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The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 5 | Issue 2 |
Article ID 2344 | Feb 02, 2007
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Japanese Visions of Lu Xun in the Light of the Magic
LanternIncident
Christopher Robins
Japanese Visions of Lu Xun in the Lightof the Magic Lantern
Incident
By Christopher Robins
Abandoning Medicine to Minister to theChinese Spirit through
Literature
In January of 1906 in the northeasternJapanese city of Sendai,
China’s most famousmodern writer, Lu Xun (Zhou Shuren1881-1936),
claimed to have experienced a life-changing epiphany that led him
to abandon hismedical studies and “devote himself to thecreation of
a literature that would minister tothe ailing Chinese psyche.” [1]
The now famous“magic lantern (slide) incident” allegedly tookplace
at the end of Lu Xun’s bacteriology classat the Sendai Medical
School. The lesson hadended early and the instructor used the
slideprojector to show various images to studentsfrom the recently
concluded Russo-JapaneseWar (1904-05). Lu Xun later recounted that
theJapanese medical students were roused into apatriotic frenzy by
scenes of the war,culminating in reverberating chants of“banzai!”
One scene showed a Chinese prisonerabout to be executed in
Manchuria by aJapanese soldier and the caption described thisman as
a Russian spy (see image 1). Lu Xunreported that rather than the
sight of a fellowChinese facing death, it was the expression onthe
faces of the Chinese bystanders thattroubled him deeply. Although
they appeared to
be physically sound, he felt that spiritually theywere close to
death.
Image 1: Portrait of the “magic lanternincident”
Through the lens of Chinese nationalism afterWorld War II and
the victory of the communistsin 1949, the slide incident came to
representLu Xun’s prescient decision to reject Japan’sbellicose
nationalism and Western-style sciencein favor of a
politically-motivated literature. LuXun’s “conversion” to a life of
literaturesuggests a quasi-religious renunciation of hispast life
and the beginning of a process ofspiritual and political
purification following his
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extensive contact with China’s longstandingnational nemesis.
As an intellectual who was both sharply criticalof traditional
Chinese social institutions andactive in socialist literary and
political circlesuntil his death in 1936, Lu Xun’s apotheosis asa
national icon within the Chinese CommunistParty was swift and
enduring. On the firstanniversary of Lu Xun’s death, Mao spoke to
anassembly at the North Shaanxi Public School inYan’an and assessed
Lu Xun’s influence onChina as comparable to Confucius: “The valueof
Lu Xun in China is that he should beregarded as the number one sage
of China.Confucius was the sage of the feudal society;Lu Xun is the
sage of the New China.” [2] In1940 Mao showered Lu Xun with praise
for hisrole in the May Fourth New Culture movementand paved the way
for his elevation to thestatus of national hero and party
stalwart:
Lu Xun was the greatest and mostcourageous standard-bearer of
thisc u l t u r a l f o r c e . T h e c h i e fcommander of China’s
culturalrevolution, he was not only a greatman of unyielding
integrity, freefrom all syncophancy . . . he wasalso the bravest
and most correct,the firmest, the most loyal and themost ardent
national hero, a herowithout parallel in our history. Theroad he
took was the very road ofChina’s new national culture. [3]
Thanks to the adoption of many of Lu Xun’sstories as part of the
official People’s Republicof China public school curriculum, the
detailsof his early life and his identity as a nationalhero became
firmly enshrined in the memoriesof millions of Chinese citizens. A
number of LuXun’s short stories and essays, including the
story “Mr. Fujino,” also became familiar toJapanese students
after they were included inthe public school curriculum after the
PacificWar in the 1950s. [4]
The Canonization of Fujino-sensei
The story of Lu Xun’s life in Japan has longfascinated Japanese
readers as a means ofunderstanding his transformation into
China’sgreatest modern writer. Lu Xun’s descriptionsof his time in
Japan appeal to Japanese readersnot only because of his famous
epiphanyfollowing the slide incident, but also because ofthe
countervailing narrative of Lu Xun’srelationship with his former
anatomy teacherand mentor at medical school, Professor
FujinoGenkuro (1874-1945).
Fujino is recalled fondly in several of Lu Xun’sworks, including
a vignette based on hisrelationship with the professor entitled
“Mr.Fujino,” written in 1926. Lu Xun was the firstChinese student
to study at the Sendai MedicalSchool, and during his first semester
of study,Professor Fujino offered to review and correcthis lecture
notes for him on a weekly basis. Thedescription of Fujino’s
appearance in Lu Xun’saccount of the same name created anendearing
portrait of a somewhat absent-minded and rumpled professor devoted
todistraction in his work.
Professor Fujino was in charge ofanatomy. His skin was dark and
hewore an arching moustache andnearsighted glasses on his
gauntface. He spoke very slowly with alilting cadence in his voice
and hisunkempt western-style clotheswere carelessly attired. He was
thek ind o f pe r son who wou ldsometimes forget to put on his
tie.
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[5]
Image 2: Photograph of Professor Fujino
Before Lu Xun withdrew from the medicalschool in Sendai and
moved to Tokyo to enrollin German language classes, Fujino gave
LuXun a photograph of himself and wrote theChinese characters
sekibetsu (regrettableparting) on the back (see image 2). The story
oftheir relationship was not widely known untilafter Lu Xun’s death
when his works began tobe introduced to Japanese readers. At
thatpoint Fujino was discovered living in relativeobscurity in his
hometown in Fukui Prefecture.After Fujino died in 1945, his
heretoforemodest life became so intertwined with thefame of his
former student that his house inAwara City became a museum, and a
memorialin Fukui City was dedicated to the memory oftheir
relationship inscribed with the wordsekibetsu.
For Japanese fans of Lu Xun, Professor Fujino’sphotograph that
hung over Lu Xun’s writingdesk encapsulates the legacy of his
experiencein Japan. The photograph suggests Lu Xun’slifelong
devotion to his former teacher and alingering awareness of an
unsettled debt. Thistheme is expressed in the following excerptfrom
“Mr. Fujino,” where Lu Xun describes hisreaction to receiving the
photograph from
Fujino.
At the end of the second semester,I visited Fujino-sensei and
notifiedhim that I wanted to quit medicalstudies and planned to
leaveSendai. A look of sadness seemedto come over his face. Two or
threedays before leaving I was invited tohis house and he gave me
aphotograph. The two Chinesecharacters, “sekibetsu,” werewritten on
the back. Although Isaid that I would give him myphotograph,
unfortunately, Icouldn’t afford it at that time. Heeagerly
requested that I send hima photo if I had one taken, and heasked me
to send him lettersperiodically to keep him abreast ofmy situation
from that point on.Yet, as time passed, it becameharder to write
and make amends;I just couldn’t take up my brush.The situation is
still the same up tothe present—I didn’t send onesingle letter or
photograph. I don’tknow why, but even today Ireminisce about him
frequently. Ofall of the teachers whom I revere,he was the one
person who gaveme the greatest encouragementand inspiration. His
picture alonehangs on the east wall facing mydesk in my home in
Beijing. In themiddle of the night when I’m boredwith my work and I
feel l ikequitting, I look up at his dark andgaunt face in the
lamplight. Evennow, when I gaze upon that facethat looks like it is
about to holdforth in that harsh tone of voice, itpricks my
conscience and gives mecourage. At that point I light up
acigarette, and once again, continue
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writing literature deeply detestedby “saints and virtuous
scholars.”[6]
For many Japanese readers, and undoubtedlyChinese readers as
well, Fujino’s photographstands as a kind of devotional icon, an
undyingsymbol of the teacher’s lasting influence uponhis student.
Lu Xun’s inability to reciprocateFujino’s kindness and maintain
contact over theyears seems to fuel a lingering sense of guiltand
inadequacy that spurs him to work harder.The inscription on the
photograph conveys aspecial intimacy that transcends the
strictlyformal relationship between teacher andstudent.
The first translations of Lu Xun’s work intoJapanese appeared in
Beijing in the 1920s, andthese works were then collected into a
bookpublished in Japan in 1924 with an introductoryessay written by
the progressive politicalthinker Yoshino Sakuzo (1878-1933). [7]
LuXun’s association with the progressive politicalmovement during
the relative freedom of thelate 1920s and early 1930s seems to
haveenhanced the reception of his works in Japan.
When Lu Xun died from tuberculosis in 1936,newspapers in Japan
published extensivecoverage and featured essays on his life andwork
by a number of Japanese writers andcritics. By this time, the
proletarian literarymovement in Japan had been thoroughlysuppressed
by the government and nearly all ofthe Japanese writers with
socialist sympathieshad publicly renounced socialism (tenko). LuXun
enjoyed tremendous popularity amongthese proletarian writers,
including the famouswriter, poet, and critic Nakano
Shigeharu(1902-1979), who wrote a biography of Lu Xunin 1939.
[8]
Another writer drawn to Lu Xun’s life and workwas Dazai Osamu
(Tsushima Shuji, 1909-1948).Like Nakano, Dazai ran afoul of the
Japaneseauthorities for his left-wing political activitiesin the
early 1930s. By the end of 1932, Dazaijoined the long list of
Japanese writers withsocialist agendas who had publicly
disavowedparticipation in the movement. [9]
Lu Xun as a Mouthpiece for WartimeJapanese Propaganda
Ironically, it was Dazai—a fellow writer whoprofessed respect
for Lu Xun’s work andprogressive modernizing agenda—who wrote
anovel about Lu Xun’s time as a medical studentin Japan, depicting
his decision to give upmedicine as rooted in personal humiliation
andinspired by the models of modern Japanesepolitical philosophy
and literature. Dazaibetrayed and distorted the spirit of Lu
Xun’spolitical viewpoints in his propaganda novelentitled
Sekibetsu, published in 1945. Thisnovel was one of a small number
of novelscommissioned by the wartime Japanesegovernment to express
the ideals of the GreaterEast Asia Joint Declaration, an outcome of
theGreater East Asia Conference of November 5-6,1943. Originally
Dazai was chosen to write onthe theme of “Independence and Amity.”
[10]
The first-person narrator of Sekibetsu is adoctor in his sixties
from a small country castletown in the North Country of
Tohoku(northeastern Japan). It has been forty yearssince the
narrator was a fellow medical studentwith the young Zhou Shuren (Lu
Xun) studyingat the Sendai Medical School. The narrator,whose name
is Tanaka, recounts how he wasinspired to write his own
reminiscence of LuXun’s time in Sendai after being interviewed bya
newspaper reporter about his acquaintancewith the late
distinguished author. Then a r r a t o r — a n a l t e r e g o f o
rDazai—disingenuously distances himself from
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the propagandistic tone of the reporter’sarticle, which was
entitled “Pioneers in Amity.”Tanaka describes his own motivation in
writingabout Lu Xun as pure and politically unbiased.
That sort of piece with a social andpolitical purpose cannot
help butbe writ ten in that way. I t ’sinevitably different from
theportrait that I have in my heart;you could say that since
I’mwriting this as a decrepit oldcountry doctor who longs for
along-lost friend, more than for asocial or political purpose, it
is myfervent prayer to carefully recordfor posterity the image of
thatperson. [11]
Tanaka first meets Zhou (Lu Xun) aboard a boatheaded for the
famous sightseeing spot ofMatsushima along the coast of
MiyagiPrefecture. Tanaka notices Zhou wearing thesame school
uniform; they exchange greetings,and end up sharing a room together
in aseaside inn. During their long discussionsthrough the night,
Zhou laments the plight ofcontemporary China. He claims that China
isdrunk with meaningless self-praise as a countrywith a long-gone
glorious past, while blind tothe present and destined for the same
fate asneighboring India. Zhou asserts that the rulersof the
current Qing Dynasty are lazy. As part ofhis effort to shake China
out of its malaise, hestates his wish to become the next
SugitaGenpaku (1733-1817). Genpaku was a scholarof Dutch language
during the Edo Period whotranslated texts on medicine into Japanese
andhelped physicians keep abreast of Westernlearning during Japan’s
long era of isolation.Genpaku represents a figure who helped to
laythe groundwork for Japan’s modernizationprocess that would come
later. [12]
Over the course of this one evening Zhououtlines his worldview
and discusses thehistory of China’s colonization during
thenineteenth century by an array of Westernpowers including
England, France, Russia, andGermany. He also mentions America's
growingimperialist ambitions in the Pacific, with therecent
annexation of Hawaii and the acquisitionof the Philippines from
Spain. He does notmention Japan’s colonization of Taiwan or
thecontemporary battle with Russia in NortheastAsia. Zhou does
describe the rising tide ofpolitical activism among Chinese
intellectuals,many of whom enjoyed political sanctuary inJapan; he
refers to intellectuals and politicalactivists such as Liang Qichao
(1873-1929),Kang Youwei (1858-1927), and Sun Yatsen(1866-1925).
Both Liang and Kang fled to Japanfrom China after the failed
Hundred DaysReform in 1898, a reform effort modeled on theMeiji
Restoration and aimed at establishing aconstitution, a parliament,
and a reformededucational system.
Zhou’s recollection of how he felt when he firstcame to Japan in
1902 underscores hisimpression of Japan’s superiority in contrast
tocontemporary China. Zhou first went to Japanto study Japanese
language at Kobun College inTokyo on a Qing government-
fundedscholarship.
I rode a train headed for Shinbashiand when I took a look out
thewindow, I sensed that Japan had aunique feeling of purity that
wasnot to be found anywhere else inthe world. The rice paddies andf
a r m i n g f i e l d s , p e r h a p sunconsciously, were
beautifullyand perfectly arranged. Then therewere the rows of
factories withtheir black smoke filling the sky. Itfelt like there
was a refreshingbreeze blowing through each and
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every one of the factory buildings.I had never seen this brand
neworder and air of vitality in China.After this, whenever I went
for awalk in downtown Tokyo early inthe morning, I saw the figure
of awoman in every house with a newtowel covering her head and a
sashholding up her sleeves, busilytaking a duster to the shoji
.Indeed, when I saw this intent andappealing figure bathed in
themorning light, I began to think ofthis as a symbol of Japan; I
felt likeI had understood a glimpse of thetrue nature of a sacred
nation. Ieasily experienced a similaradmirable feeling of purity
likethat one, based on a quick glanceat the area between Yokohama
andShinbashi. In other words, just alittle was enough. The dark
shadowof ennui wasn’t malingeringanywhere. I was happy that I
cameto Japan and my chest thumpedwith joy. I was so excited that
Icouldn’t sit down, even thoughthere were plenty of seats,
duringthe one hour ride from Yokohamato Shinbashi I stood up nearly
thewhole time. [13]
In contrast to his breathless admiration for theindustrious
Japanese people and their landbrimming with productive fields and
factories,Zhou speaks disparagingly of his fellowChinese in Japan.
His disdain for other Chinesealso manifests itself as a kind of
self-loathing.Zhou explains how ashamed he was of hisqueue. The
Manchu-led Qing governmentrequired all males to wear the queue and
shavethe front of their pates. He describes how heand his fellow
students would coil up theirbraids and put them inside their school
caps,but they couldn’t help being embarrassed when
they were forced to remove those caps.
When Zhou went to Sendai in 1904, as the onlyChinese and first
foreign student to attend themedical school, he encountered both a
warmreception from school officials and locals, andcondescension
and mistrust from some of hisfellow students. In Dazai’s novel,
Tanakasupports Zhou through his friendship, but astime passes, Zhou
faces hosti l ity andskepticism from many classmates and evenFujino
himself. The hostility comes for tworeasons: many students distrust
and disdainZhou because he is Chinese, and they alsocome to bel
ieve that he has receivedpreferential treatment from Professor
Fujino.In the highly competitive environment ofmedical school this
is no small matter.
A number of issues threaten to divide thefriendship between
Tanaka and Zhou. Onearrogant classmate from Tokyo named TsudaKenji
remarks to Tanaka that Zhou, who wassent to study in Japan on a
government-fundedscholarship, could very well be a Chinese spy.He
also asserts that, considering the fact thatnearly every one of the
Chinese students inJapan were political activists, they might
betempted to spy for Russia to gain political ormilitary influence
in an attempt to overthrowthe Qing government. Tsuda, who is one of
theclass officers, emphasizes that this is Fujino’sview and that he
expressed his concerns aboutZhou during a class meeting. Tsuda says
that“we need to be on guard; friendly on the onehand and watchful
on the other. That’s why Itake that foreign student into my
boardinghouse and help him out, while at the same time,I try to do
things in accordance with Japaneseforeign relations.” [14] Tanaka
and Tsudaargue, and finally Tsuda angrily accusesTanaka of being a
traitor and a juveniledelinquent.
The next day Tanaka asks Fujino about this and
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the professor admits that he did discuss thepresence of Zhou
during one of the classmeetings, but that he had emphasized the
needfor all of the students to help him so that hecan return to
China and improve medicalscience there. Tanaka presses him further
andFujino is vague, but he points to an article inthe newspaper
about a chrysanthemum viewingparty held at the Akasaka Detached
Palace.With a grave expression, Fujino asks, “Doesn’tit give you
confidence to see the light of thenation shining brightly from such
a distance?”He adds obliquely, “I don’t know if I shouldspeak of
the superior benevolence of thekokutai (body politic), but I feel
this even moredeeply during times of war.” [15] Tanaka seemsto
interpret Fujino’s cryptic comments as a firmaffirmation of the
Japanese emperor-centeredideology.
Fujino asks Tanaka if he and Zhou are friends.Tanaka replies
quickly, “No, we’re notparticularly good friends, but I’m thinking
I’dlike to become closer to him.” Tanaka mentionshow he and Zhou
had discussed politics andphilosophy. At that, Fujino mumbles
almost tohimself, “Revolutionary ideas . . .” Fujino thenruminates
about his own family and his oftentumultuous relationship with his
brother. Then,in a statement that echoes the rhetoric of theGreater
East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere, hestates his belief that all of the
Orient is onefamily. Here Fujino’s political stance is madeclear
and he cannot be construed as having anaive attitude toward a
potentially dangerousideologue such as Zhou.
Rewriting the Magic Lantern Incident:From Resolution to
Humiliation
In Sekibetsu, the magic lantern incident islargely discounted as
the actual motivation forLu Xun’s decision to quit his medical
studies. Inthe afterword to Sekibetsu, Dazai explains thathe relied
on Oda Takeo’s biography of Lu Xun
(Ro Jin-den) published in 1941 as well asTakeuchi Yoshimi’s
definitive biography (RoJin) which came out in 1944. Takeuchi was
thefirst to question the authenticity of Lu Xun’sclaim that he
abandoned his medical studies towrite literature after seeing the
slide of theChinese prisoner being executed. This was apopular
anecdote conveyed in Oda’s biographyas well as others, but Takeuchi
dismissed thisas lacking in historical evidence:
Lu Xun did not leave Sendai armedwith the great ambition that
hewould salvage the spiritual povertyof his fellow countrymen
throughliterature. It was more likely thathe took leave of the city
smitten bya feeling of humiliation andindignation. He must not have
hadthe luxury to think, “Althoughmedical science has failed me,
Iwill do much better in literature.”.. . In any case I am inclined
toconclude that the slide incidenthad no direct bearing upon
histransfer to literature. [16]
It seems that Dazai was persuaded byTakeuchi’s view since
Sekibetsu’s narrator,Tanaka, expresses similar skepticism about
therole of the magic lantern incident in shaping LuXun’s future
ambitions. Tanaka says of theincident:
I think that the explanation thateveryone has been talking
aboutrecently is not exactly correct; thatdue to the so-called
“magic lanternincident,” doubts (about Westernscience) suddenly
arose in Zhou’sheart. According to some, Lu Xunwrote his
recollections of Sendai in
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his later years and it did seem that,indeed, he resolved to make
thetransition from medicine toliterature due to this magic
lanternincident. Yet I think that, for hisown reasons, he was
writing thesethings as a way of dealing with hispast in a shorthand
fashion. Itseems that often people have tocommunicate the main
points oftheir history after it has beenthoroughly reconstructed in
thisway. [17]
Tanaka offers a number of alternativeexplanations for Zhou’s
sudden change ofheart, including the suggestion that Zhoubecame
dazzled by the glory of contemporaryJapanese literature. Tanaka
assigns thegreatest influence on Zhou to an anonymousletter that
was sent to him during the fallsemester of his second year in
Sendai. On thefirst page of the letter was scrawled theadmonition:
“Repent your evil ways!” The letteraccused Zhou of receiving the
answers to thetests from Fujino when he corrected his lecturenotes.
Tanaka interprets this situation asinfinitely more serious than the
slide incident;he even speculates that this could spark
aninternational scandal if thousands of Zhou’soutraged fellow
Chinese students in Japan wereto come to his aid and question the
integrity ofthe Sendai Medical School. [18] Not only doesthis have
the potential to impugn the honor ofthe Japanese medical students,
but just assignificantly, Tanaka sees this as the source ofgreat
humiliation for Zhou and the primaryimpetus behind his decision to
abandonmedical studies. In contrast to the slideincident in which
his moral conscience ispricked, the insulting and accusatory
letterostensibly sows the seeds of shame andalienation.
Dazai’s rewriting of Lu Xun’s famous narrative
of dramatic epiphany deflates the original toneof firm
resolution and moral indignation andemphasizes instead resignation
in the face ofadversity. As a wartime propaganda novel, thisseems
to achieve the desired effect insuggesting that Lu Xun—an icon of
Chinesemodernity and progressive pol i t icalconsciousness—is
incapable of rational,principled, independent agency, but
rather,must be more concerned with “saving face”when threatened
with humiliation. Near theend of the novel, Zhou discusses the
magiclantern incident and credits it with kindling anew personal
commitment to changing China’snational character, yet his
prescriptions forChina’s ailments could never be accepted
bycontemporary Chinese nationalists. In recallingthe famous slide
incident, he contrasts theChinese bystanders with the Japanese
soldiersand expresses his pessimism for China’spolitical
future.
When I saw this I couldn’t juststand there and watch. The
peopleof my country are s t i l l in adegenerate state. Our ally
Japanhas united its nation and is fightingbravely and I don’t
understandwhat’s behind the fellow whobecame a military spy for
theenemy—he was probably paid a lotof money—yet to me, more
thanthat traitor, I really couldn’t standthe idiotic faces of those
peoplegathered around watching in adaze. Those are the faces of
theChinese people today. It’s aprob lem o f the sp i r i t .
Theimportant thing for China today isnot physical strength; didn’t
all ofthose onlookers have perfectlygood bodies? My conviction
hasdeepened that for those people,the most important thing is
notmedicine at all: it’s a spiritual
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revolution. It’s the improvement ofthe national character. If
thingscontinue as they are now, Chinawill not be able to establish
thehonor o f becoming a rea l ,permanently independent country.Even
if they expel the Qing, restoret h e H a n , a n d e s t a b l i s
h aconstitution, since the source ofthe product is still the same,
isn’t ithopeless? [19]
Rejecting the West and China, EmbracingJapanese-Style
Modernity
Zhou’s speech suggests that China’s problemsare endemic and
intractable. Although Zhoudiagnoses China’s problem as spiritual,
heconcludes that the remedy lies neither inWestern religion nor the
Chinese Confuciantradition. After visiting a Methodist church witha
fellow classmate named Yashima, Zhou findsthat he cannot stomach
listening to a sermonabout Moses leading his people out of
Egypt,and he concludes that even though Moses wasable to lead his
people to the promised land,they were forced to endure forty long
years ofsuffering and cursed him when it was all over.Zhou is
skeptical that the common people canbe saved in this way; that this
can alleviatetheir deep suffering and slave-like mentality.He also
voices his view that Confucianism isuseless as a socio-political
philosophy, since itall comes down to the rites which “theConfucian
scholars teach as the final mode ofbehavior, but instead, princes
insult theretainers and fathers bind sons in hypocriticalcustoms
and force them into degeneracy.” [20]
After rejecting Western Christianity andChinese orthodox
Confucianism, Zhou decidesthat he can find inspiration for helping
China
modernize from the Japanese NationalLearning (kokugaku) scholars
who paved theway for the Meiji Restoration: scholars such asKeichu
(1640-1701), Kamo no Mabuchi(1697-1769), Motoori Norinaga
(1730-1801),and Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843). He tells thenarrator
that it was not scientific knowledgethat enabled the reforms of the
Meiji era, butrather, the spiritual enlightenment of thosewriters
as well as Confucian historians like RaiSan’yo (1780-1832). He
asserts that theyprovided the fuel for the miracle of the
MeijiRestoration. Zhou praises the spiritual values ofthe Edo
intellectuals while condemning theWestern emphasis on science as
lacking anethical consciousness: “It was extremelydangerous to
utilize the hedonism of science tosave one’s own citizens. With
aggressive intent,this was the approach taken by Westerners
tosubjugate the people of other countries. Themost important thing
in cultivating civilizationin one’s own country is to first
enlighten thespirits of the people.” [21]
In this way, Dazai presents Lu Xun as an anti-Western polemicist
after the model of Japanesenationalists from the 1930s to the end
of thePacific War. This ideological position generallypromoted the
Japanese spirit (yamato-damashii) as superior to the cold
rationalism ofWestern science and enlightenment. Theabstract goal
of disentangling the nature ofJapan’s modern national identity from
Westerninfluences culminated in the famous symposiumon “Overcoming
Modernity” in July 1942. Thiswartime gathering of Japanese
intellectualsproduced an array of opinions concerning theproblem of
Japanese modernity. Generalconsensus viewed the West as synonymous
withmodernization, and its powerful influence wasgenerally viewed
as merely an importation ofform with little spiritual or cultural
relevance toJapan. In this sense, Western modernity wasviewed as a
hindrance to the development ofJapanese spiritual purity. The
followingstatement from the symposium by the literary
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critic Nakamura Mitsuo reflects this view:
How badly have the heartlessdemands of the times twisted
thespirits of those who had no choicebut to accommodate themselves
toit! Surely this is the most seriousquestion our country’s
modernityputs to us. [22]
The emphasis on spiritual cultivation as ameans of inoculating
the Japanese peopleagainst the dangers of Western
rationalmaterialism was also extended as a higherideological goal
for all of Asia in the vauntedGreater East Asia Co-Prosperity
Sphere.
The root of the morality of theGreater East Asia
Co-ProsperitySphere lies in passing on to eachpeople the moralische
Energie ofJapan, raising their spiritual levelto a he ight where
they cancooperate with Japan, and in thisway setting up a moral
relationshipamong different ethnic peoplesthat can support the
Greater EastAsia Co-Prosperity Sphere. [23]
Contrary to Dazai’s portrayal, Lu Xun was not ajingoistic
nationalist who embraced thebinarism of East versus West,
spiritualismversus materialism. After leaving medicalschool in
Sendai in March of 1906, he returnedto Tokyo to enroll in the
German Institute,ostensibly to study German language. In July ofthe
same year he returned briefly to Shaoxingto marry a woman named Zhu
An who waschosen for him by his mother. He soon returnedto Tokyo,
leaving his bride behind, and duringthe next three years he and his
brother Zuoren
translated, mainly through the medium ofJapanese, a wide range
of stories into Chinesefrom Russia, England, America,
France,Finland, Poland, Serbia, Bosnia, Hungary andother European
and Eastern Europeancountries. [24] Lu Xun had intended to go
toGermany to study, but he had to abandon thisplan and return to
China in August of 1909 inorder to support his mother and brother
backin Shaoxing. [25]
Dazai’s propagandistic agenda in Sekibetsuprovides a window on
the idealized view of theSino-Japanese relationship from the
wartimeJapanese perspective of the 1940s. In thisimagined world
order, Japan serves as abulwark against Western imperialism in
Asiaand presents itself to China as a role model formodernization,
integrating Western knowledgewithout jettisoning some vaguely
conceivednotion of pan-Asian cultural values guided byJapanese
spiritual principles.
In Sekibetsu, Lu Xun’s break with his formerteacher is presented
as a source of futureregret and the dynamics of that
relationshipsuggests symbolic parallels with the
historicalrelationship between China and Japan in themodern period
as construed from the Japaneseside: China as the student to Japan
the teacher.Lu Xun acknowledges that he “betrayed thekindness of
that teacher (Fujino),” [26]suggesting that he felt later in life
that it wasimpossible to make amends or reciprocate forthe debt
incurred. As the embodiment of aprogressive political consciousness
in China, LuXun is a figure who represents—from theJapanese
historical perspective—a vital bridgefor modern ideas between the
two countries.
Dazai’s portrayal of Lu Xun’s regretful attitudetowards his
relationship with Fujino and Japansuggests an allegorical mea culpa
regardingChina’s awkward steps toward modernity seenin retrospect,
that is, implying that had China
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followed the Japanese nationalist model, shemay have avoided the
rocky path towardpolitical independence in the twentieth
century,from the founding of the Republic in 1912 tothe political
chaos that may have enticedJapan’s militarists to exploit the
situation totheir advantage.
Lu Xun’s Eternal Debt to the JapanesePeople: The Twilight Years
in Shanghai
Nearly fifty years after Sekibetsu was written,the contemporary
Japanese author Inoue Hiashi(b. 1934) presented his own
fictionalizedversion of Lu Xun in the play Shanghai Moon,performed
in January of 1991. [27] Inoue, aprolific playwright, director,
novelist, andpublic intellectual, is perhaps best known inJapan for
his bestselling satirical novel TheKirikirians (1981) that skewered
the Japanesestate, and for his popular children’s puppetshow on NHK
daily television, Popping-up-Gourd Island (Hyokkori hyotan-jima
[1964-69]).Among a wide range of topics—he haspublished roughly 185
books as of 2006—Inouehas a penchant for writing plays and
novelsabout modern Japanese canonical authors,some of whom shared
his own progressivepolitical leanings. These include NatsumeSoseki
(1867-1916) ; Higuchi Ichiyo(1872-1896); Ishikawa Takuboku
(1886-1912);Miyazawa Kenji (1896-1933); Dazai Osamu;Yoshino Sakuzo,
and Hayashi Fumiko(1903-1951). [28]
From the early 1990s to the present, most ofInoue’s plays have
portrayed individualsstruggling to maintain their humanity in
theface of the overwhelming material andideological forces during
the time from theearly 1930s to the end of the Pacific War.Inoue’s
interest in this tumultuous periodseems rooted in his own early
childhoodgrowing up in a small farming community insouthern
Yamagata.
Inoue’s father, Shukichi, who died when youngHisashi was only
five years old, was an aspiringwriter and local political activist.
WhenShukichi returned to his hometown inYamagata after studying in
Tokyo in the early1930s, he began to run a general store
whilesupervising tenant farmers as the eldest son ofa local
landowner. After marrying and settlingwith his wife Masu from
Tokyo, Shukichi beganproducing socialist propaganda billets on
threemimeograph machines hidden in various placeson the
property.
In a newspaper article from the YamagataShinbun dated May 21,
1931, Shukichi’s nameis mentioned as one of the leaders of a group
of83 individuals who were arrested forcommunist insurgency.
Shukichi was a founderof a theatre troupe called the Reimei-za
(namedafter the Reimei-kai [The Illumination Society],a
pro-democracy group founded by YoshinoSakuzo and Fukuda Tokuzo
[1874-1930] in1918). [29]
Shukichi’s activities earned him cold stares andrebukes from the
defenders of the status quo inthe town. After his death, Inoue’s
mother wouldcome to be ostracized from the Inoue familyand the
community for her own outspokenpolitical views and unconventional
demeanor.Just before the beginning of the Pacific War inNovember of
1941, the literary critic andSinologist Ozaki Hotsumi (1901-1944)
wasinvited by the town mayor to give a lecture.Ozaki was an
outspoken critic of the war inChina, and when he addressed the
audience,Masu Inoue was one of the few who nodded inagreement while
most muttered theirdisapproval. Six months after the speech,
Ozakiwas arrested with the German Richard Sorge(1895-1944) on the
suspicion of sendingclassified Japanese information to the
Soviets.In spite of the fact that Ozaki was arrested as atraitor
and a spy, Masu sent a series of lettersto him in prison.
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On the night after the Pearl Harbor attack,Inoue’s small town of
Komatsu held a pro-warrally during which Masu publicly expressed
herskepticism about the feasibility of winning awar against the
U.S. Many in the communitysubsequently labeled her an
“anti-national(hikokumin).” Once the Sorge Incident becamepublic,
her persona non grata status waselevated to “woman spy.” [30]
Although Inoue Hisashi’s plays and novels tendnot to have overt
political messages, many ofhis semi-fictionalized portraits of
recenthistorical figures suggest a mischievousiconoclasm designed
to subvert the foundationsof Japanese conservative political
ideology. Inthe case of his play Shanghai Moon, however,Inoue seems
less interested in elucidating LuXun’s own political philosophy and
more intenton producing a portrait of Lu Xun’s Japanesefriends and
supporters that reflects a forgottenfacet of Japan’s involvement in
China duringthe war. Inoue said in a newspaper interviewthat when
he wrote Shanghai Moon, “Japanwas performing very poorly in the
internationalcommunity and getting lambasted for beingable to think
only about money. Still, I thoughtthat the people of a given
country were not allthe same and I felt that it was wrong to
makegeneralizations about all Japanese people.” Forthis reason, he
wanted to present a positiveexample of Japanese people from
historyshowing compassion toward Lu Xun right up tothe very end of
his life. [31]
Inoue’s portrait of Lu Xun focuses on the year1934 in Shanghai
when Lu Xun and hiscommon-law wife, Xu Guangping (see image 3),took
refuge at the famous Uchiyama Bookstoreto avoid persecution as by
the Nationalists(Guomindang) led by Chiang Kai-shek.
Image 3: 1926 photographof Xu Guangping (1898-1968)
Following Chiang Kai-shek’s April 1927 coup inShanghai and the
massacre of Communistsympathizers that followed, Lu Xun lived
inconstant fear of political assassination orcapture by the
Nationalists until his death.Although Inoue’s play ostensibly takes
placefrom August 23 to September 16, 1934, heintegrates and
conflates events that occurred inthe years 1930, 1931, 1932 and
1934. [32]
Following the 1927 coup, Lu Xun’s immediateresponse was to drop
out of sight, and hedecided not to “speak, teach, or
voiceopinions.” [33] By 1929, Lu Xun began toreturn to writing and
reemerge as a politicalvoice for the socialist movement in China.
Hejoined the League of Left-Wing Writers and
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became the titular head after its inaugurationo n M a r c h 2 ,
1 9 3 0 . T h e l e a g u e w a ssubsequently suppressed by the
Chinesegovernment, and the Zhejiang ProvincialGovernment ordered Lu
Xun’s arrest. Duringthe spring of 1930, Lu Xun was compelled
tocover his tracks, moving to various addresses,until finally
seeking refuge with his wife on thethird story of a building just
opposite theUchiyama Bookstore in May of the same year.[34] The
setting of Inoue’s play is a storeroomon the second story of the
Uchiyama Bookstore,run by Uchiyama Kanzo and his wife Miki.
Thebookstore was located in Shanghai on the northside of the
International Settlement in Hongkou(known informally as the
Japanese Concession)at the end of North Sichuan Road, a
bustlingcommercial street.
Like the setting, the cast of characters islimited in Shanghai
Moon: It consists of Lu Xun(age 53), Xu Guanping (36), Uchiyama
Kanzo(age 49), Uchiyama Miki (age 41), Sudo Iozo(age 50) and Okuda
Aizo (age 39). In Act One,Scene One, entitled “Irregular
Heartbeat,” theactor playing Lu Xun reads from seven letterswritten
by Lu Xun that help to introduce thehistorical setting and
characters. The thirdletter describes his old friend,
UchiyamaKanzo, and his bookstore:
Many customers who come tog a t h e r h e r e w o r s h i p t h
epersonality of that person. Ofcourse, I too am one of those
fans.If you were to describe Kanzo’scharacter in a single word, it
wouldprobably be “simple.” Those whodon’t know him might merely
seehim as a fool. You see, his businesspolicy is basically,
“Whetherthey’re Japanese or Chinese,people who read books can’t
bebad.” For this reason, customerswere allowed to not only read
books while standing up, they wereeven offered chairs and
treated totea. There was never any policyabout preventing
shoplifting andcustomers who came in withoutmoney were given books
on credit.Even when the charge accountreached upwards of hundreds
ofyen, there was never a dour look.Considering this objectively,
onecouldn’t help but call him a fool.Yet, when customers are
trusted tothat extent, they also respond tothat trust with deep
devotion. Theystart by taking special care inturning the pages of
the books,then they begin forgetting abouttrying to shoplift, and
despite othertemptations, when some moneycomes in, they try to pay
off theirdebts on the charge account. Thisis how the Uchiyama
Bookstorebecame one o f the b iggestbookstores in Shanghai.
[35]
Kanzo moved to Shanghai with his wife shortlyafter they were
married in March of 1916. Hefirst established the bookstore in 1917
onNorth Sichuan Road at a different address fromthe one where the
store would later prosperfrom 1929 to 1945. Kanzo and Lu Xun first
metin the original bookstore in October of 1927,and their
friendship continued until Lu Xun’sdeath nearly ten years later.
[36] (See image4.)
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Image 4: Lu Xun and Uchiyama Kanzo
The presence of the other Japanese maincharacters, Sudo Iozo and
Okuda Aizo,underscores the fundamental plot of ShanghaiMoon: curing
Lu Xun of his physical andspiritual afflictions. Sudo is a retired
Japanesearmy doctor who opened his own clinic inShanghai in 1932.
In 1934 he was Lu Xun’smain physician, treating his
numerousailments, including incipient tuberculosis. [37](See image
5.) Okuda is a dentist and he isthere to assist in treating Lu
Xun’s variousdental problems. However, according to onesource, Lu
Xun’s dental difficulties at this timewere that he didn’t have any:
his ill-fitting falseteeth were allegedly causing him to
loseweight. [38]
Image 5: Sudo Iozo (1876-1956)
Japanese Intervention to Heal the ChineseLiterary Icon’s Body
and Soul
Inoue takes many liberties with the facts of LuXun’s life in an
effort to expose Lu Xun’s manypsychological and physical
afflictions. Incontrast to Dazai’s novel, Inoue's play
cleverlyexploits the irony that while Lu Xun wasattempting to cure
the ills of the Chinese spiritand raise political consciousness
throughliterature, his physical health was deterioratingto the
extent that it was negatively affecting hiswriting and threatened
to put him out ofcommission permanently. Inoue exaggerates LuXun’s
vehement rejection of medicine andscience when he portrays him as
havinguncontrollable phobias toward all doctors anddentists. This
is played to comic effect, butInoue also uses this as an
opportunity for Lu
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Xun to divulge his deepest emotions from thepast , when Sudo and
Okuda secret lyanaesthetize him with nitrous oxide in an effortto
treat his illnesses.
Just as in Dazai’s novel, Lu Xun’s “regrettableparting” from
Fujino-sensei is presented as amajor source of psychological angst.
In Dazai’snovel, Lu Xun praises the superiority ofJapanese-style
modernization and politicalthought. In Shanghai Moon, Lu Xun begins
tolose his literary voice and must be resuscitatedthrough the
intervention of modern Japanesescience and technology, as well as
somethingakin to group therapy.
When Doctor Sudo first appears in Scene One,Uchiyama’s wife Miki
mentions the fact that LuXun detests doctors. Sudo finds it hard
tobelieve that Lu Xun hates doctors, consideringhis previous
aspiration to become one himselfwhen he was a medical student in
Sendai.Kanzo then remarks to Sudo that Lu Xun hadstopped
frequenting his favorite crabrestaurant in the French Concession
since thefall of the previous year, when a medical clinichad opened
up next door. Kanzo reports that LuXun’s latrophobia (fear of
doctors) is so severthat he has never once stood in front of
themedical section in the bookstore. Kanzo addsthat doctors are on
the top of Lu Xun’s list ofmost detestable things, followed by
dentistsand then Chiang Kai-shek’s Guomindang indescending order.
[39] Miki and Kanzo concocta plan to make Lu Xun believe that Sudo
issimply a fan of his literature, and they hope tohave him visit
frequently in the future andbecome a regular member of their
literarysalon as a pretext to check Lu Xun’s health.
After Sudo is introduced to Lu Xun for the firsttime, Sudo
immediately begins his covertexamination of Lu Xun’s vital signs.
Forexample, when they first shake hands, Sudoholds Lu Xun’s hands
for an unusually long
period of time. When the author asks why he isstill holding his
hand, Sudo replies that he isjust overwhelmed at finally meeting
him.Meanwhile, Sudo has secretly taken his pulseand determined that
Lu Xun has an irregularheartbeat. Although Lu Xun remains unawareof
Sudo’s ministrations, he begins to reminisceabout his medical
studies with Fujino-senseiand his earlier attraction to Western
thought.
Lu Xun: It’s certainly true that theoccidental way of thinking
aboutthings is wonderful. At one time Itoo was drawn to it.
Sudo: Do you mean to say that youthink differently now?
Lu Xun: (nodding his head) I’vecome to real ize that not al
lWestern thought is so marvelous.For example, brutality—do youknow
what I mean?
Sudo: Do you mean cruelty?
Lu Xun: Yes, it could be thatWesterners are no longer able
tocontrol this cruelty. Thanks to thegreat powers of Europe,
Chinafinds itself in this terrible semi-colonial state and this
crueltyclearly rears its head as thesepowers try to make
foreigncountries into their own colonies.Of course, Orientals are
cruel aswell, but the nature of Westerncruelty is different. It’s
founded onideas from evolutionary theorysuch as the survival of the
fittest.This heartless and unforgivingcruelty is based on the idea
that itis just and good if the strongerones triumph and survive
while theweaker ones are defeated and fadeaway.
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Sudo: I see, I think I understandsome of your ideas . . .
Lu Xun: (then with firmness) AndJapan learned this cruelty from
theWest. [40]
Lu Xun is fully aware of the threat to Chinesesovereignty that
the Japanese presencerepresents. He declares that he has been
longarguing for the expulsion of the Japanese andthat Shang
Kai-shek and the Nationalists areannoyed with the Communists’
anti-Japaneseposition. Lu Xun asserts that the Nationalistsare
trying to appease the Japanese temporarilyso that they can first
eradicate the Communistsbefore turning their attention to the
foreigninvaders. He then produces a photograph ofFujino-sensei from
a handkerchief and musesthat there is a part of him that trusts
theJapanese. Looking at Kanzo and then Sudo, hesays, “If there were
one, two, or three Japanesepeople like this Fujino-sensei, then I
could trustthe Japanese.”[41]
In Scene Two, “Toothache,” it seems that LuXun’s trust has been
misplaced because all ofthe Japanese characters, Uchiyama Kanzo
andhis wife, Sudo, and Okuda, the dentist, havebeen plotting to
catch him off-guard andanaesthetize him so that the doctor and
dentistcan examine and treat him. In this scene,Okuda pretends to
be an artist painting LuXun’s portrait. From casual
conversation,Okuda learns that Lu Xun has a perennialsweet tooth
and warns him that he willcertainly get cavities if he continues
eating somuch sugar. Soon Sudo and Kanzo appear.Kanzo tells Lu Xun
that his young son, Haiying,was sick to his stomach and that he had
calleda doctor for him. Lu Xun comments that hehimself has no need
for a doctor; that heunderstands his body perfectly well.
Sudoobserves Lu Xun carefully and asks him why heseems to be so
afraid to get close to doctors: he
wonders whether there isn’t some hiddenreason for this deep
anxiety associated withdoctors. Lu Xun counters that he has
exploredevery nook and cranny of his heart through hisliterature,
and he doesn’t believe that there areany secrets lingering
there.
Mr. Sudo, if I can, I’d like to showyou what’s inside my heart.
It’s adesolate scene: a desert in themoonlight with nothing but
sand asfar as the eye can see. I’ve writtenand written myself out
to theextent that there’s only four or fiveuseless blades of
withered wildgrass growing there that mightmake material for some
oddsketches. Do you think that theremight be any secrets rolling
aboutin there somewhere? [42]
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Image 6: Lu Xun, XuGuangping and Haiying
Lu Xun’s Innermost Soul is Bared throughthe Magic of Science
Stage direction: Okuda puts thegas mask over Lu Xun’s nose
andsignals to Kanzo. Responding tothese signals as from a
symphonyconductor, Kanzo manipulates theknobs. Miki takes out a
washbasin,pours hot water and takes outdisinfectant. Guangping puts
akind of bib on Lu Xun and holdshim firmly.
Once Lu Xun is incapacitated by the nitrousoxide, Okuda and Sudo
examine him and arguewith each other over about how to
begintreatment. After being completely immobilizedfor a short
while, Lu Xun suddenly becomessemi-conscious: he then attempts to
get up andbegins addressing Dr. Sudo as Fujino-sensei.
Lu Xun (speaking now in a groggyand distressed tone of
voice):When I went to say words offarewell at your home, the
homethat you could see at the top of thehill among that sea of
rooftops inSendai, I told you a lie. Pleaseforgive me (as if he is
taking on allthe sins of the world). At that time,I said, “I’m
going to stop mymedical studies at this pointbecause I want to
study biology.”That was a lie. In my heart, myambition was to write
literature. Inyour desire to bring new medicalstudies to China, you
alwaysencouraged me in a kindheartedway. I repaid your
heartfeltcompassion with lies. I feel terribleabout that. [43]
Still in a drug-induced haze, Lu Xun then turnsto Guangping and
apologizes to her with a lookof deep sorrow. Guangping is confused
and LuXun says, “I completely thrust my mother onyou. Zhu An, I
made you into a worthlesshousekeeper for your whole life. . . I
made youinto a widow while you were still alive!” HereLu Xun
mistakes Guangping for his legal wifethat he married in 1906. Three
years his senior,Zhu An was a distant cousin of Lu Xun’s and
hismother, Lu Rui, initiated the negotiations fortheir betrothal.
It seems that they wereformally betrothed in the spring of 1902
beforeLu Xun first left for Japan. Lu Xun had resistedthe union and
he reportedly would not consent
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unless Zhu An unbound her feet and went toschool. (See image
7.)
Image 7: Zhu An (1878-1947)
When Lu Xun moved to Tokyo from Sendaisome four years later, he
received a telegramfrom his hometown of Shaoxing with themessage,
“Mother ill, return with all speed.” LuXun promptly returned to
find that his motherwas fine; it was a ruse to lure him into his
ownwedding that had been prepared for theauspicious date of the
sixth day of the sixthlunar month. Lu Xun dutifully complied
withthe ceremony, in spite of the fact that Zhu Anhad not met his
preconditions. He slept withZhu An only once on their wedding night
andthen reportedly moved into his mother’s roombefore hastily
returning to Tokyo. Throughouthis marriage to Zhu An, Lu Xun
generally
ignored and neglected her, although he didsupport her
financially since she played animportant domestic role and aided
his agedmother over the years. Lu Xun’s attitude can besummed up in
his dismissive comment aboutZhu An made later in life: “She isn’t
my wife,she is my mother’s.” [44]
Image 8: Lu Rui,Lu Xun's mother
Inoue’s Lu Xun voices his regrets about histreatment of others
in the past, but his deepestsource of lingering guilt stems from
hisperceived betrayal of Fujino-sensei. Theanesthesia triggers a
psychological regressionin which Lu Xun’s consciousness of the
presentis subsumed by emotion-laden memories of thepast. In this
delusional state, the only personLu Xun recognizes is Kanzo; he
doesn’t evenremember his own nom de plume. Kanzocannot reason with
him enough to guide hisway back to the present reality. In the
finaltableau of Scene Two, Kanzo says, “I’m Kanzoand you (sensei)
are Lu Xun.” Lu Xun responds,
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“Who is he?” Then he points to a model of ahuman skeleton on the
stage as the lights growdim.
In Scene Three, entitled “Chronic SuicidalLonging,” Lu Xun
disappears from the stage.Guangping emerges and reports on
hiscondition to the other characters. Shecomplains that he still
thinks that she is ZhuAn. Sudo and Okuda speculate about the
rootcause of his symptoms and conclude that hehas suicidal
tendencies. Beyond theirassessment that Lu Xun’s “body is a nest
forpernicious maladies, a veritable departmentstore of diseases,”
Sudo speculates that LuXun’s sense of guilt for betraying the trust
ofFujino-sensei and living longer than others whohave since died
had manifested itself as adesire to “apologize through the act of
dying.”Sudo asserts further that Lu Xun’s hatred ofdoctors is
tantamount to a kind of “passivesuicide.” He argues that “Lu Xun
has beenliving with this in his head the whole time: ‘I’llnever
receive any treatment for sicknesswhatsoever. If I can die without
taking any, Ican meet death honestly; in that way I can atleast
apologize for my. . .’” [45] After furtherdiscussion, both men
decide that it is necessaryto act out the roles of these key
figures from LuXun’s life to facilitate a catharsis of
hisdebilitating burden of guilt.
Sudo (as Fujino-sensei): Betweenyou and me, I’m going to call
youby your real name. Zhou Shuren, Iunderstand that over your
writingdesk you always hung on the wallthat picture of Fujino
Genkuro thatI gave you as farewell gift. Thankyou. I thank you from
the bottom ofmy heart.
Lu Xun (in the midst of fear, aslight look of fond
nostalgiaemerges): Sensei . . .
Sudo: Zhou-kun, more than findingillnesses of the body and
curingthem, you thought that first youwould uncover the maladies of
theheart. Hmm, it’s probably goodthat you thought of this. I think
I’llgive you a passing grade.
Lu Xun: A passing grade!
Sudo: If you came up with this ideaduring one of my lectures it
makesme feel proud. You see, that meansthat I send a famous doctor
of theheart out into the world.
Lu Xun: Does that mean that you’llforgive me?
Sudo: Do you think that betweenyou and me there’s a need
forsomething like forgiveness? Zhou-kun, listen closely to a
doctor’sorder and become healthy. I praythat your literary fortunes
willbecome ever greater. Why don’tyou even come over to Japan for
avisit?
Through this process of role playing andtransference, Sudo and
the others attempt tohelp Lu Xun unburden his conscience andreturn
to the present. His recovery is notimmediate, but in Scene Five
(“Aphasia”) LuXun greets Kanzo, Sudo, and Okuda, andrecounts how he
suddenly recovered his senseswhile the three of them were traveling
in Japan.Lu Xun explains that after his recovery,Guangping told him
what had transpired duringthis regression and how Sudo and the
othershad made heroic efforts to cure him. Not onlydoes Lu Xun
recognize his wife and friends, henow has a fresh outlook on the
world:
Lu Xun: The next morning, an
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unusual thing happened; my eyesopened at the same time as
thesunrise. I casually opened thewindow (the one facing the
streetside) and was astonished. The raysof the sun beat down and
seepedinto my body. For the first timesince I was born I thought
that Iwanted to embrace the sun. Iwonder why this happened
sosuddenly; ever since I was little, Ialways liked the moon much
morethan the sun.
Sudo (to Okuda and Kanzo): Senseiwants to live! Those monsters
andthe chronic suicidal impulses havevanished from Sensei’s heart!
. . .The debt on Sensei’s heart hasbeen paid off! [46]
Now that Lu Xun has changed his perspectiveon the past, he is
eager to follow the advice ofhis Japanese friends regarding his
health andpsychological well-being. Symbolically, LuXun’s
relationship with Japan has also beenrestored to a harmonious
state, and he nolonger seems to harbor misgivings about thepast.
The revived reciprocal nature of thisrelationship is underscored
when Sudo reportsthat he too witnessed a slide show of a
Chineseprisoner being executed just after the Russo-Japanese War
when he was in high school. InSudo’s case, he viewed a similar
slide in hisGerman language class. It was not the sight ofthe
apathetic Chinese bystanders that affectedhim; rather, it was the
sight of the Japanesesoldiers joking and drinking as the man
wasbeing put to death. In the background of thephotograph, Sudo
noticed the face of an oldercousin, a cousin who would later die in
battle.According to Sudo, it was this shockingincident that led him
to abandon his plan tostudy German literature in college, and
heresolved to study medicine instead: the obverseof Lu Xun’s career
path.
At this point in Inoue’s play, Lu Xun undergoesanother
life-changing epiphany and is poised toflee the chaos and danger of
Shanghai and takerefuge in Kamakura, Japan, with his
Japanesecompanions. He even expresses his ardent wishto finally
write a novel entitled Shanghai Moon.This ambition is short-lived,
however; Lu Xun issoon afflicted with an odd case of
aphasia.Whenever he speaks, syllables of nouns andverbs become
garbled in strange and oftencomic ways. For example, when he tries
to callKanzo by name, he repeatedly mispronouncesthe first syllable
and calls him “Kidney (jinzo),”“Heart (shinzo),” “Lungs (haizo),”
and “Innards(naizo).” [47] Near the end of the play Lu Xunovercomes
this condition, and he concludesthat both of his afflictions
constituted a kind ofself-punishment for his own lack of courage
andrevolutionary zeal.
Lu Xun: As for scrub brush(tawashi=watashi=me), that is,s t r a
w s a n d a l s(waraji=watashi=me), I haveb o i l e
d(nitsuketa=mitsuketa=found) theroot cause of my own illness
(nolonger upset by his chronicparaphasia). I think that strawsandal
(I) have always tried to slipout (nugeta=nigeta=run away) atthe
most critical point. Before therevolution straw sandal (I)
slippedout (ran away) from the scene oft h e p o r k c u t l e
t(katsudon=katsudo=action). Andstraw sandal (I) also slipped
out(ran away) when those people whohad the same
carelessness(soso=riso=ideals) as they shoutedout and were just
about to rush in.The young people go to theirdeaths (under the
slogan of)“creating a better world!” But all Idid was continue to
run away.
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Indeed, it was for that reason that Iwas afflicted with the
condition ofmistaken identity and those otherillnesses. So in spite
of all of thesefailures, I am still trying to get outof Shanghai.
That’s why I’ve gottenthis case of aphasia. I think thatboth the
mistaken ident i tysyndrome and the aphasia were akind of
punishment that I gavemyself . . . [48]
Although Lu Xun’s recovery was temporary, theplay ends on an
optimistic note and it seemsthat even if Lu Xun does not write his
covetednovel, his remaining days will be productiveones. Although
Lu Xun was never a member ofthe Chinese Communist Party, it is
striking tosee this literary giant within the Chinesesocialist
movement being nursed back topsychological and physical health by
Japanesecitizens during a period when the Japanesegovernment’s
official stance was so virulentlyanti-communist, not to mention
arrogantlybelligerent toward China in general.
Inoue’s play concludes in a way that seemsdesigned to invite a
reevaluation of Japaneseinfluence on Chinese intellectual life
andliterature. A more richly nuanced portrait ofSino-Japanese
historical relations seems longoverdue; at the same time, Shanghai
Moonrepresents yet another attempt to reclaim LuXun’s legacy as
something that was nurturednot only by his experience in Japan, but
alsothrough his lifelong contact with Japanesefriends and
associates.
The longing of Lu Xun fans in Japan to feeltheir affection
reciprocated seems satisfiednear the conclusion of the play when Lu
Xunmakes his final speech expressing his gratitudetoward his
Japanese friends in Shanghai. LuXun agrees that he will receive
X-rays and any
other medical or dental treatment that mightbe necessary. Sudo
is pleased to see thischange of attitude and he conveys
hisappreciation: “Thank you, Lu Xun-san.” Okuda,Kanzo and Miki also
express their admirationas they bow in unison toward Lu Xun.
Lu Xun : It is I who must bow myhead in respect. Each and
everyone of you cured me through yourways of living, through the
way thestory of our lives have been woventogether. All of you are
exceptionaldoctors. (Looking at Guangping)You too, Guangping.
[49]
Shanghai Moon is an attempt to consolidate LuXun’s status as a
Japanese canonical authorand it presents a reenactment of Lu
Xun’sidentity crisis that was allegedly sparked by themagic lantern
incident. In Shanghai Moon, LuXun once again struggles to decide
where hebelongs: with his fellow Chinese who resistJapanese
imperialism, or with his dearJapanese friends who counter
totalitarianideology with individual compassion. All four ofhis
friends demonstrate selfless devotion andChristian-like charity
that elevates them abovethe historical taint of their
nationality.
Like Dazai’s Sekibetsu, Inoue’s portrait of LuXun serves a
useful didactic role when itaccurately reflects the historical
record, yet itseems primarily designed to present asympathetic
portrait of these open-minded andadmirable Japanese citizens rather
thanilluminate Lu Xun’s essential character.Likewise, the depiction
of Lu Xun’s tortuousdelusions, regressions, and aphasia suggests
anexternal projection of traumatic symptoms fromthe repressed guilt
of Japanese historicalmemory.
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When the audience in Shanghai Moon identifieswith the four
Japanese friends whom Lu Xunrefers to as “exceptional doctors,” by
extension,they are also intended to feel a sense ofsolidarity with
Fujino-sensei and vicarioussatisfaction with the notion that
thisrelationship has been symbolically restored toits previous
state: the bond between theselfless, compassionate teacher and his
gratefuland obedient student.
Christopher Robins is currently teaching atVassar College. He
has translated a collectionof short stories by Inoue Hisashi
entitled A NewReading of the Tales of Tono under review
forpublication. Email at [email protected].
This article was written for Japan Focus. Postedon February 4,
2007.
Notes
[1] Lu Xun: Diary of a Madman and OtherStories, translated by
William A. Lyell(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,
1990),xi.
[2] David Holm, “Lu Xun in the Period1936-1949: The Making of a
Chinese Gorki,” inLu Xun and His Legacy, ed., Leo Ou-fan
Lee(Berkeley, California: University of CaliforniaPress, 1985),
165.
[3] Op. cit., 166.
[4] Translations of “Mr. Fujino,” “A SmallIncident,” “Storm in a
Teacup,” and “My OldHome” were included in the Japanese juniorhigh
school kokugo (national language)curriculum after the 1950s. More
than 20million Japanese read “My Old Home” as partof their high
school education. See MaruyamaNoboru, “Lu Xun in Japan,” in Lu Xun
and HisLegacy, 240.
[5] Oda Takeo, Ro Jin den (Biography of LuXun) (Tokyo: Daiwa
shobo, 1966), 40.
[6] Numano Seisuke, Ro Jin to Nihon (Lu Xunand Japan)
(Bungeisha: 2004), 31-32.
[7] In Shimizu Yasuzo, Shina shinjin to reimeiundo (Ch inese new
peop le and theenlightenment movement) (Osaka: Osakagoshoten,
1924), cited in “Lu Xun in Japan,” 218.
[8] Nakano’s biography of Lu Xun (Ro Jin den)was less a
comprehensive biography than anargument for the necessity of one.
Nakano wasimprisoned for two years between 1932-34 forleftist
activities and was released afterbecoming a political “convert.”
Cited in “LuXun in Japan,” 224-225.
[9] Phyllis I. Lyons, The Saga of Dazai Osamu:A Critical Study
with Translations (Stanford,California: Stanford University Press,
1985),32.
[10] Donald Keene, “Japanese Writers and theGreater East Asia
War,” The Journal of AsianStudies, 23:2 (Feb., 1964), 219-220.
[11] Daizai Osamu, Sekibetsu, in Dazai Osamuzenshu, vol. 7
(Chikuma shobo, 1989), 189.
[12] Sekibetsu, 210-212.
[13] Sekibetsu, 222-223.
[14] Sekibetsu, 247.
[15] Sekibetsu, 250.
[16] Takeuchi Yoshimi, Ro Jin (Lu Xun) (Tokyo:Nihon hyoronsha,
1944; rpt., Tokyo: Miraisha,1961), 70. Cited in “Lu Xun in Japan,”
226-227.
[17] Sekibetsu, 302
[18] Sekibetsu, 277-278.
[19] Sekibetsu, 315.
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[20] Sekibetsu, 295.
[21] Sekibetsu, 298-299.
[22] James W. Heisig and John C. Maraldo,eds., Rude Awakenings:
Zen, the Kyoto School,and the Question of Nationalism
(Honolulu:University of Hawaii Press, 1994), 216.
[23] Rude Awakenings, 309-310.
[24] Leo Ou-fan Lee, Voices from the IronHouse: A Study of Lu
Xun (Bloomington,Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1987),
22-23.
[25] David E. Pollard, The True Story of Lu Xun(Hong Kong: The
Chinese University Press,2002), 37.
[26] Sekibetsu, 316.
[27] First performed January 9, 1991, at theTaira Municipal Hall
(Iwaki City) in FukushimaPrefecture. Published serially in the
magazineSubaru, beginning in March 1991, and in bookform with
Shueisha the same year.
[28] The titles of these Inoue Hisashi works areWagahai wa
Soseki de aru (I am Soseki[Natsume Soseki] (1982); Zutsu
katakoriHiguchi Ichiyo (Higuchi Ichiyo with a headacheand stiff
neck) (1984); Nakimushi namaikiIshikawa Takuboku (The cheeky
crybaby,Ishikawa Takuboku) (1986); Iihatobo no gekiressha (The
Iwate theatre train [MiyazawaKenji]) (1980); Ningen gokaku (Passing
ashuman [Dazai Osamu]) (1990); Ani ototo (Olderand younger brother
[Yoshino Sakuzo]) (2003);and Taiko tataite fue fuite (Blow the
flute andbeat the drum [Hayashi Fumiko]) (2002).
[29] Inoue Hisashi, Hon no unmei (The fate ofbooks) (Bungei
shunju, 1997), 18-20.
[30] Inoue Hisashi, “Hahagimi no nokoshitamaishi kotoba (Words
bequeathed to me bymy mother)” in Bungei Shunju, August
1991,214.
[31] Inoue Hisashi, interview with the YomiuriShinbun, September
16, 1991.
[32] See brief introduction, Inoue Hisashi,Shanhai Mun (Shanghai
Moon) (Tokyo:Shueisha, 1991), 5.
[33] Leo Ou-Fan Lee, “Literature on the Eve ofRevolution:
Reflections on Lu Xun’s LeftistYears, 1927-1936,” Modern China,
Vol. 2 (July,1976), 281.
[34] Oda Takeo, Ro Jin den, 143.
[35] Inoue Hisashi, Shanghai Moon, 19.
[36] Yoshida Hiroji, Ro Jin no tomo: UchiyamaKanzo no shozo
(Portrait of Uchiyama Kanzo,Lu Xun’s friend) (Tokyo Shinkyo
shuppansha,1994), 113.
[37] Koizumi Yuzuru, Hyoden: Ro Jin toUchiyama Kanzo (Critical
biography of Lu Xunand Uchiyama Kanzo) (Tokyo: Tosho shuppan,1989),
263. Sudo, who was born in OkayamaPrefecture in 1876 and died in
1959, wasactually 58 years old when he was in Shanghaiwith Lu Xun
in 1934. See Izumi Hyonosuke,“Rojin no shiin Nihonjin ishi hinan wa
gimon,”(Doubts about accusations against a Japanesephysician
regarding the cause of Lu Xun’sdeath,” Asashi Shinbun, June 4,
1984.
[38] See Koizumi, 263.
[39] Shanghai Moon, 32.
[40] Shanghai Moon, 40-41.
[41] Shanghai Moon, 41.
[42] Shanghai Moon, 53.
[43] Shanghai Moon, 73-74.
[44] See David E. Pollard, The True Story of LuXun, 55-67.
[45] Shanghai Moon, 99-100.
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[46] Shanghai Moon, 134-135.
[47] Shanghai Moon, 186.
[48] Shanghai Moon, 200-201.
[49] Shanghai Moon, 202.