seen putting minister on the mat with her calm but firm intervention. Smt. Sumitra Mahajan was born to Usha and Purushotam Sathe in Chiplun, Maharashtra. She earned her M.A. and LL.B from Indore University (now Devi Ahilya University) after marrying late Jayant Mahajan of Indore. (M. P.) Sumitra Mahajan hobbies include reading, Music, drama and cinema. She contested for the first time and won the Lok Sabha Elections in 1989, against former Chief Minister and senior Congress leader Prakash Chandra Sethi. She has brought many projects for Indore from Railways, Aviation, Urban Development Ministry. She is known for simplicity, honesty and clean politics. She has a clean track record and has always maintained distances from Special Interest Group. She is popularly known as Tai, among people of her constituency. Following is the list of her political achievements.

1984-85 Deputy Mayor, Municipal Corporation, Indore 1989 Elected to 9th Lok Sabha 1990-91 Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare President, Mahila Morcha, Bharatiya Janata Party (B.J.P.), Madhya Pradesh 1991 Re-elected to 10th Lok Sabha (2nd term) 1991-92 Member, Joint Committee for 73rd Constitution Amendment Bill 1991-93 Member, Joint Committee for Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Bill, 1991 1991-96 Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Communications 1992-94 Vice-President, B.J.P., Madhya Pradesh 1995-96 Secretary, B.J.P., Parliamentary Board Chairman, Parliamentary Board, Madhya Pradesh 1996 Re-elected to 11th Lok Sabha (3rd term) 1996 onwards Secretary, B.J.P. 1997 Member, Committee on Public Accounts 1998 Re-elected to 12th Lok Sabha (4th term) 1998 onwards General-Secretary, B.J.P. 1998-99 Convener, Sub-Committee on Drug Control, Committee on Human Resource Development Member, Committee on Human Resource Development and its Sub-Committee-I on Value-based Education Member, Joint Committee on the Empowerment of Women and its Sub-Committee on Appraisal of Laws relating to Women—Criminal Laws Member, Committee on Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADs) Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Human Resource Development 1999 Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (5th term) Oct. 1999- Jun. 2002 Union Minister of State, Ministry of Human Resource Development Jul. 2002 - May 2003 Union Minister of State, Ministry of Communication & Information Technology 24 May 2003- May 2004 Union Minister of State, Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas 2004 Re-elected to 14th Lok Sabha( 6th term) 2004-2009 Member, General Purposes Committee Chairperson, Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment Mem-ber, Panel of Chairmen 2005 Prabhari, Mahilla Morcha, B.J.P. Member, Consultative Committee on Civil Aviation 5 Aug. 2007 - May 2009 Chairperson, Standing Committee on Social Justice & Empowerment 2009 Re-elected to 15th Lok Sabha (7th term) Jun. 2009 Member, Panel of Chairmen 31 Aug. 2009 Chairperson, Standing Committee on Rural Development 23 Sep. 2009 Member, Committee on Empowerment of Women Lok Sabha Speaker

On 6 June 2014, Mahajan was unanimously elected as the Speaker of the 16th Lok Sabha. She had earlier worked as a member of the ‗Panel of Chairmen‘ in the Lok Sabha.

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FASTING AND RAMADAN

ى يا أيها الذيي آهنوا كتب عليكن الصيام كوا كتب على الذيي هي قبلكن لعلكن تتقو Qur‟an 2-183

O you who believe! Observing As-Saum (the fasting) is prescribed for you as it was prescribed for those before you, that you may become Al-Muttaqun (the pious)

"A great month, a blessed month, a month containing a night which is better than a thousand months has approached you people. Allah has appointed the observance of fasting during it as an obligatory duty, and the passing of its nights in prayer as a voluntary practice. It someone draws near to Allah during it with some good act he will be like one who fulfills in obligatory duty in another month, and he who fulfills an obligatory duty in it will like on who fulfills seventy obligatory duties in some other month. It is the month of endurance, and the reward of endurance is paradise. It is the believer's provision is increased. If someone gives one who has been fasting something with which to break his fast it will provide forgiveness of his wrong actions and save him from the Fire, and he will have a reward equal to the fasting man's reward without his reward being diminished in any way ... Allah gives the reward to anyone who gives one who has been fasting some milk mixed with water, or a date, or a drink of water with which to break his fast, and anyone who gives a full meal to one who has been fasting will be given a drink by Allah and will not thirst until he enters Paradise. It is a month whose beginning is mercy, whose middle is forgiveness, and whose end is freedom from the Fire. If anyone makes things easy for his slave during it, Allah will forgive him and free him from the Fire. "

Ramadan is an annual reminder of mankind‘s essential duty to cultivate knowledge and willpower, which are the two specifically human capacities. The Qur'an emphasizes that the pursuit of knowledge about all of God's creation is a glorious form of worship in itself. Equally, it stresses that man's God-given power to freely choose either good or evil puts him above even the angels, who by their nature can do only well. The Qur'an says: "It was the month of Ramadan in which the Qur'an was first bestowed as guidance unto man and a self-evident proof of that guidance, and as the standard by which to discern the true from the false. Hence, whoever of you lives to see this month shall fast throughout it; but he that is ill, or on a journey, shall fast instead for the same number of other days. Allah wills that you shall have ease, and does not will you to suffer hardship; but desires that you complete the number of days required, and that you extol Allah for His having guided you aright, and that you render your thanks unto Him." (2: 185)

According to this Quranic text, fasting was prescribed to Muslims to express their gratitude to Allah for His revelation of the Qur'an to guide mankind. Fasting was already an ancient tradition, as one knows from history and from the Qur'an: "O you who have attained to faith! Fasting is ordained for you as it was ordained for those before you." (2: 183) Fasting during Ramadan according to the Quran is an expression of thankfulness and gratitude towards Allah for His gift or revealing His guide book to mankind, the revelation that began more than 1400 years ago.

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The Qur'an repeatedly calls the attention of every man to observe the range of Allah‘s creation in the universe, encouraging the human faculties for wider and deeper knowledge of all Creation's observable phenomena. "Are you not aware that Allah sends down water from the skies, whereby we bring forth fruits of many hues-just as in the mountains there are streaks of white and red of various shades, as well as raven-black, and as there are in men, and in crawling beasts, and in cattle, too, many hues? Of all His servants, only such as are endowed with innate knowledge stand truly in awe of God." (35:27-28)

Many Quranic verses invite the human mind to learn about the sun, the moon and the earth; the sea, the rivers and springs; the plains, valleys and mountains; the wind, clouds and rain; the plants, trees and fruits; the insects, birds, animals and human beings; the men and women; the children, adolescents and adults; the family, clan and race, and so forth. The Qur'an offers brief but expressive glimpses of what God has created and invites the human intelligence to use its power to further study natural phenomena. The Holy Book of Islam does not represent an encyclopedia or a dictionary; it does not seek to lay down the last word on the extensive fields of knowledge (which would freeze man's intellectual abilities), but rather it stimulates and develops these abilities. It gives only guidelines. The Qur'an activates mankind's power to know more about both itself and the universe, and emphasizes that uncovering the hidden facts of the universe God has created and of all its creatures is a glorious way to worship Him.

In the legal field the Qur‘an does not give a detailed, comprehensive code of Iaws. It stresses the importance of justice, and states general essential principles. These include the avoidance of aggression and harm to others, (in themselves or in their material or moral rights) and certain limited specific penal and civil rules (for example: penalties for serious crimes such as murder, theft, adultery; prohibition of unfair transactions and usury). Not a single Islamic jurist has even assumed that the Qur'an and Sunnah represent a divine detailed and final code of laws that excludes human juristic efforts. But all jurists point out that ijtihad (the human intellectual search for new laws according to the permanent divine guidelines) responds to the changing demands of time and place.

As the outstanding jurist, Ibn al Qayyim, pointed out clearly: "The final goal of the divine law is justice, and whatever a way can the followed to achieve this goal, it should be considered within the divine law even if it was not mentioned literally in it." Knowledge cannot lead to individual and social progress unless it is connected with willpower. If the Qur'an represents the Islamic call to knowledge that was first revealed in Ramadan, then fasting, which Muslims practice to celebrate the reception of this divine gift, is an annual training in self-control. According to the Qur'an, the merit of the human being is that he can practice both good and evil, and can control his behaviour by this own will and decision. In this respect he stands above the angels, who by their nature can only do well. "Who do not disobey Allah in whatever He has commanded them, but always do what they are bidden to do." (66:6)

The human being enjoys the faculty of willpower alone among all creatures known so far, and this endows him with a privilege over the angels. It also means, of course, that he can do sin: "Behold, Your Lord said to the angels, I will create a vicegerent on earth. They said, Will you place therein one who will make mischief therein and shed blood, whilst we do celebrate your praises and glorify your Holy Name? He said, I know what you do not know. And he taught Adam the nature of all things. Then He placed them before the angels and said, Tell me the nature of these if you are right. "They said, Glory to You, we have no knowledge save what You have taught us . .. . And behold, He said to the angels, Bow down to Adam ... " (2:30-34)

The Qur'an says that fasting was prescribed to Muslims as it had been to others before them "that you may learn self-restraint." (2: 183). For a whole month every year, a Muslim trains himself to avoid essential physical desires for a considerable time every day. He also avoids insulting or fighting anybody, even if he is attacked. The Prophet stated also that Allah is in no need of the abstinence of a man who cannot avoid telling lies and behaving badly. In the Quranic texts, the month, the duration of fasting in a day and the obligations of fasting were indicated precisely: "Hence, whoever of you knows that this month has started shall fast throughout it." (2:185)

Oral and practical traditions of the Prophet indicated the details of fasting since the early days of Islam. Complete abstinence from food, drink and sex is prescribed for a reasonable time (15 hours a day as an average), and this obligation is neither unbearable nor worthless. By the same token, any delay in breaking the fast after sunset is against Sunnah: any (halal) food permitted during the year can be eaten until dawn.

Next to the verses of fasting, the Qur'an teaches Muslims to resist greed and material temptations with it clearly seems to The fast in Islam is a training of the willpower to carry out the lifelong commitments of Islam, and is not merely an occasional expression of repentance or an occasional request for Allah's help. It required such a detailed specification from the time the obligation itself was prescribed because of its importance in shaping the Muslim, both physically and morally. Strong connections between faith, fasting and patience .are to be found in the Qur'an and Sunnah. Muslims should prove individually, nationally and universally both in this blessed month and after it that they have achieved a remarkable progress as human beings. This would be the most convincing and constructive argument for Islam.

From ancient times, fasting was used sometimes as a preparation, "For the attempt to receive communications from Allah (in dreams and visions and by other such means)." If this is so, fasting prepares Muslims to receive the blessing and support of Allah in carrying out the message of Islam, and proving its genuineness and soundness for the whole of mankind more by representing its values by practice than by eloquent words.

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Konkan does a hat-trick, emerges topper in Maharashtra Source: Times of India, Mumbai. 3

rd June, 2014

PUNE: For the third year in a row, Konkan division earned the top honours in the HSC results declared on Monday. The division has had a successful stint after it was carved out of Kolhapur division, which has slipped in result rankings since then having lost the high-performing Konkan. Konkan division was carved out of Kolhapur to form the ninth division of the Maharashtra State Board of Secondary and Higher Secondary education three years ago and has maintained its top slot since then. And this year, when the pass percentage in the state has shot up, Konkan division has led the way and registered a thumping 94.85% success rate. The division's result has gone up by 8.97 % as compared to last year. Gangadhar Mhamane, state board chairman said, "The number of schools and junior colleges in Konkan division is less as compared to other divisions, and so the results are better. However, the division must be given due credit as it has been consistent in its performance."Ratnagiri and Sindhudurg districts are part of Konkan division. These districts were earlier included in the Kolhapur division, which already has Satara and Sangli districts under its purview. About 48 schools and colleges in this division have registered 100 % results. There are 173 HSC colleges in the division. Mhamane said, "Although the overall copy cases have gone down this year in the state, Konkan division has reported just 11 such cases. This is also an achievement from the division's point of view and its administration that con-ducts the exam." As many as 32,396 students appeared for the exam and 30,726 passed. Before Konkan division was carved out of it, Kolhapur division had topped in the state registering 77.27 %. Mhamane said, "The 2011 results also show that Konkan may have contributed significantly for Kolhapur's top position. It is an interesting trend, but the reasons behind it need to be studied in detail." Until Konkan was separated, there was immense pressure on Kolhapur division as it had to look after Satara, Sangli and the Konkan belt. Compilation and distribution of results, notifications, announcement of time tables, collection and distribution of answer sheets and question papers in the Konkan belt were all coordinated by the Kolhapur division but it became impossible over the years as the number of students appearing for HSC and secondary school certificate (SSC, class X) exams increased.

Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June 2014

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Kokan News كـكـ ـیـظ

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Urdu Poems on „KOKAN‟

كك کب -چبئے پب

ايک ـبزی کی ہی ؽجت ؼے چبئے پب يبيب ربتب ہے احجبة ضيفتہ زاضں ک پیغبو ؼبيب ربتب ہے آغبظ تالت ہتی ہے پط حس ت ؼبتے ہیں

يہ مس جی کی ؼت ہے اؼکی تطغیت زالتے ہیں تفمیم ثتبکط ضـتں کی پط ثبز يجبضک نیتے ہیں پط آد کی ـطکت پط کم ثی آيس کی زت زيتے ہیں ہتی ہے ذتى زبؤں پط يہ يحفم ذؾ ظثبی کی زيتے ہیں زبؤں اہم يحفم ا ک ـبزيبی کی

اہلل کی ذبط پط ثسے يؽزس فڈ ثی رٹبتے ہیں اہلل كے گط زے كے یہ رت يیں گط ہ ثبتے ہیں ـیب كے گیطے يیں آکط ہط ضپ زکبے نگتے ہیں يب ثبپ كے آگے ثچہ ثی پط بچے گبے نگتے ہیں ثعضگ ثی پط ثچں ک زيکیں ہیں ـق گبہں ؼے چٹکبضا کیؽے پبئیں گے ہى ا ؼگی گبہں ؼے بچ ضہب ہے ثبزہ پی كے ؼبت يیں اغ کب پبض ثی ہے افؽغ ت يہ ہے اغ يحفم يیں ـبيم شيہ زاض ثی ہے يیں ضہتی تی پہهے چپ چپ کط يبں ثہیں ثی ؼت چه اة زيکتی ہیں يہ آکط كے پط ؼبضا تبـہ آگ يیں کیں يہ ہگبيہ کطتے ہ اغ ؼے تى ک کیب حبلم ہے ذـیبں ت زل يیں ہتی ہیں يہ م غه يکم ہے يہ بچب گبب کیب يبض اؼالو کب ہے اضكب کئی؟ کیب اغ ضلك ـیبی ؼے ثط ربتب ہے ايب کئی؟ يہ ـغم ثطا ہے کیں اغ يیں ثطثبز رای کطتے ہ تى يؽهى ہکط کیں ايؽی حطکت ـیبی کطتے ہ ـبزی يیں ضلك ہ ہگبيہ يہ کئی اچی ثبت ہیں ثطثبز ؼجں کی یسيں کطب کئی ؼغبت ہیں آغبظ تالت ؼے تى ک ايک ت لطآں کطتے ہ ازبو يحفم يیں پط کیں ضلك ـیبں کطتے ہ يحفم يہ تبـہ ث ربئے يہ کئی اچی ثبت ہیں تى لو يؽهى ہ يبض کیب تى ک احؽبؼبت ہیں يهتی ہیں ہسايت ثی ا ک ر تطک يبلی کطتے ہیں يہ ضلك ہے فم ـیبی اغ ک ت بلی کطتے ہیں

غیطں کی ضؾ ک چڑ كے تى ؼت کی ضؾ پط آرب که اثهیػ كے فتں ؼے ـبيس کہ ہسايت پبربؤ غیطں كے طيمے اپب کط ہى اپی ـطيت ثل گئے اة ثغه سات زل يیں ہے اذالق يحجت ثل گئے

يفکم يیں ہے پؽپب ثی الچبض ثی ہے ثڑیاة لو اپی ضؾ ک چڑ چکی ہے زل ؼے يہ ثیبض ثی ہے

آؤ ؼت يم کط ہس کطيں ہط ضؼى غه ک چڈيں گے ر ضاہ حك کب ضؼتہ ہے اغ ؼے ہ يہ ہى يڈيں گے احكبو ـطيت کب بيم يہ ؼبضا بنى ہ ربئے ہى حبکى ث کط آئے تے ہى پط ؼے حبکى ہربئے

فطلں ک يٹبزے ايت كے آپػ يیں يحجت پیسا کط ہط لهت يي يیں يبضة ثػ اپی ابت پیسا کط

ثسضانسي ثسض

) ازطنہ، زاپنی (

Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June 2014

Page 23

رزیطہ ہبضا

ہــــس کــــی پؽس اض يؽهــــــب کب پیــــــــبضا ہے زــــــــــــطتی پہ اتطا ہا آکــــــبؾ کب تــبضا تؽکیــــ ط ثــــــحط ــــــطة کب ہے کــــبضہ ؼیــــــبس ثــی آتے ہیں يہبں کــــطے ــــبضہ تــــــبضيد يیں يفہض ہے رــزــیطہ ہــــــــبضا رــــــزیطہ ہــــــــبضا ہے يہ رــــزیطہ ہــــبضا

حك يہ ہے كے اغ ـہط کی ہے ـــــب انگ ہی اغ زطتی کــــــب ت حــــبکى يرتبض تے ؼسی يــرز يہــــــــبں آد ثی يحــــــالت ہیں ـبہی يفہض ظيــــــبہ ہے يہبں ايــــــک لــــــهہ ثی ايک ثــــــــــبض ر آرــــــــبئے ہ آتب ہے زثبضہ رــــــــــزیطہ ہــــــــــبضا ہے يہ رــــزیطہ ہبضا

آيــــں كے ؼپــــبضی كے زضذتں کی لــــبضيں تبحــــــــس ط پنــــــں كے پزں کی لبضيں ؼــــبحم پط يچــــــهتی ہئی نہطں کــــــی لبضيں يؽتی يیں يگ اڑتے پطــــــسں کی لــــــبضيں لــــــسضت ے اؼے ہے ثڑی فطلت ؼــے ؼاضا رــــــزیطہ ہــــــــبضا ہے يہ رــــــزیطہ ہــــــبضا زیــــــبئے ؼیــــــبؼت کے اكــــبثط ثی يہبں ہیں تــــــــهیى كے يیسا كــــــے يــــبہط ثی يہبں ہیں يطکــــــع ہے تزــــــبضت کب يہ تــبرط ثی يہبں ہیں ـــــبط ثی يہــــبں اض يفــــکط ثی يہــــبں ہیں ہط ــــــــطس ؼــــے آضاؼتہ يہ ـہط ہــــے ؼــبضا رــــــزیطہ ہــــــــبضا ہے يہ رــــــــــزیطہ ہــبضا کیــــب پچتے ہ تیں اغ زطتی کی ہى ؼے نــکے گب يضخ اہیں ؼــــــے كــــے لهى ؼے ضارسض پطؼــــــبز، ــــــبئیڈ، ـجهــی كے لسو ؼے ہط اہــــــــــم يحجت کــــــــــــی ط اض کــــطو ؼے ثطؼں ؼے ہے اغ ـہط کــی ت پہ ارــــبضا رــــــــزیطہ ہبضا ہے يہ رــــــــزیطہ ہــــــــــبضا

يــــم رــــــم كے يہبں ضہتے ہیں ؼت ہس يؽهب يــــبحل يہبں اي ايــــب کب ہے ــــــبيــــــــبں ہط لــــو كــــــے تہاضں پہ ہتــــــب ہے چطاغــبں افؽــــــــــبہ تہعيت کــــــب يہ ـہط ــــــــــاں اے ؼیف يہــــــــبں چی ؼے ہے ؼت کب گعاضا رــــــــــزیطہ ہــــــبضا ہــــے يہ رــــزیطہ ہــــبضا

ؼیف اہلل ؼیف

) يطڈ, رزیطہ (

Kokan News كـكـ ـیـظ

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ہبضا زالضا ہے كك

ثــــہــت ذـــــة پــــیــبضا ہـــے كـــــكـــــ ہــــــــبضا زالضا ہـــــے كـــــــكــــــ

ہ چـبل کـی کـیتـی ، ہ ثـبضؾ کب يـؼى ہ پـگـٹ پـہ ذـیـع گـیـتـں کــی ؼـطگـى يـــحـــجـــت کــب يـــبضا ہـــے كـــــكـــــ ہــــــــبضا زالضا ہـــــے كـــــــكــــــ

ہ ضاغ ، ہ ریگب ، ہ پبپهیٹ ہ ثيجم رــ نــصت يــیں ہــیـں ظــسگبــی کب حــبلـم ـــیـطيـں يـیـٹــب کـــبضا ہــے كـــكـــ ہـــــــــبضا زالضا ہـــــے كـــــــكــــــ

اگــط کـئــی ہـبپـغ ايـک ثـبض کــبئــے ہ رـت كـے يـیے کـ ثـی ثـل رـبئـے ذــــــسا ــے اتـــبضا ہـــے كــــكـــــ ہــــــــبضا زالضا ہـــــے كـــــــكــــــ ہ فــبضق ثــے ـــک تـطلــی کـــطے گب رـ كـكـ کـی زـطتـی پـہ ايک پـم ضہے گب يــــمــــــسض کـب تــبضا ہـــے كـــكــــــ ہــــــــبضا زالضا ہـــــے كـــــــكــــــ

ڈاکٹط فبضق ضحب

Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June 2014

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اضن كك

يـطغـعاضں, كـہؽـبضں, آثـفـبضں كــ ظيـیــں ضـــك رــــت ثـ گـئی ہـے يہ ثـہبضں کـی ظيـیـں انـہـبـہ چـيـتـب ہــے اغ کــ رــت ثـحـط ـــطة نـہهہـب اٹتـی ہـے تـت يـہ ؼجـع ظاض کـی ظيـیـں اضن كـكــ آؼــبں ؼـے ہـضہـی ہـے ہـى كــالو چـطا ہـے يـہ النـہ ظاض کـــی ظيـیـں ہـى ـفـیـ آئـیـے فــطزغ كــكــ کب ـــبضہ زيــکـــیــئـے ہـے ثـہـبض حـؽ ـكہـت يـبہ پـبض کـــی ظيـیـں گزتی ہیں نے ؼے رطں کی يہبں کی گبٹیبں کـیف يـیں ڈثـی ہئـی ہـے يـطغعاض کـی ظيـیں کـــہ کــی آغــؾ يـیـں يـہ آثـفـبض کــی ثــہـبض گـیـت رـیـؽـے گبضہـی ہـے کـہـؽبضں کـی ظيـیـں يـہ ذـطاو ـبظ ــسيـں کب، يـہ رــیـهـں کب ـــجـبة ضلـك پـط اکـؽب ضہـی ہـے کـفت ظاضں کـی ظيـیں ثــــ گــئــے زــــت ذـــیـبثـب ہــــؽــطثـب اضو يـفک جط يیں ثؽی ہے گم عاض کی ظيیں ـبئـطا ذـؾ گـه کـے گــزتـے ہـیـں ظيـعيے نـح فـطزؼـی يیں گى ہے غہ ظاضں کـی ظيـیں پــطث فـــطت کــی نـے پـط گــگــبتــی ـبچـــتـی زنــکـؿ ــبزاة ـبزض ــبہــکبض کــی ظيـیں يـــؼى ثبضا يــہبں کب ايک ـهـؽــی ذـاة ہـے کـى ـہـیں ذـهـس ثـطيں ؼـے يـہ ـبضں کـی ظيـیں ہـى ـے زيـکب حـؽ فطت کـ يـہبں پط ثے مبة ہـے ـطغ ـ ؼے افـع يبہ پبضں کـی ظيـیں کــیف ـبضہ ؼـے ثـے ذـز ہـگــیب يــض ثـی ہـے فـؽـں اـگیع کـیب انـفت ـــبضں کــی ظيـیں

يض انحؽ يض

) کڈكی، پے (

Kokan News كـكـ ـیـظ

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يیطا گبؤں يــہ يـیـطا گـبؤں رــ آثـبز ہــے ازئ كــكـــ يـیـــں ثـڑا زنـکـؿ ہـے ریؽـے ضگ نہطاتے ہیں ؼب يیں

يـہبں کـے ضہـے انـے پـبک لـضت پـبک ؼیطت ہیں يـہـبں کـے ضہـے انے يو ؼے ثی طو جیت ہیں

غـىت کی ؼبزگی ہے اغ ظيی کے ضہے انں يیں يـہ ايـؽب حـؽ فـطت ہے ہیں يهـتب ر ــہطں يیں

اذــت کــے ـهــجـطزاض ہـیـں انـفـت کــے پـیـکـط ہیں لــبــت ا کب تـکـیـہ ہـے يفـمت کے ثی ذگط ہیں

اؼـی کـی ذبک يیـں پبيب ہے زضغ ثے ذزی يیں ے اؼـی کــی ذـبک ؼـے ؼـکب غــطض آگـہی يـیـں ــے

اؼـی کـی ذبک يیـں پـہبں يـیطے ثـچپ کی ثبتیں ہیں رــہیـں ؼــطيـبيـہ ــط ضاں کـہیـے ہ يـبزيـں ہـیـں

انـفت ہے ضغجت ہے يـزے اغ گبؤں ؼـے ثـے اـتہب کــبل ـفـك ہـے يــیطے نــیے يـہ گـبؤں رـــت ہــے

يــگــط يـہ زض کـیؽـب آگــیب ہـے کـیؽـی حـفـت ہــے؟ ہـطايــک اـؽب کـ اـؽبں ؼے ـفطت ہے كـسضت ہے

يـہـبں اذـالق كـے چـفـے ضاں تـے ازئ زل يـیں آزيـیـت ہــط ؼــ يـحـفـم يـیــں فــطظاں تــے چــطا

يــگـط اة ضلــك ہـتــب ہــے ـفــبق ــطپـؽـسی کـب يـہـبں ثـبئـی ثـی اة زــ ــط آتب ہـے ثـبئـی کـب

ذسايـب اغ ظيـیـں کـ پــط فـطــتـں کی ظيـیں کطزے زنـں يـیـں رـصثـہ انـفـت اض ـگبہـں يـیں حیب کطزے

ازى جبؼ

Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June 2014

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يؽهب كك کب ذـحبل ہے

ظيـــبـــے کـب حـــبلـــم ظضيــــبل ہـــے يــؽــهــب كـكـ کـب ذــــحــبل ہـــے يـیـؽـط ہـیـں رـیــے كـے اؼـجـبة ؼــت ہیں ذؾ ذض، ذؾ پؾ احجبة ؼت فــطكـــؿ يـــكـبــں يـیــں آؼـــزگـــی ہــے ضلـمــس ذـــیں ثـطی ظـسگـی رـہــبں نــگ ضہـتـے ہـیـں آؼــزہ حـبل وــیــبء ثــبض ہــے ظــسگـــی کـب رــــــبل ــگـفـتـہ گـم ثـطگ گـهـفـ يــیـں ہـیـں حـؽیـں يـطزظ اضن كـكـ يـیـں ہـیـں فــهک پـط ہــے يـہـتـبة ضــ کـب حـؽأ ظيـیـ پـط ہـے گـهـطيـع كـكــ کـب حـؽـ ؼــــحــــط ؼـــى گــــ اض ظضكـبض ــــبو نـکـی يـیـطے يب نک ـے كـك کے بو ہـیــں كـكـ كـے ثبؼـی ثی اـؽأاں اظ كــہ اــــؽـــب اــؽــــبں يـہـــــبں ـــاظ فـــبزاض زنـــساض كــــكـــــ كـــے نـــگ ہـیـں ہــػ يـکـ، يهـؽبض كك كـے نگ کــؽـی گـــط يـیــں يــہــبں اگــط آئـے گـب ؼـــگب گــبؤں ثـــط کـب ہ ہــ رــبئــے گـب اڑائـــے گـب ہ زــــتــــ کـــے يـــعے اٹـــبئـــے گب ؼــت چـبہـــتـں کـے يــعے کــجـــــی زؼـــت ثــ کــط ازــط آيــئــے يــحــجــت کـــی ؼــغــبت نــے رــبيــئــے

اذتط ضای

Kokan News كـكـ ـیـظ

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لت کک کی ـب يیں (يبہ حىطت يرسو ـبہ )

ؼــ شکـــط يـبہـى کـــے ؼــطکبض کب

ـہــفـبہ ــطفــب کـــے زضثــبض کب

يـبہـى کـب ہــے ثــیـبں يـہ ـگـہـــجـب ـــبو تــمـف کــے ـبـى کب ہـے گـہــطاـہ ــائـــ, لــجــیـهــہ پــط تـزـبضت کـی ثطکت ؼے تب ؼطذط تـیطے, ؼـهیمے, لـطيے كے تے ـــائـ لـطيف يـسيـے كـے تـے ہــئــے ـهى حــزبد ؼے ثے لـطاض کـیــب ہــس کـب پـــط ؼــفـط اذــتــیـبض لــطيــے رـ رـیــے كے آئے ط ؼـفـیــے يـسيــے ؼـے آئـے ازـط پــڑے ـبئــ كـــے يـجـبضک لــسو ثــــی يــہ ظيــیــں ضـــک ثــب اضو اثـــط آيــب يــبہـى ؼـــے ہ آفــتــبة ثــڑـی ـبضن ـهى کــی آة تبة

کـــے يـرــسو ـبنى ہــيــسا ہئـے ــائـ گــطاـہ يـیـں پـیـسا ہـئـے ذسا کے تے بـك، ذسا کے انی ظيـبــے يـیــں ـــ اليــت رـهـی ہ فـبوــم ثـہ فــىم ذــسائـے کـطيى ہــعاضں پـہ رـ کـب کــطو ہے یى

يـفــؽـط تــے يـرـسو لــطآ کـے کـہ ذـبزو تـے ہ زيـ ايب کے حــسيـج فــمــہ، يـــك فـهؽـفـہ

ضاحـت يـیـں حـبلـــم ہـــا ذــعاـہ تے انس ثی ا كے ثڑے يحتطو ثـــڑے لـبحـــت رــبہ، اہـــم کـــطو يــفـؽـط، يـحــسث، شكـی، فـهـؽـفــی

ثـعضگ يـــى تــے يـرـسو رــی

اذتط ضای ) يخ كػ كك کے يم ثبة ؼے (

Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June 2014

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حیطت كك : ايك یى ـبط ضتبگیط ( –ڈاكٹط ؼطاد يحس ثزهي ) چپه

ڈڈے انی گبہیں ہں اگط آے حیطت ؼگطيعں يیں ثی پـیسہ گہط يهتے ہیں

ہ کی تہعيجی ظسگی ؼے گہطا اض اٹٹ ضـتہ چال آضہب اگطچہ كك اضز کب اللہ ہیں تبہى لسيں ؼے اغ ظثب کب اغ ذآد رجکہ اضز اپی ظسگی كے اتہبئی بظک زض ؼے گعض ضہی ہے اض اضز او اپی يحجة ظثب كے حك كے نئے ثطؼطرگ -ہےہ كك يیں اغ ظثب کی رڑيں ضظثطظ گہطی اض يىجي ہتی ربضہی ہیں. -ہیں يہ ثبت ثڑی ذؾ آئس يهو ہتی ہے كے ذ

م ہ چکب ہے. کؽی اللہ يیں نیک اغ ؼے يہ تیزہ کهب زضؼت ہ ہگب کہ كك يیں لمط اضز کی تیط کب کبو يک

کؽ يرمق ظثب کب يؽتمجم اغ لت تک يحف ہیں ؼزب ربؼکتب رت تک ہ اللہ اغ ظثب كے ازة يیں ثطپض حمہ نیے كے لبثم ہ ہربئے. اغ نحب ؼے كك اثی ثہت پؽبس ہے. اغ حمیمت ؼے اکبض ہیں کیب ربؼکتب کہ اضز ازة كے يیسا يیں ہ ے کئی لبثم شکط ضل ازا ہیں کیب ہے اض ثہت کچہ کطب ثبلی ہے. ئی ؽم وطض ؼطگطو ط آتی ہے . يگط ظيیں ثہت اغ ذ

ؼگالخ ہے.

رػ طس اغ اللہ كے اضز كے فکبضں ک ط اساظ کیب ربضہب ہے اؼی طس اغ حمیمت ک ثی اضز حهمں يیں بو ض پط يحؽغ ہیں کیب ربضہب ہے آظازی كے ثس يهک يیں ر امالثی تجسيهیبں آئی ہیں ا كے کػ طس ہہ گیطاحطات ہبضی ظسگی پط پڑ ضہے ہیں. کم تک ـبل ک اضز ازة کی لت پط ايک طس کی اربضہ زضی حبلم تی . کیں کی يہ اللہ اضز کب يطکع تب. نیک اة يہ يطکع ـبل ؼے رة کی طف ؼطک ضہب ہے. رثی ضيبؼتں يیں اضز ک ر يمبو حبلم ہتب رب ضہب ہے اغ کی ثب پط کہب ربؼکتب ہے كے ـبيس آيسہ چس ؼبنں يیں رثی ضيبؼتیں اضز کب گڑ ث ربئیں گی اض يؽتمجم كے اضز ازة کی شيہ زاضی ثباألذطرة ہی ک ؼجبنب ہگی . يگط يہ شيہ زاضی کئی يیککم م ہیں كے ہبضے ـضلمس كے ثغیط آپ ہی آپ ازبو پبئے. اغ كے نئے ہیں حبالت کی اغ ئ کطٹ ک ٹ کطب ہگب اض ثسنے ہئے حبالت يیں اضز ظثب كے يؽبئم ک ؼزب اض ا كے

حم کی ؼت يخجت الساو کطب ہگب.

ؼال كك يیں اضز كے تحف کب ہ يب ثسنے ہئے حبالت کب يہ ثبت ثہطحبل بگعيط ہے كے اغ ذہ كے ـطاء ازثبء اضز ازة كے يیسا يیں آگے ثڑیں، نیک يہ کبو ـبط اض ازيت تہب اپے ثم ثتے پط ازبو ہیں زے ؼکتے. اغ كے نئے اضززاں جمہ ک ثی هی تب پیؿ کطب ہگب. اہیں اغ اللے كے ازيجں کی ؼطپطؼتی کطب ہگی. يہبضاـٹط کی ضيبؼت حکيت ے اغ ربت

اضز اکبڈيی لبئى کطکے ايک يخجت لسو اٹبيب ہے.

ایؽيں لسی كے ضث -يہبضـٹط کب يغطث کبضہ ر كك كہالتب ہے اضز كے تهك ؼے کؽی اللہ ؼے پیچے ہیں ضہب

ل يیں ضتبگطی ـہط ؼے ينی اؼبیم ککی ے ، بيی اذجبض ربضی کیب تب. ينی لبحت يتسز يصہجی ضؼبنں يس انفیه ا

كے يمف ثی ہیں. كك كے چٹے چٹے لطيں يیں آد تمطيجب ڈيڑ ؼ ؼبل لجم كے اضز يرے ثی يهتے ہیں اغ ؼے يہ اساظہ نگبب يفکم ہیں كہ كك يیں اضز ظثب ازة ؼے ـغف پطاب ہے. كك ؼالی ثہی کب اہى اللہ تب. بزل ـبہی زض يیں اؼے تزبضت اض ثحطی اہیت ثی حبلم تی . اضز ظثب زك كے ضپ يیں كك يیں بزل ـبہی زض کی يبزگبض ہے. زاثل، ثبکٹ، رزیطہ، چبل بزل ـبہی حکيت كے كك يیں اہى تطي يمبيبت ہیں. زاثل کب ذثمضت ـہط اغ ہس کی ؼت ؼے اہى ثسضگبہ ہے كے ؼبت اؼے ثبة انهكہ ہے کب ثی فرط حبلم ہے. زاثل كے اطاف رات يیں چٹے چٹے گبؤں اضز تهیى تسضيػ كے يطکع ہیں. ہط ؼبل ضتبگطی وه يیں اضز شضيہ تهیى ؼے پطائطی اض ؼیکڈضی اؼکل کهتے ہیں اض اغ طس

ايک اچی تساز اضز پڑے انں کی پیسا ہتی ہے.

اغ اللہ يیں اضز کی تسضيػ ؼے زنچؽپی نیے انں يیں حیطت ککی )حعہ هی زنی( لبحت ک ذمل اہیت ہ يیں اضز كے حبلم ہے. آپ تمطيجب چبنیں ؼبل ؼے زاثل اض اغ كے اطاف رات يیں اضز کی تسضيػ كے شضيہ اغ ذیت ہے. اض اغ كے نیے آپ ك تسضيػ ہی ک ظيبزہ اہ رڑيں يىجي کطے کب اہى اض ثیبزی فطيىہ ازبو زيب. اضز کی ثمب اض پال

نحب ؼے ہبضی نؽبی حمبفت يیں حیطت لبحت ریؽے يزبہسا اضز کی ذسيبت ہی اغ ظثب کی ظسگی کی وبت زے ؼکتی ہیں. ثیبزی يسضؼں يیں ذبغ ض ؼے حبی ظثب کی تسضيػ ايک ثہت ہی يفکم کبو ہے. رؽے کئی يفبق اض تزطثہ کبض اؼتبز ہی ازبو زے ؼکتب ہے. حیطت لبحت ک شق تسضيػ زيت ذساس ہے كہ رػ كے شضيہ اہں ے كك کی ؼگالخ ظيی يیں اضز کی ثمب کب ؼبيب پیسا کیب ہے. حیطت لبحت ک اضز ظثب ؼے انہبہ فك تب اض اغ کی ازی يخبل يہ ہے كہ اہں ے تسضيػ ظثب كے فطائه يمجی كے الہ ـطازة ؼے ثی گہطی زنچؽپی کب اہبض کیب اض ذبيـی كے ؼبت اپے شق کی تؽکی كے نئے ـط ثی کہتے ضہے. اہں ے رہبں يؽتمجم يیں اضز کی رگ نڑے كے نئے غیط اضز اللہ ؼے بـك ربجبظ اض يزبہس پیسا

کئے ہیں پط ازثی شق پیسا کطے يیں ثی کبيیبة ہئے. حیطت لبحت کی ا ثے الگ اضز ذسيبت ک رػ لسض ؼطاہب ربئے کى ہے.

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يیں ر كالو ہے اغ ؼے اساظہ ہتب ہے كہ اہں ے ؼ پچبغ كے لطيت ـط ؼگطيعےحیطت لبحت كے يزہ

کہے ـط کئے. اگطچہ يہ اضز كے ثہت ظيبزہ ضؼبئم يیں ہیں چپے. تب ہى اغ لسی كے ثہت ہی ثبلبض هی اض ازثی ضؼبنہ " گبض" يیں حیطت لبحت کی غعنیں ـبئ ہتی ضہیں اض گبض كے يفبطں يیں ا كے اـبض يترجبت يیں ـبض ہئے. ضؼبنہ گبض کی زبک اضز کی هی زیب پط اثتسا ہ ؼے ری ضہی اض یبظفتہپضی کی هی ازثی ـرمیت کی ت كے پیؿ ط اغ ضؼبنہ يیں چپ ربب ثبج اعاظ ؼزب ربتب. كك كے ـبطں يیں يہ فرط يیطا ذیبل ہے لطف حیطت لبحت ہی ک حبلم ہے. اغ ؼے ا کی ـطگئی کی ازثی لسضلیت اض ا كے شق ؼر فہی اضؼر گئی ؼے يتهك اساظہ نگبے يیں ثبہط آؼبی ہ

ربتی ہے.

زع اض اكؽبض يفطل اذالق کی لسض ہے ضہ حمیمت يہ كے حیطت ک ظثب ثیب پط لسضت حبلم ہے. اگطچہ اضز ـبط اضز پط اغ لبثم لسض گطفت ک يمیب لسض کی يبزضی ظثب ہیں تبہى اغ پط اہیں يبزضی ظثب کب ؼب جض حبلم ہے اض حیطت کی ظثب

کی گبہ ؼے زيکب ربئے گب. حیطت کی كبـیں اغ کی اچی يخبل پیؿ کطتی ہیں. حیطت ے ظثب كے ؼهؽهہ يیں رہبں اپے برعاكؽبض کب اہبض کیب ہے ہیں پط زؼطی ربت اپی ؼر ؼزی کب ثی اہیں احؽبغ ہے

حیطت ہیں ہى يیں اة ثی ؼر ؼذ ؼیکڑں ارڑی ہیں ہے يحفم ـط ؼر اثی

لسض ہتی کػ طس يحفم يیں آئے حیطت يطی کئی ثی رت لبحت فکط فهک پیبہ تب

حیطت کی ـبطی اضز کی كالؼك ـبطی كے ظيطاحط ہے. اضز غعل کی تبو تط كالؼك ضايبت کاگیع کطے كے ثس اؼی ؼر ثبيب ہے. اہں ے حؽ فك کی زیبيں آثبز کی ہیں اض ا زیبءں يیں فك يزبظی اض يؽهک ک ـبط ے اپب يوفك حمیم زں رہبں کی کچہ گطزی کی ہے. ہ فك يزبظی اض اغ يیسا يیں تبيتط نیف رصثبت احؽبؼبت كے ذة ـبؽب ف كے ضاؼتے رهہ ہبے حمیمی کی مبة کفبئی ثی کی ہے. اض ضيظ حؽ فك كے الف کبض ہیں. اؼی طس اں ے تم

حیطت کب يحجة يو حؽ فك کی کبئبت ہے. يہ ہ زیب ہے رػ كے ب پیسا کبضے ہے يیں ـک ہیں

کئی حس ہی ہیں ـبيس يحجت كے فؽبے کی ؼبتب ربضہب ہے رؽک رتب يبز ہے گيب

ضتک ہط يو غعل ک کبض ؼکتب ہے. حیطت ے ا تبو يوبت ک کبل فکبضی كے ؼبت نت نهی ؼےرهپیؿ کیب ہے. غعل ك ـبطی کیف اؽجبي کی ـبطی ہے. يہ ذیبل ذاة كے ؼبت حمیمتں ك تجیطيں اض تفطيحیں ثی کطتی ہے. حیطت کی ـبطی يیں کیف اؽجبي كے ضيظ، ذیبل ذاة کی تجیطيں اض حمبئك ؼے زثیعپطزے اٹبے کی ؼبضی کـفیں

کبل آگبہی كے ؼبت زيکی رب ؼکتی ہیں.

آہگ کی ـبطی ہے. اغ ظي يیں ہ اضز كے رسيس غعل گ ـطاء يیں الغط، حؽطت حیطت کی ـبطی کالؼیکی اساظ اض رگط كے ضگ ؼر ؼے کبفی يتبحط يهو ہتے ہیں. اؼی طس ا ك طيں رسيس هی ؼبءؽی ضحزببت اض ا ؼے پیسا

ہے انے ايکببت پط ثی ہیں. چبچہ فطيبتے ہیں

اؽبں ہ يت کؿ ریجطيم آيی کیں ہى اغ کب ؼط طؾ گعض زيک ضہے ہیں

تبضيکئ يرز يیں يؽتمجم بنى تبثسہ تطاظـػ لط زيک ضہے ہیں

حیطت کی ـبطی ؼے ا كے يتمسات پط ثی ضـی پڑتی ہے. ہ اؽبیت ك ت اض آزيی کی ثڑائی كے لمیسہ ذاں ہیں اض اؼے اغ کے نئےيطاد تمض کطتے ہیں. اؽبی ضـتہ كے نحب ؼے ہ تفطيك يصہت يهت اض لجہہ، ظبض كے ؼہبضے يمی ذهیذ كے لبئم ہیں ہیں. اؽب ہے كے بتے ؼبضے اؽب چبہے ہ کؽی میسے ؼے تهك ضکتے ہں، حیطت كے نئے ثطاثط ہیں. حیطت کی ثعو يیں اؽبں يیں تفطيك کب زؼتض ہیں ؼیبؼی اتجبض ؼے حیطت رػ بو ظسگی ک پؽس کطتے ہیں ہ اـتطاکی بو ہے. اغ يیں ثی اہیں ذبغ ض پط يعزضں کی فکط ظيبزہ ہے. ر کی يحت کب اؼتحمبل ظضگطی اض ؼطيبيہ

زاضی کب اظل ؼے ـیہ ضہب ہے. حؽطت يہبی ے ثی اپی ايك غعل يیں آئیں ؼيت ک ہسؼتب كے نیے پؽس فطيبيب تب

الظو ہے ہس كے نئے آئیں ؼيت ز ايک ثطغ يیں ہ كے زغ ثیػ ثطغ يیں

Volume 6, Issue 2 | April — June 2014

Page 31

حیطت کہتے ہیں

بو ظض گیطی ؼطيبيہ زاضی يہ يعزضں كے ؼطآفت ہے ثبضی الد اغ کب اگط ہب ہے يض

و اـتطاکیت ہ ربضی ب

حیطت ے ايک اض ـط يیں آہ يفهػ كے ـهں ؼے ت کبخ زايا ک ثچبے کی طف اـبضہ کیب ہے

ثڑک اٹے اگط ـهے کؽی ز آہ يفهػ كے ت رم کط ذبک ہ ربئے گی ت کبخ انیاں کی

اں ے ؼطيبيہ زاض ؼبد يیں يحت کی ثس میجی کب ثی يبتى کیب ہے

ثال میت ہیفہ ضہے ہیں يحت کؿ ہے لف یؿ ظيبے کب اہم ظضكے نئے

رسيس اضز -تمف اضز ـبطی کب يحجة يو ہے لفی اض غیط لفی ؼجی ـبطں ے اغ يو ک اپبيب

فبہ يىبيی الغط اض رگط کی ـبطی کب طہ ايتیبظ ہے. حیطت کے كالو ؼے اساظہ ہتب ہے كے ہ ا زں غعل يیں يتماؼبتعہ ؼر ؼے حس زضرہ يتبحط ہیں اض ا كے ضگ ـبطی ک ہطيک طيمہ ؼے اگیع کطکے ا ضگں ک اپی ـبطی يیں

اثبضے کی کـؿ کی ہے

ثے پطزہ ؼے رت يیطی ط ٹکطا گئی حؽ فطي حیطت ے يزے مؿ ثہ زياض کیب

يمض اة کہبں، کہبں ؼطيس ؼے حك گط تبظہ کطيں ر لمہ زاضضؼ ؼ اثی

ضات ثہت ي ذیع اساظ يیں پیؿ حئے ہیں اض اہبضثیب يیں حؽ اضپرتگی کی يخبنیں حیطت كے يہبں ـبطاہ تم

اکخط غعنں ؼے بہط ہتی ہیں. فکطی مط ثی حیطت کی ـبطی يیں لسو لسو پط لبضی کی ترہ اپی طف يجعل کطاتب ہے

امالة ضگ ضگ يیں پل كے ہے ضاں ذ پـیسہ ؼیکڑں ہیں چ زض چ اثی

* * * * * ر كے میت يیں ہ تی يتی کی آة ہ تبة يژگبں يیں ضاہ گئے ہ اـک يیطے زاي

حیطت کی ـبطی کی ايک ذملیت ر اپی طف يترہ کطاتی ہے ہ حؽی پیطايہ ثیب كے ؼبت تبحیط آفطيی ہے. اغ

ؼے ا كے لبزض انکاليی کب ثی اساظہ ہتب ہے اض ـبطاہ نبفت کب ثی . . چس ـط يالحہ ہں

ہى ثی کطيں گے يطکہ فك يیں ہ کبو کیں لیػ ہی کب بو ؼطزاؼتب ضہے

ايیس رم اٹی اثط ثبہط زيک کط ـ زل ک ؼک يم گیب گم کب کبض زيک کط

گم ہی چبک چبک بنہ ثہ نت ہے سنیت، زاي بـك بيطاز ک ؼیہ فگبض زيک کط

زضز ك پط ثڑی، ؼظ کی پط تپؿ ثڑی حؽ فؽں طاظ ک ؼبمہ ثبض زيک کط

Kokan News كـكـ ـیـظ

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Few words to Kokan News Readers:

If you find anything in Kokan News to criticize, please write to me, quoting Vol. No., Issue No. and page numbers, I shall be glad to consider your criticism. Any corrections accepted will be gratefully acknowledged. On the other hand, if there is something that specially pleases you or helps you, please do not hesitate to write to me. I have given up other interests to help Kokan, Kokanis in the interest of nation. It will be a pleasure to know that my labor has not been in vain. My email is: [email protected] Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle.

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