Julia Jerving Dissertation 2015

Encouraging Primary School

Completion for At-Risk Cambodian

Children Through Organisational

Approaches

Julia Louise Christine Jerving

B.A. (University of Minnesota, Twin Cities)

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the

degree of Master of Education

University of Sydney

Faculty of Education

February 2015

ii

AUTHOR’S DECLARATION

This is to certify that:

I. this dissertation comprises only my original work towards the Master of

Education degree;

II. due acknowledgement has been made in the text to all other material used;

III. the dissertation does not exceed the word length for this course;

IV. no part of this work has been used for the award of another course or degree;

V. this dissertation meets the University of Sydney’s Human Research Ethics

Committee (HREC) requirements for the conduct of research.

Name: Julia Louise Christine Jerving

Signature:

Date: February 6th, 2015

The Faculty of Education and Social Work

Office of Postgraduate Coursework & Professional Education Programs

iii

©2015

Julia Louise Christine Jerving

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

iv

Abstract

Cambodia’s tragic past left the country with half of its population under the age of 21.

In this nation, only six out of ten children complete a full course of primary school.

Previous research offers significant insight on the factors associated with drop out.

However, these factors are dynamic and little is known about how they interact with

one another. Past research has framed this discussion through a causal lens. The

voices of intervention leaders are not adequately represented and these powerful

perspectives require increased academic focus. This research was motivated by two

purposes: to investigate the processes of primary school drop out, and to illustrate

what leaders believe creates lasting solutions. This study is a qualitative exploration,

which enables an understanding of the issues surrounding primary school drop out

from a personal narrative. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews with

leaders and senior-managers of primary school interventions. This study illustrated

that the processes of drop out are complex, interdependent and often highly

contextualised. Understanding these processes is key in developing lasting solutions.

This study highlighted which organisational strategies tend to result in positive

outcomes.

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Acknowledgements Thank you to all of the children I met while travelling around Cambodia. Your stories

etched a lasting imprint on me and I am forever changed. Your suffering, brought on

by poverty and Cambodia’s tragic past, are burdens no child should carry. In spite of

everything, you believe that education can offer you a brighter future. The hope in

your youthful eyes can bring light to the darkest corners of humanity. Thank you for

inspiring me. You have reaffirmed my faith in the power of education.

Thank you to my mother, Christine Martell, who supported me through every stage of

writing this dissertation. Your high standards and meticulous attention to detail have

always made me strive for greatness in everything I do. I could not ask for a better

editor, or mother.

I am deeply grateful to my supervisor Dr Kevin Laws. Your guidance and support

have been invaluable assets to me. Your ideas, feedback and patience have been

instrumental in producing this dissertation. Thank you for sharing your wisdom with

me.

Finally, thank you to my friends and family for your love, support and motivation.

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List of Abbreviations

EPDC…….………………………………....Education Policy and Data Center

MoEYS………………………………. Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport

MoP……………………….……………………………Ministry of Planning

NGOs……………………………………….. Non-Government Organisations

UNESCO……... United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation

UNICEF…………………………………….. United Nations Children’s Fund

WFP………………………………………………... World Food Programme

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Table of Contents

Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ iv

Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... v

List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................... vi

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION

Background ................................................................................................................................... 1

Statement of Problem .................................................................................................................... 1

Research Questions ....................................................................................................................... 2

Significance of Study .................................................................................................................... 2

Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 3

Organisation of Dissertation ......................................................................................................... 4

CHAPTER II: HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN CAMBODIA

Traditional Education before 1863 ............................................................................................... 5

French Colonisation 1863-1953 .................................................................................................... 5

Post Independence 1953-1975 ...................................................................................................... 6

Khmer Rouge 1975-1979 .............................................................................................................. 6

Post Khmer Rouge 1979-2000s .................................................................................................... 7

Current Primary Educational System............................................................................................ 7

CHAPTER THREE: LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 9

Review on Causes of Drop Out .................................................................................................... 9

Household Determinants of Drop Out ................................................................................. 9

Poverty........................................................................................................................ 10

Direct & Indirect Costs of Schooling ............................................................. 10

Child Labour ................................................................................................... 11

Food Insecurity ............................................................................................... 12

Family Migration ........................................................................................................ 13

Parental Education ...................................................................................................... 14

Individual Determinants of Drop Out................................................................................ 15

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Late Entry ................................................................................................................... 15

Gender ........................................................................................................................ 15

School Determinants of Drop Out ..................................................................................... 16

Quality & Access .................................................................................................... 16

Corruption & Informal Fees .................................................................................... 18

Place of Residence ............................................................................................................. 18

Stakeholders in Cambodian Education ....................................................................................... 19

Gaps in Research......................................................................................................................... 20

Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 22

CHAPTER IV: METHODOLOGY

Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 23

Rationale for Qualitative Enquiry ............................................................................................... 23

Conceptual Background .............................................................................................................. 24

Strategy & Design ....................................................................................................................... 26

Data Collection Instrument ......................................................................................................... 26

Sampling Method ........................................................................................................................ 28

Participants .................................................................................................................................. 29

Procedure .................................................................................................................................... 30

Data Analysis .............................................................................................................................. 31

Ethical Considerations ................................................................................................................ 32

CHAPTER V: RESULTS & DISCUSSION

Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 34

Primary Education Interventions ................................................................................................ 34

Theme I: Factors Associated with Primary School Drop Out .................................................... 35

Poverty ............................................................................................................................... 35

Food Insecurity ........................................................................................................ 36

Economic Uncertainty.............................................................................................. 39

Child Labour ............................................................................................................ 40

Parental Characteristics ..................................................................................................... 42

Parental Education ................................................................................................... 42

Parental Involvement ............................................................................................... 43

School Characteristics ....................................................................................................... 45

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Quality ...................................................................................................................... 45

Access ...................................................................................................................... 46

Theme II: Characteristics Associated with Effective Results ..................................................... 47

Approach Towards Community ........................................................................................ 48

Relationship Between Organisation and Community .............................................. 48

Community Ownership ............................................................................................ 50

Local Context .................................................................................................................... 52

Unique Local Needs ................................................................................................. 52

Flexible Approach with Ongoing Evaluation .......................................................... 53

Capacity Building .............................................................................................................. 55

Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 57

CHAPTER VI: CONCLUSION

Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 58

Summary of Study ...................................................................................................................... 58

Answering the Research Questions ............................................................................................ 58

Question One ..................................................................................................................... 59

Question Two .................................................................................................................... 60

Implications of Study .................................................................................................................. 61

Limitations of Study ................................................................................................................... 62

Recommendations for Future Research ...................................................................................... 62

Concluding Remarks ................................................................................................................... 63

REFERENCES .......................................................................................................................... 65

LIST OF APPENDICES .......................................................................................................... 70

Appendix A: Email Invitation Letter .......................................................................................... 70

Appendix B: Participant Information Statement......................................................................... 71

Appendix C: Written Consent Form ........................................................................................... 73

Appendix D: Interview Schedule ................................................................................................ 75

1

Chapter I: Introduction

Background

Cambodia has a turbulent history, one that is wrought with violence,

instability and profound devastation. This has left modern-day Cambodia with

problems in nearly every conceivable dimension of society. Throughout all of this, the

educational sector in Cambodia has paid an unimaginable cost, and children were

made collateral damage. It was only a few decades ago when Cambodia was brought

to “ground zero,” and education was completely eliminated. Not only were

educational facilities demolished and textbooks destroyed, but virtually every teacher

and educated individual was brutally massacred. The current primary system has

struggled with dramatic shortcomings and inadequate results for a number of years.

Statement of Problem

Needless to say, Cambodia’s primary education system has achieved

significant progress in the past decades. Schools have been rebuilt, teachers have

been trained and more children are enrolled in primary school than in past years.

However, the current state of primary education is simply not good enough. There is

widespread corruption, inadequate school conditions, children who don’t have access

to education, poorly-trained teachers and insufficient learning outcomes. Perhaps

the most troubling issue facing primary schools is primary school drop out. Currently

around 4 out of 10 children of primary school age do not complete a full course of

primary school education (WFP, 2014). This is particularly worrisome, as only

marginal improvements have been made in the past decade. Progress has seemingly

been stalled, despite increased attention and focus (MoP, 2010). Cambodia’s

government has increased spending and created policies devoted to improving

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primary education. International organisations have amped up their efforts to solve

issues that plague primary schools and countless NGOs have offered considerable

resources. Although there have been significant advances in our understanding of

primary school drop out, there is still a long way to go.

How interventions work to improve primary school completion remains

shrouded in mystery. There is no consensus on how to keep children in school, and

our understanding of how these programs actually operate leaves much to be desired.

Research Questions

This study investigates how primary school interventions are being

implemented and experienced as perceived by those who hold senior-management

positions and leadership roles in their organisations.

Research questions:

What factors are associated with primary school drop out in Cambodia?

What are the characteristics of Cambodian primary school interventions that lead to

positive and sustainable outcomes?

Significance of Study

Cambodian children dropping out of primary school prematurely is of the

utmost importance. The advantages of completing primary school spill into every

conceivable area of an individual’s life, and that of their communities. In 2010, a

development partner Voluntary Service Overseas (VSO) found that 43% of the

Cambodian people were under the age of 15 (p.4). Cambodia has a young

3

population, and the problems surrounding education threatens the social development

of the nation. Children who do not complete primary school are at a disadvantage for

the rest of their lives. In order for the Cambodian society to thrive and end the cycles

of disadvantage, we must reach these children before it is too late.

The existing literature highlights many of the issues that threaten the primary

education system, but it is important to learn more about what is working, and how

efforts are being implemented. Although there is an awareness of trends in primary

school interventions, there is not enough focus on those who are creating a change on

the ground every day. This study will enhance our understanding of primary school

interventions and their efficacy. By deepening our understanding of what people are

actually experiencing, organisations may share knowledge and apply insights learned

from others. It will allow us to enhance existing intervention efforts and offer

guidelines for future research and programs.

Methodology

This study addresses the issue of primary school interventions from an

interpretative framework, using qualitative exploration. This investigation involved

semi-structured, cross-sectional phone interviews to understand the experiences of

individuals who play leadership roles in primary school interventions. The key

participants were leaders and senior managers of organisations that strive to improve

primary education for children and prevent them from dropping out. This study

produced original qualitative data, which was deeply rich and descriptive. Through

semi-structured interviews, this study was able to understand a profound social issue

through a personal narrative. Aside from data that was collected from interviews, the

study used existing literature, government data, and statistics from a number of

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international and national organisations. When investigating a social phenomenon that

involves people, it is paramount that the research design and implementation follow

strict ethical principals. As such, this study was approved by the University of Sydney

Human Research Ethics Committee to ensure that ethical and academic standards

were maintained throughout this study. This research used a relatively small sample

size, and did not aim for generalizable results. As such, insights from this study do not

reflect all individuals who lead primary intervention efforts.

Organisation of the Dissertation

This dissertation will examine primary school interventions in stages. Chapter

II will provide a brief overview of the history of the primary school system in

Cambodia. Chapter III will examine relevant literature on this topic. It will analyse

trends and gaps in research to highlight where this study fits in with existing research.

It will answer the first research question by illustrating the factors associated with

primary school drop out. Chapter IV will examine the methodology that was

employed in this study. It will explain why certain methods were chosen and how data

was collected. Chapter V will explain the study’s findings and interpret the results.

Chapter VI will answer the research questions, summarise key findings and offer

concluding remarks.

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Chapter II:

History of Primary Education in Cambodia

Traditional Education before 1863

Traditional primary education in Cambodia was centred on theology. In the

12th century, basic education took place at Buddhist temples, where pupils were

almost exclusively young boys (Serey & Pongquan, p.5). Teachers were volunteer

monks who taught religious lessons, literacy and ethics. Essentially, education was a

vehicle to promote Buddhism and foster moral behaviour in society. However, when

the Angkor Kingdom collapsed in the late 14th century, so did much of the existing

formal education. Looking back on traditional primary education in Cambodia, there

was no strict adherence to any particular educational policy throughout these years

(Dy & Ninomiya, 2003, p.4).

French Colonisation 1863-1953

In 1863, Cambodia became a French protectorate. In the early years of

colonisation, the French effectually stayed out of Cambodia’s domestic affairs. They

paid little attention to educational development (Chandler, 1991 as cited in Dy &

Ninomiya, 2003). The primary educational system was limited, and few children had

access (Bit, 1991 as cited in Dy & Ninomiya, 2003). In later years, the French

updated Cambodia’s traditional primary schooling by integrating elements of the

more sophisticated system that they were employing in France at that time. Clayton

(1995) posits that the French purposely ignored educational development in

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Cambodia because it would empower the populace and they did not want to lose their

stronghold on the colony (p.2).

Post Independence 1953-1975

Cambodia gained independence in 1953, with King Sihanouk at the helm.

Sihanouk placed education at the forefront of domestic affairs, and education

improved dramatically. Schools were rapidly built across the nation and enthusiastic

teachers were trained (Tan, 2007, p.15). Primary school enrolment jumped from

130,000 in the 1950s to 1,000,000 in 1960s (Deighton, 1971 as cited in Dy &

Ninomiya, 2003). Following almost two decades of relative peace and prosperity, the

United States-backed leader General Lon Nol ousted Sihanouk in 1970. This resulted

in considerable social unrest and turmoil. Education was once again forgotten (Dy &

Ninomiya, 2003, p.6).

Khmer Rouge 1975-1979

In 1975, Pol Pot and his infamous regime gained a stronghold over Cambodia.

During their rule, millions of people were brutally massacred, separated from their

families, and forced to endure unimaginable conditions. During the treacherous years

of the Khmer Rouge’s reign, virtually ever school in the country was desecrated and

education was strictly prohibited. Not only was education abolished, but educated

individuals were systematically exterminated. They were targets, obstacles, in the

Khmer Rouge’s quest to achieve an agrarian utopia. Over eighty percent of teachers,

and the vast majority of the educated populace were killed during this time frame

(Dy, 2004, pp. 90-95).

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Post Khmer Rouge: 1979-2000s

Even after the genocide ended, the following decades were marred with

violence, desperate poverty and social unrest. The People’s Republic of Kampuchea,

backed by Vietnam, took control of the country. Cambodia and those who had

survived the murderous regime, had to completely rebuild their broken and fragile

nation. The education system had been virtually wiped off of the map. The new

government sought to rebuild the education system, however civil conflicts and

massive political unrest continued into the 1990s, impeding their progress.

In 1993 international assistance was sought to strengthen the country, and this started

a positive step towards fixing the primary education system (Tan, 2007, p.16).

Despite this turbulent history, meaningful progress has been achieved.

Current Primary Educational System

The constitution of Cambodia declares the following protections for children’s

education.

“The State shall protect and upgrade citizens’ rights to quality education at all levels

and shall take necessary steps for quality education to reach all citizens.” (Article 65)

“The State shall provide free primary and secondary education to all citizens in

public schools. Citizens shall receive education for at least 9 years.” (Article 68)

In Cambodia primary education consists of grades one to six. A student is

eligible to enrol in grade one at age six. However, many children do not enter grade

one at the appropriate age. In 2005, only 61% of children entered school at the

correct age (UNESCO Institute of Statistics). Students are promoted to the next grade

by passing exams at the year’s end. Grade promotion in Cambodia can be extremely

difficult, and repetition rates are incredibly high (Dy & Ninomiya, 2003). Each year,

8

up to 10% of students in each grade are not promoted to the next grade level

(Education Policy and Data Center (EPDC), 2013). The government runs primary

school in two sessions per day, and a child attends either the morning session or the

afternoon session, which lasts four hours (MoEYS, 2010). The length of their school

day is shorter than that of neighbouring countries. At age 15, 51% of girls and 41% of

boys are out of school (EPDC, 2010). Only 60% of children entering primary school

are able to finish their education until grade six, and in rural areas, the completion rate

is only 30% (WFP, 2014).

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Chapter III: Literature Review

Introduction

The devastating issues that face Cambodian children have become an area of

international concern. It appears to be quite intuitive that completing a primary school

education makes a profound impact on the quality of an individual’s life, and that of

the social development of their community. However, formal enquiries and policy

shifts towards developing “human capital” through education is as recent as the past

fifty years (Hulme, 2008, p.7). Completing a basic education is now widely accepted

as an international human right, and perhaps the most effective tool in alleviating

poverty and creating sustainable social progress (UNESCO, 2007, p.7). Creating a

world with universal primary education is now acknowledged to be of the utmost

importance for developing countries.

As such, primary school education has become a focal policy issue for

Cambodia and international organisations alike. Subsequently, this has spurred

research, which investigates the troubling phenomena that is occurring in the

Cambodian primary education system. This literature review will critically examine

existing research on this topic and highlight the need for this qualitative study.

Literature on drop out will be analysed from the individual level, the household

dimensions, school determinants, and place of residence. It will also discuss what we

understand regarding the stakeholders involved in primary education.

Household Determinants of Drop Out

What occurs in a child’s household holds a powerful influence on their

educational experiences and learning outcomes. It is widely accepted that household

10

income is strongly associated with whether or not a child will complete their primary

education (Meng & Pfau, 2012). Poverty-stricken households are additionally linked

to child labour, food insecurity, and simply not being able to bear the financial burden

of school. Family migration and low parental education are also often by-products of

poverty, which can cause formidable barriers to children’s education.

Poverty

Although families in Cambodia enjoy far better economic circumstances than

they did in previous decades, abject poverty is rampant. Cambodia is one of the least-

developed countries in all of Asia. The Cambodian Socio Economic Survey (2007)

found that 77% of the population lived on less than $2 USD a day, and $33% lived on

less than $1 USD per day (as cited in Cheung & Perotta-Berlin, 2011, p.4).

Additionally, there are thousands of children who are forced to reside in residential

care centres or orphanages, despite having living and capable parents. The

overwhelming reason parents cite for their inability to care for their children is severe

poverty (Cambodian National Council for Children, 2012, p.9). Children who grow

up in poor households are the most at risk for being out of school. The out-of-school

rates are, by far, the highest for children in the poorest wealth quintile. 19% of these

children are out of school (EPDC, 2010, p.2).

Direct & Indirect Costs of Schooling

Although Cambodia officially provides free education, the direct and indirect

costs associated with schooling can be too great a financial burden for some families

to bear. A practice known as informal fee taking, where teachers illegally demand

that students pay fees to attend school is widespread. This direct expenditure imposed

11

on families can pose a formidable barrier for low-income parents who wish to send

their children to school (Barton & Rith, 2006). This practice will be discussed in

further detail in the school determinant section. According to a study conducted by

the Asian South Pacific Bureau of Adult Education (ASPBAE) (2007), parents

relayed that they simply could not afford the cost of sending their children to school.

Parents cited uniforms, study materials, transportation costs, food and other fees as

being significant expenditures relative to their limited financial resources (pp.11-12).

A number of studies found that parents in poor households felt that they have to

choose between the immediate needs of their family or their future welfare. As such,

they choose not to risk their present survival by acting based upon the prospective

benefits of allowing their children to complete primary school (Keng, 2004, p.4).

Child Labour

Child labour is a major concern in Cambodia. The International Labour

Organisation found that 19% of Cambodian children aged 5-17 are economically

active (WFP, 2014). Prior to this, the Cambodian Child Labour Survey found that

52% of 7-14 year olds were economically active in 2001 (Understanding Children’s

Work, 2006). Whether this reflects a decline in child labour is less clear. Separate

interests tend to view what constitutes child labour differently. What is seen to be

harmful child exploitation under one’s perspective can be perceived as an

inconsequential chore to another. Because of this, the extent of child labour in

Cambodia is truly unknown. It’s hard to estimate the amount of time children are

spending working, what exactly they are doing, and the true impact of it all.

Ultimately, when children focus their energy on working, it is at their peril.

Working children are more likely to enter school later than they should, have negative

12

learning outcomes, and drop out early (Kim, 2011, p.496). Poverty is understood to

be the main reason these children resort to being economic activity. It has been argued

that parents push their children to work because the opportunity cost is too great. By

allowing their children to attend school, they lose the much-needed income that their

child can generate (Tan, 2007, p.20). Child labour is an area that requires further

exploration. Kim (2011) argues that there hasn’t been enough academic research, and

many projects are funded by aid projects (p.497). Keng (2004) also echoes this

thought, and posits that there have been no comprehensive studies to understand the

true prevalence of child labour (p.4).

Food Insecurity

A devastating consequence of poverty that far too many children face is food

insecurity and hunger. Households that face food insecurity are typically poor, and do

not have reliable access to quality food. By not consuming enough food, parents are

less likely to be productive at work. In turn, this affects their ability to produce an

adequate income, which reinforces the cycle of poverty and hunger (United Nations,

2013, p.11). The Cambodia National Council for Children (2012) undertook a survey

to address the issues affecting drop out and found that hunger was a major problem

for students. Fifty-four percent of the interviewed students cited that they feel hungry

at school some or all of the time (p.8). The World Food Program (2014) echoes these

sentiments as well. They state that drop out is largely caused by poverty and food

insecurity. They state that 18% of Cambodia’s population does not have access to

sufficient, safe and nutritious food. As a result, school children are chronically

undernourished and underweight which causes poor overall health and concentration.

13

UNICEF (2012) reported that there had been little to no progress in Cambodian

children’s nutritional outcomes in the past decade (p.2).

Family Migration

In Cambodia, familial migration has been linked with educational disruptions

and primary school drop out (Hirakawa et al., 2012, p.574). It has been cited as a

major reason that children drop out of school (World Food Program, 2012 as cited in

Duth et al., 2012, p.122). Household migration doesn’t have to be detrimental to a

child’s education, but it often is in Cambodia. For example, if a child moves from a

rural location to an urban locale, they may experience enhanced educational

opportunities. However, if a child moves to a rural area, they face the possibility that

there may not be a primary school in that area, or that the school is of poor quality

(Hunt, 2008).

Migration patterns affect the demand for schooling and other infrastructure in

a community (Hunt, 2008, p.15). Low migration patterns make it easier to understand

the primary education system in an area as well (Shrestha, Shin & Tietjen, 2011,

p.28). Where there is regular movement, it obscures our understanding of the issues a

particular community faces. In communities where there is frequent migration, it may

be undesirable for the government to invest in the primary education in that area. It

has also been argued that migration, which involves youth, threatens social protection

and development opportunities. Additionally, migration can create dysfunctional

family dynamics. The Cambodian Rural Urban Migration Project (2011) states that

8% of migrant workers have children younger than the age of 15 that live separately

from them (Cambodian National Council for Children, 2012, pp.1-2).

14

It is also a further cause for concern when families migrate to neighbouring

countries. Typically households do so to reap the benefits of a better economic

climate. When individuals are illegally entering and working in another country, their

children often drop out of school completely. They are not eligible to take part in the

educational system of that country, so their education either stops completely, or it is

put on hold. Since this practice is illegal, our current efforts to understand the scope of

the problem are speculation in the absence of large-scale studies.

Parental Education

Children whose parents have low levels of education are significantly at-risk

of not completing primary school. Keng (2004) found that identifying maternal

education levels had statistically significant correlations for their child’s academic

attainment. For children with mothers that had no schooling, 24% were enrolled in

lower-secondary school. 39% of children whose mothers completed primary school

were enrolled. For mothers who had completed lower secondary schooling, 72% of

their children were enrolled in school. For mothers who had completed high school

and beyond, 90% of their children were enrolled in lower-secondary school (p.9).

The relationship between parental education and their child’s educational

journey is complex. Although there are a number of theories, how the processes work

inside a household can differ for each family. There is also a significant link between

poverty and education attainment in Cambodia. In Cambodia, 81% of poor

households are led by parents who have little to no education (MoEYS, 1999, p.4).

ASPBAE (2007) suggests that how parents perceive the value of education is often

conditioned by their own educational attainment and economic station (p.7). Pan

(2010) posits that educated parents may be more prone to understand the value of

15

education, and hold the ability to create a positive learning environment for their

children (p.8).

Individual Determinants of Drop Out

The processes that occur within a household are also impacted by individual

characteristics such as gender and entering primary school later than recommended.

Late Entry

When children do not start primary school at the recommended age of 6, their

chances of completion are significantly reduced. A number of studies found that late

entry is strongly associated with drop out and poor learning outcomes (Hirakawa et

al., 2012; Hunt, 2008; Keng, 2004; United Nations, 2013; Valesco, 2004). Children

enter school later than recommended for a host of reasons. Sometimes late entry

involves household decisions that reflect a family’s struggles, such as poverty, poor

health, migration, or not understanding the value of education. Other times, issues of

access prevent a child from entering on time. In some areas, there isn’t a school for a

child to attend, or it may be too far a commute, or limited financial resources can act

as a barrier (United Nations, 2013, p.16). It is extremely common in Cambodia that

children to enter primary school later than recommended. Despite being eligible for

primary school at age six, nearly half of primary students in Cambodia are 12-14, and

struggle to keep up with their peers (UNESCO, 2011, p.4).

Gender

In Cambodia, one’s gender can hold profound implications for their

educational journey. The literature regarding girls’ education is complicated and

16

sometimes fragmented. In the past, there were significant gaps between the genders in

primary school. Not as many girls were enrolled in primary school, and they were

more likely to drop out (de Guzman, 2007). However, recent years have seen positive

trends for girls in primary school (Shrestha et al., 2011). UNESCO (2011) argues that

research has illustrated that the gender gaps in primary school have been eliminated.

However, once female students finish primary school, they have significant

challenges ahead of them. Girls are far more likely to drop out of school than boys in

every grade after primary school (Shrestha et al., p.11). This indicates that something

is happening with regards to girls’ education that puts them at a disadvantage.

School Determinants of Drop Out

The fact that so many children are out of school at such young ages invariably

reflects poorly upon the schools themselves. Cambodian primary schools deal with a

plethora of problems. Children, who are being educated at a poor quality or corrupt

school, are deterred from finishing primary school (Hirakawa et al., 2012). Access to

education is another factor that prevents children from going to school. If there is no

school, or there are incomplete grades being offered, a child cannot enrol in primary

school in the first place. Additionally, if transportation to the nearest school is too

arduous, it poses another threat to a child’s education. Often, what is going on within

a household and the individual level interacts with shortcomings at the school and

creates a process that leads to drop out.

Quality & Access

Examining the quality of any primary education program is fundamentally

complicated. Unlike manufacturing a brilliant product that is universally lauded and

17

can be easily produced for the masses, education is both a product and a process that

cannot be replicated. There is no one-size-fits-all approach to create a quality

education, and there are never-ending differences of opinion on the topic. However,

primary schools in Cambodia have been widely criticised as being of poor-quality.

Primary schools are plagued with inadequate facilities and many of the teachers are

not sufficiently educated (VSO, 2010, p.3). In the 2010-2011 school year, 17% of

primary schools across Cambodia did not offer the full six grades. Additionally,

unacceptable physical conditions at many of the buildings make school an undesirable

place to be. 34% of schools lack drinking water and 21% do not have functional

toilets (UNESCO, 2011, p.4). There are a lack of textbooks, other teaching materials

and necessary furniture such as desks. Additionally, the Cambodian education system

has been criticised for being poorly managed, and not having efficient timetables for

their courses (Cambodian National Council for Children, 2012, p.6). Teacher’s

curriculums have also been condemned for being old-fashioned and irrelevant to

students’ lives (VSO, 2010, p.6). Students have also complained that long and

difficult commutes to school play a role in school drop out (Hirakawa et al., 2012).

Additionally, children who come from linguistic or ethnic minorities can face social

stigma, and are prevented from various educational opportunities in the current school

system (VSO, 2010). Cambodia lacks infrastructure to appropriately aid children with

disabilities. Without proper support, vulnerable children may never even enter

primary school. Although what a quality primary education entails has many

viewpoints, it is clear that there are issues relating to the quality of Cambodian

schools.

18

Corruption & Informal Fees

In Cambodia, the practice of teachers collecting informal fees from their

students is widespread (Barton & Rith, 2006). Parents often cite that teacher’s corrupt

practices are why their children were forced to drop out of school (Dy & Ninomiya,

2003, p.9). Officially the Cambodian constitution promises “the state shall provide

free primary and secondary education to all citizens in public school” (Cambodian

Constitution, p.14). However, corruption is rife across schools. Across Cambodia,

teachers mandate payment from children simply to attend class. They also offer exam

answers, worksheets and tutoring for an additional fee. Students who are unable to

pay these fees are out of luck (Tan, 2007).

Instructors lament that they have no other options than to charge students

informal fees. Teachers make meagre monthly salaries of only $50-$100 USD. This

does not cover their basic needs, which includes housing, food, healthcare or the costs

associated with raising children (Duth et. al, 2012, p.125). VSO (2008) found that

93% of teachers needed second jobs to survive. Many teachers argue that being paid

so poorly provides little motivation for them to provide quality teaching to their

students (as cited in Duth et al., 2012, p.125).

Place of Residence

Living in a rural area can be a powerful barrier to a child’s education. A

number of studies have found that one’s place of residence can be strongly linked

with whether or not a child will complete primary school (United Nations, 2013).

The Millennium Development Goal Report (2013) found that amongst developing

countries, rural children are almost twice as likely to be out of school compared to

urban kids (p.15). Birdsall et al. (2005) argue that, “in many countries, the rural/urban

19

education gap is the most important factor explaining education differentials” (p.338).

Cambodia has striking differences in the educational outcomes of rural children

versus those who live in urban areas. In 2010, there were 272, 282 children out of

school in rural areas while only 24, 615 out of school in urban areas (EPDC, p.2).

Additionally, those who live in rural settings face a barrage of issues that

urban dwellers do not. In rural communities, households are generally less educated

and they tend to be poor. Additionally, they must deal with the never-ending

difficulties associated with poverty. Parents are less involved in their child’s

education, and children tend to enrol later than recommended. There are fewer

schools, which tend to be more inaccessible and lower quality than what one would

find in urban areas (Hunt, 2008). Children in rural areas are more likely to repeat

grades and drop out early (Shrestha et al., 2011). Those who live in rural locations

face serious threats to their education in addition to the household, individual and

school threats that urban children may face.

Stakeholders in Cambodian Education

The range of stakeholders involved in the Cambodian primary educational

system is dynamic. The department that is explicitly responsible for running primary

education in Cambodia is known as MoEYS. MoEYS promises to develop citizens

by, “leading, managing and developing the education sector” (MoEYS, 2010, p.1).

Unfortunately, the Cambodian education system is widely believed to be

inefficient and corrupt. The International Corruption Perception Index ranked

Cambodia as 157th out of 176 countries, which were surveyed on levels of corruption.

This highlighted issues of poor governance and a lack of transparency. Additionally,

development assistance funding given to the Cambodian government has been

20

misappropriated in the past, according to Global Fund Audits (Cambodian National

Council for Children, p.2). Inefficiency and corruption ultimately reduces the social

returns of schooling (Lall & Sakellariou, 2012, p.333). Understandably, an increasing

number of development partners opt to develop parallel systems rather than work with

the government. However, this slows national capacity building.

Cambodia is incredibly reliant on external development partners and foreign

aid. There are hundreds of organisations involved in primary education in Cambodia,

and they play a formidable role in social development. These influential actors range

from small local groups to large international organisations. NGOs are often seen as

necessary alternatives in dealing with the government’s failure to provide basic

education (Lee, 2006, p.643). It’s hard to truly understand the dynamics of the many

development partners involved in Cambodian primary school for a number of reasons.

Organisations vary in terms of the strategy and the scope of their efforts. Some last

long-term, and others crash and burn after a short period of time. Some cooperate

with other partners, and some work in isolation. What development partners’ work

entails, and how it interacts with other efforts is unknown. Although there are

mechanisms in place to identify stakeholders and their activities, their ability to paint

a clear picture is seriously limited. Without possessing a comprehensive

understanding of the stakeholders, analysing the efficacy of intervention efforts is

futile.

Gaps in Research

With complicated social issues that haunt an entire country, there are bound to

be considerable differences of opinion and gaps in our understanding.

21

The vast majority of the existing literature agrees that poverty is strongly

associated with school drop out (Hirakawa et al., 2012). Additionally it is generally

accepted that poverty is linked to problems that do not bode well for children’s

education, such as: child labour; food insecurity; hunger; low parental education and

familial migration. Although we can agree that there are patterns of association

amongst these dimensions of poverty, how they interact with one another is unknown.

Additionally, we cannot claim that poverty causes school drop out, because that is not

the case. There are a number of developing countries around the world that face abject

poverty who have universal primary completion rates and enjoy positive educational

outcomes (Birdsall et al., 2005). The processes that create lasting and sustainable

results depend on a number of factors that are different in every country. Problems

that are brought on by poverty are heavily dependent on context.

No one can tell us exactly what causes a child to drop out of school. It’s

widely accepted that place of residence; gender; social status, and school quality are

associated with school drop out. How exactly each of these factors influences the

processes involved with drop out is also unknown. Different individuals and groups

view the process differently. Teachers often argue that the main problem in primary

education is the lack of support that schools and teachers receive from the

government. Some suggest that providing teachers with adequate incomes will

improve everything wrong with primary schools (Barton & Rith, 2006). Parents

frequently state that poverty and the lack of support they receive is a major cause of

drop out. They argue that corrupt teachers and inadequate schools are the problem

(Hunt, 2008). There are many theoretical standpoints on drop out, which is one of the

reasons that there is no one-size-fits-all approach to achieve universal primary school

completion.

22

Conclusion

Why does one child stays in school while another leaves? What is actually

working to prevent drop out before it happens? What can be done to create effective

and sustainable solutions for kids before it’s too late? How can we learn from other

organisation’s success stories?

The only way we can answer any of these questions is by talking to

individuals who work in intervention efforts. If we have any hope of increasing

organisational efficiency, we must obtain a more complete understanding of the

programs that exist in Cambodia. Crucial in our quest to understand the inner-

workings of organisational activity, is by understanding the perspective of the leaders.

My study will provide rich, in-depth data from people who can answer these

questions.

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Chapter IV: Methodology

Introduction

The purpose of this study is to understand primary school interventions from

the perspectives of those who play leadership roles within them.

Research Questions

What factors are associated with primary school drop out in Cambodia?

What are the characteristics of Cambodian primary school interventions that lead to

positive and sustainable outcomes?

These research questions require an approach that will procure deeply

descriptive qualitative data. As such, the study examines this particular social

phenomenon through an interpretivist conceptual framework. Data is collected

through a cross-sectional, semi-structured interview. The participants involved in this

study are leaders, or senior-managers of primary intervention efforts in Cambodia,

who were selected using purposive sampling. This chapter will discuss the theoretical

underpinnings of this study, which were operationalized in the strategy and design. It

will illustrate how data was collected through the procedures used in this study. It will

also touch upon the ethical dimensions of the interview.

Rationale for Qualitative Enquiry

Qualitative methods were chosen in order to understand this social

phenomenon through the unique perspective of the participants. Cambodian primary

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school drop out is a well-developed social issue, but this study sought specific data,

which was grounded in experiences and opinions. Creswell (2005) defines qualitative

research as, “a type of educational research in which the researcher relies on the views

of participants; asks broad, general questions; collects data consisting largely of

words (or text) from participants; describes and analyzes these words for themes; and

conducts the inquiry in a subjective, biased manner” (p. 56).

A semi-structured interview enabled me to collect data inductively, which is

ideal for qualitative research. Alternatively, if I had chosen to undertake a quantitative

approach, I would have started my enquiry with a hypothesis, which would have led

every element of my study in a different direction. My research questions demanded a

qualitative approach. I had no set hypotheses that I wished to prove or disprove.

Rather, I sought to understand what I believed to be a largely untapped perspective

that held profound value. Elliott (1999) argues that the strength of qualitative research

lies in its unique capacity of understanding phenomena in its own right. Discovering

something new and unexpected is considered to be positive in qualitative enquiry.

Although I designed this study with general themes, there was enough freedom to

enable participants to elaborate on issues that they felt to be important. The flexibility

of a semi-structured interview made it possible for me to adapt my enquiry, so that

each informant was able to communicate their story in a manner that accurately

reflected their experience.

Conceptual Background

This study originated from an interpretivist conceptual framework.

Interpretivism is an approach that understands reality through its socially constructed

meanings and value relativism. It operates on the assumption that the social world is

25

distinct from the natural world. Human beings hold the capacity to interpret and

construct their own unique realities. Therefore, there is no objective truth and nothing

is static. People create meaning based on their perceptions, and values are relative. In

the social world, humans experience a reality of their own creation (Patton, 2002).

By approaching this area of research from an interpretivist framework, the

objective is to understand the social reality the participants have developed. What

they perceive their social reality to be determines meanings and values reflected in the

data. Their experience and reflections are unique. Their perception adheres

specifically to their own context. Interpretivist enquiry strives to gain a deep

understanding of the participant’s experience through text, where readers can draw

upon their own insight (Neuman, 2011).

Characteristics of Interpretivist Study

Feature of Study Description

Research Purpose The purpose of this study is to understand and

interpret participant’s experience of interventions

they have been involved in. It aimed to

understand their perspectives on the

implementation of the interventions. It focused on

learning what participants found useful in

improving the efficacy of intervention outcomes.

Ontology 1. There are differing experiences and

realities.

2. The realities experienced by participants

are constructed through human

interactions and events.

3. To discover how subjects make sense of

their social world in the natural setting

by routines, interactions and

communications.

4. There are many social realities including

subjects’ knowledge, opinions and

experiences.

Epistemology 1. The events are understood through

mental interpretation that is affected by

the social contexts.

2. The people active in the research process

socially construct knowledge by

experiencing real life.

3. This provides a personal, interactive

mode of data collection.

Methodology 1. Processes of data collection through

interviews.

2. Research is a product of the values of the

researcher.

* Table adapted from Cantrell, 1993.

26

Strategy & Design

This study operationalized the research questions by choosing a strategy and

design that was based upon the nature of the enquiry.

This study used an inductive strategy to understand what the participants

experienced through their involvement with primary school interventions. It collected

original primary data from the participants, which was deeply descriptive. From this

data, themes and patterns of associations were analysed. The level of analysis is at a

micro-level. The units of analysis in this study are multifaceted because this social

phenomenon holds many actors within it. It involves individuals, systems, group

dynamics and national policies (Neuman, 2011).

The design of this study had elements of pragmatism, descriptive exploration,

social action and empiricism. I used a cross-sectional design that allowed me to view

the patterns of associations amongst the participants as if they were taken in a single

point in time. The data that was collected is both prospective and retrospective. The

participants reflected on both current and past experiences, and made future

predictions. The findings produced prospective data, which will be later employed to

offer insight for future programs. Unlike classic experiments where replicating one’s

findings is the end goal, this study did not strive for repeatable results. The research

goal was to examine unique experiences that are inherently distinct.

Data Collection Instrument

A semi-structured interview was the ideal data collection instrument to answer

my research questions. The interview schedule (Appendix D) consisted of open

questions that asked participants to reflect upon personal experiences, and offer their

attitudes and opinions (Grix, 2001).

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The sequences of questions were grouped by themes, and descriptive

questions were asked first. Boyce & Neale (2006) argue that semi-structured

interviews should flow naturally and that the researcher should ask descriptive

questions first. By asking simple questions first, the participant is able to open up and

feel comfortable before the researcher broaches topics that involve opinions and

perspectives. The interview began by asking the participants basic questions

regarding their work. They participants were asked to describe their organisation and

their role within it. They were then asked to explain whom their organisation works

with, and some of the challenges that these children face. The interview then focused

on professional challenges that the participants have experienced, how their

organisation sets agendas and implements policies. The participants were then asked

to discuss the efficacy of projects they had been involved with. The interview

concluded with the participants offering advice to other organisations who might face

similar challenges.

Generally speaking, the participants had no problem understanding the topics

included in this interview and minimal clarification was required. Feedback was the

only theme that seemed confusing for the participants. Participants were unclear about

what the question was asking and what to say. They had difficulty recalling particular

instances where they had given feedback, or times where offering feedback was

prevented. Feedback did not seem to be a topic that was a part of their organisational

dialogue.

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Sampling Method

This qualitative study demanded distinct information from specific

individuals. This made the non-probabilistic method, purposive sampling, ideal in

locating participants.

Initially I had hoped to use snowball sampling to generate participants, but

that did not pan out as I had anticipated. Snowball sampling is also a non-probabilistic

method, where participants recommend individuals with similar characteristics that

they believe might be interested in joining the study (Lewin & Somekh, 2011). With

limited access to desirable candidates, generating future participants from initial

subjects seemed ideal.

When snowball sampling became unfeasible, purposive sampling was

employed. Patton (1990) defines purposive sampling as “selecting information-rich

cases for in-depth study” (p. 182). By employing this sampling technique, one is able

to understand the questions of central importance to the study (Patton, 1990). Initially,

I located organisations of interest through an online search. Suitable organisations

focused on encouraging primary-aged children to participate in school, and stay in

school. These organisations and relevant contact information was then entered into a

database. The initial contact that organisations received was the Email Invitation

Letter (Appendix A). Upon receiving this letter, interested parties responded. It often

took a series of emails and referrals to locate suitable participants.

Purposive sampling was a highly advantageous technique in obtaining

participants for this study. It was also a cost-effective way of attaining valuable data.

However, this approach was relatively time-consuming.

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Participants

The participants in this study possessed unique characteristics, which made

them instrumental in collecting valuable and descriptive data. This was a small-scale

study with six participants. All names and identifying details have been omitted from

this report to protect the participants’ anonymity and confidentiality.

The participants met a number of characteristics that made them suitable

subjects. It was a requirement for this study to only involve adults and members who

were not part of a vulnerable population, to avoid ethical complications. Additionally,

all subjects were required to speak fluent English, as the interview was conducted in

English. All participants lived in Cambodia at the time of the interview. Participants

were located in different regions of Cambodia, some lived in urban areas and others

resided in more rural locales. There were four males and two females who

participated in this study. Three of the participants were native English speakers and

they are originally from Australia and the United States. The other three are of

Cambodian descent, and speak English as a second language.

All participants held leadership positions in their organisations at the time of

the interview. All of the participants have been working on primary education issues

in Cambodia for a number of years. The participants all come from organisations that

work to improve primary school education, including participation and retention.

Some worked with local organisations, and others were involved in well-known

international organisations. None of the participants directly worked with the

government at the time of the interview. All of these organisations that participants

originated from, work to improve the existing school system in Cambodia rather than

trying to create a parallel system. These organisations vary in terms of strategy and

the scale of their efforts.

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Procedure

The procedures employed in this study were carefully planned and

consistently implemented. Once potential organisations were identified, they were

first contacted by email. The Email Invitation Letter (Appendix A) was sent to

relevant organisations, and typically, emails were passed through to a number of

different individuals before finding the appropriate person. If an individual was

interested in participating in the study, they contacted me in order to express their

interest. I would then send over a Participant Information Statement (Appendix B),

which outlined key information about the study. If a participant had any questions

regarding the research, I would answer their enquiries. Once a participant decided to

participate in the study, I emailed them a Written Consent Form (Appendix C). In

order to join the study, subjects were required to return a signed Written Consent

Form. Once a participant sent over their written permission, we would organise the

logistics of their interview through email correspondence. At the time of their

interview, I called participants on either their phone number or their Skype account. If

they used a Skype account, I made sure to use a Voice Call, so that it was effectually

the same as a phone call. All of the interviews consisted of one participant at a time

and myself. I was based in Sydney, Australia, while all of the participants were living

in Cambodia. Prior to conducting the interview, I confirmed that subjects understood

that the interview was being taped, and that I had their permission to interview them

regarding their experience with primary education in Cambodia. The interviews all

took approximately one hour, and were taped in their entirety. The process of this

study took over a year to complete.

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Data Analysis

There are many approaches researchers can employ to analyse qualitative data.

The complexity of qualitative analysis lies in making sense of data. Researchers are

able to highlight the significance of their data by placing it into meaningful sections

or groups of information. These themes and categories illustrate the important

findings of the data (Creswell, 2003). Biklen and Bogdan (1982) define qualitative

data analysis as “working with data, organizing it, breaking it into manageable units,

synthesizing it, searching for patterns, discovering what is important and what is to be

learned, and deciding what you will tell others” (p.145). In this study, analysis

occurred concurrently with data collection, and followed a series of stages.

The information used in this study was primary data that came from the

participants’ interviews. The interviews were all recorded in their entirety and

transcribed using ExpressScribe software. I read the transcripts many times to gain a

holistic understanding of the phenomenon. During this initial analytical stage, insights

and understandings were developed and documented. The initial analysis identified

two emerging themes, which were present across the preponderance of the data. I

then organised the data according to these themes and coded participants’ responses. I

then explored the connections and relationships within these themes, which led to the

generation of categories. The categories in each theme were analysed and interpreted.

Whenever doubts arose with information in the data, I compared participants’

responses to relevant statistics, which enabled me to verify information. The results

were summarised and interpreted to present the important findings.

32

Ethical Considerations

When investigating a social phenomenon that involves humans, it is

paramount that the research design and implementation follow strict ethical

principles. As such, the Human Research Ethics Committee of the University of

Sydney approved this study, in order to ensure that all dimensions of this research

followed strict academic and ethical guidelines. It’s important in all research that a

study does not cause any harm to participants. Additionally, deceptive means should

never be used (Bryman, 2001).

First and foremost, a researcher must make sure to obtain informed consent

from their participants. Most importantly, subjects must voluntarily consent to

participate, while fully understanding the potential risks or benefits associated with

the study. Participants must fully understand what the study entails, and why their

participation is desirable (Bryman, 2001). To ensure that subjects were fully versed

in the nature of the study, I took a number of steps. I briefly described the study to

participants in the Email Invitation Letter (Appendix A), and I later provided a

Participant Information Statement (Appendix B) which described the study in further

depth. I encouraged the participants to ask any questions that they might have

regarding the research objectives or their responsibilities as a subject. I had each

participant sign the Written Consent Form (Appendix C). The consent form outlined

that participation was voluntary, and that they would not receive any incentives for

joining. It also stated that they could drop out at any time, and did not have to discuss

anything that they weren’t comfortable with.

Respecting the confidentiality and privacy of all participants is crucial is

conducting an ethical interview (Neuman, 2011). I made sure that the Interview

Schedule (Appendix D) had no offensive or obtrusive questions. I also ensured that

33

their information was guarded and protected at all times. Participants were informed

that this study was to be conducted in complete confidentiality on the Participant

Information Statement (Appendix B). I wanted participants to speak freely and

openly, and understand that disclosing any information would have no negative

consequences on their lives or employment. Transcriptions of the interviews were

kept in de-identified format. Additionally, all identifying details were omitted from

this study.

It is crucial for researchers to have a valid reason for conducting their enquiry,

and the benefits must outweigh the costs (Bryman, 2001). Prior to beginning this

study, I conducted a thorough literature review to ascertain that my area of interest

had a valid place amongst existing research. I entertained alternative methods, and

was able to justify the methods I took. I carefully followed set guidelines to prevent

potential mistakes. I was also very self-reflective in my role as a researcher and

ensured that I did not have inappropriate power dynamics over the participants.

34

Chapter V: Results & Discussion

Introduction

This chapter presents the findings that came from analysing the interview data.

The phone interviews provided deeply descriptive data that highlighted the

experiences and perceptions of the participants. There were two prominent themes

that emerged from the interview data, the factors that are associated with primary

school drop out and the characteristics associated with effective intervention results.

The opinions and perceptions of the participants will be presented by these themes,

and supported with direct quotes from the interviewees. The results will also be

interpreted and discussed. The chapter begins by explaining the types of primary

school interventions used in Cambodia.

Primary Education Interventions

Educational stakeholders have implemented a variety of strategies intended to

keep primary-aged children in school. MoEYS have addressed the failures of primary

education through a series of policy initiatives. A number of development partners

have worked with MoEYS to support improving primary schools. Other development

partners have created parallel solutions that they implement on their own terms.

The strategies utilised to keep children in school have evolved over the past

decades. In the 1990s, there was a wave of supply-side interventions. During this time

frame, thousands of schools were built, teachers were trained and educational

materials were provided. The focus shifted in the next decade towards demand-side

interventions, which aimed to make primary education easier and more desirable for

at-risk children (Tan, 2007). Incentive programs, which offer rewards for children for

35

enrolling in, and staying in school, have been very popular. Food programs have been

an effective way of attracting children to school. There have also been a number of

Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) and scholarship programs offered to students,

which encourage vulnerable children to stay in school. Other demand-side solutions

have addressed financial burdens for families such as school transportation, and

school-related costs.

Other strategies have made management and improving educational quality

the crux of their approach. The MoEYS Education Strategic Plan prioritised increased

quality, equitable access, and strengthened planning and management. UNICEF

piloted Child Friendly School Program (CFSP) in 2002, and the ministry adopted it in

2007. CFSP aims to create a context-based approach that improves the quality of

school by creating a child-centred learning environment (Ministry of Planning, 2010).

Theme I: Factors Associated with Primary School Drop Out

The first theme that arose from the interview data was the factors associated

with primary school drop out. Three categories emerged from this theme: poverty,

parental characteristics and school factors. These categories are deeply intertwined

with one another, especially poverty and parental characteristics. Place of residence is

also hugely influential. Children who live in rural areas are far more likely to drop out

of primary school than urban youth. The rural-urban differences pervade every

category within this theme and will be discussed in each category.

Poverty

All participants cited poverty as one of the most significant factors associated

with primary school drop out. Participant Two (P2) acknowledged, “Yes, there’s

36

different problems, certainly most of the problems are relative to poverty.” Participant

Three (P3) reflected that consequences of poverty often operate in sophisticated ways:

“With poverty, it’s a mixed bag of barriers that keep kids from going to school.”

In Cambodia, financial constraints manifest themselves in number of ways

that threaten children’s education. The participants in this study believed that poverty

leads to food insecurity, economic uncertainty and child labour, which ultimately

contribute to drop out. These processes often interact with one another, which can

reinforce the cycle of poverty and poor educational outcomes. When families are

impoverished, having consistent access to nutritious food is a challenge. Not having

access to food means battling chronic malnutrition, which makes education

unfeasible. Hungry families may have limited options, and children contributing to

the household income may be perceived as necessary. Ultimately child labour

prevents children from attending school. Many poor families in Cambodia work in

transient and unreliable industries, which mean families often have to find work

wherever they can. This in turn can make familial migration a necessary option.

Food Insecurity

Food insecurity, hunger and malnutrition are dire realities facing countless

families across Cambodia. 83% of the participants in this study believed that not

having access to regular and nutritious meals was a key reason that children dropped

out of primary school. Participant One (P1) reflected, “Nutrition is number one.” He

explained how he experienced the consequences of food insecurity at one of the rural

schools his organisation works with:

One of the biggest issues was food, nutrition and health. When we went

up there and first got involved, students were dying. It was a very

immediate emergency situation. So at first we were focusing on the food

and health, not so much the school…. These kids weren’t eating. They

37

were in really bad shape. The breakfast program got them through the

gates of school and to a point where they could focus their eyes, and

actually pay attention in the classroom.

P3 depicted a similar scenario for the children she has worked with. She

described the positive results of a health intervention she worked on:

And then when we had one of the medical teams design the perfect

nutritious meal for the kids, their concentration levels went through the

roof, and so did their grades. And so providing those meals means that

they are getting their energy that they need to focus in school.

Through experiences like this, her organisation understands the gravity of food

insecurity and has operationalized these lessons into their policy.

Keeping them safe, keeping them healthy, keeping them well fed is a

priority because that allows us to keep kids in school. So if they’re

healthy, and if they’re eating balanced diets and things like that, they are

able to concentrate in school, and they care about school.

P2 acknowledged that there are significant problems with food insecurity

across Cambodia, but it is not an issue where his organisation operates. He explained

that, “Generally there’s plenty of food in the area, it’s very fertile land. It’s not hard to

grow food, and most families grow a percentage of their food themselves.”

The participants’ perceptions regarding food insecurity reflect the findings of

existing research. Aside from issues of poor concentration and attention in school,

food insecurity causes serious complications. Food insecurity leads to hunger,

malnutrition and failing health for families. It leaves parents unable to be productive

members of the workforce and invest in their children’s education. Chronic hunger

and malnutrition creates devastating and often irreversible damage to a growing child

(United Nations, 2013). Table one shows that malnutrition amongst children under 5

is rampant across Cambodia. There are high levels of stunting, underweight children

and wasting. Stunting is defined as children who inadequate heights for their age

38

range due to poor nutrition. Wasting is when children are severely underweight in

comparison to their height (United Nations, 2013). Not only are rural children poorer

in general, they are the ones hardest hit by food insecurity. Table two shows that there

are almost 10% more underweight and stunted children in rural areas (MoP, 2010).

Table One: Malnutrition Rates (% Underweight) and Estimated Number of

Malnourished Children Under 5 by Province, 2008

Table Two: Variation of Malnutrition Indicators by Gender, Domain and

Income Groups (% children <5)

39

Economic Uncertainty

All of the participants in this study expressed their belief that children were

more likely to drop out of primary school if their families experienced economic

uncertainty. Parents may not have reliable or consistent work that they can depend on

for a number of reasons. This may be the result of their community’s economic

climate or the industry that they work in. Additionally, uneducated parents may lack

professional skills, which limits their employment prospects. All of theses factors may

lead families to migrate domestically or internationally to attain better job prospects.

P2 explained:

The vast majority of our families, there is no permanent work, no full-

time work, most of their income comes from, perhaps they might get a

job for six or eight months on a building site, perhaps they might work in

the fishing industry…. It really is a tenuous life that they lead. There is no

security in their life.

Migration for work was a topic that 67% of participants addressed as a cause

for primary school drop out. P3 explained:

With the families of these kids, they are not working as stably as what

would be beneficial for these kids. So their work is really transient. They

travel a lot for work. They go over to Thailand.

P4 agreed that international migration is a major concern for his organisation.

“Now it’s a big problem, migrant people. And the Cambodians are migrant workers in

Thailand, 8,000 people are there.” He expressed that it was troubling both when they

brought their children with them, or if they left them behind. He explained that many

communities are in constant flux and are not stable because people are moving so

frequently.

A number of participants asserted that frequent movement held negative

consequences for educational development. P5 expressed that migration makes

40

assisting vulnerable families challenging. When families are not present during

community evaluations and assessments, it is difficult to identify at-risk children and

incorporate them in their programs. P6 also expressed frustration at the frequency of

familial migration in Cambodia because when his organisation puts in the time to help

the community, they move shortly afterwards. As a result, his organisation is reluctant

to offer support to communities with frequent movement.

When communities experience frequent movement, it is extremely difficult to

assess problems, which makes it even harder to create lasting solutions. There are

higher incidences of migration amongst poor people, who are likely the most

vulnerable. However by continuing to move around, the government and development

partners are reluctant to invest in those communities. It becomes a cycle that reinforces

poverty. The participants reflected that they had experienced many families migrating

to Thailand. This is very troubling because no one knows the scale of the illegal

movement.

Cambodia is currently experiencing increased domestic and international

migration. People that migrate from Cambodia are more likely to be trafficked or

become victims of gender-based violence. They are more likely to be excluded from

social services. Families are more likely to be fragmented with children becoming

separated from their parents. Women are more likely to feel the burden of becoming

single parents (MoP, 2010).

Child Labour

Child labour is a factor that is strongly associated with primary school drop

out, according to 83% of the participants. P6 argued that the opportunity cost of

attending school is simply too great.

41

Most kids stop attending because the opportunity cost is high. For

example, in grade five, grade six, they stop learning and they just go rice

planting. So then they can earn like two or three dollars per day, while if

they go to school they get nothing.

P1 echoed these sentiments, and said it is particularly a problem in rural areas

as opposed to urban settings.

For kids in the countryside, they are in rice farming families, there is

always the sense of being pulled out of school to work on the farm rather

than being in the classroom.

P4 said getting children to work on agricultural endeavours was only part of

the problem. Childcare for their younger siblings was also an issue. “The parents

only work in fields, they ask the children to go with them. The parents need to work,

and the bigger children need to take care of the younger children.” P3 also

experienced resistance from some of the parents, because they did not want to lose

income.

A lot of parents of the kids that we work with had a little bit of resistance

towards the centre in the beginning. Obviously because its keeping the kids

from being able to help their family, to work and things like that.

The only participant who held a radically different perspective was P2, who

attributed primary school drop out to children failing in school.

The participants’ sentiments towards child labour reflect the literature, which

shows that child labour is a widespread occurrence that is poorly understood. The

participants, for the most part, experienced that children were involved in economic

activities that threatened their education. They experienced its prevalence during

interactions with parents and through their organisation’s efforts.

Economic activity involving children seems to be extremely common in

Cambodia. It was estimated that 45% of 5-14 year olds were economically active in

2001. However, what differentiates child labour from economic activity is not always

clear. The Cambodian Government defines child labour as “work that impairs a

42

child’s physical, mental, moral or educational development or affects the child’s

safety or health” (MoP, 2010, p.12). This definition is far too subjective, different

interests can interpret its meanings for their own purposes. There have been no

comprehensive studies since 2001, so it’s impossible to comment on whether or not

child labour is declining. The participants in this study believed that economic

activity is a serious threat to children’s education (MoP, 2010).

Parental Characteristics

The role a parent plays in their child’s education is profound. This study found

that uneducated and uninvolved parents were associated with primary school drop

out. A parent’s low educational attainment is strongly linked to poverty, as is their

involvement in their child’s schooling. They are also associated with consequences of

poverty such as food insecurity, child labour and economic uncertainty. These

parental characteristics tend to be magnified in rural locations.

Parental Education

83% of the participants involved in this study stressed that children with

uneducated parents are more likely to drop out of primary school. P3 reasoned:

One of the biggest issues is that the parents never went to school. They

wouldn’t have completed primary school. Given the levels of poverty that

they face, it’s just not a priority for them.

P1 reflected, “The countryside primary school children, they are coming from

families where parents had little to no education.” Also located in a rural setting, P2

described that many of the families he sees have “almost non-existent” educations. He

stated that there is a profound difference in attitudes amongst educated parents and

uneducated parents. The participants also reflected that they believed parents who are

43

uneducated do not comprehend the importance of completing primary school. P6

expressed, “The parents don’t see the value of education.”

There is a considerable amount of literature that echoes what the participants

reported in this study regarding parental education. Adults with little education are

more likely to be poor, and have children with similar outcomes (Hirakawa et al.,

2012; United Nations, 2013). The participants expressed a strong belief that

uneducated parents are more likely to have children who drop out of school. They

expressed that parents with low education levels had attitudes towards education that

drive decision-making behaviour. The attitudes that they experienced from parents

were varied. The participants commented that when families are dealing with abject

poverty, education is not a priority. Some participants stated that when parents are

educated they understand the value of education. Conversely, uneducated parents do

not perceive education to be valuable. The participants’ answers reflected that they

felt parents’ attitudes and decision-making abilities were enhanced if they were

educated. Uneducated parents’ perceptions may be conditioned by their own

educational experiences.

Parental Involvement

All of the participants in this study believed that uninvolved parents were a

factor that was associated with primary school drop out. The participants also

believed that uneducated parents were less likely to be involved in their child’s

schooling. Without having involved parents, participants believed that children

lacked the impetus to succeed in school. P5 explained, “In Cambodia we don’t have

many role models that ensure that they finish grade 12 and finish their general

44

education.” Some of the participants attributed parental apathy to poverty. P6

reasoned:

I think the key thing is because they are poor. So they are just busy

earning their living. So then they don’t care and most of the parents are

illiterate as well.

P3 agreed, and stated that some parents didn’t support their children’s

education because they were more concerned with combatting poverty. She argued

that poor parents are not involved in education because they want their children to

contribute to the household income. P1 has experienced apathetic parents as well. He

described parent’s initial attitudes as uninvolved in one community: “The parents

were pretty hands off. They said their kids can go to school, but we aren’t going to be

involved, we don’t really care.” P2 explained that his organisation finds it

challenging to reach children when parents aren’t involved in their education. He

suggested that when parents are educated themselves and involved in their child’s

schooling, children are enthusiastic about learning and succeeding in school.

The Cambodian Ministry of Planning (2010) reported that there were low

levels of parent participation. The participants’ also expressed that poverty, low

parental educational attainment were strongly linked with uninvolved parents. They

expressed that when parents do not advocate good educational habits, children do not

seem to develop them. Parents must model positive habits that promote education for

children to succeed in school. Children learn habits from what they experience, so

parent’s involvement is crucial. Involved parents also model positive attitudes such as

the value of education and the importance of hard work. To break the cycle of

poverty, parents should stress the need for regular school attendance, the importance

of focusing in school, and the future opportunities that will be afforded to them with

an education.

45

School Characteristics

There are a number of school characteristics that are associated with primary

school drop out. The participants expressed that poor school quality and insufficient

access were factors associated with primary school drop out. The issues of access and

quality are markedly worse in rural communities.

Quality

All of the participants in this study attributed low quality schools as a major

factor associated with drop out. They stated that many of the school buildings were in

appalling conditions. They explained that there were not enough teachers, especially

in rural areas. They expressed that schools were poorly managed, and teaching

methods were inadequate. They also stated that the poor management of the school

system perpetuated these issues. P4 described the system as fundamentally broken.

P2 described the physical conditions of Cambodian primary schools in less

than favourable terms:

Ninety percent of Cambodian schools are crumbling. They are in bad

repair, and most of the classrooms are reasonable, but there is no

infrastructure anywhere outside of the classrooms. None of the poor

schools we are working with had water supply to their bathrooms. There

was no method of flushing toilets…I’m sure a lot of attendance rate

problems are due to the fact that the facilities are so poor.

Aside from the inadequate physical conditions that impact quality, participants

reflected that in general, teaching practices and school management is poor. P2

lamented what he views as archaic teaching practices in Cambodia: “Teachers aren’t

given textbooks, they have to write lesson plans every day. Teachers aren’t trained

properly.”

The participants also noted that there are even worse quality schools in rural

areas. P4 stated that, “The education system in the city is not good, but in the rural

46

areas it’s very bad.” P1 agreed, “I would say there is a difference between the

countryside, in terms of life and education for kids in general.”

The literature echoes the sentiments of the participants, which highlights

serious quality concerns in the school system. There are problems with the physical

buildings children go to school in. There is a lack of sanitation, clean drinking water,

and toilets. There is also a lack of teaching resources and qualified teachers

(UNESCO, 2011). What seem to perpetuate the cycle of low-quality education in

Cambodia are poor managerial practices. The participants reflected that overall the

system is poorly run. They mentioned that the policies the government created were

not effectively thought out, or enforced. This lack of follow through seems to trickle

down to the school level, where it seems that schools lack the capacity to effectively

manage themselves. Stronger management would be able to nurture a better learning

environment and maintain the buildings more effectively.

Access

The participants in this study expressed that poor access to education was a

major reason for drop out. P5 explained that quality and access are inextricably linked

to one another. The participants relayed that access to school was prevented by a lack

of schools in certain areas and arduous transportation to get to school. P1 explained,

“Getting to school is difficult. Sometimes they don’t have a bicycle, it’s too far away

to get to school.” He described that at one school where his organisation works,

“Most of them are either biking or walking to school every day, from either five to

seven kilometres away.” Other times, there is simply no school for these children to

go to. P4 explained:

47

They don’t have a school in their community. And some children are

aged 7 or 8 years old, or 9 years old, and they’ve not yet gone to primary

school because they don’t have a school, they don’t have teachers.

P5 linked poor access to issues of repetition as well as drop out.

Some schools don’t have complete grades in primary grades. So some

kids, they repeat the grade because they cannot go to the other. And after

that they just drop from school.

P1 reasoned that the quality and lack of access to education in a rural

community he worked with resigned children with few options.

There’s no schooling past grade nine, so a lot of them want to come to the

city to study, but none of them have the schooling that they need to put

them at the level they would need to be at, to go to grade ten in an urban

school.

The issues the participants reflected regarding access to education is consistent

with the literature. A number of communities lack complete grades for primary school

children in Cambodia. This makes it impossible for children to go to school. The

issues of access have a strong relationship with poverty and migration. The areas,

which have inadequate access to school, may be areas with frequent movement. It

seems from speaking to the participants, the rural areas with a lot of movement, are

areas that do not get enough assistance. In order to understand the issues surrounding

poor access, a deeper examination towards the associated factors should be taken.

Theme II: Characteristics Associated with Effective Results

The second theme that arose from the interview data was the organisational

characteristics that are associated with effective results. The three categories within

this theme are an organisation’s approach towards the community, local context and

48

capacity building. Within these categories the participants reflected a number of

factors that they found to be instrumental in achieving positive results.

Approach Towards Community

All of the participants in this study cited that the most significant characteristic

associated with effective primary school interventions was the organisation’s

approach towards the community where they are working. The participants stated that

it is crucial to have positive relationships with open channels of communication.

These relationships should be grounded in the belief that the organisation is genuinely

working for the community’s best interests. The participants reflected that community

ownership of projects is vital in establishing and maintaining successful interventions.

Relationship Between Organisation & Community

All of the participants in this study cited that developing relationships was the

first step in getting the community engaged. The participants defined good

relationships with the community as ones that included mutual respect for one

another, open communication and understanding of one another’s perspectives. They

mentioned that gaining people’s trust and confidence is key in developing

relationships. P2 explained, “You really have to understand the people that you’re

dealing with. Winning people’s confidence is 90% of the battle.” P3 described her

organisation’s logic in creating strong relationships with children’s families:

You can’t work with children without working with their families. If we

tried to run a youth centre just by focusing on supporting the children, we

would be met with a lot of resistance from the families. We’d also be

ignoring the extreme factors in their background.

49

The participants explained that they employed many different strategies to

develop these relationships. Participants reported using varied tactics with different

people depending on the context. There were some situations where formal

approaches such as meetings or negotiations worked. Other times a more organic

approach; such as having informal conversations were successful. The participants

experienced success using both proactive and passive approaches when building

community relationships. P1 described a past experience where the parents in a

community were unresponsive to their efforts. It was the children who served as the

change agents who first opened the channels of communication.

So the kids were going to school and we started implementing the clean

water system and food programs. And different things about ways of life

that were healthier than the way they were living, and disseminated that

through the kids, the kids went home and talked about it, the kids were

really the ones who sparked the change. Then eventually moms were

bringing their babies to school to use the clean water system…From there

it’s became full circle, the parents were totally involved in the dorm

project a few years later.

P6 explained that it is important to provide parents with tangible and clear

ways of getting involved: “So parents need practical, concrete interventions, they can

see in their face, not just hearing about abstract ideas because they forget.”

The participants in this study emphasised the role of interpersonal

relationships in educational development. Though the participants approached these

relationships in different ways, it was a topic that permeated the data. Interpersonal

relationships are highly individualised and there are many ways organisations can

develop mutually beneficial relationships. Before organisations formulate agendas, or

plan projects, focusing on building positive relationships is highly advisable.

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Community Ownership

The participants reported that beyond the relationship aspect, to have a

successful intervention, there must be community ownership. The community must

support what the organisation is doing, and be involved in developing and

maintaining programs. The participants reflected that the community should be

involved in the decision-making rather than feel as if choices are imposed upon them.

By being involved in decision-making, they are more likely to feel that the projects

are truly in their best interests. They also reasoned that community ownership often

brings empowerment. P1 explained that community ownership is paramount in his

organisation’s success:

Well like I was saying earlier, I think any effective program here has to be

owned by the Cambodians at that school, it needs to be their project, and

they need to feel it’s their project. Communicating to us things they want

to do differently to us, and telling us something that isn’t going right about

it. I just think making sure that channels of communication are open is

key. Otherwise it turns into everyone trying to take a piece of the project.

The money that’s being funnelled into the school, but if you work on the

relationships first, and people take ownership, then a lot of people come to

depend on the project and they’re not going to mess it up, or they’re not

going to take things away from it.

The participants stated that when community feels that the organisation

supports their efforts, everything flows more smoothly. Participants suggested that

highlighting benefits is one way of building community ownership. Providing meals

or other types of support is one way of promoting initial community involvement. P3

explained:

But then as the benefits of being involved in the centre become apparent,

and going to school is not the only benefit, they get provided with meals,

showers, the support of social workers and all of the other programs that

they mentioned before. The parents become more involved and more

invested in that program.

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The most common way that the participants in this study reported developing

community ownership was through providing meaningful employment. The

participants employed local community members in professions such as cooking,

cleaning, childcare, management, and transportation, among others. By employing

people in that community to run components of the intervention effort, people rely on

it. Other participants developed social enterprises as a way of generating income for

their projects, and employed community members.

P4 reasoned that community ownership is necessary for successful

interventions, because organisations often have a limited reach. He explained that his

organisation’s time and resources are finite, and they cannot sustain every project they

are involved in. He stated that by making the community feel like the project belongs

to them, they are more likely to treat it with care and keep the momentum going.

It was interesting to see that all of the participants in the study felt more

strongly about community involvement than any of the other topics broached in the

interviews. The prominent concepts that they spoke of were community involvement,

support, investment and ownership. They stated that if there was not community

ownership, the organisation truly faced an uphill battle. They spoke of many different

rationales for why community support was important, but everyone commented that it

was paramount. Some of the participants stated that without community support, they

faced resistance and low motivation. Others cited that it was hard to maintain projects

without community support. Some of the participants reflected that the amount of

influence parents have over their children is strong, and without caretakers guiding

their children in a certain direction it’s difficult to encourage participation.

When people feel that change is being inflicted upon them, they tend to not to

support change efforts. But when they are involved in making the change, and the

52

plan, they are more likely to support it. Creating ownership amongst people in every

level is an effective way of generating long-term commitment and momentum (Stoll,

2009, p.123).

Local Context

The problems surrounding primary schools in Cambodia are deeply affected

by unique local contexts. What works in one community may not benefit another.

Organisations that have effective results possess a deep understanding of varying

local contexts. As such, they adopt a flexible approach, which account for contextual

variables. It’s also important to ensure that there is ongoing evaluation with every

intervention.

Unique Local Needs

The problems surrounding primary schools in Cambodia are highly

contextualised. All of the participants in this study reflected that it is crucial to ensure

that you possess a deep understanding of the situation before you take action. All of

the participants reflected that within communities there are always numerous types of

problems. They commented that it is important to not only understand the issues

plaguing a family, but how these problems interact with one another. The problems in

one community vary from that of another. Even within the same communities, each

family has its unique struggles. P1 explained that understanding local contexts takes

patience and effort, which you must watch and learn before you take action.

The participants suggested a number of ways to learn about the local context.

First and foremost, they suggest talking with people in that community. They suggest

approaching different stakeholders in education and getting their opinions. They

53

recommend collecting as much information as possible, from as many different

people as possible. They also suggest physically going around communities and

schools to see what the issues are. They also recommend watching situations and

learning from observation.

It seems quite intuitive that in order to solve a problem, you must first

understand the problem. However, in the history of primary school interventions in

Cambodia that has not always been the case. In the 1990s the trend was supply-side

interventions, for example, building more schools and providing more textbooks. The

following decade saw more demand-side interventions intended to attract children to

attend school, like offering scholarships and subsidies (Tan, 2007). These

interventions tended to occur at a national level rather than being pre-empted by

preliminary assessments of the varying local contexts. By failing to take into account

the local context, it is easy to implement ineffectual policies. Ultimately, our

understandings of primary school interventions have changed. We must understand

primary school drop out as a process that involves interdependent factors. In order to

create effective interventions, we must increase our understanding of the processes of

drop out (de Guzman, 2007).

Flexible Approach With Ongoing Evaluation

After understanding the local context, one should adopt a flexible approach

with ongoing evaluation. All of the participants in this study cited that employing a

flexible strategy was most likely to result in positive results. They stated that the

organisation must have a thorough understanding of the local context and

operationalise it into an easily adaptable approach. They stated that programs should

be continuously evaluated and monitored. P1 stated his approach within his

54

organisation is: “Taking a step back, watching, learning, and not coming in like a

know-it-all. Being open-minded and willing to adjust. Flexibility.” P6 emphasised

that using a variety of different approaches can positively influence other schools:

“We don’t choose the same approach for all schools. That’s how we work and it

encourages development.” He said that when one school sees another school

succeeding, they learn from one another and identify approaches that can benefit their

school.

P6 reasoned that often projects don’t succeed because people employ a

narrow-minded approach. She stated that the government and other development

partners often try and replicate previous programs without realising the importance of

flexibility. She stressed that there are multiple ways of developing education and

operationalizing this into policy is important. P3 held an optimistic opinion of her

organisation’s efforts: “So there haven’t really been any failures in so much as we’ve

just adapted programs to work better for the context.”

All of the participants acknowledged that often things do not work out as they

had originally hoped. They stressed that it is important to keep that in mind and to not

be afraid of modifying things. They mentioned that constant evaluation is very

important for success. They stated that careful monitoring of all aspects of the

organisation is crucial. They mentioned that it is important to keep track of exactly

what resources are given to whom, when and why. This enables organisations to

know that resources are being allocated appropriately. Most of the organisations

carefully monitored attendance as a condition for eligibility in their primary school

interventions.

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Capacity Building

Organisations that experienced success with their organisations emphasised

the importance of capacity building. The participants in this study reflected that it was

of the utmost importance to strengthen the existing government primary school

system rather than creating parallel solutions. The participants stressed that there were

serious and vast problems that exist in the government system. The participants

explained that their organisation works to fill in the gaps and provide support in areas

that MoEYS cannot. They stressed that their organisations are supplementing the

existing system, not replacing it. P1 explained his rationale:

I think it’s really important to work within the system that’s already there,

and find ways to really be effective within that system, because look

we’re not going to overthrow the government, we’re not going to kick

this prime minister out that’s been there for 30 years. That’s the biggest

problem, right? The top of the pyramid. You have to work within what

already exists to the best of your ability.

The participants all believed that by focusing on educational development as a

whole, more young people will have the chance to become educated. A strong

concept the participants stressed was that education could end the cycle of poverty

and disadvantage. The participants believed that if young people receive an education

that will empower them to become leaders and create change for following

generations. P2 explained that it was always his intention to strengthen the public

school system. He explained that it was extremely frustrating to simply focus on

helping the schools, because it was slow and ineffectual. He stated that he opened a

learning centre because he felt that without intensive, immediate action, another

decade of children would miss out on their opportunity to learn. The rest of the

participants echoed this sentiment. They experienced frustration by the slow and

gradual changes of educational development in Cambodia. They stated that there were

56

urgent issues that weren’t being solved, and that their programs are necessary

supplements to help children that might be left out otherwise.

P4, P5 & P6 work very closely with the government by piloting programs that

they hope the government will adopt as part of the national policy in the future. They

stressed that despite trying to urge the government to scale up their efforts, doing so is

a slow and often daunting task. P5 stated that despite the challenge of working on

national capacity building, it’s the only sustainable option for Cambodia. She

mentioned that in the many years she’s been working in education in Cambodia, she’s

seen many organisations that try and create a parallel system fail. She mentioned that

creating a private solution can only benefit a small margin of children that need help,

and it’s very difficult to finance programs like that.

The participants all believed that strengthening the national system was of

paramount importance. All of these organisations approach primary school issues in

different ways, but they all fill in the gaps that MoEYS seems to fall short on.

MoEYS needs to improve their capacity in providing quality and accessible

education. They also need to improve governance and management. They also need to

change the way teachers are supported and the teaching methods that they use. In

order to create lasting solutions, a strong and unified approach should be employed.

Birdsall et al. (2005) argues that if a country’s strategy is to simply expand the

existing system, they won’t make a meaningful change. The system itself must

improve its capacity and create innovative solutions with an open mind. It’s also

suggested that stakeholders in education join together to create lasting solutions rather

than employ parallel and fragmented solutions. Together, they must demand

transparency, better governance and accountability (Birdsall et al., 2005). The

stakeholders must include remote and rural areas in their approach, and rectify

57

spending inequalities in rural areas (Hirakawa et al., 2012). It’s also recommended to

dramatically change the way teachers are supported in order for them to effectively

instruct students. For example, it’s important to raise teacher’s salaries, so that they

don’t have to resort to exploitative measures, which diminish the quality of children’s

education (Barton & Rith, 2006). Solutions should also address teacher development,

communication and leadership skills, as teachers possess an important role in a child’s

education (Duth et al., 2012).

Conclusion

This chapter presented the findings of the study, which explored the

participants’ experiences working with primary school children in Cambodia. The

results were derived from original interview data and compared with relevant

literature. Through analysing this data, this study provides a deeper understanding of

how primary school interventions operate. This chapter discussed how the participants

perceive the factors associated with the process of drop out, and how these factors

interact with one another. The participants held strong opinions on the processes of

primary school drop out, and in some cases, their perceptions were different.

Ultimately, they all attributed poverty, parental characteristics and issues of quality

and access to a child’s educational outcomes. This chapter also discussed the

participants’ opinions as to what makes a successful primary school intervention.

Interestingly, all of the participants held similar viewpoints about what makes a

primary school intervention successful. The consistent responses from the participants

provided saturation for this study. This study comes to the conclusion that an

organisation’s approach towards their community; local context and capacity building

are instrumental in developing and maintaining successful primary interventions.

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Chapter VI: Conclusion

Introduction

This dissertation explored how leaders are experiencing Cambodian primary

school interventions. It also explored how they perceived the processes of primary

school drop out. The participants were able to reflect on what they experienced to be

successful and why. This chapter will summarise the study and the key findings. It

will answer the research questions, and outline the practical implications of this study.

It will discuss the limitations of this study, offer suggestions for future research, and

offer concluding remarks.

Summary of Study

This study was developed to understand primary school interventions in

Cambodia from the unique perspectives of those who lead them. The study used an

interpretivist paradigm to generate deeply descriptive qualitative data. The data in

this study was collected through semi-structured phone interviews with six leaders of

Cambodian primary school interventions. The data was analysed and coded

inductively to highlight the themes and categories, which emerged from this data.

Answering the Research Questions

This study was framed around two research questions about the processes of

primary school drop out in Cambodia and subsequent efforts to prevent it. This

research sought to elicit the views of leaders in primary school interventions. Below,

both questions are answered by using the interview data.

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Q1: What factors are associated with primary school drop out in Cambodia?

The first research question was concerned with discovering what the

participants perceived the processes of primary school drop out to be.

This question was partially answered through the literature review, and later

compared to what the participants had experienced. There are a number of interacting

factors that the participants attributed to primary school drop out, and each participant

held different perceptions.

Place of residence has one of the strongest relationships with educational

outcomes in Cambodia. Rural areas are at a prominent disadvantage with a number of

factors related to primary school. Rural schools are more likely to have inadequate

physical facilities than one would find in urban areas. Additionally, access can be

severely limited in rural and remote locations. Rural communities tend to experience

poverty, food insecurity and economic uncertainty. Families that live in rural locales

are also more likely to have low education levels and migrate more frequently.

Poverty is the most powerful deterrent that keeps children from completing

primary school. This is reflected both by the literature and by the participants in this

study. The participants in this study expressed that poverty was the underlying cause

of many issues. The participants in this study reflected that they frequently saw

poverty leading to food insecurity, economic uncertainty and child labour. How these

factors interact with one another varies quite significantly between families.

Parental characteristics are also strongly associated with primary school drop

out in Cambodia. The participants in this study stated that uneducated and uninvolved

parents are more likely to have children with poor educational outcomes. They

expressed that they believed poverty and other circumstances often conditioned the

60

way parents view education. They stressed that parents who aren’t educated either

don’t value education or particularly know how to support their children’s education.

Lastly, issues of quality and access are associated with primary school drop

out. The participants cited countless problems with primary schools in Cambodia.

They stated that the physical facilities were inadequate. Additionally, they stated that

there was poor management and teaching across the Cambodian public school system.

They expressed that access to education was another barrier for primary school

children. They explained that often students do not have a school in their community,

or that schools do not offer the complete grades. In other cases, children face arduous

journeys getting to school, which makes regular attendance a near-impossible feat.

Although the participants in this study agreed on a number of factors that

contributed to primary school drop out, they each had unique perceptions. This

highlights the reality that the processes of primary school drop out are highly

contextualised across Cambodia.

Q2: What are the characteristics of Cambodian primary school interventions that

lead to positive and sustainable outcomes?

The second research question explored what leaders believe creates successful

primary school interventions. While the first research question generated a number of

different opinions, the second question prompted a consensus from the participants.

This study found that an organisation’s approach towards the community that

they are working in is the most important factor in creating a successful primary

school intervention. The participants stated that gaining the community’s support was

crucial in creating and sustaining positive outcomes. The participants expressed that

in order to gain community support, it was crucial to have a good relationship with

61

the community that included open communication. The community should feel

ownership of the projects and believe that the organisation is working for their best

interests. The participants stressed that understanding the local context is key. The

organisation should then adopt a flexible approach towards that community with

ongoing evaluation. Lastly, the participants expressed that focusing on capacity

building was imperative.

Implications of Study

This study illustrated what it is like to work with Cambodian children and

prevent primary school drop out. It showed that primary school drop out is a highly

dynamic issue with many interacting facets. The findings of this study provide insight

to program developers, policymakers and leaders of primary school interventions. It

offers practical advice for both existing programs, and for developing solutions.

When developing programs to prevent primary school drop out, it’s important

to consider all of the interacting factors and take a holistic approach. It’s important to

strive for a deeper understanding of the processes of primary school drop out in the

early stages of program development. By gaining a thorough understanding of the

unique local contexts, it will give an organisation the ability to anticipate how

interventions may play out. The people leading projects to prevent primary school

drop out should strive to develop positive relationships with local communities that

are grounded on mutual respect and open communication. Organisations should aim

to engage the community and build ownership in all projects. Lastly, organisations

should focus on building capacity at both local and national levels.

62

Limitations of Study

The issues surrounding primary school in Cambodia are highly dynamic and

complex. They involve economies, governance, international organisations,

development partners, families and culture. While this study strives to enhance our

understanding of primary school interventions, most of these issues go far beyond the

scope of this research. This was a small-scale study with a limited time frame and

resources. The sample was not representative, but rather, selected purposively. The

findings are not generalizable to other areas.

Access to participants was limited. The researcher only was able to reach

participants who spoke English, and those that were technologically connected. This

limited the pool of prospective participants quite significantly, especially in a

developing country. Additionally, I was only able to select from participants who

responded to my Email Invitation Letter (Appendix A), which was only a small

percentage of individuals that I reached out to.

Recommendations for Future Research

Primary school drop out in Cambodia is an important issue that requires

further attention. The consequences of not completing a primary school education

dramatically impact a child’s quality of life and the social development of Cambodia.

There are still a number of things that we don’t know about the processes of primary

school drop out.

There needs to be large-scale studies that investigate the issues of child labour

and migration, and their impact on educational outcomes. There haven’t been enough

large-scale studies that investigate the relationship between child labour and

educational outcomes. There should be further attempts to gauge how prevalent child

63

labour is in Cambodia and how it impacts education. There is a need to research how

widespread domestic and international migration is in Cambodia. Specifically, how

familial migration affects children’s education. Both of these topics are poorly

understood.

There is still a great need to further understand how primary school

interventions operate. Though this study provided insight on what leaders have

experienced in the context of their intervention efforts, more attention is needed. By

understanding those who develop and implement programs, we are able to learn from

one another. It would be useful to have a larger-scale study that expands our

understanding of primary school interventions and their efficacy. It would be useful to

study ways organisations can effectively build positive relationships with

communities and how to increase community engagement. It would also be useful to

have a better understanding of how to build capacity both in organisations and

throughout the nation.

Concluding Remarks

This dissertation has explored the experiences of those who work in

Cambodian primary school interventions. I was able to formulate the research

questions by carefully reviewing the literature and examining qualitative research

methodology. By conducting a semi-structured interview, this study allowed a

complicated social phenomenon to come alive with a personal narrative. The

individuals who spend their days trying to stop primary school drop out in Cambodia

have powerful voices that should continue to be heard. In order to enhance our

understanding of the issues surrounding primary school drop out, all educational

stakeholders should be involved. If we strive to increase our organisational efficiency

64

we must appreciate the impact that strong leadership can make on educational

outcomes.

Cambodia has endured unimaginable brutality and destruction. Tragically, this

has left the modern-day country with overwhelming problems in every facet of

society. Half of Cambodian’s population is under the age of fifteen (VSO, 2010).

This means that every child that drops out of primary school has dramatic

implications for Cambodia’s future. The volume of children who drop out of primary

school every day is unacceptable. Even worse is that progress has stalled over the past

ten years (Hirakawa et al., 2012). Education is the most powerful vehicle for social

change. It is how Cambodia can end the cycle of disempowerment and poverty.

65

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APPENDIX A

Appendix A: Email Invitation Letter

To Whom It May Concern:

I am currently undertaking a research project for my Masters of Education Course at the

University of Sydney. My research involves building an understanding of the different

strategies that are employed to encourage greater participation of Cambodian children in

primary school interventions. I would like to interview you by phone at a time that is

convenient to you. The interview should take no longer than one hour. I am contacting you

because I believe you would have a unique perspective to offer my research objectives.

The title of this research project is “Encouraging Primary School Completion for At-Risk

Cambodian Children.”

This study is interested in exploring the perspectives of those that work in primary school

completion interventions in Cambodia. As I’m sure you know, the advantages of completing

primary school education have overwhelming implications for an individual and their society.

The fact that there are still 10% of Cambodian children not completing primary school is a

travesty, and it’s crucial that we focus our attention on this issue in new ways. This study

explores how primary school intervention efforts are actually working in Cambodia, through

those that understand it best, which is you, and those in your field of work. This study is

intended to provide insight on current programs, in an effort to develop more effective

policies and programs in the future.

I sincerely hope that you will be able to help me with my research. If you are interested in

participating in this study or have any questions about this study, please email Julia Jerving at

[email protected], or call Julia Jerving at +61424296923.

I sincerely thank you for taking the time to consider my request. I look forward to your reply.

Sincerely,

Julia Louise Christine Jerving

ABN 15 211 513 464

Dr Kevin Laws

Honorary Senior Lecturer

Room 913

Education Building

The University of Sydney

NSW 2006

AUSTRALIA

Telephone: +61 2 9351 6396

Email: [email protected]

Web: www.usyd.edu.au

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APPENDIX B

Appendix B: Participant Information Statement

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT

(1) What is the study about?

The number of Cambodian children who complete primary schooling is low. There

have been efforts by the Cambodian government and non-governmental organisations

to improve the number of children who complete primary school. This study aims to

enhance our understanding of issues that plague the primary school system in

Cambodia. By focusing on individuals who work in programs that benefit children in

Cambodia, a deeper understanding of the situation as well as the range of programs

and policies will be gained.

(2) Who is carrying out the study?

The study is being conducted by Julia Louise Christine Jerving and will form the

basis for her Masters of Education degree at The University of Sydney under the

supervision of Dr Kevin Laws, Honorary Senior Lecturer.

(3) What does the study involve?

This study collects data through conducting interviews. The researcher will interview

participants on the phone or on Skype.

(4) How much time will the study take?

The interview will take approximately one hour to complete. There is no follow-up

required or anticipated for this study.

ABN 15 211 513 464

Dr Kevin Laws

Honorary Senior Lecturer

Room 913

Education Building

The University of Sydney

NSW 2006

AUSTRALIA

Telephone: +61 2 9351 6396

Email: [email protected]

Web: www.usyd.edu.au

Faculty of Education and Social Work

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(5) Can I withdraw from the study?

Being in this study is completely voluntary - you are not under any obligation to

consent and - if you do consent - you can withdraw at any time without affecting your

relationship with The University of Sydney.

You may stop the interview at any time if you do not wish to continue, the audio

recording will be erased and the information provided will not be included in the

study.

(6) Will anyone else know the results?

All aspects of the study, including results, will be strictly confidential and only the

researchers will have access to information on participants. A report of the study may

be submitted for publication, but individual participants will not be identifiable in

such a report. The data will be securely stored for seven years, and will be destroyed

when it is no longer of use to the University of Sydney by official procedures.

(7) Will the study benefit me?

There are no incentives for participating in this study. This study hopes to benefit our

overall understanding of problems that the primary school system faces in Cambodia.

(8) Can I tell other people about the study?

You are most welcome to tell other people about the study, and/or ask others to

participate in the study.

(9) What if I require further information?

When you have read this information, Dr Kevin Laws will discuss it with you further

and answer any questions you may have. If you would like to know more at any

stage, please feel free to contact Julia Louise Christine Jerving at

[email protected] or +61 424 296 923 or Dr Kevin Laws at +61 2 9351

6396 or [email protected].

(10) What if I have a complaint or concerns?

Any person with concerns or complaints about the conduct of a research study can contact The Manager, Human Ethics Administration, University of Sydney on +61 2 8627 8176 (Telephone); +61 2 8627 8177 (Facsimile) or [email protected] (Email).

This information sheet is for you to keep

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APPENDIX C

Appendix C: Written Consent Form

PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM

I, ...........................................................................................[PRINT NAME], give consent to

my participation in the research project

TITLE: Encouraging Primary School Completion for At-Risk Cambodian Children

In giving my consent I acknowledge that:

1. The procedures required for the project and the time involved have been explained to me,

and any questions I have about the project have been answered to my satisfaction.

2. I have read the Participant Information Statement and have been given the opportunity to

discuss the information and my involvement in the project with the researcher/s.

3. I understand that being in this study is completely voluntary – I am not under any

obligation to consent.

4. I understand that my involvement is strictly confidential. I understand that any research

data gathered from the results of the study may be published however no information

about me will be used in any way that is identifiable.

5. I understand that I can withdraw from the study at any time, without affecting my

relationship with the researcher(s) or the University of Sydney now or in the future.

6. I understand that I can stop the interview at any time if I do not wish to continue, the audio

recording will be erased and the information provided will not be included in the

study.

ABN 15 211 513 464

Dr Kevin Laws

Honorary Senior Lecturer

Room 913

Education Building

The University of Sydney

NSW 2006

AUSTRALIA

Telephone: +61 2 9351 6396

Email: [email protected]

Web: www.usyd.edu.au

Faculty of Education and Social Work

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7: I consent to:

Audio-recording YES ☐ ☐

☐ ☐

If you answered YES to the “Receiving Feedback” question, please provide

your details i.e. mailing address, email address.

Feedback Option

Address:

_____________________________________________________________________

Email:

_____________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________

Signature

_____________________________________________________________________

Please PRINT name

_____________________________________________________________________

Date

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APPENDIX D

Appendix D: Interview Schedule

Description Description Please tell me about your work with children, especially with their schooling, in Cambodia.

What exactly do you do? What sort of services, programs or resources do you provide as part

of your work?

Participant’s Role in Cambodian Intervention Efforts How did you get involved in this type of work? What exactly do you do for your

organisation? How long have you worked with this organisation?

Who Individual Works With Please tell me about the children you work with. Are the children typical of Cambodian

children of the same age, or does your work focus on certain social groups?

Challenges Clients Deal With What are some of the challenges you see facing the children you work with? What are some

of the challenges that the children’s family you work with face? What do you think the main

barriers are that keep children from completing primary school?

Professional Challenges What are some of the biggest challenges that you face in your work? What are some of the

ways that you respond to some of these challenges?

Agenda Setting How are agendas formulated relating to children in your experience?

External Influences How do external forces affect the way you do your job? How do you feel laws and customs

impact your work?

ABN 15 211 513 464

Dr Kevin Laws

Honorary Senior Lecturer

Room 913

Education Building

The University of Sydney

NSW 2006

AUSTRALIA

Telephone: +61 2 9351 6396

Email: [email protected]

Web: www.usyd.edu.au

Faculty of Education and Social Work

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Feedback In your experience, how is feedback received when new programs and policies are being

developed? What sort of role does feedback play in children’s issue that you’ve worked

with?

Implementation Have you ever experienced a gap between the official policies of your organisation and how it

actually operates? In what way has this gap occurred, and how has it impacted your work on

the ground?

Experience What has been your experience working with primary school children in Cambodia?

Efficacy What are some of the programs and policies that you believe are effective? What tactics have

been ineffective? How do they seem to differ from others? What do you think the reason is

that some policies have worked better than others?

Future Suggestions If you could give any advice or suggestions to someone developing policies or programs for

children facing similar challenges, what would it be? What new policies and programs do you

think would make the biggest impact on encouraging parents to ensure their children

complete their primary school education?

Future Participants Do you know anyone that might be interested in participating in this study? I am trying to

locate additional people to interview to deepen my understanding of the primary school

system in Cambodia. If you do know someone that might be interested in participating in this

study, please send him or her my university email address, and then I can follow-up with him

or her.

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