J. Indian and Buddhist Studies 69(3) - J-Stage

Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 69, No. 3, March 2021 （215）

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1. Zhiyi’s Understanding of the Relationship between the Lotus Sūtra and the

Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra: Including a Comparison with Jizang’s Under-

standing

Kanno Hiroshi

According to the Five-period classification that prevailed during the Northern and South-

ern Dynasties, the Lotus sūtra does not expound the doctrine of the Buddha-nature or the

eternal abiding of the Buddha. In this point the Lotus sūtra was regarded as inferior to the

Nirvāṇa sūtra. Zhiyi and Jizang criticize this Five-period classification, arguing instead

that the Lotus sūtra, like the Nirvana sūtra, also expounds the doctrine of the Buddha-

nature or the eternal abiding of the Buddha. If their argument is to be accepted, why did

the Buddha preach the Nirvāṇa sūtra after the Lotus sūtra? This is the problem taken up for

consideration by Zhiyi and Jizang.

2. On the Shūku jisshō-shō

Watanabe Hōyō

Nichiren (1222–1282) wrote the Shūku jisshō-shō 秀句十勝抄 (Ten Superior Doctrines De-

scribed in the Outstanding Principles of the Lotus Sūtra; Showa Teihon Nichiren Shonin

Ibun, pp. 2359–2383) in some eight years, from around 1271, when he was exiled to Sado

Island, to 1278, the fifth year of his seclusion on Mt. Minobu.

In the Shūku jisshō-shō, Nichiren quoted from the Hokke Shūku 法華秀句 of Saichō

(767–822), and offered his critical comments on Saichō’s interpretations.

The Shūku Jisshō-shō was written in the period when Nichiren’s life was threatened

under the oppression by the Kamakura Shogunate. Few studies have been carried out on

this work, although it was written during this most important period in Nichiren’s life.

During this period he produced several works, including the Kaimoku-shō 開目抄，Kanjin Honzon-shō 觀心本尊抄，and Kembutsu-miraiki 顕仏未來記，and it was also during

this time that he attained the awakening that “he is ‘the No.1 practictioner of the Lotus

Sūtra’, and that “he is ‘the disciple of the eternal Śākyamuni Buddha,’” in other words, that

he was the reincarnation of a bodhisattva who emerged from the earth, as stated in the Lo-

tus Sūtra.

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The present paper offers a basic hypothesis on the question why it took a full eight

years for Nichiren to finish this work.

3. Nichiren’s Doctrine of ki-ken-kyō 起顕竟 (Beginning, Revealed, Completed): The

Positioning of the Entrustment Chapter of the Lotus sūtra

Kuwana Hōkō

This article discusses the significance of sōfuzoku 総付嘱 in the Lotus sūtra’s Entrustment

chapter (the 22nd, 嘱累品), in which the great project to save all beings in the Latter Day of

the Law (mappō) after the death of the Buddha reaches the ultimate state in the Doctrine of

ki-ken-kyō 起顕竟 (Beginning, Revealing, and Completed), presenting Nichiren’s distinc-

tive valuation of the Lotus sūtra. Pursuing the vow made by the Buddha to save people in

the Latter Day of the Law and propagate the law, bodhisattvas who came from other realms

(迹化菩薩) and other heavenly gods and benevolent deities who were entrusted with the

Buddha’s teachings joined this great project to protect the devotees of the Lotus sūtra in the

Latter Day of the Law. Such activities could be considered to lead directly to the inheri-

tance of Buddhist tradition and as an expression of gratitude for the Buddha’s blessing.

This could also indicate the way in which a disciple joins the Great Maṇḍala World (大曼荼羅世界) as one of the followers of the Lotus sūtra.

4. Sūtras Quoted in Nichiren’s Risshō-ankoku-ron

Yabuki Koei

Nichiren quoted extensively from Buddhist sūtras in his Risshō-ankoku-ron 立正安国論 of

1260. These quoted sūtras can be classified into five groups, in terms of the topic of the ci-

tation: (i) the Sovereign, (ii) Destruction of the Buddha’s Teaching, (iii) Protection of the

True Teaching, (iv) Going to hell, and (v) Killing those who defy the True Teaching. Each

quotation is related to the sovereign’s political position, and this treatise was submitted to

Hōjō Tokiyori 北条時頼 (1227–1263), the former Shikken (執権，shogunal regent) of the

Kamakura Shogunate. Therefore, it can be said that Nichiren requested that the ruler

should manage the country based on Buddhism, asserting that disregard for true Buddhist

teachings should be prohibited and people should embrace the True Teaching.

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5. The Reception of Kyō 教 (ichinen sanzen jikkai gogu 一念三千十界互具) in Nichiren

Buddhism

Fukaya Keiko

This paper compares how Nichiren 日蓮 (1222–1282) explained sūtras using the idea of

shindoku 身読 (spreading the teachings as described in the sūtras and experiencing the

sūtras for oneself), before and after his exile to Sado Island.

Methodologically, I focus on Nichiren’s representative work from his time on Sado,

Kaimokushō開目抄，extracting references to his having performed shindoku and compar-

ing these to explanations from documents produced before his exile.

I conclude that Nichiren did not cite from the Lotus Sūtra the expressions rokunan kui

六難九易 (six difficult and nine easy acts) or sanrui no gouteki 三類の強敵 (three powerful

enemies) before his banishment to Sado. There were no changes in the way he cited from

the same text the expressions kyōmetsu dogo 況滅度後 (‘how much more will this be after

his passing’) or issai seken ta’on nanshin 一切世間多怨難信 (‘meeting much hostility and

disbelief in the entire world’). However, I observed changes in his explanations of jōmoku

gashaku 杖木瓦石 (staves, trees, tiles and stones), fukyō bosatsu 不軽菩薩 (the bodhisattva

Never Disparaging), and sakusaku ken hinzui 数々見擯出 (banished again and again).

6. The Jūō Sandanshō 十王讃嘆抄 in the Newly Discovered Rokuge gosho 録外御書

Transcribed by Nichijū 日柔

Matsuoka Masatsugu

It is assumed that the Edo Period monk Nichijū日柔transcribed the Rokuge gosho 録外御書

(hereafter Nichijū-hon 日柔本), which is preserving in the Myōkakuji temple 妙覚寺 in

Okayama City. The Myōkakuji holds 14 volumes (kan 巻) of the Nichijū-hon, namely the

2nd to the 15th; the other volumes have been lost. The date of copying and the original total

number of volumes of the book are unknown.

The present author has had the chance to see the 20th volume of the Nichijū-hon,

which contains Nichijū’s signature and the date and time of copying on the last page of the

book, something usually recorded in a final volume. It has been pointed out by scholars

that the order of presentation of the materials in the book is similar to that in the published

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Rokuge gosho (issued in 1662). The materials in the 20th volume closely parallel those in

the last (25th ) volume of the published Rokuge gosho, and hence we may conclude that this

20th volume was indeed the final volume of the Nichijū-hon.

The 20th volume contains the Jūō Sandanshō 十王讃嘆抄．It was completed before the

published Rokuge gosho, and is a valuable source for our study. This paper discusses the

outline of the literature on Jūō Sandanshō based on the published Rokuge gosho, the

Sanpōji-hon 三宝寺本 and other materials.

Comparing the three documents, the published Rokuge gosho, Sanpōji-hon, and

Nichijū-hon, it becomes clear that the Nichijū-hon is more closely related to the published

Rokuge gosho than to the Sanpōji-hon. And a detailed comparison of the published Rokuge

gosho and the Nichijū-hon reveals that they are very similar to each other in terms of their

texts. It also became clear that the proofreading of the published Rokuge gosho and the

Sanpōji-hon in earlier times was not so precise.

The appearance of this new Nichijū-hon has revealed a number of new facts about the

Jūō Sandanshō.

7. A Modern Liberalist’s View on Nichiren: Focusing on Ishibashi Tanzan

Toda Kyōshō

Ishibashi Tanzan 石橋湛山 (1884–1973) was a journalist, economist, and moreover politi-

cian, who once served as the Prime Minister of Japan (1956–1957). Ishibashi’s father, Sug-

ita Nippu 杉田日布 (1856–1931), was the 81st Archbishop of Minobu-san Kuon-ji temple

久遠寺．Although Ishibashi became a Nichiren-shū priest under Mochizuki Nichiken 望月日謙 (the 83rd Archbishop), he didn’t choose his own career as a priest. Ishibashi is well

known as a representative liberalist of modern Japan.

The aim of this study is to clarify Ishibashi’s point of view on Nichiren Shōnin. Ishi-

bashi focused on Nichiren’s vital pursuit of his faith. Nichiren had strong inner strength,

never giving in to tradition and authority. Ishibashi’s liberalistic ideology made him think

of Nichiren too as a “liberalist”. Differing from modern Nichirenism, which had a great im-

pact on the Nichiren-shū, Ishibashi had his own unique interpretation of Nichiren.

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8. Nichiren and Narratives: Comparison with the Fahua zhuanji Written by Monk-

Xiang

Okada Fumihiro

This paper discusses Nichiren’s (1222–1282) faith of the Lotus Sūtra by focusing on his

quotations of narratives. In his Hōrenshō 法蓮鈔，Nichiren quoted the story of Wulong 烏龍 and Weilong 遺龍，which is found included in the Tang dynasty Fahua zhuanji 法華伝記

(compiled by a monk whose name may have been, or ended in, Xiang 祥/詳). However

Nichiren made many additions and revisions. In the Nichiren version, the additions are

mainly based on the Lotus Sūtra, and faith in this text is emphasized. In addition, Nichiren

considerably revised the episode of the Sixty-four Buddhas (六十四仏) who appeared from

the title of the scripture (題目), and this addition seems to be related to his theory about the

Principal object of worship (honzan 本尊) that emphasizes both “personal Buddha” and

“impersonal Dharma” (人・法).

9. Additional Thought on Kechiengyō 結縁経 in the Heian Period

Yamaguchi Kiyomi

There are two major theories concerning Kunōji-kyō 久能寺経，a common name for the

Lotus Sūtra preserved at the Kunōji temple. It has been considered a kechiengyō 結縁経，a

sūtra copied for the purpose of forming a karmic link, during the Gyakushu 逆修 or Pre-

emptive Funeral ceremony for either Toba-in 鳥羽院 (1103–1156) or Taikemmon-in 待賢門院 (1101–1145). This is because it was understood that the kechiengyō was made for the

Gyakushu ceremony, and the Gyakushu was considered as a ceremony that creates a kar-

mic relationship with the Tathāgata.

However, because kechiengyō were not part of the Gyakushu ceremony during the

Heian Period, the author cannot accept these conventional theories (Refer to the earlier pa-

per, “Heian jidai no kechiengyō” 平安時代の結縁経 [Kechiengyō in the Heian Period]).

Furthermore, neither the main purpose of making kechiengyō nor the purpose of the

Gyakushu was to connect oneself with the Tathāgata (Refer to the earlier paper “Heian jid-

ai no gyakshu no hensen” 平安時代の逆修の変遷 [The Transformation of the Gyakushu

(Pre-emptive Funeral) in the Heian Period]).

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In this paper, I discuss the meaning of kechiengyō, to whom it refers and with whom it

produces a connection, and for what one accumulates virtue in the Gyakushu ceremony.

10. Shūzen 修善 During the Late Heian Period

Tanaka Yūko

This paper aims to make clarify the meaning of the term shūzen 修善 when used by late

Heian period (794–1185) aristocracy. I consider the term in Fujiwara-no-Michinaga’s 藤原道長 Midō kanpaku ki 御堂関白記 and Fujiwara-no-Sanesuke’s 藤原実資 Shōyū ki 小右記．

In these diaries, shūzen basically refers to carrying out esoteric Buddhist rituals

(shūhō 修法) to acquire worldly benefits. Shūzen originally meant cultivating good acts

(zengyō 善業). However, we can see that Heian period aristocrats thought that esoteric

Buddhist rituals for worldly benefits were “good acts.” It also appears that during this time

the meaning of the compound shūzen changed to include esoteric Buddhist rituals.

11. Hōnen’s Idea of Nenbutsu ōjō 念仏往生 in the Tamemori hosshin innenshū 為盛発心因縁集

Ōkubo Keiko

The Tamemori hosshin innenshū 為盛発心因縁集 is a tale in which a dialogue between Tsu-

noto 津戸 and Hōnen 法然 is described, but the contents of the questions and answers have

not been fully examined.

Considering the ideological features of nenbutsu ōjō 念仏往生 described in the

Tamemori hosshin innenshū, it is clear that the story preached, as Hōnen’s teachings, the

idea that all people can go to the Pure Land (gokuraku jōdo 極楽浄土) equally by practicing

nenbutsu zanmai 念仏三昧 which focuses singlemindedly on nenbutsu.

12. Annen’s Interpretation of the Foxing lun as the Perfect Teaching

Tsuchikura Hiroshi

In the Tiantai/Tendai doctrine, the Foxing lun 仏性論 (traditionally attributed to Vasuband-

hu and translated into Chinese by Paramārtha 真諦) wasn’t necessarily regarded as a text

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representative of the perfect teaching. But Annen 安然 (841–between 889 and 897), a

prominent scholar of the Tendai school of Japan, quoted many passages from the Foxing

lun and frequently interpreted them based on ideas of the perfect teaching.

For example, in the Dialogue on Teaching Time (Kyōji mondō 教時問答), vol. 1, he

identified the faruru zhiruru 法如如･智如如 (discussion on absolute truth and worldly truth

in the all phenomena vis-à-vis those in Buddha’s omniscience) of the Foxing lun with the

yuanren chuxin 円人初心 (initial aspiration of a person of the perfect teaching) and the chu-

di chuzhu 初地･初住 (first stage of development and first stage of security in the practice)

of the Tendai doctrine. Furthermore, in On the Meaning of the Mind Aspiring for Enlighten-

ment (Bodaishingi shō 菩提心義抄), vols. 4 and 5, he put yuanren chuxin into the category

of guanxingji 観行即 (stage of perception and action), and chudi chuzhu into the category

of fenzhengji 分証即 (stage of progressive awakening) in the liuji 六即 (six stages of prac-

tice), respectively. Thus Annen unified the concepts described in the Foxing lun with the

perfect teaching of the Tendai doctrine.

In this way, Annen’s interpretation of the Foxing lun as the perfect teaching was influ-

enced by the Tiantai/Tendai masters Zhanran 湛然 and Saichō 最澄．Based on their inter-

pretations of the Foxing lun as the perfect teaching, Annen developed his own theoretical

account.

13. Saichō’s Idea of the Doctorinal Classification of Sudden Teachings (頓教) and

Gradual Teachings (漸教)

Takemoto Soichiro

Hakkyō 八教，the famous doctrinal classification (教判論) of the Tendai school, constitutes

the eight classifications of the Buddha’s teaching, which are divided into two categories;

four kinds of teaching content (化法四教), and four methods of teaching (化儀四教). The

former category consists of Hīnayāna teachings (蔵教), Common teachings (通教), Distinct

teachings (別教), and Perfect teachings (円教). The latter category consists of Sudden

teachings (頓教), Gradual teachings (漸教), Secret teachings (秘密教), and Indeterminate

teachings (不定教). However, Saichō最澄 (767–822), the patriarch of the Japanese Tendai

School, deviated from the traditional usage of these teachings and incorporated them with

the kehō no ton 化法之頓 (content of Sudden teachings) and kehō no zen 化法之漸 (content

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of Gradual teachings). Kehō no ton and kehō no zen are synonymous with kyōton 教頓 and

kyōzen 教漸，which are terms also used in Saichō’s works.

This paper examines the ideological source of Saichō’s unique usage and his motiva-

tion for introducing these phraseologies. I first give an overview of the genealogy of the

doctrinal classification of the Sudden and Gradual teachings employed by Chinese Tiantai

scholars before Saichō. On one hand, the concept of kyōton is based on Zhanran’s 湛然

(711–782) exegesis of Zhiyi’s 智顗 (538–597) doctrinal classification. In contrast, the con-

cept of kyōzen is newly introduced by Saichō. Second, to clarify how Saichō introduced

kyōzen, I focus on the context and the usage of kehō no zen in the first volume of the Shugo

kokkaishō 守護国界章 (Essay on Protecting the Nation). In this work, Saichō disputed

Tokuitsu’s 徳一 (8–9c) criticism of the Gradual teachings. This indicates that the Gradual

teachings are the key issue for Saichō in maintaining his doctrinal legitimacy. Therefore

kyōzen is newly introduced by Saichō.

14. Myōe’s View on Attaining Buddhahood

Yonezawa Mieko

Myōe 明恵 (1173–1232) has his own views on the Practice of the Path, which holds that

people spend an immeasurably long time becoming Buddha. Keeping this in mind, he re-

marks on “Attaining Buddhahood in this very body” referring to both “Exoteric” and “Eso-

teric” Teachings. Based on this view of the Practice of the Path, I consider his understand-

ing of “Exoteric Buddhism,” “Esoteric Buddhism” and “Attaining Buddhahood in this very

body,” and examine his “View on Attaining Buddhahood.”Myōe’s comprehension of Buddhahood is as follows: his “View of Exoteric and Eso-

teric Buddhism” is the teaching that practitioners themselves see and hear along their way

of life. In his “View of the Attainment of Buddhahood in this very body,” practitioners of

Buddhism who preach the teaching become “Buddha” for those who hear it, while they,

who were preached to, may become “Buddha” when they preach to others. This process fi-

nally enables all to become Buddha, and reach a state in which their bodies and experienc-

es and the universe fuse together.

I conclude that Myōe’s “View on Attaining Buddhahood” shows that practitioners go

first through the stages of the Bodhisattva understanding each teaching suitable for them-

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selves, and then attain the Tathagata’s jūsan ryōtōshin 十三量等身”̶sammitsu kajishin 三密加持身 in Esoteric Buddhism― or “total equality”: they seek to overcome any inequality

in the world.

15. A Ritual of the Eisai School Followed by Dōgen

Tachi Ryūshi

This paper investigates how a customary rule of the Eisai tradition was followed by Dōgen,

and also how this was maintained thereafter in the Sōtō School. It is specified in Dōgen’s

‘Method of Washing the Bowl” (洗鉢之法) in his essay Fushuku hanpō (赴粥飯法，Regula-

tions for Meals, 1264) that after hearing the strike of the hammer (槌) after the meal the

Inō 維那 (disciplinarian) recites the ‘Verse of Purity While Abiding in the World’ (Sho

sekai bon no ge 処世界梵之偈), “Abiding in the world as [boundless] as the sky / As water

does not cling to the lotus / the mind is pure and transcends that [world] / Thus I pay hom-

age to the supreme lord,” 処世界如虚空，如蓮華不著水，心清浄超於彼，稽首礼無上，and

this derives from the rule of the Eisai tradition known as the “The old rule of Yūshō

Sōjō [= Eisai]” 是用祥僧正之古儀也．This differs from the rule of contemporary Chan

Temples of the Southern Song dynasty, recorded in the Chanyuan qinggui 禅苑清規，which states that the Fashitou 法事頭 or the Weina 維那 recites the verse after the chime

磬 is struck. Dōgen purposely named this rule “The old rule of Yūshō Sōjō”, and prac-

ticed it in his temples. Considering the fact that there are no extant historical materials

regarding training inside the Kenninji 建仁寺 or in any other temple built by Eisai, this

rule of the Eisai tradition which Dōgen recorded can be said to be one of the oldest exam-

ples of rules in Zen temples. This particular rule which apparently was not followed at the

Kenninji was in fact followed by the Sōtō school throughout the middle ages. It is most in-

teresting to know that it is continually practiced in the Sōtō school to the present day, with-

out the knowledge that it derives from the Eisai tradition. The fact that this rule was in-

troduced by Eisai but was not followed by the Rinzai school is important in the study of

the inheritance of the customary rules in the Sōtō school. By studying the history of Eisai

tradition rules inherited by the Sōtō school, we have identified a part of the inheritance of

rules in the everyday life of the Zen temple from the Middle Ages up to the Edo peri-

od.

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16. The Intention Behind Writing the Shōbōgenzō in Chinese: The Theory of “A Med-

itation Manual for Followers”

Akitsu Hideaki

This paper examines Dōgen’s intentions behind writing the Shōbōgenzō in Chinese (真字正法眼蔵). It has been demonstrated that the Shōbōgenzō in Chinese has script-like character-

istics that resemble the Shōbōgenzō in kana (仮字正法眼蔵), and other writings by Dōgen.

The issue here is other characteristics of the document beyond this similarity, which have

been explained by the theory that the Shōbōgenzō in Chinese was a manual for study for

Dōgen’s followers. There are multiple theories on his practical objectives in writing the

document, from its use to study the basics of Zen Buddhism to its use to share the same

teachings as those of the Shōbōgenzō in kana. This paper examines the theory proposed by

Taiyō Bonsei 太容梵清 (1378–1439?) that the Shōbōgenzō in Chinese was used for shin’eki

請益 (response to requests for clarification).

Dōgen’s writings provide evidence that he performed shin’eki. Additionally, it was

found that he might have used the Shōbōgenzō in Chinese for the same purpose. This would

mean that the document was not complete in itself but completed through its use in shin’eki

and other lectures and instructions. Furthermore, creating a script for conducting shin’eki

during later periods in this way can be considered one of his intentions when writing the

Shōbōgenzō in Chinese. Therefore, the document has the characteristics of a script in every

sense of the word.

Finally, with regard to the influences of Dōgen’s shin’eki on later periods, this paper

addresses the possibilities that it provided a reason for Keizan Jōkin 瑩山紹瑾 (1264–

1325) to discuss shin’eki in his Denkōroku 伝光録，and that it was the precursor to the Dai-

go 代語-style expressive forms in the Sōtō Zen school.

17. Shohō 諸法 and Jissō 実相 in Dōgen

Komeno Daio

This paper considers the relationship between shohō 諸法 (phenomena of the universe and

matter) and jissō 実相 (real state) in Dōgen’s Shōbōgenzō 正法眼蔵．While one of the chap-

ters of the work is entitled ‘Shohō Jissō’ 諸法実相，the terms shohō and jissō are in fact

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found throughout the Shōbōgenzō. The term shohō jissō appears in the Hōben (方便品，Skillful Means chapter) of the Lotus Sūtra. Originally, it was understood to mean the real

state of the phenomena of the universe, but as time went on, it was understood rather that

the phenomena of the universe are the real state of things. The latter can be interpreted by

referring to the Shōbōgenzō’s chapter ‘Shohō-Jissō,’ but Dōgen avoids the latter expression.

Therefore, it is necessary to give consideration to the ideas of shohō and jissō from chap-

ters other than that. In addition, this paper also investigates whether Dōgen’s expression

was intentional. In conclusion, Dōgen’s expression was intentional, and attention should be

paid to the term jissō, especially when something is connected with it.

18. The Mutual Relationship among the Manuscripts of the Denkōroku: An Introduc-

tion to the Ryūsenji Manuscript

Yokoyama Ryūken

It is reported that there are thirty-one manuscripts of the Denkōroku (伝光録，1300), a re-

cord of the lectures of Keizan Jōkin (瑩山紹瑾，1264–1325). These manuscripts are broad-

ly classified into three groups.

The manuscript newly introduced here is stored in Ryūsenji Temple 龍泉寺 and fun-

damentally relies on the main texts of the oldest group. However, we can notice some con-

taminations in quotations from the basic texts of other groups. So far, it is known that texts

may be different between groups, though it has been unclear why the texts had been

changed or how the different groups are related to each other. Nevertheless, the Ryūsenji

manuscript shows that that manuscripts from different groups were compared and selective

copying took place.

Taking the Ryūsenji manuscript into consideration, we can see that the Denkōroku

was copied crossing text groups, and this enables us to present the new viewpoint on the

history of the Denkōroku.

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19. Medieval Zen Arguments Against Other Schools: Who Represents the Zen Side in

the Hokke Mondo Shōgishō

Furuse Tamami

During medieval times, the Zen school was attacked by other traditional Buddhist schools,

particularly the Tendai. Little is known of the Zen reaction to such attacks. The Hokke

Mondo Shōgishō 法華問答正義抄，written by a Nichiren monk Nichizen 日全 (1294–1344)

in the 14th century, contains a chapters on the Zen School, in which Zen and the Tendai or

Nichiren sect argue over Zen’s lineage and its philosophy. A Zen representative replies to

his opponents more than 64 times. Although he seems to be very familiar with Zen teach-

ing, he calls Saichō ‘the Fundamental Teacher of Japan’ and speaks of ‘my Eizan,’ implying

his allegiance with the Tendai school. Moreover, his manner of arguing is different from

that of authentic Zen monks, who refrain from argument and insistence on their beliefs.

Consequently, I conclude that the Zen representative in the Hokke Mondo Shōgishō is a

Tendai monk who is deeply committed to the Zen teaching spreading at that time.

20. Criticism of Zen Styles in Kokan Shiren’s 虎関師錬 Shōshū ron 正修論: The Criti-

cism of kattō zen 葛藤禅

Sakuma Yūi

In the seventh chapter of the Shōshū ron 正修論 entitled ‘Shichiwaku’ 質惑，Kokan Shiren

虎関師錬 (1278–1346) classified Zen styles of teaching and practices that existed around

him into four types: byōjitsu zen 平実禅，mokushō zen 黙照禅，kattō zen 葛藤禅，and

tongyō zen 頓教禅，and criticized each of them. This paper focuses on his criticism of kattō

zen (wordy Zen), and examines the content and doctrinal background of this criticism. Ac-

cording to Shiren, kattō zen refers to the Heze School 荷沢宗 of Chan, which was first es-

tablished by Heze Shenhui 荷沢神会 (684–758), and expanded by Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密 (780–841); it is also known as the Chige (ch. Zhijie) school 知解宗，which promotes

“knowing” (jp. chi; ch. zhi 知) as true nature (jp. shinshō; ch. zhenxing 真性). Shiren criti-

cized the kattō zen of the Chige school because, he thought, followers of the school did not

distinguish true nature, which he believed originally cannot be revealed by using language,

from verbal expression. In addition, the fact that Shiren criticized kattō zen in his Shōshū

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ron, despite there being no direct lineage of the Heze School in Japan, makes us presume

the great influence of the thought of the Heze School (in particular, Zongmi’s thought) on

Zen in Japan at the time of Shiren.

21. The Relationship between Hakuin Ekaku and Akiha Belief

Takei Shingo

Hakuin (白隠慧鶴，1686–1769), creator of numerous Zen paintings, was a Zen monk re-

garded as the founder of the Rinzai sect in Japan. This study focuses on Hakuin’s belief in

Akiha 秋葉，and discusses his paintings of the Akiha Gongen 秋葉権現．Akiha belief refers to various beliefs centered on Enshu Akiha Mountain 遠州秋葉山，

which is said to be beneficial for fire prevention. In addition to Enshu Akiha, there are sev-

eral other places of worship connected to the Akiha belief, such as the Echigo-Jōanji Tem-

ple 越後常安寺，whence Akiha belief originated in the mid-18th century. Hakuin used both

Enshu-Akiha and Echigo-Akiha as subjects for his Zen paintings. Interestingly, he pre-

ferred to distribute to the public pictures portraying Echigo Akiha, instead of the common-

ly known Enshu Akiha. In this study, I will analyze how Hakuin’s behavior led to an in-

crease of interest in Akiha belief. Additionally, I clarify Hakuin’s ideas behind the two

types of paintings of Akiha Gongen.

22. Hōnen’s Pure Land Thought Manifested through His Understanding of Amitābha

Buddha and Buddha Nature

Ichinose Kazuo

It has been generally agreed that Hōnen was greatly influenced by Genshin 源信 (942–

1017) in constructing his Pure Land thought. In fact, in his writings and preachings he

made several references not only to Genshin’s evaluation of nembutsu practice, but to his

interpretations of the Pure Land sūtras. By comparing Hōnen’s understandings of

Amitābha Buddha and Buddha-nature found in his Gyakushu Seppō 逆修説法 and others

with those of Genshin in his Amidakyō Ryakki 阿弥陀経略記，however, we can find both

similarities and differences between their notions. They are in accord about the theory that

Amitābha has the three bodies; the Dharma, the Reward and the Transformation body. The

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difference becomes obvious when we focus on how they regard Buddha-nature as a requi-

site for ‘enlightenment’. While Genshin maintains that all sentient beings are equipped with

Buddha-nature and able to possess the ultimate truth of Buddha-nature, Hōnen seems to be

tentative about or gives up the possibility of its existence within human beings. Here we

see a distinctiveness of his Pure Land thought, and this cognizance could be said to have

led him to emphasize the importance of ‘sole practice nembutsu’ (念仏一行) and the idea of

the duality of the world.

23. Shōkū’s Pure Land Practices and How they were Viewed

Nakamura Ryota

It has been thought that Shōkū 證空 (1177–1247) recognized the value of various practices

(諸行) other than nembutsu 念仏 and relaxed insistence on the idea of the exclusive prac-

tice of nembutsu (senju nembutsu 専修念仏). Here, a dichotomy between the idea of the ex-

clusive practice of nembutsu and the recognition of the value of other practices has been

assumed. However, the present study shows that the ideology of Shōkū does not fit into

such a dichotomous scheme. He criticized the idea of practice of his time from the stand-

point of the exclusive practice of nembutsu. This study also shows that the introduction of

the three disciplines (三学) is helpful in situating Shōkū in the history of thought.

24. The Relation Between the Shikanden and Rinnahon

Hasegawa Hirofumi

The purpose of this study is to analyze the difference between the two books Shikanden 四巻伝 (Honchō soshi denki ekotoba 本朝祖師伝記絵詞，1237) and the Rinnahon 琳阿本

(Hōnen shōninden ekotoba 法然上人伝絵詞，between 1241–1262). This study focuses on

the Shikanden’s I.11 (the Emergence of Seiryū 青龍出現) through to II.13 (Facing Shinnō

Shōnin 親王上人對座) and the Rinnahon’s II.7 (Genzui 現瑞 of Kegon Hiran Hokke Shugyō

華厳披覧法華修行，one priest Kanmu 感夢) through to V.4 (the Emergence of Sanzon 三尊出現). The arrangement of contents are almost identical in these sections of the two books,

except that the Shikanden from I.18 (the Emergence of Sanmai 三昧現前) to I.21 (the

Emergence of Sanzon) is divided into two in the Rinnahon’s third scroll with III.4 (the

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Emergence of Zendō 善導来現), and V.3 (the Emergence of Gokan 五観現前) and V.4 (the

Emergence of Sanzon).

The author of the Rinnahon seems to have considered that there was a chronological

displacement in the Shikanden from the Emergence of Sanmai to the Emergence of San-

zon. As a result, this portion was shifted to immediately after Daihannya Tendoku 大般若転読，Rinju Mondō 臨終問答 in the Rinnahon. At that time, only the figure of the Emer-

gence of Zendō was placed behind III.4 Etsuzō 閲蔵 in the Rinnahon. It seems that the au-

thor of the Rinnahon considered that the Emergence of Zendō had occurred twice.

25. Hōnen’s Interpretation of the Ōjōyōshū in the Ōjōyōshū-giki: The Necessity or

Non-necessity of Keeping Precepts

Shimobata Keisuke

Hōnen argues in his Ōjōyōshū-shaku 往生要集釈 that “the essentials for rebirth in the Pure

Land” explained in chapter five of Genshin’s 源信 (942–1017) Ōjōyōshū, “Jonen hōhō (助念方法)”, are not the main point of the book. This theory is derived from the phrase that

keeping the precepts is unnecessary for rebirth in the Pure Land. But there also appears in

the Ōjōyōshū a remark that encourages keeping the precepts. Therefore, Hōnen’s interpre-

tation cannot be said to be sufficiently convinced, and Ryōchū 良忠 (1199–1287), there-

fore, provides a supplementary explanation for that interpretation in his Ōjōyōshū-giki 往生要集義記．Ryōchū, dealing with these contradictory ideas found in the Ōjōyōshū, ex-

plains that keeping the precepts is unnecessary to obtain rebirth in Amida’s Pure Land

from the perspective that the purpose of Genshin’s work is to convert those with lower reli-

gious capacities.

Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 69, No. 3, March 2021（230）

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26. Tariki jittai 他力実体 in the Doctrine of Yūyo Shōsō (酉誉聖聡): The Relationship

of the Absolute and Wisdom

Saeki Norihiro

The term tariki jittai 他力実体 is found in the Ohara dangi Kikigaki-shō 大原談義聞書鈔．It

is synonymous with shinnyo-jisō 真如実相 and konponchi 根本智．According to the under-

standing of Ryōgyō 良暁 (1251–1328) and Shōkei 聖冏 (1341–1420), respectively the 4th

and 7th Patriarchs of the Jōdoshū, konponchi is the intelligence which covers the dharma-

body 法身，and converts beings. Therefore, to combine shinnyo-jisō and konponchi points

to the nature of the Enjoyment body (saṁbhogakāya自受用身). This is also the position of

Yūyo Shōsō (酉誉聖聡，1366–1440).

However, Shōsō based himself on the concept of kutai-kuyu 倶体倶用 (cosubstantiali-

ty and confunctionality). So, based on the idea of sanjin-bettai 三身別体 (the three Buddha

bodies have separate essences), tariki-jittai 他力実体 means the Enjoyment body. But if we

think from the perspective of kutai-kuyu, that then must be the Enjoyment body.

27. Orthography of “wo” ヲ in the Kyōgyōshinshō: A Study of Character Readings

Written in Different Handwriting in the Bandō Manuscript

Aoyagi Eishi

Shinran 親鸞 uses the kana “wo” ヲ in a specific way. First, particular forms such as woka

をか，woba をば，womo をも，and woya をやare always written using oka オカ，oha オハ，omo オモ，and oya オヤ．Second, all initial “wo” ヲ at the beginning of readings of charac-

ters provided in the text are also transcribed with the kana “o” オ．Virtually all of the

Bandō 坂東 text (that is, Shinran’s holographic manuscript) conforms to this convention for

the use of wo, but there are a few exceptions. Twelve exceptions to the second rule were

found in the Bandō manuscript, primarily in the “Chapter on Practice” (行巻). Moreover,

most of these instances are in red ink. Therefore, it is difficult to think that Shinran made a

mistake in writing these. Instead, it is quite possible that these instances where written by

someone other than Shinran.

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28. Interpretation of the ‘Vow of Great Compassion’ in the Chapter ‘The True Bud-

dha and Land’ in the Kyōgyōshinshō

Nishimura Ichiju

Previous studies have aimed to interpret the ‘Vow of Great Compassion’ 大悲の誓願 in

Shinran’s comment found at the beginning of the chapter of his Kyōgyōshinshō called ‘The

True Buddha and Land’ 真仏土文類 by directly connecting it with Amida’s 12th and 13th

vows. However, this paper challenges this idea by stressing that contextually the ‘Vow of

Great Compassion’ is not necessarily connected to the Vows of Immeasurable Light and

Life. The reason is that the first sentence does not directly lead to fulfillment by the 12th

and 13th vows, but after the third sentence it does show that the True Buddha and the Land

are created by the 12th and 13th vows. For example, Shinran’s Jōdo Wasan 浄土和讃 (Hymns

of the Pure Land) speaks of the Tathāgata of Inconceivable Light establishing the Primal

Vow, which explains that the True Buddha and Land were made as a cause and result of the

‘Vow of Great Compassion.’ Thus, the ‘Vow of Great Compassion’ does not necessarily rep-

resent the 12th and 13th vows, but rather possibly represents the 18th vow.

29. Zonkaku’s Understanding of the Gods

Fujiwara Tomoyuki

According to the teachings of Shinran, the sole object of worship is Amida Buddha, not the

gods. However, Zonkaku 存覚 (1290–1373) stated that the gods were also an object of

faith, a view different from that of Shinran. One of the reason was the strong influence of

folk beliefs in Japan at that time. That is why Zonkaku tried to meet the expectations of the

country and Jōdo Shinshū believers who placed faith in the gods. Another reason was the

influence of the Jōdo sect, that he acquired from his learning of Pure Land Buddhism.

The monks of the Jōdo sect had, for the most part, a tolerant attitude towards popular prac-

tices and customs. It seems that such an attitude influenced Zonkaku, and he at last came

to think that accepting the gods as an object of faith was a means of attracting people to

Jōdo Shinshū. In other words, Zonkaku affirmed the acceptability of faith in the gods influ-

enced by the historical situation of his time and the monks of the Jōdo sect.

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30. Faith in the Daimuryōjukyō (Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra): Overcoming the Human

Mind That Doubts the Buddha’s Wisdom

Higashiyama Kōshin

In this paper, based on Shinran’s main work, Kyōgyōshinshō, I consider the important ele-

ments of the faith in the Daimuryōjukyō clarified by Shinran. In particular, this paper pays

attention to the interpretation of the true gate that Shinran sets forth in the “Keshindo no

maki” (化身土巻，Chapter on Transformed Buddha-bodies and Lands), and describes the

content of the human mind that doubts the Buddha’s wisdom and how he understood one

could overcome that doubt.

31. Enkōji Jomyō’s Propagation of Shin Buddhism in the Early Modern Age

Okuda Yoshihiro

Enkōji Jōmyō 円光寺浄明，who was propagating the faith based on the phrase “Realizing

shinjin oneself and guiding others to shinjin” (自信教人信), was criticized by Sōyō 僧鎔

(1723–1783), who argued that his understanding was different from that of Shinran. The

expression of receiving (eru 得る) shinjin is different from the general meaning of the

character得，and the manifestation of receiving shinjin is no more than one example, not

being limited to a single concrete instance of lineage. This consideration clarified the con-

tent of Shinshū propagation. The present paper emphasizes the importance of paying atten-

tion to dissidents in the history of the propagation of Shinshū.

32. The Relationship Between Kūkai, Eichū, and the Emperor Saga

Nakamura Honnen

The Japanese monk Eichū 永忠 (743–816), who had studied in Tang China, was respected

by Emperor Kanmu 桓武 (737–806) and Emperor Saga 嵯峨 (786–842) both as a Buddhist

monk and a man of culture. The entry for 815 in the Nihon kōki 日本後紀 notes that when

Emperor Saga made an imperial procession to Ōmi, Eichū presented him with tea. Eichū

has been said to have been Saichō’s disciple, and was also admired by Kūkai. Kūkai writes

in his Go-shōrai mokuroku 御請来目録 that he stayed at Ximing monastery 西明寺 where

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Eichū had formerly stayed, and in his Henjō Hokki Shōryō shū 遍照発揮性霊集 he records

that he wrote a letter to the Chinese court in place of Eichū at this request. This paper will

examine the relationship between Kūkai, Eichū, Emperor Saga, and others.

33. The Structure of “Jishōe” 自性会 and “Kaji sekai” 加持世界 in the Shingi-Shingon

School: Shōken’s 聖憲 Daisho hyakujō daisanjū 大疏百条第三重

Suzuki Yūta

The major feature of the Shingi-Shingon 新義 School is the “Kajishin-setsu” 加持身説, the

idea of the empowered responsive body. It is the doctrine that the preacher of Esoteric

Buddhism, described in the Mahāvairocana Sūtra, is the empowered manifestation “ka-

jishin (adhiṣṭhānakāya)” of the “Jishōshin (自性身, dharmakāya)”. While there are many

critical studies that examine who the preacher of Esoteric Buddhism is, much remains un-

clear in the details.

In this paper, I discuss the relationship between “Jishōe” 自性会 and “Kaji sekai” 加持世界, focusing on Shōken’s Daisho hyakujō daisanjū 大疏百条第三重．I conclude that both

“Jishōe” and “Kaji sekai” are places where the “kajishin” preaching is held, and that the two

are in a relationship of identity called “Jishōe-soku-Kajisekai” 自性会即加持世界, or “Fu-

mon-soku-Ichimon” 普門即一門．Furthermore, a comparison of the interpretations of the

Shingi-Shingon-School and the Kogi-Shingon 古義 School reveals that they have different

interpretations of the preaching in the “Kaji sekai”.

34. The Point of Contact Between Auxiliary Acts and the Right Act for Birth in Ami-

da’s Pure Land in Sekisen Sōei’s Interpretation of Shinran’s Teaching

Itou Masaharu

In this paper the issue of the right cause for birth in Amida Buddha’s Pure Land is investi-

gated through Sekisen Sōei’s 石泉僧叡 (1762–1826) interpretation of Shinran’s teaching.

Sōei insists that the basic cause for birth in the Pure Land is the working of Amida’s com-

passionate Vow which manifests itself outwardly as nembutsu and inwardly as shinjin

(faith). Thus, if shinjin is the right cause for birth in the Pure Land, nembutsu should also

be the right cause. Thus nembutsu as the right cause is to be equated with shinjin as the

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right cause for birth in the Pure Land. In this way his claim is that the two phases in Shin-

ran’s view of shinjin and nembutsu are maintained by the one element of the working of

Amida’s Vow.

35. Mishima Kaiun and the Buddhist Scriptures

Kurimoto Masayoshi

Known as the founder of the drinks company Calpis, Mishima Kaiun 三島海雲 (1878–

1974) was the son of the Jōdo shinshū abbot Hōjō 法城．He studied at the former Nishi-

honganji literary dormitory of Ryūkoku University. Subsequently, in 1904 he journeyed to

Mongolia and encountered a dairy drink which was a favorite of the nomads, kumis (in

Mongol, airag). After his return to Japan, based on this, he commercialized Calpis and be-

came financially successful.

When he was a child, Kaiun had a complicated feeling that he was born as a successor

to the temple, so much that his father Hōjō, lost in his sūtra recitation, burned the Buddha

statue. When he commercialized Calpis, after studying with Sugimura Sojinkan 杉村楚人冠 (1872–1945), who later became a famous reporter of the Asahi Shimbun, he named the

product name “Calpis” (カルピス) after the Sanskrit word sarpimaṇḍa, which refers to the

refined essence of milk. When his invention was about to be stolen by Suzuki Saburosuke

鈴木三郎助 (1868–1931), the third generation owner of Ajinomoto, he regained control

with the help of the Buddhist activist Takashima Beihō 高嶋米峰 (1875–1949), and gradu-

ally strengthened himself as a Buddhist.

In his later years, he publicly pushed for reforms with regard to meat eating and cleri-

cal marriage (肉食，妻帯) and, spreading the true intentions of the Buddha widely in the

world, proclaimed his respect for Shinran. The President of Ōtani University, Yamaguchi

Susumu山口益 (1895–1976), said to him, “The Christians have their Bible, but Buddhism

does not. So you go and create a Buddhist Bible!” 55 years after he began to sell Calpis, in

1974, he published the Buddhist Bible (Bukkyō Seiten 仏教聖典), and carried out many

types of activities to promote Buddhism.

This paper considers modern Buddhism by focusing on the life of Kaiun.

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36. Kaneko Daiei’s Interpretation of the Doctrine of Non-difference of the Mind,

Buddha, and Sentient Beings

Itō Makoto

In an effort to reestablish Buddhism as a modern religion, Japanese Buddhists of the Meiji

and Taishō eras studied major Buddhist sūtras, including the Huayan Sūtra, from new

viewpoints. Focusing on “An Outline of Buddhism” (Bukkyō gairon 仏教概論) published in

1919 by Kaneko Daiei (金子大栄，1881–1976), a Shin Buddhist priest and scholar of the

Huayan Sūtra, this paper examines how Kaneko criticized as removed from reality the tra-

ditional interpretation of the doctrine known as ‘non-difference of the mind, Buddha, and

sentient beings’ (心仏及衆生三無差別説) found in the Huayan Sūtra.

Kaneko pointed out that the interpretation of the above doctrine by the Huayan school

patriarch Fazang 法蔵 (643–712), based on his theory of ‘perfect interfusion’ (円融) of all

phenomena, was too theoretical and abstract, leading to uncritical approval of the status

quo.

In contrast, Kaneko appraised the more ‘real’ appreciation of the doctrine by three dif-

ferent traditions: the Shingon school’s esoteric and physical understanding centered on the

Buddha, a strongly proactive understanding centered on the mind by Zen masters, and the

Pure Land teaching’s focus on sentient beings’ atavistic fundamental awe towards Infinite

Power (大いなる力). On the possibility of forging a ‘real’ interpretation of the doctrine

from a Huayan perspective, Kaneko found the Samantabhadracaryā 普賢行 promising.

This will be a topic for further examination by the present author.

37. A New Fragment of the Zifang yiwang ji 自防遺忘集

Dōtsu Ayano

The Zifang yiwang ji 自防遺忘集 has been studied by means of the sentences quoted under

this title in a commentary on Fazang’s Huayan wujiao zhang 華厳五教章 compiled by a

Japanese monk, and the Huayanjing yichao 華厳経義鈔 in 10 fascicles, which is considered

the only extant source. However, there are two problems. One is the supposition that the

Huayanjing yichao is the Zifang yiwang ji on the basis of a colophon of the former, which

was written in later times. Another problem concerns the existence of Wenchao’s 文超

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Guan jian 関鍵 based on a portion missing from the Huayanjing yichao.

Examining their sentence structures, I confirm that the Huayanjing yichao is the Zi-

fang yiwang ji. And I report the discovery of the page of chapter 8 missing from the Huay-

anjing yichao, which is relevant for the question of the existence of the Guan jian.

38. The Acceptance of Anutpattikadharmakṣānti in the Southern and Northern Dynas-

ties of China: Taking the Theory on Stages of Practice as the Key

Wei Yi

Focusing on the long-neglected corresponding relationship between patience (Skt. kṣānti,

the acquisition of wisdom by phases, named as patience of accordance, patience based on

awareness of the nonarising of phenomena/ anutpattikadharmakṣānti, etc.) and stages of

practice, this paper explores the acceptance and development of patience based on aware-

ness of the nonarising of phenomena in the Southern and Northern Dynasties period. In

particular, the paper examines how Huiyuan of Jingying Monastery 浄影寺慧遠，Zhiyi 智顗，and Jizang 吉蔵–the three great masters of the Sui Dynasty–developed a theory of pa-

tience based on awareness of the nonarising of phenomena in terms of practice stages.

There was a foundation upon which to build the theory of patience and stage of prac-

tice before the three great masters of the Sui Dynasty. Although the views of Huiyuan and

Jizang are similar, they differed in their ideas of the stage of practice for Vimalakīrti. Giv-

en the special view of four patiences paired with stages of practice in Tiantai doctrine,

Zhiyi’s view to bring patience based on awareness of the nonarising of phenomena down to

the stage of the arousal of the aspiration for enlightenment, based on his reading of

Avataṃsaka Sūtra, can be perceived as a stimulus for the theoretical developments of later

periods.

39. The Theory of the Two Contemplations of Seeing Principles and Seeing Manifes-

tations in Song Period Tiantai: The Correspondence with the Four Samādhis

Kubota Masahiro

In Tiantai doctrinal discourse, the distinction between the contemplations of Seeing Princi-

ples (liguan 理観) and of Seeing Manifestations (shiguan 事観) first appeared in the writ-

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ings of Jingxi Zhanran 荊渓湛然 (711–782). Today it is generally accepted that Seeing

Manifestations applies only to “the samādhi of following one’s own thoughts” (suiziyi san-

mei 随自意三昧), the fourth of the Four Samādhis (sizhong sanmei 四種三昧). Although

this interpretation can certainly be derived from Zhanran’s thought, it is important to note

that Zhanran’s account can equally support alternative readings. Furthermore, parts of the

Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止観 clearly disagree with the standard interpretation outlined above.

Consequently, the present paper takes it as its premise that the exact correspondences

between the two contemplations and the Four Samādhis cannot be established on the basis

of Zhanran’s doctrinal thought alone, nor can they be derived unambiguously from Siming

Zhili’s 四明知礼 (960–1028) works. Proceeding from this premise, the paper shows that to-

day’s standard account of these correspondences was not established in the Southern Song

period. The paper points out that Southern Song Tiantai monks beginning with Zhinan

Zhongshao 指南仲韶 (d. u.) and Baiting Shanyue 柏庭善月 (1149–1241) in fact advanced

the notion that Seeing Manifestations is not limited to the fourth of the Four Samādhis.

40. Zhanran’s Theory of Mind Only

Kashiwagura Akihiro

Today, Zhanran is understood to have held an idea of an impure dualism, which is different

from that of his master Zhiyi. However, examining Zhanran’s theory of Mind Only, it was

not possible to reach such a conclusion. First, Zhanran based himself on Zhiyi’s notion that

object and mind are equal. Secondly, Zhanran’s theory of Mind Only is based on the tradi-

tional three views. His theories are based on Zhiyi’s “four types of mindfulness” (sinianchu

四念處). Zhanran faithfully and concretely inherits Zhiyi’s ideas. Zhanran lists the terms

that were popular at that time, and redefines them from a Tiantai perspective. Therefore,

his understanding is not an impure duality.

41. On the Eighth Contemplation in the Sūtra on the Contemplation of Amitāyus (観無量寿経) and the Genre of Meditation Sūtras

Ogasawara Ayari

The Sūtra on the Contemplation of Amitāyus describes birth in the Pure Land, but it also

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has an aspect of the meditation sūtra, or manual. In this paper, I focus on this aspect and

compare the contemplation process comparing the 8th Contemplation in the Sūtra on Con-

templation of Amitāyus with the meditation sūtras. My study confirms that they share a

common approach to contemplation, and the same fundamentals are also found explained

in the Da zhidu lun. The objects to be focused on necessary for the acquisition of

buddānusmṛti-samādhi differ depending on whether one has in view a Buddha statue, the

Buddha's living body, or the Dharma body, and according to the scripture, it is presumed

that all of them are collectively included in the Dasheng da yizhang 大乗大義章．There-

fore, the buddānusmṛti-samādhi in the Sūtra on Contemplation of Amitāyus is the same as

the buddānusmṛti-samādhi of the meditation sūtras.

42. The Coexistence of Purity and Impurity in Buddha-lands in Jizang’s 吉蔵

Writings

Kudō Ryōdō

In this paper, I consider the coexistence of both purity and impurity in Buddha-lands in Ji-

zang’s 吉蔵 writings. In the literature of Chinese Buddhism from the Eastern Jin東晋until

the Northern and Southern dynasties period, we find an important question why purity and

impurity could co-exist in Buddha-lands, based on the theory of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka

法華経 and the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa 維摩経．This issue was already being actively discussed

at the time of Jizang’s composition of the Fahua xuanlun 法華玄論．There was a common

understanding that this issue was very difficult to understand. In response, Jizang wrote the

Huayan youyi 華厳遊意，and deepened the thinking about this question.

43. Shandao’s Interpretations on the Power of Amitābhā’s Original Vow

Ogawa Hōdō

Shandao 善導 is known for his emphasis on the power of Amitābhā’s original vow. Previ-

ous studies have revealed that Shandao widened the meaning of the power of Amitābhā’s

original vow by interpreting that it has additional potency to eliminate sins.

In this paper we argue that, in addition to the above, Shandao likewise included in

that power the possibilities of meeting good teachers 善知識, being welcomed by

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Amitābhā to the Pure Land 来迎, and seeing Buddha. Through this widening of his under-

standing about the power of Amitābhā’s original vow, Shandao constructed a system of re-

birth in the Pure Land.

Furthermore, by comparing his Dharma-Gate of Contemplation 観念法門 and Ban-

zhou zan 般舟讃，we can see that the idea of the power of Amitābhā’s original vow devel-

oped from that of the three powers of the vow 三念願力.

44. The Philosophy of Religious Vows Observed in the Jingtu wuhui nianfo songjing

guanxingyi 浄土五会念仏誦経観行儀

Katō Hirotaka

Last year, I published a book, Tōchūki Jōdokyō ni okeru Zendōryū no shosō (唐中期浄土教における善導流の諸相，Phases of the Shandao School of Pure Land Buddhism in the mid-

Tang; Hozokan). There I presented the historical development of the philosophy of Jingtu

or Pure Land Buddhism from the period after Shandao’s death to Fazhao’s emergence. In

the second part, I referred to the missionary approach of the Jingtu sect teachers, who ap-

plied the philosophy of Religious Vows. This aspect was first discovered around the time of

Daxing大行，who modified the worship of Xinxing 信行 in the Sanjiejiao 三階教 suppres-

sion during the Kaiyuan era. Furthermore, even in the time of the Sanjiejiao revival after

the An Lushan Rebellion, this philosophical trend formed a powerful means of preaching.

In the period after the An Lushan Rebellion, the teachings of the Jingtu teachers such as

Fazhao was suitable; however, as a characteristic trend, there emerged a philosophy of fol-

lowing the patriarchs using the Shandao ritual style. This characteristic is a further devel-

opment to what has already been observed in the Nianfo jing 念仏鏡，and it is particularly

prominent in Fazhao’s Wuhui fashizan 五会法事讃．As Fazhao’s perspectives have greatly

influenced later generations, examining this influence is vital. Therefore, this paper exam-

ines aspects of ideological development following the Wuhui fashizan.

45. The Ordination Age of Wŏnhyo and Ŭisang

Atago Kuniyasu

After the Second World War, studies on Silla Buddhism developed in Japan and South Ko-

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rea without any interaction between scholars of the two countries, until diplomatic relations

were established with the signing of the Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the

Republic of Korea in 1965. Consequences of this lack of interaction spanning two decades

have still not been overcome. The difference in dominant views on when Wŏnhyo 元暁

(617–686) and Ŭisang 義湘 (625–702) were ordained is a case in point. This paper focuses

on three views prevalent in Japan: that Wŏnhyo was ordained at the age of 29; that he was

ordained around the age of 15; and that Ŭisang was ordained at the age of 20. Analyses of

these views reveal that they are based on inadequate basic research, such as misreading

and omissions in reading classical Chinese text. This makes it clear why all three views

have been denied as groundless in Korea.

46. The Two Ancient Chinese Translations of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya in Light of

Old Japanese Manuscripts of the Yiqiejing yinyi

Li Naiqi

The Yiqiejing yinyi 一切経音義 compiled by Xuanying 玄應 (7th c.) of the Tang dynasty is

the earliest extant text on the sounds and meanings of Buddhist texts. It is an important

work that reflects the characteristics of Buddhist texts in the process of formation at the

time of its compilation. Descriptive expressions such as “the scripture gives (經文作) . . .” in the Yiqiejing yinyi function to propose emendations and to explain and analyze the usage

of words in Buddhist texts. Some entries in the Yiqiejing yinyi constitute Xuanying’s pro-

posals for emending terms found in Buddhist texts. On the basis of Old Japanese manu-

scripts, this paper surveys the differences in word usage between the two Chinese transla-

tions of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, and attempts to explain the changes these reveal.

47. Transmission and Inclusion into the Chinese Canon of the Sumatidārikā-

paripṛcchā Translated by Bodhiruci: The Nanatsudera七寺Manuscript

Zhang Meiqiao

Zhisheng 智昇 (8th c.) considered the Sumatidārikā-paripṛcchā 須摩提経 translated by

Bodhiruci as a separately circulating text (別生経) of Chapter XXX of the

Mahāratnakūṭasūtra, and therefore excluded it from the canonical scriptures recorded in

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his famous catalogue Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釈教録 (730). The Sumatidārikā-paripṛcchā

was, however, included in traditional Tripiṭaka editions belonging to the Zhongyuan 中原

lineage, starting with the Kaibao 開宝 canon, and it is included in the Nanatsudera七寺

manuscript collection as well. In order to identify the archetype of the Nanatsudera collec-

tion, I conjecture the existence of an older manuscript, most likely going back to the scrip-

tural collection which Genbō 玄昉 (?–746) brought from China. A collation of the Nanat-

sudera text with the Jin金 canon and the Second Edition of the Korean 高麗 canon (both

belonging to the Kaibao lineage) reveals that although there are some textual similarities,

we can also see differences in formatting. This makes it difficult to conclude that the Nanat-

sudera text was based on a manuscript belonging to the same lineage as the Kaibao canon.

Further research into the Ishiyamadera石山寺manuscript collection, which also contains

the text, will shed light on the possibility of identifying a unique old manuscript lineage.

48. The Stance of the Bukkōji-bon Shinran denne佛光寺本親鸞伝絵

Yamaguchi Tsutomu

The first biography of Shinran, called Shinran denne 親鸞伝絵，was produced by Kakunyo

覚如 (1270–1351), the great-grandson of Shinran. But he revised the book many times and

the Kōei-bon 康永本 is held to be the complete edition. There are 5 revised editions of the

Shinran denne produced by Kakunyo, and among these a big change is recognized on two

points, namely the title of honor given to Shinran and the ‘rounded flat charcoal brazier.’ The Bukkōji-bon Shinran denne 佛光寺本親鸞伝絵，or the copy preserved in Bukkōji tem-

ple, was produced after comparison with five revised editions. Abandoning Shōnin 聖人

and Soshi shōnin 祖師聖人，the Bukkōji-bon adopted Shōnin上人 to refer to Shinran as a

student of Hōnen 法然，and Shōnin 聖人 to refer to him as a successor of Hōnen. On the

‘rounded flat charcoal brazier,’ the Bukkōji-bon does not portray Shinran making use of

this charcoal brazier but rather Hōnen, so the Bukkoji-bon presents it as the symbol of

Hōnen. What was the stance by which the Bukkōji-bon decided the two points? To answer

this question I turn to the Shinran shōnin sōgomonteira kōmyō 親鸞聖人惣御門弟等交名，handed down by the Bukkōji’s followers 佛光寺門徒．This book is not a simple list of

Shinran’s students. It begins with Hōnen’s name, then Shinran’s and so on. In other words,

this book emphasizes the relation between the teacher Hōnen and the student Shinran.

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Consequently, as in the Shinran shōnin sōgomonteira kōmyō, the stance of the Bukkōji-bon

Shinran denne is the importance of relation between the teacher Hōnen and the student

Shinran.

49. The ‘Images of Five Visceral Spirits’ (五臓神形図) Appended to Kakuban’s Gorin

kuji myō himitsushaku 五輪九字明秘密釈

Fan Jun

A number of studies on Kōgyō Daishi 興教大師 Kakuban’s 覚鑁 (1095–1143) famous work

Gorin kuji myō himitsushaku 五輪九字明秘密釈 have been carried out by Seiryu Nasu, Yo-

shitoyo Yoshioka, Fumio Tanaka and Shunsho Manabe. In these studies, the overall con-

tents of the aforementioned work have been sufficiently discussed. Nevertheless, special-

ized investigations on the diagram of the ‘Images of Five Visceral Spirits’ (五臓神形図

abbreviated as ‘IFVS’) appended to Kakuban’s work remain incomplete, and especially its

origin is not clearly known.

With regard to IFVS, 4 points have drawn the author’s interest. First, the male figured

in the lung god’s image is holding a spear. Second, a boy and girl are figured in the liver

god’s image. Third, the jade lady figured in the heart god’s image is holding a jewelled

vase. Fourth, the gesture of the spiritual beast figured as the kidney god.

In this paper, the origin of IFVS, with focus on the above four points, will be dis-

cussed by examining materials found in a Tang period Taoist text called the Chart on the

Procedures for Filling and Emptying the Six Receptacles and Five Viscera according to the

Inner Landscape of the Yellow Court (Huangting neijing wuzang liufu buxie tu黄庭內景五臟六腑補瀉圖) by the priestess Hu Yin胡愔 (fl. 848).

50. Gyōnen’s Kegon gokyō kenjōshō in the Tōdaiji Library

Nakanishi Toshihide

There is a manuscript of volume 21 of the Kegon gokyō kenjōshō 華厳五教賢聖章 in the

Tōdaiji Library. This text was written by Gyōnen 凝然 (1240–1321) in 1277, and the manu-

script was transcribed in 1368. Gyōnen’s Kegon gokyō kenjōshō has not yet been studied.

In this paper, I introduce an outline and the contents of the Kegon gokyō kenjōshō, and

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point out the relationship with Gyōnen’s Gokyōshō Tsūroki 五教章通路記，Sōshō’s 宗性

(1202–1278) Kegonshū Kōkunshō 華厳宗香薫抄，and Zhizhou’s智周 (668–723) Dasheng

Rudao cidi大乗入道次第．What is especially important is the way that Gyōnen and Sōshō

cited their sources. It is possible that Gyōnen wrote the Kegon gokyō kenjōshō based on

Sōshō’s lectures on Fazang’s Huayanjing tanxuanji 華厳経探玄記．

51. Elements of Tibetan Buddhism in the Chinese Esoteric Ritual Manuals of

Akṣobhyavajra 不動金剛

Xu Dongjun (Laihai)

Some verses from Tibetan Buddhism, unfamiliar in Chinese Buddhism, are found among

the Chinese esoteric Buddhist ritual manuals used at present in Chinese temples. These are

particularly prominent in the esoteric ritual manuals written by the monk Akṣobhyavajra,

active during the Xixia 西夏 and Song 宋 periods (ca. mid 11th to late 13th centuries). The

Tibetan Buddhist elements in these ritual manuals are not seen in other Song period Chi-

nese manuals, and may be conjectured to have been introduced to these manuals by

Akṣobhyavajra, who had been influenced by Tibetan elements in Xixia Buddhism. Howev-

er, the verses from Tibetan Buddhism found in his Chinese ritual manuals were interpreted

differently by Chinese Buddhist monks after Akṣobhyavajra, and Tibetan Buddhist teach-

ings seem to have not been accepted into Chinese Buddhism through them.

52. On the Origin of shifangsi 十方寺

Daowu

This paper seeks to clarify the origins of the term shifangsi 十方寺，which was previously

considered to have originated with the Chan sect in China, but which actually existed in

China before the rise of Chan, and in fact originated in India.

Kanai Tokuyuki 金井徳幸 argued that it began in the Five Dynasties, and Liu Chang-

dong 劉長東 traced its origins to the Tang. They disagree about the date, but agree in trac-

ing the term to Chan in China.

However, the term can be seen in the Tang before the arisal of Chan. Specifically, it

appears in references to the Tang Vinaya masters Xijue 希覚 and Huize 慧則 in the Zeng-

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hui ji増輝記．In fact, the origin goes back to India. This is based on a description in Mu-

jaku Dōchū’s 無著道忠 Zenrin shōkisen 禅林象器箋 which discusses sources from the Tang

and earlier.

53. A New Perspective on the Time of Editing of Shenhui’s Platform Sermon of the

Priest of Nanyang on Direct Realization of One’s Nature According to the Chan Doc-

trine of Emancipation through the Sudden Teaching (Nanyang heshang dunjiao jietuo

chanmen zhiliaoxing tanyu 南陽和上頓教解脫禪門直了性壇語)

Ibuki Atsushi

For a long time, Shenhui’s Platform Sermon of the Priest of Nanyang on Direct Realization

of One’s Nature According to the Chan Doctrine of Emancipation through the Sudden

Teaching (Nanyang heshang dunjiao jietuo chanmen zhiliaoxing tanyu 南陽和上頓教解脫禪門直了性壇語) has been considered as a work written in a relatively early period of Shen-

hui’s life, because of its use of the name “the priest of Nanyang”. But according to refer-

ences in The Record of the Dharma-Jewel Through the Generations (Lidai fabao ji 歷代法寶記), we should consider it rather as a work edited between the fourth and the eighth years

of Tianbao (天寶，745–749).

If it was edited after his residence at the Heze temple (荷澤寺) in Luoyang, why was

Shenhui called “the priest of Nanyang” (南陽和尚)? The answer may be obvious: There

were many priests at the Heze temple, so, if one used the name “the priest of Heze temple” (荷澤和尚), nobody could identify it as Shenhui. Therefore, they usually called him “the

priest who came from Nanyang” (南陽和上).

54. The Elements of Pure Land Buddhism in Yongming Yanshou’s Thought and

Practice

Yanagi Mikiyasu

This article makes three points through an analysis of the oldest biography of Yongming

Yanshou 永明延寿 (904–976) and his works.

First, according to the Chinese researcher Shi Chuanyun 釈伝云，the Repentance ritu-

al of the Da fangdeng tuoluoni jing 大方等陀羅尼経 and the releasing of captive animals

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recorded in the oldest biography of Yanshou should be regarded as practices of Pure Land

Buddhism. However, according to this oldest biography of Yanshou, together with his own

writings, it is clear that these practices were not performed for the purpose of being reborn

in the Pure Land of Amitābha Buddha.

Second, the ultimate intent of these various practices as taught by Yanshou was rather

the attainment of enlightenment in this life.

Third, Yanshou’s intention of praying to Amitābha Buddha everyday was to offer

guidance to enable those of middle or lesser capacities to understand the Buddhist teach-

ings.

55. The Influence of Mingkuang’s 明曠 Tiantai pusajie shu天台菩薩戒疏on Saichō and

Kōjō 光定

Ohtsu Ken’ichi

It is generally held that the ideas Saichō and Kōjō 光定 (779–858) had with regard to the

precepts were influenced by Mingkuang 明曠 (late 8th c.). But some scholars point out the

differences between Saichō and Kōjō especially with regard to isshinkai 一心戒．One ap-

proach to understand Mingkuang’s influence would be to study the quotations from his

Tiantai pusajie shu cited in Saichō’s Kenkairon 顕戒論．Therefore, here I focus on the quo-

tations of Mingkuang’s text in the Kenkairon and in Kōjō’s Denjutsu isshinkaimon 伝述一心戒文．Since some quotations from Mingkuang’s text in the Kenkairon are slightly differ-

ent from the original intention, there is some question whether Saichō placed a particular

focus on Mingkuang’s text. However, it is noteworthy that Saichō used Mingkunag’s text to

prove the validity of the Mahāyāna precepts as a condition for ordination. On the other

hand, Kōjō’s Denjutsu isshinkaimon cites Mingkuang’s text at length, and he accepts Ming-

kuang’s concept about the heart and precepts as the basis of isshinkai. Some scholars think

that Mingkuang’s influence on Kōjō shows his influence on Saichō as well, but we must

consider the two cases separately.

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56. A Study of Shibi Chuan’ao石壁伝奥

Ping Yanhong

This paper discusses Master Chuan’ao 伝奥 and his Huayan thought. Although we can not

identify the year of his death, we are able to recognize that he was active in the Late Tang

or the Five Dynasties period. He is the author of seven works including the Fanwangjing ji

梵網経記 (Notes on the Brahmajāla Sūtra) and the Huayanjing jinguan chao 華厳経錦冠鈔

(Jingguan Commentary on the Avataṃsaka Sūtra). These were quite influential on Zixuan

長水子璿（965–1038）in the Song Dynasty. His works were not only widely circulated in

China, but also spread to Japan and the Korean Peninsula. He is a critical transitional fig-

ure linking Zongmi 圭峰宗密（780–841）and Zixuan, as he wrote several commentaries

on Zongmi’s works. One of the most important questions about Chuan’ao is whether he, as

a disciple of Zongmi, is the Xuangui Zhen’ao 玄珪真奥who was the sixth patriarch of the

Huayan School. This paper aims to settle this debate. It will review Chuan’ao’s lifetime, the

inheritance between Zongmi and Zixuan in the Huayan School, and the disciples of Zong-

mi. Based on the discussion, this paper clarifies the status of Chuan’ao in the history of

Huayan thought.

57. Huiyuan’s Huayan Buddhism and the Awakening of Faith (大乘起信論)

Zhang Yuxin

The Awakening of Faith 大乘起信論 (AF) is a well-known Buddhist text about

Tathāgatagarbha, which profoundly influenced Fazang 法藏’s thought and played an essen-

tial role in the development of Huayan Buddhism. As a disciple of Fazang, Huiyuan慧苑

(673?–743?) attached great importance to Tathāgatagarbha, but rarely mentioned the AF

in the Xu huayan lüeshu kanding ji 続華厳略疏刊定記．In Huiyuan’s view, the AF is basi-

cally a treatise about the theory of “the non-obstruction between the absolute and phenom-

ena 理事無碍”, and its content could be comprehended through the concepts of “mind-only

(唯心)” and “dharmatā 法性”. Huiyuan’s twofold interpretation of “ten mysteries (十玄)”，a

concept developed from “three greatnesses (三大)”, apparently has a deep relation to the

Ratnagotravibhāga (RGV). In Huiyuan’s Huayan Budddhism, the superiority of AF is no

longer emphasized. It is reasonable to say that this change may be genuinely related to the

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inheritance of Fazang’s attention to RGV in his later years.

58. The Dependent Origination of Tathāgatagarbha如来蔵縁起 in the Sui and Tang

Dynasties: On Several Commentaries on the Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanādasūtra

Yang Yufei

Originally, Tathāgatagarbha is an ontological or spiritual concept, and Dependent Origina-

tion (縁起) is a generative concept; there was no direct relationship between them. After

the idea of Tathāgatagarbha was introduced into China, its content and meaning gradually

changed. Especially when it was combined with Dependent Origination, a new concept

called the Dependent Origination of Tathāgatagarbha was generated. Generally, the origin

of the Dependent Origination of Tathāgatagarbha is attributed to the

Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanādasūtra勝鬘師子吼一乗大方便方広経 (SMS), but the Dependent Orig-

ination of SMS only involves the relationship between Nirvāṇa and Tathāgatagarbha,

Saṁsāra and Tathāgatagarbha, and does not mention that Saṁsāra and Nirvāṇa were born

on the basis of Tathāgatagarbha. Jingyingsi Huiyuan浄影寺慧遠and Jizang吉蔵developed

the Dependent Origination of the SMS in their commentaries on the SMS. Finally, the De-

pendent Origination of Tathāgatagarbha was put forward by Fazang法蔵．This paper in-

vestigates the development and evolution of the Dependent Origination of Tathāgatagarbha

in Chinese Buddhism, and focuses on several commentaries on the SMS from the Sui and

Tang Dynasties.

59. Tathāgatagarbha in the Niepanjing jijie

Zhang Wen Liang

In the Niepanjing jijie 涅槃経集解, Tathāgatagarbha is considered the synonym of Buddha-

nature. Still, the difference between Tathāgatagarbha and Buddha-nature is recognized in

that Buddha-nature is a characteristic of Buddha, while Tathāgatagarbha refers to sentient

beings. Buddha-nature is Dharmakāya in a visible state. In contrast, Tathāgatagarbha is

Dharmakāya in an invisible state, covered by afflictions. This kind of interpretation is seen

in works of Jizang 吉蔵 and Huiyuan of the Jingying Monastery 浄影寺慧遠, and is argu-

ably a consensus shared by Chinese Buddhists in the Northern and Southern and the Sui

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Dynasties. From this interpretation, we may see the influence of the

Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanādasūtra and the effect of traditional Chinese ideas on human nature.

60. “Great sūtra” in the Chinese Northern and Southern Dynasties

Wang Zheng

To which sūtra does the term “Great sūtra” (Da jing大經) refer, and why is this word used

to refer to the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra? The usage of this term can reflect

how users perceive the Buddhist scriptures and Buddhism itself. In particular, when con-

sidering the Mahāyāna movement and its acceptance in China, further consideration

should be given to this issue.

This paper refers to the study of Mahā- and Cūḷa- which appear in pairs in the Majj-

hima Nikāya, and the suffix -mahāsuttaṃ which appears in the Pali Vinaya and in the title

of the Sanskrit fragments of Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra. Through those con-

siderations, we may speculate that the meaning of “Great sūtra” gradually changed. This

change influenced Chinese Buddhism to a certain degree. In the Buddhist writings of Chi-

na, the tradition of using the short form “Great sūtra” and “Great Treatise” (Da lun大論) to

refer to Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra and Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa was initiated by Jizang.

Through an analysis of “Great sūtra” in Jizang’s writings, we can link his usage to the ener-

getic debates on the Buddha-dhātu in the middle and late Northern and Southern dynasties,

as well as to the notions of the Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra consistent with Jizang’s own asser-

tions of a new interpretation of Indian Madhyamaka thought.

61. The Colophon of Newar Buddhist Manuscript 106 of the Kyoto University Library

Yoshizaki Kazumi

The Newar Buddhist manuscript, Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna, no. 106 of the Kyoto University Li-

brary, was copied by a scribe named Ṣaḍānanda in A.D. 1923. Another ms.,

Śiṣyalekhadharmakāvya, no. 389 of the Tokyo University Library, was copied in 1912. The

scribe, Ṣaḍānanda, introduced himself as “an inhabitant at Mahābauddha temple in Patan

and awarded the title of Vajrācārya (by the Non-Newar Government)”. These two mss. are

written in the Devanāgarī script.

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Another two mss, Sapādalakṣā Mahāpratyaṅgirā and Kālacakratantra, no. 111 and

no. 18 of the Kyoto University Library, were copied in 1901 and 1907 respectively in the

Newari script by Ṣaḍabhijñānanda from Mahābauddha.

During the first half of his life, Ṣaḍabhijñānanda copied some mss. in the Newari

script. But after gaining possession of the Vajrācārya title, he copied mss. in the

Devanāgarī script under the name of Ṣaḍānanda. These changes have been linked to the

Non-Newar Government’s policy of rejecting the Newar culture. Unlike many Newar

scribes, he acted in line with that policy.

62. The Influence of the Dag yig mkhas pa’i ’byung gnas, the Authorized Tibetan-Mon-

golian Dictionary of Buddhist Terminology: The Translations of Terms in the

Bodhisattvacaryāvatāra Cited in the Mongolian Version of the Byang chub lam rim

chen mo

Arildii Burmaa

The Dag yig mKhas pa’i ’byung gnas (abbr. DKh) compiled by lCang skya rol pa’i rdo rje

(1717–1786) during the 18th century in Mongolia consists of Tibetan-Mongolian Buddhist

terminology as well as a set of rules for consistent translation.

DKh (1742) was compiled in almost the same period as the Mongolian Tengyur

(1739). It is unclear how much influence the DKh had on the consistent translation of

terms utilized in the Mongolian Tengyur.

In this paper, I have tried to shed light on this issue, taking the citations of some vers-

es from the Bodhisattvacaryāvatāra as examples, mainly based on two versions of the Mon-

golian translation of the Byang chub ram rim chen mo: one is the text contained in the Pe-

king edition of the collected works of Tsong kha pa blo bzang grags pa; the other is the

translation by Delger Galsanjamba in the 20th century. I have drawn the following conclu-

sions:

1. The translation by Delger Galsanjamba was translated under the strong influence of

the DKh, while the translation of the Peking edition, which I assume was translated a little

earlier than the DKh, was outside of its influence.

2. This fact suggests that not all translations in the Mongolian Tengyur necessarily

followed the set rules of consistent terminology and the rules prescribed in the DKh.

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As for the influence of the DKh on the Mongolian Tengyur and Kangyur, much more

detailed information needs to be collected before we can reach any definite conclusions.

63. Atiśa’s Vajrayāna Theory: On the Vajrāsanavajragīti and the Caryāgīti

Pak Hee Eon

The Vajrāsanavajragīti (Rdo rje gdan gyi rdo rje’i glu) and the Caryāgīti (Spyod pa’i glu)

are works of Atiśa (982–1054) concerning Tantric Buddhism. Although Atiśa himself clar-

ifies the Caryāgīti as the sequel to the Vajrāsanavajragīti, the relationship of those two

works remains unclear in so far as the teachings of the Vajrāsanavajragīti are concerned

with Vajrayāna, while the teachings of the Caryāgīti seem more concerned with

Pāramitāyāna.

In this paper, I first examine the teachings and the characteristics of those two works,

focusing on the procedure of practice. Second, I examine the relationship between the two

works, focusing on the terminology that Atiśa uses. Finally, I clarify that the Mahāmudrā

tradition plays an important role in Atiśa’s Vajrayāna theory.

64. Ritual Texts for Bringing Down Thunder and Hail: On the Phu ri Manuscripts

Iuchi Maho

In 2002, around 12,000 folio manuscript pages constituting something like 150 texts were

discovered in Phuri, an ancient place in the Gung thang Kingdom, near the northern border

of modern Nepal. Details of this discovery have recently been made available to scholars

in the catalogue Phu ri Manuscripts (2018, 2 vols.) published by the Tibetan Ancient Books

Research Institute, Tibet University. Most of the Phu ri manuscripts are ritual texts, dated

between the 10th and 13th centuries, the beginning of the Tibetan period of the second dif-

fusion (phyi dar) or that of fragmentation (sil bu’i skabs).

This paper examines the ritual texts in the Phu ri manuscripts, and those bringing

down thunder and hail in particular (ser ba dang thog dbab pa’i man ngag, T.P.137); it also

considers the transmission of Buddhism to Western Tibet at the beginning of the period of

the second diffusion.

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65. Fragments of the Laukikalokottaravajratantra from Tibetan Sources

Tokushige Hiroshi

No Chinese or Tibetan translation of the Laukikalokottaravajratantra is known, and no

Sanskrit original has yet been found. This Buddhist Tantric text was noted in previous

studies as possibly corresponding to the fifth assembly of the large text of the Jin’gangding

jing金剛頂経 in eighteen assemblies and 100,000 gāthās, but that conclusion is based solely

on the Tattvasiddhi and needs to be reconsidered based on many actual examples. The pres-

ent paper provides fragments from the Laukikalokottaravajratantra in Tibetan translation,

which are found in translated commentaries on Buddhist Tantric texts such as the

*Guhyasamājatantraṭīkā, *Tattvālokakarī, *Śrīparamādyavṛtti, and *Śrīparamādyaṭīkā.

After reviewing the recovered excerpts, it was found that the Laukikalokottarava-

jratantra is closely related to the Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṃgraha, the Śrīparamādya, and the

Guhyasamājatantra. Furthermore, it has been pointed out in previous studies that these

scriptures, in turn, correspond to the first assembly, the sixth through eighth assembly, and

the fifteenth assembly of the large text of the Jin’gangding jing. Accordingly, the probabili-

ty that the Laukikalokottaravajratantra corresponds to the fifth assembly is high.

66. The Proof Statement of Omniscience and maulaḥ prayogaḥ

Satō Chigaku

Regarding the introduction of Tattvasaṃgraha (TS) 3440–3441, the Tattvasaṃgrahapañjikā

(TSP) mentions that the reason for denying omniscience suggested by Kumārila of “being

a real thing etc.” could actually prove omniscience. However, in the TS 3440–3441 proof

statement, we do not find the phrase “being a real thing etc.” that is found in TSP’s intro-

duction. In its annotation for the relevant portion, TSP presents a proof statement with the

expression maulaḥ prayogaḥ. This proof statement demonstrates omniscience by using the

phrase “being a real thing etc.” The expression maulaḥ prayogaḥ is based on TS 3446. As

can be seen from the fact that it is proving omniscience with the reason that Kumārila used

for denying omniscience, its opposition to him is clear. TSP sees the proof statement from

TS 3440–3441 as the ground for maulaḥ prayogaḥ. This proof statement is based on

Pramāṇavārttika (PV) 2.136, PV 3.285, and the ideas of Dharmakīrti’s followers regarding

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these passages. A similar proof statement is found in the Madhyamakāloka.

67. Why Does Dharmottara Explain avisaṃvādakatva as pravṛttiviṣayapradarśakatva?

Miao Shoule

Dharmakīrti states in Pramāṇavārttika 2.1 that pramāṇa (valid cognition) is avisaṃvādi-

jñāna (reliable cognition) and that avisaṃvādana (reliability) means arthakriyāsthiti (the

confirmation of causal efficiency). Whereas Dharmottara regards pramāṇa as

avisaṃvādaka-jñāna, he explains avisaṃvādakatva, which is equal in meaning to

avisaṃvādana, as pravṛttiviṣayapradarśakatva (the indication of the object of activity), and

does not accept arthakriyāsthiti. What is his reason for doing so?

Dharmottara regards arthakriyā as the obtaining or the shunning of objects in the case

of inference (Nyāyabinduṭīkā on Nyāyabindu 1.1). He clarifies that pramāṇa allows human

beings to understand an external object but cannot force them to take action

(Nyāyabinduṭīkā on Nyāyabindu 1.1). As a pramāṇa, inference cannot always lead to

arthakriyā as described above, because there is no assurance that one must take action af-

ter making an inference. Thus, the concept of arthakriyāshiti formulated by Dharmakīrti

will present the problem that inference as such cannot be regarded as pramāṇa. Dharmotta-

ra solves this issue by introducing the concept of pravṛttiviṣayapradarśakatva: The status

of being pramāṇa is guaranteed to inference as long as it serves to show the object of ac-

tivity (Nyāyabinduṭīkā on Nyāyabindu 1.1).

Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 69, No. 3, March 2021 （253）

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68. Kumārila and Dharmakīrti: The Sarvadarśanasaṅgraha on Dharmakīrti

Kimura Shungen

Erich Frauwallner suggested 630–640 as the date of the Bṛhaṭṭīkā of Kumārila in his

‘Kumārila’s Bṛhaṭṭīkā’ (WZKSO 6, 1962), in connection of his supposition of the date of

Dharmakīrti as c.600–660. That is, in the Bṛhaṭṭīkā Kumārila criticized the causal logic of

Dharmakīrti, but he did not criticize it in his Ślokavārttika. Frauwallner thus supposed

Kumārila’s composition of the Bṛhaṭṭīkā to be later than that of the Ślokavārttika. I argue

here that Kumārila in fact criticized the apoha theory of the Pramāṇavārttika in his

Ślokavārttika. Furthermore, Dharmkīrti criticized the revelation theory of the Vedas, which

Kumārila called ‘apauruṣeyatvam’ in the scripture section of his Ślokavārttika. For

Dharmakīrti, the Vedas were composed of human words, that is, ‘pauruṣeyatvam.’ As for

the authenticity of Buddha’s teaching and the lack of authenticity of the Brahmanical scrip-

tures argued by Dharmakīrti, this is discussed between sections 3 and 3e of the

Svārthānumāna chapter of the Pramāṇavārttika. They are thus contemporary and the com-

position of the Bṛhaṭṭīkā may be c. 600 according to my supposition of the date of

Dharmakīrti as c.550–620. See my papers in this Journal 63.1 (2011) and 64.1 (2012).

Kumārila criticized the apoha sentence of k.139 of Dharmakīri’s Svārthānumāna

chapter in k.1 and 3 of the Apohavāda section of his Ślokavārttika. In this way the two

scholars criticized each other, and they seem to be of the same generation.

In the appendix added to this paper, I report that the southern text of the

Pramāṇavārttika cited in the second chapter of the Sarvadarśanasaṅgraha by Mādhava is

better than the northern texts used by scholars until now, by which I mean to include the

Tibetan translations as well. That is, ‘ca vyakter’ (thus an individual) in k.247 of the

Pratyakṣa chapter of the Pramāṇavārttika cited by Mādhava is better than the ‘yuktijnāḥ’ (men of wisdom) adopted heretofore. ‘Vyaktiḥ’ (individual) is a keyword of the Sautrāntika

Dharmakīrti.

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69. Satkāyadṛṣṭi (View of the Existence of Self) in Sthiramati’s Pañcaskandhakavibhāṣā:

Its connections with Anātmavāda (theory of no-self) and Kṣaṇikavāda (theory of mo-

mentariness)

Nasu Enshō

In the Pañcaskandhakavibhāṣā, Sthiramati conducts mainly doctrinal investigations, and

considerations of philosophical topics are rare. Among the few philosophical issues, how-

ever, his “critiques of the theory of the real existence of dharmas in the three time periods” and “investigations on satkāyadṛṣṭi being based on anātmavāda and kṣaṇikavāda” are wor-

thy of attention. In this paper, I examine the latter topic, Sthirmati’s investigation of

satkāyadṛṣṭi, placing it within the broader context of fundamental Buddhist philosophical

arguments, in order to better understand the depth of Sthiramati’s philosophical insight.

Sthiramati’s Pañcaskandhakavibhāṣā is a commentary to Vasubandhu’s Pañcaskand-

haka. Satkāyadṛṣṭi is classified in the Pañcaskandhaka in the following way: satkāyadṛṣṭi is

one of the five wrong views, wherein dṛṣṭi (view) is classified as one of the six kleśas (de-

filed thoughts), which are listed as saṃskāraskandha (aggregates as conditioned forces) of

the five skandhas. Satkāyadṛṣṭi is transliterated-cum-translated into Chinese by Xuanzang

as sajiaye jian薩迦耶見．In the Pañcaskandhaka Vasubandhu defines satkāyadṛṣṭi as “a defiled knowledge

(prajñā) which sees the five skandhas as ātman (me) or ātmīya (mine)”. Following Vasubandhu’s definition, Sthiramati, in his commentary, made a further de-

tailed investigation of satkāyadṛṣṭi in relation with Buddhist theories of anātmavāda and

kṣaṇikavāda. This investigation, especially its discussion on the theory of kriyā (activity)

accompanying the theory of kṣaṇikavāda, forms the logical background to the idea of tran-

scendence of time and space in the theory of nirvāṇa, which is a central problem within

Buddhist philosophy.

70. The gāmbhīryatva-viśeṣa of the Bodhisattvaśīla: The Restored Teachings in Chap-

ter Six of the Mahāyānasaṃgraha

Shimamoto Kōtoku

The aim of this paper is to clarify the profundity superiority (*gāmbhīryatva-viśeṣa) in

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chapter six （*adhiśīla） of the *Mahāyānasaṃgraha (MS).

MS.VI is based on the śīlapaṭala of the Bodhisattvabhūmi and has four superiorities

(*catur-viśeṣa) regarding the Bodhisattvaśīla. MS.VI.5 has three topics about the fourth

profound superiority, but they are difficult to understand. This is because Taking Life

(*prāṇa-atipāta) is accepted as Skill in Means (*upāya-kauśalya). According to the com-

mentaries on MS and preceding studies, the first topic is based on the śīlapaṭala of the

Bodhisattvabhūmi, the second on the Gaṇḍavyūhasūtra, and the third on the Vessantara

Jātaka (547).

After scrutinizing the commentaries on MS and the original teachings (the motifs of

MS.VI.5), I find that the commentaries have restored the original teachings. In the first top-

ic, compared with the śīlapaṭala, the commentaries on MS emphasize the merit of Taking

Life as Skill in Means. But MS.VI.5 adds to the second and third topics restored teachings

of the Gaṇḍavyūhasūtra and Vessantara Jātaka. The second topic means Taking Life is

limited to the Bodhisattva’s illusory life (*nirmita). The third topic shows that the Buddha

also gave the brāhmaṇa illusory sons. Therefore, MS.VI.5 emphasizes the profound superi-

ority like the merit of Taking Life by Skill in Means, while on the other hand, Taking Life

is limited to illusory life.

71. On the Demonstration of the Existence of Ālayavijñāna in the Viniścayasaṃgrahaṇī

of the Yogācārabhūmi

Hyangsan (Jung Kyungjin)

After supplementing the theory on the genesis of ālayavijñāna proposed by L. Schmithau-

sen from a reconsideration of the original meaning and explanatory phrases, we under-

stood that the Demonstration of the Existence of Ālayavijñāna (8 proofs) was separately ar-

ranged in the order of all-Seeds (sarvabījaka) [the 1st proof], appropriator (upādātṛ) [the

2nd, 3rd], part of the Maturation (vipāka) [the 4th, 5th], and finally ālayavijñāna [the 6th,

7th].　In other words, from the discovery of some vijñāna in nirodhasamāpatti of the Ini-

tial Passage to the clarification of the mechanism of Transmuted Basis (āśrayaparāvṛtti)

through meditation, the ālayavijñāna which was a gap-bridger of nirodhasamāpatti devel-

ops into the uniquely existing vijñāna at the moment of conception, and after becoming

that which takes charge of the function of biological appropriation (upādāna), in the con-

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text of death the term ālayavijñāna is used. It can also be read from the order of the 8

proofs. We also pointed out that ālayavijñāna, which had a close relationship with

antarābhava by birth, was able to complete the cycle of saṁsāra by expressing the with-

drawal of ālayavijñāna in the 8th proof.

72. On the *Madhyamakayogācārabalābalaparīkṣā: A Newly Surfaced Sanskrit Work

Li Xuezhu

The present paper deals with a newly surfaced Sanskrit work entitled *Madhyamakayogācā-

rabalābalaparīkṣā, whose original manuscript is preserved at the Norbulingka in the TAR,

and whose copy is preserved in a box labeled number 37 at the CTRC, Beijing. The manu-

script is incomplete. In total, 11 folios (palm-leaf) are currently available. Since the text

suddenly ends in the middle of running text in fol. 11, the colophon is currently unavail-

able, and thus, the author of the text is unknown. The title *Madhyamakayogācārabalābala-

parīkṣā is found on the cover-page folio (written by a later hand; this title is listed in Luo

Zhao’s catalogue).

As the text quotes the Pramāṇavārttika, we can date the text after Dharmakīrti, but no

precise date of the work is known. At the beginning of the text, the work presents a prayoga

(probably from the Yogācāra position), and there follow a critic from the Madhyamaka

side against the prayoga, and further debates between the two schools discussing the prayo-

ga. The present paper is a preliminary report on the text, dealing with some crucial points

of the debates and other basic characteristics of the text.

73. The Role of Abhidharmic Teachings in Candrakīrti’s Yuktiṣaṣṭikāvṛtti

Liu Chang

This paper investigates the role of Abhidharmic teachings in the theory of practice as

found in the Yuktiṣaṣṭikāvṛtti. According to the author Candrakīrti, Abhidharmic teachings

taught by the Buddha are essential to those who have yet to be freed from the views of

non-existence and existence.

On the one hand, the establishment of dependent arising in the three times and the in-

animate world as postulated in the Abhidharma tradition will eliminate people’s view of

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non-existence, which wrongly denies the relation between action and its result, and causes

them to accumulate all the unwholesome dharmas. Therefore, due to this role of Abhidhar-

mic teachings, they will avoid experiencing unfavorable rebirths.

On the other hand, based on the teachings of the existence of skandha, āyatana and

dhātu, those who have yet to be freed from the view of existence will be able to avoid the

fault of the view of emptiness and further proceed to attain the ultimate truth. Due to their

recognition of the importance of the cessation of transmigration, they will also easily over-

come their attachment to nirvāṇa. In consequence, they will be able to understand empti-

ness as being freed from both non-existence and existence.

74. On the Sarvāstivāda Theory of the Existence of Form (saṃsthāna): The Argu-

ments for the existence of saṃsthāna in Saṃghabhadra’s Nyāyānusāra

Liu Tingting

In the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya (AKBh), Vasubandhu maintains that form (saṃsthāna) is

non-existent mainly on the following two grounds: 1) saṃsthāna would be cognized by two

different sense organs (indriya), i.e. eyes (cakṣus) and skin (kāya) if saṃsthāna were to ex-

ist; 2) the atoms (paramāṇu) of saṃsthāna do not have their own specific characteristics

(svalakṣaṇa). Against this, Saṃghabhadra raises three objections in the Nyāyānusāra. First,

saṃsthāna is a different reality from color (varṇa) because it is cognized as such. Second,

the forms ‘long, short’ and so on are cognized in two steps: the first step is the perception of

saṃsthāna by visual consciousness (cakṣurvijñāna), and this saṃsthāna is existent; the

second step is the cognition of ‘long’ and so on by mental consciousness (manovijñāna),

and this ‘long’ and so on is non-existent. Therefore saṃsthāna is not cognized by the body.

Finally, each atom cannot be apprehended by direct perception (pratyakṣa). It is for this

reason that each atom does not appear either as colors like ‘blue, yellow’ and so on or as

forms like ‘long, short’ and so on.

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75. The Circumstances of Establishment of the Abhidharmakośa Commentary Pre-

served in Tibetan and Ascribed to Saṃghabhadra: Reexamination of the Theory

of the Bu ston chos ’byung

Kotani Akihisa

This paper reexamines where to position in the historical development of Abhidharma lit-

erature a concise commentary of the Abhidharmakośa translated into Tibetan and ascribed

to Saṃghabhadra. Saṃghabhadra is known as an Indian Buddhist master who delivered

scathing criticism against Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. He composed two texts,

the *Nyāyānusāra (T. 1562) and the *Abhidharmasamayapradīpikā (T. 1563), both of

which were translated into Chinese by Xuanzang. Furthermore, the Tibetan Bstan ’gyur has

another concise work ascribed to Saṃghabhadra̶Chos mgon pa mdzod kyi ’grel pa mdo

dang mthun pa (D. 4091, P. 5592), or *Sūtrānurūpā nāma abhidharmakośavṛtti.

Matsunami [2001, 2002] proposed a hypothesis that the *Sūtrānurūpā was composed

as a commentary on the Abhidharmakośakārikā alone, before the composition of Vasu-

bandhu’s autocommentary. His hypothesis is based on the Bu ston chos ’byung.

The Bu ston chos ’byung says the following in its biography of Vasubandhu: After Va-

subandhu wrote the Mdzod kyi tshig le’ur byas pa (referred to as the Abhidharmakośakārikā

in the biography), Saṃghabhadra presented a commentary called ’Grel pa mdo dang mthun

pa (*Sūtrānurūpā ) . Subsequent ly, Vasubandhu presented a ’Grel pa

(Abhidharmakośabhāṣya). When compared to the names listed in the Buddhist scripture cat-

alog in the Bu ston chos ’byung, “’Grel pa mdo dang mthun pa,” mentioned in Vasubandhu’s

biography, is recognized as an abbreviation for the *Sūtrānurūpā. Therefore, Matsunami’s

hypothesis certainly agrees with the Bu ston chos ’byung.

In chapter two, “Indriya-nirdeśa,” of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, the “twenty catego-

ries of thought” are taught from verse 71b to verse 72. The Abhidharmists classify sentient

beings’ minds into 20 categories, according to their nature and realm. In this context, the

*Sūtrānurūpā suggests that the reader reference the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, with no ex-

planation. It follows that the *Sūtrānurūpā declares itself to be a summary of the

Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. Therefore, we conclude that the *Sūtrānurūpā’s concise style of

writing cannot be explained as being in the midst of a process of gradual expansion of the

content of the description of the Abhidharmakośakārikā, the *Sūtrānurūpā, and then the

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Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, but must be seen as a summary of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya.

76. A New Approach to the Doctrine of Rapid Attainment of Buddhahood in the

Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra

Bai Jinghao

The story of the Dragon-king’s daughter, which appears in Chapter 11 of the

Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra, is generally considered to teach the doctrine that women can

attain Buddhahood suddenly only through sūtra worship, not by practicing the usual bod-

hisattva path. However, a close reading of the original text shows that this is not the case.

In the story, the Dragon-king’s daughter, who has attained the tenth stage of the bodhisattva

path, denies that she can attain Buddhahood suddenly. This paper examines the actual

meaning of the doctrine of the rapid attainment of Buddhahood, and thereby provides a

new interpretation of the story.

In fact, the authors of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra assert that bodhisattvas, after

having practiced the path for three kalpas and attained the tenth Bodhisattva-stage, should

then worship the sūtra in order to attain Buddhahood rapidly.

77. One upādhyāya and Two ācāryas Prescribed in the (Mūla)sarvāstivādin

Karmavācanā

Shōno Masanori

The present writer re-edited one of the Gilgit Karmavācanās, which prescribes admission

(pravrajyā) and ordination (upasaṃpad) among the (Mūla)sarvāstivādin. At section 4.10 of

the Karmavācanā, there is a noteworthy description of preceptors (upādhyāya) and instruc-

tors (ācārya). This paper investigates the description by making use of the

Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya (Pravrajyāvastu), Uttaragrantha, Genben shuo yiqie youbu baiyi

jiemo根本説一切有部百一羯磨，Genben sapoduo bu lüshe根本薩婆多部律攝，and Vinayas-

ūtravṛttyabhidhānasvavyākhyāna.

Among the (Mūla)sarvāstivādins, there are two types of preceptor and five types of

instructor. Section 4.10 of the Karmavācanā describes that one type of preceptor and two

types of instructor are involved in the ordination ceremony. The two types of instructor re-

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fers to an inquirer in private (raho’nuśāsaka) and an executor of legal acts (karmakāraka),

according to the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya (Pravrajyāvastu) and so forth. Therefore, the de-

scription of the Karmavācanā corresponds to the traditional expression “three teachers and

seven witnesses (三師七証)”, which indicates the persons who are obligated to participate

in the ordination ceremony.

78. Aśvaghoṣa’s Lost Stanzas Included in the *Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa

Matsuda Kazunobu

The Sanskrit manuscript of the Tridaṇḍamālā preserved at sPos khang monastery in Tibet

contains forty Tridaṇḍas. The “Tridaṇḍa” is a sūtra used for the purpose of liturgical chant-

ing. In the Tridaṇḍamālā, forty types of Tridaṇḍa-sūtras are sandwiched between

Aśvaghoṣa’s verses. In my presentation at last year’s conference at Bukkyo University

(September, 2019), I shed light on the strong possibility that many of Aśvaghoṣa’s lost

stanzas in the Sūtrālaṃkāra are included in the Tridaṇḍamālā. Furthermore, I also pointed

out that many of the stanzas quoted in the well-known *Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa, trans-

lated by Kumārajīva in the 5th century, also contain the same Sūtrālaṃkāra stanzas that are

found in the Tridaṇḍamāla. In this presentation, continuing my previous research, I point

out that twelve stanzas relating the Tathāgata’s ten titles/names are quoted just as they are

in the *Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa. I also notice that one of those twelve stanzas was

quoted as well in Subhūticandra’s Kavikāmadhenu, composed around the 11th–12th centu-

ry, and that the Sūtropadeśālaṃkāra is considered as the original source of this very stanza.

79. Not to Expand the Sign of the Bones: Theory and Practice of the Foulness Medi-

tation in Theravāda Buddhism

Hayashi Takatsugu

An image of an object is altered in the process of meditation. According to the theory of

Theravāda Buddhism, a sign (nimitta) of a meditation object perceived by five sense or-

gans is modified into an internal sign grasped by consciousness, and then into a pure coun-

terpart sign (paṭibhāganimitta). While in the ten kinds of kasiṇa-meditations one perceives

the object and expands its counterpart sign throughout the entire world, the sign should not

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be expanded in the ten kinds of foulness (asubha) meditation and others. In this paper, in-

vestigating various interpretations of this subject found in Theravāda literature, I consider

the relation between theory and practice as well as between the canon and the commentar-

ies. According to the Visuddhimagga (Vism), in the mindfulness related to body

(kāyagatāsati) and the foulness meditations, the object to be observed is spatially limited to

the body itself, and no merit is found in expansion of the sign. On the one hand, Buddhag-

hosa attempts to justify the theory with a textual account from an unidentified source,

“Sopākapañhavyākaraṇa.” On the other hand, he needs to solve canonical inconsistencies

such as that in the Theragāthā (Th v. 18) referring to “filling the perception of bones on the

earth” and the Dhammasaṅgaṇi (Dhs 55) reference to “having the immeasurable object”. We should note that his interpretations of those problem are not shared with the sub-com-

mentary on the Vism (Vism-mhṭ), the commentary on the Dhs (Dhs-a) and the commen-

tary on the Th (Th-a). Modern scholars have neglected the fact that the Vimuttimagga

(Vim) has a discussion on the same topic explicitly quoting both Th v. 18, and the Dhs 55

and shows the other solution. In conclusion, we may point out that the meditation theories

arising from various practices regulate the practices themselves in reverse, and that the

Pāli commentaries had a function to align the Pāli canon to their doctrine.

80. Vinaya in Pāli Buddhism

Phramahabanjet, B.

The Discipline (Vinaya) is a tool for practicing physical and verbal development in order

to have peace and restraint at the beginning, and serves as the basis of mental training and

further development of intelligence. There are two intentions of laying down the course of

training for monks, namely: 1) Primary intention: Focusing on creating a master plan for

the Dhamma of Unity to have purity of the three channels of action (body, speech and

mind) both for individuals and for the Buddhist monastic order and for stability of the

State. 2) Hidden Intention: the effort to abandon greed (lobha), hatred (dosa) and delusion

(moha) of each training rule from rough to fine. However, both of these intentions are for

the same purpose, namely that of achieving  Enlightenment.

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81. On the Interpretation of Dependent Origination from the Perspective of Transmi-

gration in Early Buddhist Scriptures: The Usage of phassa and vedanā

Karai Takanori

In this paper, I examine the usage of phassa and vedanā, particularly in relation to transmi-

gration, utilizing early Jain and Buddhist scriptures. This paper underlines that phassa and

vedanā are connected with the theory of karmic retribution and transmigration, which may

have been widely accepted by ascetics at that time.

In addition, since there are a few examples showing that the six internal sense organs

are regarded as kamma, the causation saḷāyatana→phassa→vedanā itself can represent

karmic retribution in saṃsāric existence as well as a cognitive process classified into six

sensations. Therefore, the interpretation of the twelve-fold chain of dependent origination

on the basis of the theory of karmic retribution and transmigration can be ascribed to the

usage of not only saṅkhāra, viññāṇa, nāmarūpa, and so forth but also phassa and vedanā.

Furthermore, phassa and vedanā are much more related to kamma than any other constitu-

ents of the chain of dependent origination. In either case, it is plausible that early Buddhist

scriptures contain some factors by which the twelve-fold chain of dependent origination is

interpreted as a process of rebirth.

82. Mythical Asura and Historical Asura

Tomita Masahiro

The usage of the word Asura differs depending on whether people in the past took Asura

as good or evil beings. In my Ph. D. thesis, I threw light on the historical usage of the word

Asura in the Vedas, Nikāyas, and early Mahāyāna sūtras, literature created before the dawn

of the Common Era. I also investigated the difference between Asura in myths and human

Asura, as the usage of the word Asura was applied to each group. Additionally, I found that

Asura were written about not only as human beings in some situations but also as spirits in

others. In a former study, I examined sūtras but did not examine Vinayas or later sources.

Therefore now I use the Mahāvastu and the Datang Xiyu ji大唐西域記，a travelogue of Xu-

anzang玄奘，and the Datang daci’ensi sanzang fashi zhuan大唐大慈恩寺三藏法師伝，a bi-

ography of Xuanzang, and I examine the influence of the historical human Asura on the

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rise in mythical Asura of scriptures from various viewpoints.

83. The Role of the Tuṣita Heaven

Uchimoto Kazune

Tuṣita heaven兜率天，one of the six heavens of the desire realm六欲天，is known as the

place where Maitreya Bodhisattva resides in his present existence. The Guan Mile pusa

shangsheng doushuaitian jing観弥勒菩薩上生兜率天経，the only sūtra relied upon by the

cult associated with the goal of attaining rebirth in Maitreya’s Tuṣita heaven, has tradition-

ally played a major role in shaping the impression of the Tuṣita heaven. The scripture de-

scribes details of the gorgeously adorned Tuṣita heaven, which fascinated devotees with

the idea of rebirth in a heaven. Furthermore, it should be noted that the Tuṣita heaven is

also called a Pure Land浄土，just as is Amitābha’s Buddhafield, Sukhāvatī.

However, the role of the Tuṣita heaven before the sūtra was translated is different

from what is described in the contents of the sūtra. Not only that, but even after the sūtra

was translated, different notions of Tuṣita continued to be prevelant in literature and artis-

tic representations. This suggests that there was a tradition apart from the scriptural. Ac-

cordingly, this paper examines how people perceived the Tuṣita heaven before the 5th cen-

tury.

84. Meditation as a Cause of Reincarnation and the Stage of Spiritual Progress in

Jainism

Korematsu Hiroaki

This paper discusses the consequences of bad forms of meditation according to the 14

stages of spiritual progress (guṇasthāna) with a focus on two texts: the Tattvārthasūtra

(TAS) of Umāsvāmin, a treatise on the essential principles of Jainism, and the

Sarvārthasiddhi (SS) of Pūjyapāda (6th century), the oldest Digambara commentary on

TAS. It will show that Pūjyapāda presents unique views on the relationship between the

meditator and bad forms of meditation.

Meditation is divided into four different types of meditation, namely, afflicted (ārta),

wrathful (raudra), virtuous (dharmya), and pure (śukla). The former two are regarded as

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bad forms of meditation as they cause reincarnation.

Afflicted meditation is subdivided into four kinds, including desire toward the future

(nidāna), according to the TAS. The SS emphasizes that the four occur in the 4th and 5th

stages, three excluding desire toward the future occur in the 6th stage. Wrathful meditation

occurs in the 4th and 5th stages, according to the TAS. Pūjyapāda emphasizes that from the

6th stage onwards, renouncers who aspire for liberation from reincarnation could not en-

gage in afflicted meditation of desire toward the future, and if they were to indulge in

wrathful meditation, they would retrogress from the 6th stage.

85. The Diachronic Change of the Cases Governed by √brū in Sanskrit

Zhang Qianqian

For this paper I examined all cases used with √brū in the Ṛgveda, Atharva-Veda,

Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa, Rāmāyaṇa, Buddhacarita, Mahābhaṣya, Pañcatantra,

Abhijñānaśākuntala and Hitopadeśa. I found that the listener denoted when √brū is used

shows a diachronic change from dative to accusative.

Three steps to this change of case with √brū may be recognized. First, the listener is

expressed in the dative and the content of the speech is expressed with the accusative, di-

rect speech, or the like. Second, the listener is expressed with the dative when the content

of the speech is expressed by the accusative, and the accusative when the content is not a

noun phrase with a case. Third, the listener is expressed with the accusative and the con-

tent is expressed with the accusative, direct speech and so on.

Last but not least, in Classical Sanskrit for the case governed by √brū both listener

and text are in the accusative case, which merely occured in the Ṛgveda and cannot be

found in the Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa. The double accusative construction is generally de-

scribed as an archaic construction in the process of disappearing. However, as far as √brū

is concerned, the double accusative construction is not in the process of disappearing, but

became a fixed expression.

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86. Patañjali and Non-Pāṇinian Grammar

Yazaki Chojun

In this paper I point out that some grammatical explanations concerning Patañjali’s propos-

al for Pāṇini’s rule A 3.4.32 can also be found in some earlier non-Pāṇinian treatises, espe-

cially in the Cāndravṛtti on Cāndrasūtra by Candragomin (fifth century) as well as in the

extensive Cāndravyākaraṇapañjikā by Ratnamati (ca. 900–980); in response to these,

Kaiyaṭa (early eleventh century) seems to criticize the views of Cāndra grammarians. Pre-

senting a chronological overview of the arguments proposed by Patañjali, the Cāndra

grammarians, and Kaiyaṭa, I conclude that the arguments we find in the Cāndra tradition

can help us understand arguments of the Mahābhāṣya more precisely. Furthermore,

Kaiyaṭa’s criticism against the Cāndra system suggests that the Cāndra grammar had be-

come well-known among Pāṇinīyas at that time, and had an influence on the Pāṇinian tra-

dition.

87. Kumārila’s Theory of Kingship and Its Background: Eligibility for the Rājasūya

Yoshimizu Kiyotaka

In the Mīmāṃsāsūtra, there is a section that deals with the diśām-aveṣṭi, a series of of-

ferings to be performed at the end of the Rājasūya, the Vedic royal consecration. The dis-

cussion in this section extends to a controversy over eligibility (adhikāra) for the Rājasūya

and the grounds for kingship. Of the two parties in controversy, the opponent maintains that

one who governs a country, no matter whether he is a Brahmin, a Kṣatriya, or a Vaiśya, is

recognized as a king (rājan) eligible for the Rājasūya, whereas the proponent retorts that

one who is eligible for the Rājasūya as a king must be a Kṣatriya who has inherited land-

lordship (kṣatra). The proponent denies kingship to a Brahmin or a Vaiśya even if he has

achieved sovereign power (rājya) through political struggles. According to Kumārila, the

opponent aims to enlarge the market of the Vedic sacrifice by entitling even non-Kṣatriya

kings to royal consecration. The opponent seeks a high gain, and the proponent avoids a

high risk. Investigating whether both strategies are found in the Vedic texts of royal conse-

cration, the present paper reexamines the relationship between kings and Brahmin ritual-ists.

Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 69, No. 3, March 2021（266）

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88. A Newly Identified Sanskrit Manuscript of the Karmavibhaṅga: A Nepalese Manu-

script Preserved in the Cambridge University Library

Kudo Noriyuki

The Sanskrit Karmavibhaṅga [= KV] has two textual traditions: one is represented by what

are termed manuscripts A and B, both found in Nepal, and the other by what is called Nep-

alese manuscript C, and seven fragments of the Schøyen Collection from Afghanistan. The

former tradition contains a number of quotations from various Buddhist texts, while the

latter does not. Furthermore, these two traditions reflect origins from different Buddhist

schools: the former belongs to the Saṃmitīyas, the latter to the Sarvāstivādins.

Recently, another Nepalese manuscript has been identified as the KV; it was procured

by Cecil Bendall in 1898–99 and is preserved in the Cambridge University library. It has a

total of eleven folios (nos. 10, 30–39); folio no. 10 corresponds to the middle part of the

uddeśa and folios 30–39 correspond to KV §§ 63–80.

This manuscript belongs to the same tradition of the MS[C] transmitted by the

Sarvāstivādins. However, the order of the sections and the contents of the merits brought

by each donation are different. Not only does this mean that there are different versions of

the same text across different regions, but there are multiple texts in the same region, espe-

cially in Nepal, and sometimes even within the same school.

89. The Style of the Various Copies of the Nichiren shōnin chūgasan

Terao Eichi

The Nichiren shōnin chūgasan 日蓮聖人註画讃 is a biography of Nichiren 日蓮 (1222–

1282) written by Nitchō 日澄 (1441–1510). This book has 12 versions written in Chinese

and 9 in Japanese. Those written in Japanese can be classified into two main groups: (a) the

Myōrenji 妙蓮寺 and Spencer version, and (b) the Honmonji 本門寺 version, together with

published books of the Edo period. The Myōkenji 妙顕寺 version has different contents

from the major types.

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90. Integration of Nichiren Sects in the Taisho Era

Annaka Naofumi

Each of the various subsects of the Nichiren school refers to the sect or school that has

Nichiren as its founder. From Nichiren’s time in the Kamakura period, his disciples formed

an organization that expanded with the progress of time. In the Muromachi period, its

priests of the sect were active in various places, and among them, a number of branches

were formed based on differences in doctrine and disagreements over succession. The or-

ganization that emerged from these branches was organized by the head temple as a result

of religious control during the Edo period, and then reborn as a modern sect as a result of

the religious policies of the early Meiji period. Through this process, the Nichiren sects be-

came nine in the Taisho period (1912–1926), and seven of them began concrete activities

to unify them in 1914. These activities were triggered by the commemoration in 1902 of

the 650th anniversary of the founding of Nichiren Buddhism, the subsequent rise of Nichi-

ren shugi 日蓮主義 (Nichirenism), which became a social phenomenon, and the sect’s in-

volvement in World War I. In this paper, I consider the integration activities conducted by

each subsect of Nichiren’s followers during the Taisho era, including the background of the

conference held in 1914 with the chief abbot of each subsect in attendance.

91. The Nichiren Doctrinal Term Jigu sanzen 事具三千 in Connection with Tendai

Thought

Miura Wakō

The Nichiren doctrinal term jigu sanzen 事具三千 is used to represent the truth taught in the

honmon 本門 (second half) of the Lotus Sūtra, and is a term sourced in the Tendai debate

concerning jikkai gogu 十界互具 (mutual possession of the Ten Worlds). The debate con-

cerns whether the buddha inherent in ordinary beings is a principle (ri 理) or is actual (ji 事).

This question was first brought up by Annen 安然 (841?–915?), and in Tendai the

term jigu jikkai 事具十界 came to be used, meaning that buddha is inherent in ordinary be-

ings in an actual sense. In the Muromachi period, Chōjun 貞舜 (1334–1422) developed this

thought into the term jigu sanzen in his Shūyō kashiwabara anryū 宗要柏原案立.

Nichiryū 日隆 (1385–1464), who lived in the same period as Chōjun, was the first to

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use jigu sanzen as a Nichiren doctrinal term. Nichiryū used and explained this term in his

Kaishaku kenpon shūyōshū 開迹顕本宗要集 in the same way as Chōjun did in the Shūyō

kashiwabara anryū. Nichiryū adapted the Tendai term jigu sanzen to more accurately ex-

press Nichiren’s teachings.

92. The Acceptance of Kōzōin Nisshin’s Hokkeron

Kanda Daiki

Kōzōin Nisshin 広蔵院日辰 (1508–1576), a learned priest who flourished in Kyoto during

the Sengoku Period, wrote many books, as well as transcribing and collecting classical

books across a broad range of fields. Among them, this article covers a yet-to-be-published

book called Hokkeron ryakutaiko 法華論略大綱, which is in the possession of the Yōbōji 要法寺 in Kyoto. Nisshin selected and recorded teachings of Buddhism that he recognized as

important, referring to the Hokkeron kachu 法華論科註 by his former master, Jofukyōin

Nichishin 常不軽院日真 (1444–1528), compiling them into the book under discussion in

January 1546. The Hokkeron kachu in its turn used the Hokkeron ki 法華論記 by Enchin 円珍 (814–891) as a reference, and therefore, in principle, the Hokkeron ryakutaiko also fol-

lows that basic approach. However, it includes not only excerpts from the Hokkeron kachu

but also to a considerable extent Nisshin’s unique comments on the Hokkeron 法華論 and

Hokkeron ki. Thus, the Hokkeron ryakutaiko contains many elements that can be regarded

as unique to Nisshin. This article considers aspects of Nisshin’s reception of the Hokkeron

using such characteristic elements as clues.

93. Kenjuin Nichikan’s Criticism of the Idea of Zōbutsu

Mizutani Shinryō

Kenjuin Nichikan 堅樹院日寛 (1665–1726) was the 26th chief priest of the Taisekiji 大石寺, the head temple of Nichiren Shōshū. He is famous in the history of Nichiren doctrine as

the scholar who systematized the philosophy of the Taisekiji.

One assertion of Nichikan’s religious thought is that one should not create statues of

the Buddha in the age of the degeneration of the law (mappō 末法). However, Kōzōin Nis-

shin 広蔵院日辰, who was active about 160 years before Nichikan, had insisted that statues

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of the Buddha should indeed be erected. In this way, although the two monks belonged to

the same “Nikkōmon school (日興門流)”, their ideas differed.

Since the religious thought of Nisshin was the mainstream at the Taisekiji at that time,

Nichikan severely criticized Nisshin’s claim in his work called the Zōbutsu rongi 造仏論義

in order to change the mainstream religious thought of the Taisekiji to follow his own

views.

94. The Tendency of Tendai Doctrinal Debates in Hosshōji-Mihakkō 法勝寺御八講

Matsumoto Tomomi

The content of the Tendai doctrinal debates in Hosshōji-Mihakkō is closely related to the

scholarship of that time, the 12th–13th c. There are two points, the first of which is that

there are many arguments for the accurate understanding of the sacred texts. Second, quite

a few important points of argument were adopted within the Tendai sect. This point has

not been mentioned in previous studies. As a future task, first of all, it is necessary to clas-

sify the Tendai doctrinal debates in Hosshōji-Mihakkō as precisely as possible.

95. The Establishment of the Kanjō samayakai 灌頂三昧耶戒: Its Introduction

Teramoto Ryōshin

The Kanjō samayakai 灌頂三昧耶戒 (Abhiṣeka Samaya Commitments), attributed to Ennin

(円仁, 794–864), is known as the first text used in the ritual of giving and receiving the Sa-

maya precepts 三昧耶戒. However, from long ago it was questioned whether this was a

Chinese compilation, who the compiler was and what the process of compilation entailed.

The compiler briefly shows the tradition of Esoteric Buddhism with reference to

Saichō’s 最澄 Naishō buppō sōjō kechimyakufu 内証仏法相承血脈譜. However, considering

the sages said to have been involved in the transmission, some confusion is evident con-

cerning the time of the introduction of Esoteric Buddhism into Japanese Tendai, and it is

possible that the upper limit of the establishment of this text might be brought down to the

time of Enchin 円珍 (814–891). Since Annen 安然 (841?–915?) added one sentence to the

Introduction, it can be excluded that Annen is the author. This introduction also influenced

the Tōmitsu 東密 tradition, and the Introduction was introduced into the ritual text once

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more, so this can be said to be a good example of the importance of Taimitsu’s 台密 tradi-

tion and precepts.

96. The Fugen-san 普賢讃 of the Hokke Senbō 法華懺法 in the Shunie Ceremony 修二会

at the Nigatsu-do of the Todaiji

Yajima Norimichi

This paper deals with the Fugen-san 普賢讃, one of the parts of the Hokke Senbō 法華懺法

performed in the Shunie ceremony 修二会 at the Nigatsu-do Hall of the Todaiji 東大寺二月堂. The Fugen-san consists of sixteen verses, and can be found in the Dasheng bensheng

xindiguan jing 大乗本生心地観経. However, the texts of this sūtra nowhere mention the

term fugen, and it is not clear why the Fugen-san is so called. To find the origin of the

name, this paper examines the ideological content of the Dasheng bensheng xindiguan jing.

This sūtra was considered important by Tendai scholars such as Annen 安然, Ryōgen 良源

and Genshin 源信, and it is regarded as having the same meaning as the Guan puxian pusa

xingfa jing 観普賢菩薩行法経. Therefore, this paper argues that an ideological factor may

have influenced the origin of the name.

97. Formation of the Four-Armed Pṛthivī and the Shōjukyō

Tanaka Ami

The Shōjukyō 摂寿経 is a non-extant scripture, only fragments of which exist in other

works. This paper considers two issues related to this text.

First, the Shōjukyō features Pṛthivī 堅牢地神, which has farming tools on eight arms.

The four-armed Pṛthivī, which is likely related to the eight-armed Pṛthivī, can be found in

texts of the Shingon sect. This paper proposes two hypotheses regarding the formation of

the four-armed Pṛthivī: a) it was derived from the four-armed Sarasvatī 弁才天, or b) it

emerged from a fusion of Pṛthivī with the four-armed Acalanātha 不動明王 in the esoteric

ritual, Anchinhō 安鎮法.

Second, in the Shōjukyō, Pṛthivī is regarded as a bodhisattva. This theory can be

traced back to the Jinguangming jingshu 金光明経疏, attributed to Jizang 吉蔵. In Japan,

Gangyō 願暁’s (?–874) Konkōmyō saishō’ōkyō gensū 金光明最勝王経玄樞 quotes this theo-

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ry. Gangyō was the teacher of Shōbō 聖宝 (832–909). Therefore, the Shōjukyō may have

been formed in Shingon temples.

98. Debates on the Sanron School Recorded in the Hosshōji Mihakkō Mondōki

Tado Taichi

This paper examines the characteristics of all debates on the Sanron 三論 school recorded

in the Hosshōji mihakkō mondōki 法勝寺御八講問答記, currently owned by the Tōdaiji li-

brary. The Hosshōji mihakkō mondōki was collected and copied by Sōshō 宗性 (1202–

1278). The text contains 320 debates on the Sanron school. Of those, 123 were founded on

the opinion of the Chinese monk Huiyuan 慧遠 (334‒416). This number is larger than the

number of debates on the opinion of Jizang 吉蔵 (549‒623). Many of the 123 Huiyuan-re-

lated debates are also recorded in the Daijō gishō shō 大乗義章抄, a commentary on Hui-

yuan’s Dasheng yizhang 大乗義章 and a copy of which is owned by the Minobu Bunko 身延文庫 in the Minobusan Kuonji 久遠寺.

99. Inherent Obstruction and the Infinitesimal Attachment in Annotated Editions of

the Yuqi jing in Shingon Esoteric Buddhism

Ōshika Shin’ō

This paper explores when and how the development of interpretations regarding the rela-

tionship between the Inherent Obstruction (自性障) mentioned in the Yuqi jing 瑜祇経 and

the Infinitesimal Attachment (微細妄執) mentioned in the Hizōki 秘蔵記 occurred in anno-

tated editions of the Yuqi jing in Shingon Esoteric Buddhism.

Jichiun 実運 (1105–1160) of Daigoji, a Shingon esoteric monk, introduced the con-

cept of Infinitesimal Attachment into the interpretation of the Yuqi jing as an index for dis-

tinguishing whether or not inherent obstruction can become Vajrasattva and obtain mokṣa.

However, Jichiun did not consider inherent obstruction and infinitesimal attachment to be

the same.

The identification of inherent obstruction and infinitesimal attachment is likely to

have been made for the first time by the later Shingon esoteric monks Jichigen 実賢 (1176–

1249) and Dōhan 道範 (1179–1252).

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However, not all Shingon scholars after Dōhan were influenced by Jichigen and

Dōhan. In some cases, they developed their own doctrines, as did Yūban 宥範 (1270–

1352), who belonged to the school based in Izu 伊豆流. This shows the diversity of Shin-

gon Buddhism.

100. Physicality at the Time of Death and its Nursing in Japan: The Connection with

the endonkai 円頓戒

Kamii Monshō

In Japan, in the context of nursing and physical response at the time of death, value is

placed not only on spirit but also on physical contact. Various approaches are sought, start-

ing with physical contact, such as writing characters on the palm of the dying person.

The present paper, utilizing new materials, analyzes the essential theory of nursing

based on Japanese precepts from social aspects and behaviors. How are central activities

inspired by vows and rituals utilized, structured, and developed for nursing and end-of-life

physical activity? In addition, the paper considers what connects the body of the dying in-

dividual and the caregiver, and how the space that mediates between them was developed

and used.

101. The Ideas of the Tagahōin-ryū

Shindō Hiroshi

This study provides an overview of the ideas of the Tagahōin-ryū 多賀法印流, a school of

medicine that flourished from the late 16th to the early 17th century. The school was estab-

lished by Shūyohōin 宗与法印, a monk who performed Buddhist rituals at a Shintō shrine

named Taga Taisha 多賀大社; this was a common religious practice at the time due to the

merging of Buddhism and Shintō. While the medical books of this school are influenced

by Buddhist ideas in multiple ways, the influence of the Hongaku 本覚 doctrine and beliefs

concerning the Lotus Sūtra is particularly strong. This study first lists works that are tradi-

tionally said to be the medical books of the Tagahōin-ryū. Subsequently, the two texts that

are used in all the medical books of the school are introduced. These two texts describe the

idea of the human body based on the Hongaku doctrine and the relation between medicine

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and beliefs concerning the Lotus Sūtra.

102. On the Kōshōji 興聖寺 Manuscripts of the Miaofa lianhuajing youbotishe 妙法蓮華経憂波提舎

Asano Manabu

Among the Kōshōji manuscripts are a total of two manuscripts, an old manuscript and an

old edition, of the Miaofa lianhuajing youbotishe translated by Bodhiruci 菩提流支. Al-

though this document had only been known in the past as part of the inventory, the author

fortunately had the opportunity to examine valuable reproductions. In this paper, the con-

tent of these two volumes is introduced, along with an investigation and evaluation with

reference to relevant philological research.

As a result of the investigation and evaluation, structural similarities were found be-

tween the old manuscript and the old edition at Kōshōji and the first and second text refer-

enced in the Fahua lunshu 法華論疏 written by Jizang 吉蔵 based on Bodhiruci’s translation.

The title Zhaoxuan shamendu 照玄沙門都 for Bodhiruci written in the old manuscript

at Kōshōji is not seen in any of the other existing texts of the Miaofa lianhuajing youbo-

tishe, as far as the author knows. This suggests that the old manuscript at Kōshōji is a text

with a unique lineage.

These manuscripts at Kōshōji, which contain different expressions from various other

books in existence, are valuable and rare books. In particular, the old manuscript is a tran-

scription from the cloistered government during the Heian period, with a high likelihood

that it was copied from a sūtra from the Nara period. Therefore, it could be a text belong-

ing to the official Dazangjing lineage from the Tang era.

103. The Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra and Dōgen: The Expression “yuibutsu yobutsu”

Arai Ikkō

This paper considers Dōgen’s 道元 interpretation of the expressions “yuibutsu yobutsu” 唯仏与仏 and “shohō jissō” 諸法実相 in the Chapter on Upāyakauśalya of the

Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra that Dōgen quotes in the ‘Shohō jissō’ fascicle of his Shōbōgenzō

正法眼蔵. In my opinion, Dōgen does not read the scripture in its original sense and inter-

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― 1252 ―

prets “yuibutsu yobutsu” and “shohō jissō” as the same. In doing so, Dōgen views yuibutsu

and shohō as phenomenal matters, and sees them as ultimate truths, whereas yobutsu and

jissō are treated as the essence. There is a level of disagreement here regarding existence

or truthfulness. Kyōgō 経豪 (1451–1492), commenting in his Shōbōgenzōshō 正法眼蔵抄,

places emphasis on “jissō” and gives a different interpretation than Dōgen’s. Tenkei天桂

(1648–1735), in his Shōbōgenzō benchū 正法眼蔵弁註, reveals his critical awareness of

those who fail to understand Dōgen’s findings.

104. The Shisho of Sōtō and Rinzai in the Shisho Volume of the Shōbōgenzō

Hirose Ryōbun

In the Shisho 嗣書 (Certificate of Succession) volume of the Shōbōgenzō 正法眼蔵, Dōgen

道元 introduces various forms of writing the shisho, Certificate of Succession, that he saw

in other sects of Chan Buddhism during his journeys to Song China. Although these forms

differ from the shisho of the Caodong 曹洞 sect, Dōgen recognized them as shisho. Several

forms of writing the shisho existed under the Linji 臨済 sect. However, Dōgen is obscure

about forms of writing shisho in the Caodong and Linji Huanglong 黄龍 sects, perhaps be-

cause these were secret teachings directly connected to himself. Furthermore, the Goyuigon

kiroku 御遺言記録 mentions secret teachings transmitted between Dōgen and Ejō 懐奘

(1198–1280) only orally. However, many records of Dōgen’s studies were written later, and

aspects that Dōgen and Ejō had kept unwritten were recorded by their followers Gikai 義介 (1219–1309), Keizan 瑩山 (1268–1325), and others. In the Goyuigon kiroku, forms of

writing the shisho are concealed, and even when recorded in kirigami 切紙 secret docu-

ments in later generations, this awareness was passed down only with obstacles to open un-

derstanding through the use of devices such as cryptograms.

105. Dōgen’s Views on the kaiin-zammai

Kanno Yūko

Dōgen’s 道元 (1200–1253) Shōbōgenzō, in the chapter ‘Kaiin-zammai’ 海印三昧 (Ocean

Seal Samādhi), twice quotes:

佛言, 但以衆法, 合成此身. 起時唯法起, 滅時唯法滅. 此法起時, 不言我起, 此法滅時, 不

（275）Abstracts

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言我滅. 前念後念, 念念不相待, 前法後法, 法々不相対. 是即名為海印三昧.

The Buddha said, “It is just the dharmas that combine to form this body. When it aris-

es, it is simply the dharmas arising; when it ceases, it is simply the dharmas ceasing.

When these dharmas arise, [the bodhisattva] does not state, ‘I arise’; when these dhar-

mas cease, he does not state, ‘I cease’.” “In prior thought moments and subsequent

thought moments, the moments do not relate to each other; in prior dharmas and sub-

sequent dharmas, the dharmas do not oppose each other. This is called the the ocean

seal samadhi.” (Trans. Carl Bielefeldt with Michael Radich)

It is commonly thought that the source is the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa 維摩詰所説経, and

the same phrase can be seen in the Mazu daoyi chanshi guanglu 馬祖道一禅師広録 (Re-

corded Sayings of Mazu.).

In this paper, by considering the renewal of this phrase, Dōgen uniquely added the

words “this method (此法)” to the words “此法起時, 不言我起, 此法滅時, 不言我滅” (When

these dharmas arise, [the bodhisattva] does not state, ‘I arise’; when these dharmas cease,

he does not state, ‘I cease’”). It is therefore clear that he presented four phrases.

106. The Characteristics of Complex Sentence Expression in the Shōbōgenzō: Compo-

sition Ratio and Paraphrasing of Compound Sentences

Fujikawa Naoko

The Shōbōgenzō 正法眼蔵, Dōgen’s 道元 (1200–1253) central work, has been characterized

as difficult to understand, and many researchers have cited peculiarities in the use and in-

terpretation of phrases of Chinese origin (kanbun) in the text as a factor. Based on these

views, I tried to analyze syntactic contents in the text in terms of complex sentence struc-

tures with a fresh approach. I began by classifying over 1400 typical complex sentences,

drawn from each chapter of the text, into seven types (including positive, negative, impera-

tive/prohibitive, and paraphrastic etc.), indicating a high frequency of complex sentences. I

also analyzed the entire text of five chapters of the work, including “Genjōkōan 現成公案” and “Busshō 仏性, ” indicating a rate of complex sentences of approximately 75％. I con-

firmed that the sermon’s use of periphrasis of complex sentences made it possible to ex-

press images like greatest common divisor, thereby enabling comprehension among his

disciples, who were learning the doctrine at different levels of understanding. I think that

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Dōgen avoided the immobilizations of words and the conclusive discussions with single

sentences, using complex sentences to aid understanding, which, in turn, resulted in intri-

cate expressions.

107. The Transcription of the Shōbōgenzō at Kōkenji Temple in Kawagoe City

Nakano Kahitsu

This study examines the transcription of the Shōbōgenzō during the late Edo period. The

survey target was the Shōbōgenzō manuscript copied by Iwata Raihō 岩田来鳳 (?–1886) at

the Kōkenji 孝顕寺 in Kawagoe 川越 city toward the end of the Edo period. According to

appended materials, in this book the marginal notes were transcribed by Iichi Jōin 惟一成允 (1788–1861) and Gettan Zenryū 月潭全龍 (?–1865), who were Genzōka 眼蔵家 (spe-

cialists in the Shōbōgenzō) at the time. In this study, I have compared the text and marginal

notes with related books such as the Shōbōgenzō copied by Kaiden 戒傳. I discovered that

the text was influenced by the editions of Kōzen 晃全 and Manzan 卍山. Therefore, the

conventional perception that most of the Shōbōgenzō manuscripts after the publication of

the Eiheiji 永平寺 edition were transcripts of the Eiheiji edition needs to be revised. Addi-

tionally, I confirmed that marginal notes match across multiple transcripts, and discovered

that Genzōka marginal notes were transcribed and propagated by multiple scribes.

108. The Establishment of the Legitimate Position of the Japanese Zen Sect by Ko-

kan Shiren: Reconstruction of Tōfukuji

Jung Meekyung

The Genkō Shakusho 元亨釈書 compiled in 1322 by Kokan Shiren 虎関師錬 (1278–1346)

was written at the end of the Kamakura period and entered the Tripiṭaka through the efforts

of Ryōsen Ryōzui 龍泉令淬 (?–1364), his disciple, in 1360. With an emphasis on the trans-

formation of the Tōfukuji into a Zen temple at that time, it is thought that the Shōichi

school (聖一派) needed to emphasize the legitimacy of its Zen. After the Shakusho’s inclu-

sion in the Tripiṭaka, the legitimacy of Japanese Zen and the Shōichi sect, which Kokan

advocated in the Genkō Shakusho, was secured by the establishment of the Sōroku system

僧録制度 immediately after the Kōryaku coup (1379).

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― 1255 ―

109. Japanese Zen Buddhist Meditation Training: Jōza 定坐 and Sesshin 摂心

Ogawa Tairyū

Concentrated meditation retreats have been conducted in Japanese Zen monasteries since

the Middle Ages (1185–1600). The Zen retreats held during the Middle Ages, known as

jōza 定坐, differed somewhat from the type of retreats held during the Edo period (1603–

1868), known as sesshin 摂心, a form of concentrated meditation practice similar to pres-

ent-day Zen retreats (still known as sesshin). The sesshin format appears to have devel-

oped under the influence of the Ōbaku school of Zen, a Chinese Zen school transmitted to

Japan from Ming-dynasty China during the early seventeenth century. Evidence for this is

found in the Ōbaku sannai shingi 黄檗山内清 (Detailed regulations of Mount Ōbaku) and

the recorded sayings of early Ōbaku-school monks. The prototype of the sesshin was prob-

ably a Song-dynasty seven-day form of retreat known as the xiaoxian 小限.

110. Re-examination of the Old and New Layers Theory of Hōnen’s Sanbukyōshaku:

The Formation Process of the New Layer of the Text

Inoue Keijun

It has been pointed out that Hōnen’s Sanbukyōshaku 三部経釈 (Notes on the Three Pure

Land Sūtras) consists of two layers of texts: the original part written by Hōnen himself,

called the kosō 古層 (older layer), and sections added later, called the shinsō 新層 (new

layer). Extant versions of the text are understood to be a mixture of these two layers of

writing. In this paper, I focus on the part of the text titled “Daikyōshaku” 大経釈 (Notes on

the Larger [Sukhāvatīvyūha] sūtra), and examine the process of its formation by comparing

it with citations of this text found in the writings of Hōnen’s disciples. As a result of my

examination, I conclude that the later additions to the text underwent multiple steps until

arriving at the present version of the text.

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111. How Hōnen and His Disciples Interpreted the Significance of Emotional Response

Taniji Akira

Hōnen regarded himself as a bombu 凡夫 (ordinary foolish being) and thought of Amida

Buddha’s salvation as created for such a being. What was emphasized is the superior and

easy nembutsu practice that was delivered through Śākyamuni to conform to the abilities of

the bombu. In this sense, Hōnen does not esteem the resonantal stimulus and response (感応) as suggested in the teachings of the Tendai school, but he accepted the possibility of

emotional response through the working of Amida’s Vow power. Hōnen kept records of his

personal experiences but chose not to make any of these public. The reason for this is be-

cause talking about whether one experienced the power of a buddha’s vow and relating this

to birth in the Pure Land has no connection with the intent of Amida Buddha’s Primal Vow.

This attitude was also passed on to Hōnen’s disciples. This paper, while looking at how

Hōnen and his disciples interpreted the significance of emotional response, will explore the

differences in doctrinal understanding that resulted.

112. The Original Text of the Tannishō as Personal Letters and its Sacralization by

Rennyo

Ono Gishū

Through Rennyo’s (1415–1499) instruction attached to the Tannishō 歎異抄, it is known

that he made it public as a sacralized text from what was originally a collection of personal

letters preserved in the Hino 日野 family. According to the Bokiekotoba 慕帰絵詞, the

Tannishō is a collection of the Dharma messages (hōmon 法文) which Yuien 唯円 (1222?–

1289?) entrusted via Nyoshin 如信 (1235?–1300) to Kakunyo 覚如 (1270–1351), a neph-

ew-in-law of Yuien, for the sake of the development of the genuine religious school and to

counter the rise of the sect led by Shinran’s (1173–1263) eldest son Zenran 善鸞 (1211?–

1292?) using talismans to gain popularity. After thorough consideration, Yuien entrusted

these letters meant to counter Zenran to Nyoshin, the son of Zenran, to relay them to

Kakunyo. The original form of those letters begins with the current article 10. Yuien also

attached a collection of “important proof texts” (taisetsu no shōmondomo 大切の証文ども)

against Zenran, and he asked Nyoshin, who acted as intermediary, to write an accompany-

（279）Abstracts

― 1257 ―

ing note. Kakunyo, who had heard Yuien’s true intention of writing these letters, then ac-

cepted these Dharma messages and founded the Honganji 本願寺. Therefore, the theory

claiming the Tannishō to be a “prohibited text” is a misunderstanding developed by those

ignorant of this process of transmission and the contents of the texts. Rennyo, descendant

of Kakunyo, edited the texts, which were originally a collection of the Hino family’s per-

sonal letters, to prevent them from dissipation, and he openly promulgated the Tannishō as

a sacred text. After a great effort, Rennyo successfully re-established and expanded the in-

stitutional foundation for the development of the present Honganji, which is his splendid

achievement as a religious leader.

113. Shinran’s Acceptance of Shandao’s Pure Land Teaching

Nukina Yuzuru

This paper examines citations of Shandao’s 善導 Wangsheng lizan 往生礼讃 in the section

called “Great Practice 大行” within the “Practice 行” chapter of the Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証 in order to consider Shandao’s nianfo thought, and to compare it with Shinran’s nembut-

su thought as seen in his usage of those citations.

The Wangsheng lizan, in addition to expressing Shandao’s own worship and venera-

tion of Amida Buddha, urges others to follow the teaching of Amida so that sentient beings

might repent of their own evil and take refuge (namo 南無) in the Buddha. However, Shan-

dao himself accomplished the contemplation of the Buddha both through visualization

practice and by the recitation of Amida’s name, so it is difficult to say that he solely pro-

moted the single practice of the recitation of the Name.

Next, I examine how Shinran viewed Shandao’s nianfo thought. Shinran understood

that the primary purpose of Shandao’s veneration of Amida was to urge people to aspire to

be born in his Pure Land by the practice of the recitation of Amida’s Name. Although

Shandao was known as a “person accomplished in samādhi” who practiced the visualiza-

tion of Amida Buddha, for Shinran, the fact that the master consistently promoted the sin-

gle practice of the recitation of the Name was the central characteristic of Shandao’s teach-

ing. Based on this interpretation, we can see the uniqueness of Shinran’s emphasis on

“hearing the Name” (monmyō 門名). Further, regarding the term “seeing the Buddha” (ken-

butu 見仏), Shinran reinterpreted the word “seeing” (ken 見) as “hearing and seeing”

（280） Abstracts

― 1258 ―

(monken 聞見), through which he expressed his profound joy at hearing that one should say

Amida’s Name, receive shinjin, and venerate the Dharma. Shinran viewed the experience

of encountering Amida Buddha as the world of nembutsu expressed through the “recitation

and hearing of the Name.”

114. Shinran’s Interpretation of the Expression “fusoku yokuri shōji” 夫速欲離生死 of

the Senjakushū 選択集: On “omoe” in the Songō shinzō meimon 尊号真像銘文

Tsurudome Masatomo

This paper takes up Shinran’s interpretation of “the aspiration to leave birth and death.” In

the Songō shinzō meimon 尊号真像銘文, Shinran provides his interpretation of several pas-

sages from Hōnen’s Senjakushū 選択集. One of the passages includes a problem about the

aspiration to leave birth and death 欲離生死. Originally, aspiration is something that is re-

quired of the readers of the Senjakushū, but the Songō shinzō meimon interprets this as

something that Hōnen commands. This interpretation is strange even when compared with

other strange readings that Shinran provides in his other works, but when we read the Es-

hinni shōsoku 恵信尼消息 that describes Shinran’s experiences, we can understand that this

interpretation originated from Shinran’s personal experience.

115. Avalokiteśvara, Mahāsthāmaprāpta, and  Amida in Shinran’s Thought: Prince

Shōtoku and Hōnen

Hirota Itaru

Shinran understands Prince Shōtoku 聖徳太子 to be a manifestation of Avalokiteśvara and

Hōnen 法然 to be a manifestation of Mahāsthāmaprāpta. The reason is that Hōnen repre-

sents the history of the Original Vow itself, while Prince Shōtoku encouraged Shinran to

join in that history, and performs a different function. However, Prince Shōtoku and Hōnen

are not simply understood in terms of the framework of Avalokiteśvara and

Mahāsthāmaprāpta. Shinran also says that they are manifestations of Amida. This does not

mean that Prince Shōtoku simply acted as mercy and Hōnen just acted as wisdom, but that

the two functions were inseparable and that the root was Amida Buddha.

（281）Abstracts

― 1259 ―

116. Shinran’s Handwritten Manuscript of the Yuishinshō mon’i: A Comparison with

His Marginal Notes to the Yuishinshō

Fukami Keiryū

This paper looks at Shinran’s handwritten manuscripts of the Yuishinshō 唯信鈔 (Essentials

of Faith Alone) called ‘Shinshōbon 信証本,’ and the Yuishinshō mon’i 唯信鈔文意 (Notes on

‘Essentials of Faith Alone’), known as the ‘Shōgatsu nijūshichinichibon 正月二十七日本,’ which Shinran produced and presented as a set to his disciples. Additionally, the paper

compares the text of the Yuishinshō mon’i to the marginal notes made by Shinran to vari-

ous other manuscripts of the Yuishinshō. Through this two-pronged examination of the cur-

rent form of the texts, I demonstrate the method of Shinran’s teaching. A comparison of the

marginalia of the various other manuscripts of the Yuishinshō shows that each version in-

cludes notes unique to that manuscript, and the placement of notes is different depending

on the date when the manuscript was copied. In the Shinshōbon, Shinran’s marginalia are

concentrated around passages concerning sanshin 三心 (Three Minds), which suggests that

he was paying special attention to the interpretation of sanshin when he copied the

Shinshōbon manuscript (at which time he was 85 years old). A comparison of the contents

of the Yuishinshō mon’i with the marginalia in the Shinshōbon also shows that Shinran’s in-

terpretations in the Yuishinshō mon’i are the same as the understanding expressed in the

marginália in the Shinshōbon, thus revealing Shinran’s unique understanding. The

Shōgatsu nijūshichinichibon manuscript of the Yuishinshō mon’i is thought to have been

made to serve as a reading guide for the Shinshōbon version of the Yuishinshō. By making

these two manuscripts into a set, Shinran made the most use of the marginalia for the con-

venience of his followers. It may be thought that, by reflecting the doctrinal interpretations

demonstrated in the Yuishinshō mon’i in the marginalia added to the Yuishinshō, Shinran

was trying to enhance his followers’ understanding of sanshin in the Contemplation Sūtra

(Kanmuryōjukyō 觀無量壽經).

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― 1260 ―

117. The Original Vow Appears in Chanting the Name of the Tathāgata: What is Self-

benefitting and Benefitting Others in Jōdo Shinshū?

Honda Masaya

What is self-benefitting and benefitting others in Jōdo Shinshū 浄土真宗? In Jōdo Shinshū,

which is based on the merit transference of the power of the Original Vow, self-benefitting

and benefitting others can be said to be part of the role of Hōzō Bosatsu 法蔵菩薩, the bod-

hisattva who became Amida Buddha. However, how can we actually become conscious of

the functioning of this vow in the world? This question will be considered in light of the

fact that when discussing “practice” in the Jōdo monrui jushō 浄土文類聚鈔, Shinran says

that “there are two aspects to the merit transference of the power of the Original Vow.” This

paper argues that while the two types of merit transference by the Tathāgata described in

the Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証 are the basis, in terms of actual practice, this functions in the

world through the calling of name, where the two aspects of going forth and returning are

both realized.

118. Zonkaku’s Interactions with Nichiren Followers: The Doctrinal Debates over the

Value of the Nembutsu and the Lotus Sūtra

Tanaka Ryōsuke

This study examines debates between Zonkaku 存覚 (1290–1373) and Nichiren followers,

focusing on Zonkaku’s understanding of the relationship between nembutsu practice and

the teaching of the Lotus Sūtra to clarify the characteristics of his response to Nichiren fol-

lowers’ criticism against the nembutsu.

An examination of Zonkaku’s explanations of the relationship between nembutsu

practice and the Lotus Sūtra shows that there are three characteristics to his interpretation.

First, while Zonkaku accepts Nichiren followers’ claim that the teaching of the Lotus Sūtra

and the practice of nembutsu belong to different doctrinal entities, he stresses that they

share the same doctrinal quality. Second, although the Lotus Sūtra does not explicitly

preach that the nembutsu is superior to the Lotus Sūtra, Zonkaku claims that the Lotus

Sūtra implicitly suggests the superiority of nembutsu. Finally, he maintains that the teach-

ing of nembutsu, like the teaching of the Lotus Sūtra, is the teaching of the one vehicle

（283）Abstracts

― 1261 ―

(ekayāna).

Based on Shinran’s view of the Lotus Sūtra and reflecting the social situation of his

time, Zonkaku tried to demonstrate the doctrinal supreriority of the nembutsu over the

teaching of the Lotus Sūtra.

119. The Development of the Idea of Amida’s Light of Guidance (chōjuku no kōmyō)

in Shin Buddhist Studies

Abe Hironori

This paper examines the significance of the development of the idea of Amida’s light of

guidance (chōjuku 調熟) in Jōdo Shinshū. In Shin Buddhist studies, it is widely accepted

that the Buddha makes use of two types of light: the light of guidance (chōjuku no kōmyō

調熟の光明) and the light of embracing (sesshu no kōmyō 摂取の光明). The former repre-

sents Amida’s working to guide and nurture non-believers to maturity to awaken to faith.

The latter is understood as the light of embracing and protecting those who attain faith.

However, this classification of Amida’s light is a provisional idea, because the two types

are simply aspects of the same light which is originally inseparable and ultimately non-du-

al.

Discussions of Shinran’s understanding of light usually focus on the aspect of Ami-

da’s light of embracing, while the aspect of Amida’s light of guidance is rarely mentioned.

The reason seems to be obvious: because Shinran used the idea of the “light of embracing” in his writings but never used the term “light of guidance.” How, then, did this idea of the

“light of guidance” come to be a doctrinal term in Shin Buddhist studies? This paper traces

the significant influences on the interpretation of Amida’s light made by the third head

priest of the Hongwanji, Kakunyō 覚如 (1270–1351), as well as subsequent developments

in Shin Buddhist Studies during the Edo period.

In this paper, first I introduce Kakunyo’s understanding of Amida’s light. Next, I ex-

amine how the idea of the “light of guidance” took root in Shin Buddhist studies during the

Edo period, by focusing on the development of interpretations of the idea of “Amida’s

Light and Name as the Cause for Birth” (kōgō innen shaku 光号因縁釈).

（284） Abstracts

― 1262 ―

120. The Connection between Great Compassion and Avalokiteśvara: Focusing on the

Chinese Translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha and the Qing Guanshiyin pusa xiaofu du-

hai tuoluni zhoujing 請観世音菩薩消伏毒害陀羅尼呪経

Chen Yian

The most representative instantiation of Great Compassion 大悲 in East Asia is surely

Avalokiteśvara 観音菩薩. Although a large number of studies discuss Avalokiteśvara, the

exact date when Great Compassion was connected to Avalokiteśvara was not clear. In ear-

ly annotations, Jizang 吉蔵 and Wŏnch’ŭk 円測 found the connection between Great Com-

passion and Avalokiteśvara in the Gaṇḍavyūha入法界品. As we cannot determine when the

Qing Guanshiyin pusa xiaofu duhai tuoluni zhoujing 請観世音菩薩消伏毒害陀羅尼呪経

was translated, in this study, we merely clarify that the Gaṇḍavyūha connected Great Com-

passion and Avalokiteśvara at a relatively early period.

Moreover, from Wŏnch’ŭk’s annotation and in the translation of the Saman-

tamukhaparivarta 普門品 by Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什, we find that the wisdom of

Avalokiteśvara apparently appears, but Great Compassion does not. On the other hand, in

the Gaṇḍavyūha, we find that Avalokiteśvara is repeatedly described as possessing Great

Compassion. Emphazising on “Great Compassion” might change the inpression of

Avalokiteśvara.

121. Controversy between the Three Vehicle and One Vehicle Theories in Dunhuang

Manuscripts

Onoshima Sachio

It has been pointed out that there is a problem in the framework of intellectual history re-

garding the Three and One Vehicle theories presented by Tokiwa Daijo 常盤大定, which

describes that Chinese controversy by focusing on the controversy between Tokuitsu 徳一

and Saichō 最澄 in Japan.

In this paper, in an attempt to revisit the historical framework of the controversy be-

tween the Three Vehicle and One Vehicle theories presented by Tokiwa, I examine the con-

troversy between the Three Vehicle and One Vehicle Theories in Dunhuang manuscripts,

and show that in the early Tang period: (1) Dunhuang manuscripts contain fragments of

（285）Abstracts

― 1263 ―

the Yisheng foxing jiujing lun 一乗仏性究竟論 by Fabao 法宝; (2) descriptions in the Dun-

huang manuscripts related to the controversy between the Three Vehicle and One Vehicle

theories fall under the influence of Daoyin 道氤 (668–740), who was influenced by Chi-

nese Yogācāra and emphasized the One Vehicle theory; (3) discussions on the debate re-

garding emptiness and existence (空有諍論) in Dunhuang show a different aspect than the

development of the debate in Japan.

122. Bodhiruci’s Translation of the Ratnamegha-sūtra and the Shi moheyan lun: Refer-

ences to Empress Wu Zetian

Seki Yūrin

The Shi moheyan lun 釈摩訶衍論 (hereafter Shilun 釈論) is a commentary on the Dasheng

qi xin lun 大乗起信論, but it expounds ideas and possesses characteristics that differ from

other commentaries. Until now, the thesis that it was composed in Korea has had wide sup-

port, but this thesis is problematic in that almost no signs of the Shilun can be found on the

Korean peninsula. In the past, I have comparatively analyzed the preface to the Shilun and

the text proper with reference to the policies of Empress Wu Zetian 武則天, the so-called

Zetian characters introduced by her, and the preface to the Chinese translation of the

Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra in eighty fascicles. Recently, in the field of research on the history

of Buddhist art during the Tang period, there has been presented a new perspective on Wu

Zetian, the Zetian characters, and her political policies through an analysis of Bodhiruci’s

translation of the Ratnamegha-sūtra. The Ratnamegha-sūtra contains a passage pertaining

to the appearance of Wu Zetian, according to which there would emerge from a land in the

east a cakravartin ruler, at the time of whose coronation mountains would rise up through-

out the realm and who would receive a prophecy of future enlightenment from the bod-

hisattva Maitreya. When this is compared with the preface to the Shilun, it is found that the

preface includes views that can be considered to have incorporated these ideas about the

appearance of Wu Zetian. When the above circumstantial evidence is combined with my

past findings, it can be pointed out that the author of the Shilun was quite familiar with Wu

Zetian’s policies, and one can also point to the influence of not only the Buddhāvataṃsaka-

sūtra but also the Ratnamegha-sūtra, something that had not been pointed out in the past.

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123. The Fragment of the Huayanjing lun Copied by Naganuma Kenkai

Tsugawa Yōsuke

This paper introduces a formerly unidentified fragment of the Huayanjing lun 華厳経論 by

Lingbian 霊弁 (477–522) and considers its significance. Although the Huayanjing lun was

introduced to Japan as early as about 754, the text was soon scattered and lost, and current-

ly only ten volumes of the text are included in the Manji Zokuzōkyō 卍続蔵経. Since Satō

Taishun discovered volumes 51–56 of the text in 1951, several other volumes have also

been discovered. In this paper, I introduce two materials that show the same fragment of

the text.

The results of my examination reveal the following:

① The newly discovered text is part of the nineteenth volume of the Huayanjing lun. While

it is brief, it has never been mentioned in any previous research.

② According to the afterword attached to the text, only fifty volumes of the Huayanjing lun

were copied in 774 as part of the collection of Empress Komyō’s “Gogatsu-tsuitachi-kyō

五月一日経” using the text that belonged to Simsang (Jpn. Shinjō) 審祥 (?–742).

③ The Huayanjing lun in sixty-five volumes is listed among the scriptures recorded to have

been brought to Japan by Simsang. In light of this fact, it is thought that this fragment

originated from a copy made by Simsang’s disciple Jikun 慈訓 (d. 777) that was then

borrowed by the compilers of the “Gogatsu-tsuitachi-kyō.”

124. Chan Contemplation in the Jueyi sanmei

Ōmatsu Hisanori

The Jueyi sanmei 覚意三昧 was taught by Zhiyi 智顗. In this paper, I tried to clarify its

characteristics through comparison with the Shichan boluomi cidi famen 釈禅波羅蜜次第法門, the first lecture of Zhiyi. As a result, it became clear that the Jueyi sanmei had the same

concept as did the Shichan boluomi cidi famen, but the specifics were similar to Zhiyi’s lat-

er works.

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125. Xuanzang and The Journey to the West

Yoshimura Makoto

Sun Wukong 孫悟空, Zhu Bajie 猪八戒 and Sha Wujing 沙悟浄 were disciples of Sanzang

Fashi 三蔵法師 in the Ming dynasty novel The Journey to the West 西遊記. Many mysteries

remain regarding their roots. This article points out that some of the real disciples of Xuan-

zang 玄奘 (602–664) were their models.

The model of Sun Wukong can be found in the Gaochang 高昌 native Ma Xuenchi 馬玄智 who delivered Xuanzang’s letter from Khotan 于闐 to Emperor Taizong 太宗 of

Chang’an 長安, and in the exotic-looking attendant in Xuanzang’s portrait. The two may be

the same person. He became a “monkey practitioner” 猴行者 in the Song dynasty novel

The Narrative Story of Acquisition of Sūtras by Sanzang of the Great Tang Dynasty 大唐三蔵取経詩話 and a monkey-faced attendant in the painting of Acquisition of Sūtras by the Tang

Monk 唐僧取経図 found in the Anxi Yulin Grottoes 安西楡林窟 during the same period.

The model of Zhu Bajie is considered to be Xuanzang’s disciple Kuiji 窺基 (632–

682). According to the Song Biographies of Eminent Monks 宋高僧伝, he traveled with

women and food in carriages and was called the “Three Carriages Monk” 三車和尚. Given

his image of greed and amorousness, he was fused with a boar (or pig) pulling the chariot

of Marīcī 摩利支天 in The Journey to the West of the Yuan Dynasty 元本西遊記. In The

Journey to the West, critical Edition by Yang Donglai 楊東来先生批評西遊記 of the Ming

dynasty, he calls himself “General Carriage” 御車将軍, a subordinate of Marīcī.

The model for Sha Wujing is the Great God 大神 dreamed by Xuanzang, when he was

in distress in the desert. He was called “Shensha God” 深沙神 in the Song Dynasty novel

The Narrative Story of Acquisition of Sūtras by Sanzang of the Great Tang Dynasty, but in

The Journey to the West of the Yuan Dynasty he came to be known as “Sha Monk” 沙和尚.

His level of divinity was demoted from god to monk because of the appearance of Zhu Ba-

jie, which was modeled after Kuiji, and the image of Wŏnch’uk 円測 (613–696), a rival of

Kuiji was superimposed.

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126. Cien dashi Kuiji’s View of Salvation from the Interpretation of the “Guanshiyin

pusa pumen pin” of the Fahua jing

Mizutani Kana

As the name suggests, Chapter 25 of the Fahua jing 法華経 (Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra),

“Guanshiyin pusa pumen pin” 観世音菩薩普門品, concerns the salvation of Guanshiyin

pusa (Avalokiteśvara bodhisattva). In this paper, I particularly focus on the section that dis-

cusses the question of why some people are saved and others are not, especially by believ-

ing in Guanshiyin.

The first person to mention this issue was Jizang 吉蔵 (549–623) of the Sanlun school

三論宗. He considers the reasons from four perspectives, such as weak faith and weak rela-

tionship with Guanshiyin.

Cien dashi 慈恩大師 Kuiji 窺基 (632–682) of the Faxiang school 法相宗 also consid-

ers a similar issue in the Fahua xuanzan 法華玄賛. He discusses the existence of salvation

from the viewpoint of karma, and states that buddhas and bodhisattvas may not be able to

change the results of karma. However, the result of the karma can be changed by heartfelt

repentance. Although Jizang introduced a similar theory, Kuiji discusses it in detail using

Yogācāra works, and states his assertion based on Jizang’s interpretation.

127. Problems Concerning the Stages Attained by Tanluan

Toyama Nobuaki

This paper focuses on problems concerning the stages attained by Tanluan 曇鸞 (476–542),

and reconsiders a generally accepted theory on this issue.

It is generally accepted that Tanluan considered himself among those who had at-

tained birth in the lowest grade of the lowest rank (Jpn. gebon geshō 下品下生) mentioned

in the Sūtra of Contemplation on the Buddha of Immeasurable Life (Guan Wuliangshoufo

jing 観無量寿仏経). As such, in his writings Tanluan attached great importance to those

who attain birth in the lowest grade of the lowest rank. In addition, works such as Passages

on the Land of Happiness (Anle ji 安楽集) and Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks

(Xu Gaosengzhuan 続高僧伝) describe how Tanluan considered himself an ignorant and

foolish being. On the other hand, in his writings there are also explanations of Tanluan as a

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bodhisattva or a saint as well as in other works, thus warranting a reconsideration of the

generally accepted view that Tanluan considered himself a foolish person.

This paper reexamines various works to investigate whether indeed Tanluan consid-

ered himself among those who had attained birth in the lowest grade of the lowest rank.

128. Introduction of the Three Natures in Chinese Pure Land: The Qunyi lun

Nagao Kōe

This study examines the introduction of the Three Natures theory, using the Qunyi lun 群疑論 of the Tang monk Huaigun 懐感 as an example. Before Huaigun, Pure Land Buddhism

held an orthopraxis according to the Two Truths theory. However, in addition to the Two

Truths theory, the Three Natures theory is also explained in the Qunyi lun. This study ex-

plores the development of the argument, and as a result points out two things. First, the his-

torical necessity of the “acceptance of the new translation texts,” that is, those tied to Xuan-

zang and his workshop. Second, the shift in Chinese Pure Land-centric debates leading to

more detailed consideration of “awareness of Buddha body and Buddhist land.”

129. The Humane Kings Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra Held by Pogwangsa Temple: A

Commentary by the Silla Monk T’aehyŏn?

Satō Atsushi

At the Pogwangsa 普光寺 in Andong 安東, North Kyŏngsang Province 慶尚北道, South

Korea, there is a wooden seated Avalokiteśvara bodhisattva statue thought to have been

created around the thirteenth century (Koryǒ period). In 2008, 194 relics of ten types were

found in its belly, including an approximately 1100 character “White Paper Black Ink Hu-

mane Kings Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra.” A report published in 2009 sees this fragment as

Kumārajīva’s translation of the Ten Kings Sutra. However, reading this fragment, one finds

that it is actually a commentary on the Ten Kings Sutra. But, being only a fragment, its au-

thor’s name is unknown. By comparing extant commentaries on the Ten Kings Sutra and

this fragment, I found that it is not an extant commentary. Rather, it contains edited ex-

cerpts from a commentary by Wŏnch’ŭk (613–696), a Silla monk who was active in China,

as well as at times explanations that build on this commentary. Judging from the number of

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chapters and the writing style, it may be a commentary by the Yogācāra scholar-monk

T’aehyŏn 太賢, who was active around the mid-eighth century (Silla period).

130. The Influences of Yanshou’s Works on Chinul’s Kwŏnsu chŏnghye kyŏlsa mun 勧修定慧結社文

Yun Seonho

The Koryŏ dynasty Sŏn priest Chinul 知訥 (1158–1210), in his Kwŏnsu chŏnghye kyŏlsa

mun 勧修定慧結社文, cites many passages from the works of Yongming Yanshou 永明延寿

(904–976), who lived during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. In this paper, I

consider how Chinul used Yanshou’s words.

By closely investigating the quotations from Yanshou’s works, I reinforce the theory

that Chinul often used words from the sūtras and commentaries as his own words.

131. Education of Lay Followers by Buddhist Organizations in the Taishō Period: Re-

search on the Bukkyōgakkai of the Ōtani Sect of Shin Buddhism

Tanigama Chihiro

This paper aims to identify the purpose of forming the Bukkyōgakkai 仏教学会, which was

established as an auxiliary organization of the Ōtani Sect of Shin Buddhism, as well as to

look at the structure of the lecture notes, and to examine the efforts to educate monks and

lay followers. As a result, the following three points became clear.

Firstly, the creation of the Bukkyōgakkai was officially announced in a bulletin pub-

lished by the Ōtani Sect. In that announcement, various regulations were listed, and the

Bukkyōgakkai was defined as an auxiliary educational organization of the Ōtani sect. In ad-

dition, lecture notes for distance learning were also released.

Secondly, the structure of these lecture notes differs between the first year of the pro-

gram and its second year. Courses were not only taught by scholar-monks of the Ōtani

Sect, but in some cases they relied on scholars and experts of other sects.

Lastly, the lectures notes published by the Bukkyōgakkai were highly influential and

were praised as having more influence than building a new school. The publication of a

new magazine called Fukyōkai 布教界 was also announced.

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From the above, we can gather that in addition to publishing lecture notes, the fact

that the Bukkyōgakkai also encouraged lay practitioners to become members aided the or-

ganization in its education of lay followers.

132. Muryōjuin Chōkaku’s Idea of Shinpō shikigyō 心法色形

Yamamoto Masayoshi

This paper examines the debate over “mental dharmas and physical forms” (shinpō

shikigyō 心法色形) found in the third volume of the Daisho shinanshō 大疏指南鈔 (hereaf-

ter Shinanshō) written by the Shingon monk Chōkaku 長覚 (1340–1416). Comparing this

to the treatment of the same debate by his contemporary Yūkai 宥快 (1345–1416) in the

fourth volume of his Shūgi ketchakushū 宗義決択集 (hereafter Shūketsu), I examine the

characteristics of Chōkaku’s interpretation.

We would have expected Chōkaku to have taken the position that “form and mind are

non-dual” (shikishin funi 色心不二), but instead the interpretation of “mental dharmas and

physical forms” is discussed from the standpoint of “duality of form and mind” (shikishin

ni ni 色心而二), which agrees with the stance of Yūkai. Their conclusion that “the mind has

color and shape” is common, but it became clear that there are different points in the pro-

cess leading up to that conclusion.

The Shinanshō discusses why the mind has color and shape by using “part and whole,

no duality, identity and difference, not mistaken” (bunman funi sokuri fubyū 分満不二即離不謬), which associates “form and mind are non-dual” with “duality of form and mind”. However, Yūkai denies this interpretation using the same notion.

This interpretation affects the interpretation of “mental dharmas and physical forms” after Chōkaku, and it is this interpretation which was used by Ryōchō 良重 (?–1488) and

In’yū 印融 (1435–1519).

133. The Manuscript Lineage of the Sho-ajari shingon mikkyō burui sōroku

Zhao Xinling

The author posits five stages in the formative process of the Sho-ajari shingon mikkyō bu-

rui sōroku 諸阿闍梨真言密教部類惣録 (T. 2176) based on date and content. They are (1)

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Sho-ajari shingon mikkyō burui sōroku 諸阿闍梨真言密教部類惣録 edited by Annen 安然 in

sixteen categories; (2) Sho-ajari shingon mikkyō burui sōroku 諸阿闍梨真言密教部類惣録

edited by Annen in twenty categories; (3) manuscript copies from the late Heian to the ear-

ly Edo periods; (4) the mid-Edo period printed edition; and (5) the Taishō edition pub-

lished in 1928. After comparing eight extant manuscripts belonging to category (3), it was

learned that they each have some degree of collations and enlargements. This paper makes

use of three passages to examine the textual lineages of these manuscripts.

134. On the Literary References in The Record of the Masters and Disciples of the

Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra: Based on the Newly Discovered Ba tuo sanzang anxin fa 跋陀三蔵安心法 Text from the Ishiyamadera 石山寺 Collection

Tong Ran

The Record of the Masters and Disciples of the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra (Lengqie shizi ji 楞伽師資記), written by Jingjue 浄覚 (683–750?), is the oldest surviving Chan history text that re-

cords the lineage of the eight Chan Patriarchs, the list beginning here out of respect for the

Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra with Guṇabhadra 求那跋陀羅, the translator of that sūtra, followed by

Bodhidharma 菩提達摩, Huike 慧可, Sengcan 僧璨, Daoxin 道信, Hongren 弘忍, until

Shenxiu 神秀. It is of note that the text places Guṇabhadra as the founder of the lineage,

which is quite a different claim than the traditional Chan view which places Bodhidharma

as the founder of the lineage. However, the organization of the text of The Record of the

Masters and Disciples of the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra as a whole is extremely complex, and there

are still many unresolved problems regarding its origin. In this paper, I focus on texts ref-

erenced by The Record of the Masters and Disciples of the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra, in order to

trace its origins. Through examining the characteristics of the quotes in the text, as well as

the aim of quoting them, I will explore the importance of this text within the field of Chan

Buddhist studies.

135. Was Zhenxie Qingliao 真歇清了 an “Evil Master”?

Yang Teukchi

As far as it is possible to judge by the content of the “Niangu 拈古” of the Jiewai lu 劫外録

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of Zhenxie Qingliao 真歇清了, his style of Chan does not stagnate in the kind of fixation

for silence and quietness that was an object of criticism by Dahui 大慧, and it contains ele-

ments of a Chan that proclaims the identity of action and stillness, alertness and quies-

cence.

136. The Relationship between the Pratyutpannabuddhasaṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi

and the Śūraṃgama-samādhi in the Da zhidu lun

Sawazaki Zuiyō

Although there are innumerable samādhis in Mahāyāna Buddhism, in the Da zhidu lun,

the śūraṃgama-samādhi and the pratyutpannabuddhasaṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi are re-

garded as important in the bodhisattva path to enlightenment. First, the śūraṃgama-

samādhi, which means “the samādhi of heroic valor”, enables a tenth-stage bodhisattva or a

buddha to overcome every obstacle and bring about the salvation of sentient beings. Al-

though the śūraṃgama-samādhi is based on the contemplation of emptiness, it makes pos-

sible the edification of sentient beings by the dharma-kāya. Second, the primary purpose of

the pratyutpannabuddhasaṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi, to which great importance is attached

by the Pure Land schools in China and Japan, is to see buddhas. In this paper, I discuss the

relationship between the two samādhis from the point of view of the bodhisattva’s stages of

practice for attaining enlightenment or avinivartanīya (nonretrogression).

In conclusion, there is a linear relationship between the pratyutpannabuddhasaṃmukh

āvasthita-samādhi and the śūraṃgama-samādhi: the former is maintained from the first

step of the bodhisattva path through the attainment of nonretrogression, while the latter is

attained at the tenth bhūmi. Also, for nonretrogressing bodhisattvas, seeing the dharma-

kāya is the starting point and bringing about the salvation of all sentient beings is the goal.

Moreover, I show that the reason that the Da zhidu lun treats these two samādhis as the

most representative Mahāyāna samādhi is because both have buddha-kāya as a common

factor.

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137. The Relationship between the Larger and Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtras

Xiao Yue

This paper is a study of the relationship between the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra, especial-

ly the Da Amituo jing 大阿彌陀經 (T. 362), the earliest version of this sūtra, and the Small-

er Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra. Although some scholars presented their ideas on the relationship

between these two sūtras, a significant issue, the internal relationship between the earliest

two versions, the Da Amituo jing and the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing 無量清淨平等覺經 (T.361, below Pingdengjue jing), and the extant Sanskrit version has been overlooked.

According to my recent research, a great amount of evidence suggests that the Da Amituo

jing is a version largely compiled by its Chinese translator based on his Mahāyāna views,

and the original Indian text of the Pingdengjue jing, which was translated in the 3rd centu-

ry, is probably quite similar to the extant Sanskrit version, whose earliest extant manuscript

is known to have been written in the middle of the 12th century. This paper presents new

approaches to this issue.

First, I discuss the formation of the fourth vow in the Da Amituo jing, and the rela-

tionship between this vow and the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra. I pointed out that the

items in the fourth vow, Praising the Merits of Amitābha and His Land and Rebirth by

Hearing Amitābha’s Name, might have been derived from references to the contents of the

Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra.

Second, I discuss the relationship between the eight short paragraphs before the

Tōhō-ge 東方偈 in the Pingdengjue jing and their counterparts in the Da Amituo jing and

the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra. I concluded that even though there might have been a

Tōhō-ge in the original Indian text of the Da Amituo jing, instead of translating all the stan-

zas, the translator of the Da Amituo jing only translated the first four stanzas (1–4) in

prose, which the translator of the Pingdeng jue jing might have expanded to those lines us-

ing the syntax of the part of Praising of Amitābha’s Virtue by the Buddhas of the Six Quar-

ters found in the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra.

In sum, there is no evidence verifying that the Da Amituo jing was formed earlier than

the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha. By contrast, the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha was extant at the time

when the Da Amituo jing and the Pingdengjue jing had been translated into Chinese, and

the translators of these two versions respectively referred to the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha.

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138. A Neglected Text of Daosui’s Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi

Ze Hui

This paper points out the situation and some problems of the extant texts of the 7th Tiantai

Patriarch Daosui’s 道邃 Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi 止観記中異義. It clarifies several characteris-

tics of a text collected in the Shinnyozōhon 真如蔵本, viz. a 13th century manuscript held

in the Eizan Bunko 叡山文庫, introducing its bibliographic information. In conclusion, the

Shinnyozōhon has some overlapping parts with the text in the Manji dai Nippon zokuzōkyō

卍大日本続蔵経, which was edited by using various conventional versions as the base, but

it also has contents that cannot be seen in that canon. Therefore, the Shinnyozōhon is a text

superior to the existing versions of the Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi, and it is necessary to make a

new edition based on this text and to complement those missing parts. Thus, it is important

to solidify the basic materials of the Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi in order to more fully elucidate

Daosui’s ideas about zhiguan 止観.

139. Guifeng Zongmi’s Reception of the Liumiaomen 六妙門 (Six Wonderful Dharmas)

Wudeng

The Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment 円覚経 is widely known as a very important work for

Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密, who wrote and ten times revised his commentaries on this text. It

occupied an extremely important and central position in the Buddhist teachings of Zongmi.

The reception of the Tiantai zhiguan byZongmi is principally revealed in his Great

Commentary on the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment 円覚経大疏 (hereafter the Great Com-

mentary) and his Compendium on the Great Commentary on the Sūtra of Perfect Enlighten-

ment 円覚経釈義鈔 (hereafter the Compendium). Study of the Great Commentary and the

Compendium reveals that Zongmi’s practice is based on the Tiantai zhiguan 天台止観, es-

pecially founded upon the Liumiaomen 六妙門 (Six Wonderful Dharmas) of Zhiyi 智顗. It

could be said that Zongmi followed Tiantai Zhiyi’s ideology of practical teaching on inde-

terminate meditation in the Six Wonderful Dharmas, and this teaching has become the the-

oretical basis of his practice.

Shindai Sekiguchi 関口真大 was the first to see the relationship between Zongmi and

Tiantai zhiguan. In Part One chapter 3 of Tendai shōshikan no kenkyū 天台小止観の研究

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(Different Schools’ Commentaries on the Tiantai xiao zhiguan), he observed that both the

Yuanjue jing daochang xiuzheng yi 円覚経道場修証儀 (Manual of Procedures for the Culti-

vation of Realization of Ritual Practice According to the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment;

hereafter the Manual) and the Compendium extracted from the Tiantai xiao zhiguan. The

Manual incorporated almost the entire Tiantai xiao zhiguan, while half of the Tiantai xiao

zhiguan was copied into the Compendium.

Toshio Andō 安藤俊雄 observed in his Keihō Shūmitsu no Tendaigaku 圭峯宗密の天台学 that Zongmi started to study Tiantai doctrine very early, and was particularly keen on

the Tiantai xiao zhiguan and the Six Wonderful Dharmas. However, no earlier scholar iden-

tified the relationship between Zongmi and the Six Wonderful Dharmas.

By going through the Great Commentary and observing how Zongmi quoted and ex-

tracted from the Six Wonderful Dharmas, this study locates the position this work of Tian-

tai Zhiyi occupied, and how it influenced the thought of Zongmi.

140. On Li Tongxuan’s Understanding of Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra: Entities Who Enter the

Realm of Dharma

Long Ming

Li Tongxuan’s 李通玄 (635–730 or 646–740) understanding of the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra (入法界品) has always been discussed from the perspective of sequential cultivation (修行次第)

or the kalyāṇamitra (善知識), without much discussion of “the Assembly who enter the

Realm of Dharma 入法界衆.” However, given the importance for Li Tongxuan of all of

these in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, part of the larger Buddhāvataṁsaka-sūtra, it is necessary to

discuss Li’s interpretation of “the Assembly who enter the Realm of Dharma.”Drawing a comparison with Fazang’s 法藏 (643–712) Huayanjing tanxuan ji 華嚴經探

玄記, this paper specifies Li Tongxuan’s understanding of “the Assembly who enter the

Realm of Dharma,” which is interpreted as a symbol of the Buddha’s teachings. Through it,

Li emphasizes the common idea that no obstruction exists between principle and practice

embodied in the “faith” and “harmony of three saints” in “the practice methods produced

from mundane benefit.”

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141. Daosheng’s Understanding of the Lotus Sūtra

Hayakawa Takashi

This paper focuses on the interpretation of the “One Vehicle of the Lotus Sūtra”, a concept

created by Zhu Daosheng 竺道生 (355?–434), a disciple of Kumārajīva (344–413 or 350–

409). Daosheng’s interpretation of the Lotus Sūtra is based on the viewpoint of 6 factors:

“Cause”, “Effect”, “People”, “Teaching”, “Noumenal Principle”, and “Salvific Impetus”. In

addition, he implemented his interpretation of the Lotus Sūtra by the theory that the bod-

hisattva in the three vehicles is absolute Truth, but he ultimately interpreted the Lotus Sūtra

as being bound neither by the “Three Vehicles” nor the “One Vehicle”. It can be said that

this became the ideological basis of Lotus Sūtra interpretation in Chinese Buddhism, be-

cause Daosheng’s interpretation largely influenced later interpreations of the Lotus Sūtra.

142. The Distinction between “shi” 師and “kujie” 苦節 in Baochang’s Mingseng zhuan

Lee Sangyop

By utilizing previous studies that have identified the biographies of the monks included in

the now-lost Mingseng zhuan 名僧伝 from the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧伝, this paper analyzes

the uneven distribution of social traits among the monks who were categorized as “shi” 師

and “kujie” 苦節 in the Mingseng zhuan, and proposes the possibility that Baochang’s use

of the dual categories of “shi” and “kujie” in the Mingseng zhuan reflected the dualistic

class structure of the early medieval Chinese saṃgha.

143. The Manchu Translation of the Fangguang Dazhuangyan jing

Yang Xiaohua

This article studies the Manchu translation of a Buddhist scripture titled in Manchu Umesi

aiman badaraka amba fujurungga yangsangga nomun. When comparing the Lalitavistara

with its Tibetan and Mongolian translations, I realized that there also exists a Manchu ver-

sion. Therefore, here I report on this Manchu translation.

Research on the Manchu Tripiṭaka has not been carried out in detail, and different

perspectives on the originals and translation methods of this corpus have been suggested.

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This article gives the names of 27 chapters of the Manchu translation mentioned above. On

this basis, I am able to confirm that the original of this Manchu translation was the Chinese

Fangguang Dazhuangyan jing方広大荘厳経. Examples are offered which clarify that this

Manchu translation used the “word by word translation” approach, in the tradition of Tibet-

an and Mongolian Buddhist scripture translations.

144. Pelliot tibétain 1257

Pei Changchun

The manuscript P. T. 1257 is a bilingual vocabulary in Tibetan and Chinese. It mainly sum-

marizes some of the most basic Buddhist terms, as well as some of the contents of the

Samdhinirmocanasūtra. Based on the calligraphy of this document, we can find at least

five people involved in the writing. In addition, we also can get some historical informa-

tion about the manuscript’s users. In general, this bilingual vocabulary of Tibetan and Chi-

nese Buddhism is of great value for us to understand the history of monks in Dunhuang

who studied and engaged in Buddhist activities in the middle and late 8th century to 9th

century.

145. Tibetan Phonology

Banqing Dongzhou

The germ of Tibetan phonology appeares first in the Sum cu pa composed by Thon mi

sambhoṭa (7th century). At the end of the Sum cu pa, Thon mi states that the pronunciation

of each syllable (/ka/, /ki/, /ku/, /ke/ etc.) should be learned in accordance with the method

of pronouncing phonemes (nga ro, *svara) in the correct position of articulation. However,

since Thon mi did not give a detailed explanation of Tibetan phonology in his Sum cu pa,

Tibetan grammarians in later periods had to develop a theory of pronunciation of their lan-

guage with the help of their knowledge of Sanskrit phonology. Among them, Si tu paṇ chen

(1699/1700–1774) gives an explanation of Tibetan phonology in his Si tu’i ’grel chen on the

basis of the Sanskrit phonology described in Candragomin’s Varṇasūtra. What emerges

from Si tu’s explanation is the development of phonological theory that is characteristic to

Tibetan but not found in Sanskrit. In addition, he reveals both the applicability of Sanskrit

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phonology to Tibetan and the limitations of its application. The purpose of this paper is to

clarify the major characteristics of Tibetan phonology by examining Si tu’s explanation

based on the Varṇasūtra and comparing it with the explanations given by other Tibetan

grammarians.

146. On ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa’s Interpretation of the Three Wheels of Dharma

Caihua Jia

The Dge lugs pa scholar ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa Ngag dbang brtson ’grus (1648–1721/22)

defines the Wheel of Dharma (chos ’khor, *dharmacakra) as “good qualities (yon tan) that

exist either in the doctrine (lung) or in realization (rtogs)” in his Phar phyin mtha’ dpyod, a

monastic textbook of Drepung Gomang Collage. As regards the doctrinal Wheel of Dhar-

ma (lung gi chos ’khor), there are different opinions among Tibetan Buddhist thinkers.

While Mchims chen mo, Chags lo tsā ba, and others assert that the Buddha’s turning of the

Wheel of Dharma occurred in succession, ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa denies their assertion in

terms of both the common view (thun mong) shared by many disciples and the uncommon

view (thun mong ma yin pa) that is specific to certain disciples. The underlying idea in

’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa’s discussion is first that the Buddha teaches every doctrine, such as

the four noble truths, in all stages of his life as long as there exist sentient beings who can

gain benefit from each doctrine, and second that the Buddha teaches all kinds of doctrines

simultaneously in all fields in order to save all sentient beings, each of which is character-

istic of Mahāyāna Buddhist soteriology.

147. The Concept of the Buddha-Nature in the Maṇi bka’ ’bum

Makidono Tomoko

This article looks into the concept of the Buddha-nature in the Maṇi bka’ ’bum, a revealed

text (gter ma) ascribed to the ancient Tibetan king Srong bstan sgam po, who is considered

an incarnation of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara, the tutelary deity of Tibet. There are two

main technical terms that designate this concept in this text. One is the well-known bde

bar gshegs pa’i snying po, used to express the idea that all sentient beings have the Buddha-

nature, which is in turn equated with emptiness, reality (chos nyid), and the ultimate (don

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dam); the other is rang sems sangs rgyas (‘One’s own mind [is] buddhahood’). The Buddha-

nature is taught on the basis of these two expressions in the Maṇi bka’ ’bum, with Tibetan

esoteric teachings from the Three Greats (chen po gsum) woven in, namely, the Great Mad-

hyamaka (dbu ma chen po), Mahāmudrā (phyag rgya chen po), and Atiyoga (rdzogs pa chen

po). The Maṇi bka’ ’bum equates ‘one’s own mind’ (rang sems), or ‘the true nature of the

mind’ (sems nyid), with the state of being enlightened (sangs rgyas); it is one’s own teacher,

a buddha (sangs rgyas), and the primordially pure (ka dag) Great Compassionate One, the

Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara. Purification is attained through a practice of the Bodhisattva’s

quintessential six-syllable mantra, oṃ ma ṇi pad me hūṃ. Through this practice one be-

comes a buddha within a lifetime.

148. The Six-Syllable Formula and Wish-fulfilling Jewels in the Kāraṇḍavyūha-sūtra:

Symbolism and Merits

Sakuma Ruriko

This paper focuses on the symbolism and merits of the six-syllable formula (ṣaḍakṣarī-

vidyā), wish-fulfilling jewels (cintāmaṇi), and other symbols that represent the Bodhisattva

Avalokiteśvara in the Kāraṇḍavyūha-sūtra (KV). The paper also indicates differences be-

tween the Gilgit manuscript version (G ver.) from the 7th century and the Nepal manuscript

version (N ver.) dating to after the 11th century.

According to the G ver., Avalokiteśvara has symbolic elements such as the six-sylla-

ble formula, wish-fulfilling jewels, a hand gesture for the sign of a lotus (padmāṅkā-

mudrā), a maṇḍala in which Avalokiteśvara, Amitābha, and Śākyamuni are depicted, and,

additionally, a universal emperor (Cakravarti-rāja) and a lotus that are not integrated into

the maṇḍala. Conversely, these symbolic elements are integrated into the maṇḍala of the

great six-syllable formula described in the N ver.

Only the N ver. states that those who propagate the KV with a wish-fulfilling jewel,

for example, will be welcomed by twelve Tathāgatas in their last moments. This statement

is influenced by the larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra, which mentions twelve Tathāgatas in the

most popular Chinese translation, or nineteen in the Sanskrit version. These Tathāgatas

represent a light of the Tathāgata Amitābha, who welcomes a person in his last moments,

and the influence of devotion to the paradise of Amitābha is stronger in the N ver. than in

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the G ver.

Consequently, we may conclude that symbolic elements and merits of the six-syllable

formula and wish-fulfilling jewels, along with other symbols, have been gradually im-

proved from the G ver. and/or integrated into the N ver. under the influence of Esoteric

Buddhism and the cult of Amitābha’s paradise.

149. Māyā and Mahāmāyā: Ratnākaraśānti’s Interpretations of Buddhist Goddesses

Ōmi Jishō

In the present paper, the author examines Māyā and Mahāmāyā mainly on the basis of two

works of Ratnākaraśānti, namely, the Khasamā, a commentary on the

*Yathālabdhakhasama-tantra, and the Guṇavatī, a commentary on the Mahāmāyā-tantra

(abbr. MMT).

In the Khasamā and the Guṇavatī, Mahāmāyā is interpreted as a Super-goddess who

integrates other goddesses, and this interpretation of Ratnākaraśānti serves as one piece of

evidence to support the author’s hypothesis regarding the relationship of Mahāmāyā de-

scribed in the Devīmāhātmya and in the MMT (especially, chap. 1).

150. The Theory of the 5000 Years’ Duration of the True Teaching in Late Indian

Buddhism

Shōji Fumio

It is known that Buddhists presented various theories about the duration of the True Teach-

ing (saddharma). This article introduces a work explaining that the period of existence of

the True Teaching is 5000 years, namely the Bhagavatyāmnāyānusāriṇī nāma vyākhyā writ-

ten in the 12th century, a commentary on the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā. It is known that

the work follows the traditional interpretation of the Buddhist scriptures described in the

Śatasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Bṛhaṭṭīkā and the Āryaśatasāhasrikā-pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā

ṣṭādaśasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Bṛhaṭṭīkā. Thus, in this article, to examine and elucidate

the background of the view that the True Teaching lasts 5000 years, I focus on the descrip-

tions in the three above-mentioned works, translate the corresponding portions, and consid-

er how those works influenced each other. As a result, I find it most likely that the explana-

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tion that the duration of True Teaching is 5000 years in the Bhagavatyāmnāyānusāriṇī nāma

vyākhyā is based on the theory presented in the Śatasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Bṛhaṭṭīkā and

Āryaśatasāhasrikā-pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikāṣṭādaśasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Bṛhaṭṭīkā.

151. On apradarśitānvaya and apradarśitavyatireka in Dharmottara’s Theory of

dṛṣṭāntābhāsa

Kodama Eiko

In Dharmakīrti’s logic, especially in parārthānumāna, the role of example (dṛṣṭānta) is to

show three characteristics of the logical reason (hetu). Examples that cannot show them are

classified as fallacious examples (dṛṣṭāntābhāsa). Dignāga recognizes ten types of falla-

cious examples in both similar examples (sādharmyadṛṣṭānta) and dissimilar examples

(vaidharmyadṛṣṭānta). In Pramāṇaviniścaya ch. 3 and Nyāyabindu ch. 3, Dharmakīrti took

over all of them, to which he newly added eight types. Apradarśitānvaya and

apradarśitavyatireka, the main topics of this paper, are contained in the new types, and are

concepts peculiar to Dharmakīrti’s syllogism which consists of two members, namely

vyāpti and pakṣadharmatā.

Apradarśitānvaya and apradarśitavyatireka mean that a speaker presents only exam-

ples and does not state vyāpti in the syllogism of anvaya or vyatireka. In contrast to

Jñānaśrībhadra and Vinītadeva, Dharmottara discusses apradarśitānvaya and

apradarśitavyatireka positively, and makes two distinctive interpretations. Firstly, Dharmot-

tara mentions the process of syllogism and sentence of vyāpti (as a member of the syllo-

gism), and concludes that the purpose of examples is to elucidate the meanings of the sen-

tences in anvaya or vyatireka, while depending on the understanding of vyāpti (as the

relationship between sādhyadharma and sādhanadharma, i.e., avinābhāva etc.). Secondly,

while clearly distinguishing parārthānumāna from svārthānumāna, he makes a clear state-

ment that a speaker’s fault can be the fault of examples in parārthānumāna. Hence, in con-

clusion, I would like to point out the following: Dharmottara focuses on the distinction be-

tween real existence (vastu) itself and right or wrong in the proof which has not been

touched by other commentators. Furthermore, he unfolds an interpretation that emphasizes

the problem of a statement (vacana) and a form of proof, corresponding to the topic of

parārthānumāna.

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152. A Reconsideration of Śākyabuddhi’s Philosophical Position in the Development

of the apoha-theory

Ishida Hisataka

I recently (Ishida 2020) pointed out that the famous three-stage theory about the develop-

ment of the apoha-theory, including the views of the positivist (vidhivādin) and the negativ-

ist (pratiṣeḍhavādin), was not definitely explained by Satkari Mookerjee, but it is a modi-

fied version due to Yuichi Kajiyama. In the course of this investigation, it turned out to be

important to distinguish two points: (1) The process of understanding the negation, i.e., ex-

clusion, and (2) The presence or absence of appearance in conceptual cognition. On the ba-

sis of this investigation, I reexamine Śākyabuddhi’s philosophical position in the develop-

ment of the apoha-theory. I think that Śākyabuddhi should be regarded as a forerunner of

the so-called positivist, who, according to Ratnakīrti, insists that the negation is indirectly

understood when a positive element is recognized through a word.

153. The Controversy between Kumārila and Prajñākaragupta over Mental Images in

Pramāṇavārttikālaṃkāra ad PV 3.385

Miyo Mai

According to the sākāravijñāna theory of the Buddhist logico-epistemological school, cog-

nition possesses mental images in itself. However, this theory was criticized by others,

such as Mīmāṃsakās. This article examines the controversy between Kumārila and

Prajñākaragupta in the Pramāṇavārttikālaṃkāra on Pramāṇavārttika (PV) 3.385. The rea-

soning behind the sākāravijñāna theory in this context is that cognition (i.e., grāhaka or the

grasping) is necessarily remembered along with the image of its object (i.e., grāhya or the

grasped). A counterargument is that some cognition is remembered without the image of

its object, where this kind of recollection is explained, such as “I don’t know what I saw

then.” In other words, a person can remember the act of cognition during a previous direct

experience but not remember the specific object. This argument can be traced back to

Kumārila’s Ślokavārttika, Śūnyavāda 82–85. Prajñākaragupta’s answer to this objection is

that this kind of recollection is not an instance of remembering only the grasping; rather, it

is an instance of indistinctly (sāmānyena) remembering the grasping and the grasped to-

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gether. A similar idea is found in Śāntarakṣita’s Tattvasaṃgraha 2075–2076 and its com-

mentary by Kamalaśīla.

154. Dignāga’s Theory of pakṣābhāsa Reconsidered: How should PS III 2b2–d1 be in-

terpreted?

Inami Masahiro

Dignāga established a theory of pakṣābhāsa (fallacious thesis) in relation to the definition

of pakṣa (thesis). In his Pramāṇasamuccaya (PS), he states:

... anirākṛtaḥ / pratyakṣārthānumānāptaprasiddhena ... // 2 // (PS III 2b2–d1)

[A property to be proved (sādhyadharma) should] not be opposed by “pratyakṣārthānu-

mānāptaprasiddha.”Dharmakīrti, in his Pramāṇaviniścaya, inteprets the word pratyakṣārthānumānāptaprasiddha

of PS as a dvandva compound of the four component words: pratyakṣārtha, anumāna, āpta,

and prasiddha, and understands that the last word prasiddha means śābdaprasiddha. Jine-

drabuddhi, a commentator of PS, adopts Dharmakīrti’s interpretation.

On considering Dignāga’s own explanation in his own commentary (Pramāṇa-

samuccayavṛtti, PSV) on this part of the verse, however, the word can be interpreted as a

compound of three component words: pratyakṣārtha, anumāna[-prasiddha], and

āptaprasiddha. Dignāga explains that when a sādhyadharma stated in a thesis is opposed

by another dharma/atha which is already established (prasiddha) by some valid means,

such a thesis should be regarded as a fallacious thesis (pakṣābhāsa). Accordingly, the word

prasiddha should not be separated to solely mean śābdaprasiddha.

Intriguingly, Dharmakīrt’s followers mention and criticize such a different interpreta-

tion. Śākyabuddhi attributes this interpretation to some commentator(s) of PS

(*Pramāṇasamuccayaṭīkākāra), who cannot be identified with Jinendrabuddhi. The inter-

pretation which seems to correspond to Dignāga’s intention has never been supported by

Dharmakīrti’s followers, including Jinendrabuddhi, and as a result it was consigned to

oblivion.

Dharmakīrti’s interpretation of Dignāga’s PS/PSV must be useful for understanding

the words of PS/PSV. But it should be noted that Dharmakīrti’s interpretation does not nec-

essarily correspond to Dignāga’s own intention.

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155. Sajjana and Mahājana: Yogācāra Exegesis in Eleventh Century Kashmir

Kano Kazuo

The present paper aims to clarify work-titles of writings of Sajjana and his son Mahājana,

11th and 12th century lay Buddhists of Kashmir. In particular, Sajjana is sometimes re-

garded as a crucial individual for the Yogācāra exegetical tradition of Tibetan Buddhism.

Although, until recently, their writings had not been known save for works available in the

Tibetan canon, further works that are not included in the Tibetan canon have gradually

been found in a Sanskrit manuscript, which we call here the Sajjana-Mahājana codex.

As for Sajjana, in addition to his Putralekha, that is, an epistile addressed to his son

Mahājana (only in Tib.), two further works, i.e., Mahāyānottaratantraśāstropadeśa and

Sūtrālaṃkārapiṇḍārtha, have been available (both only in Skt.).

With regard to Mahājana, (1) Sūtrālaṃkārādhikārasaṅgati (only in Skt.: identified by

Shaoyong Ye) has become newly available as found in the Sajjana-Mahājana codex, in ad-

dition to (2) his Prajñāpāramitāhṛdaya commentary (only in Tib.). In (2), Mahājana refers

to two of his own writings, i.e., (3) ’Brel pa grub pa chung ngu’i yongs su shes pa and (4)

rNam par nges pa’i yongs su shes pa. We can identify (3) as the Pratibandhasiddhiparicaya

which is available only as a Sanskrit fragment in the Sajjana-Mahājana codex. On the basis

of this identification, we can assume the Sanskrit title of (4) to be *Viniścayaparicaya (yet

to be found). Accordingly, the Sanskrit title of (1) can be known as

Prajñāpāramitāhṛdayaparicaya, as attested in the Peking Tanjur (Derge’s reading-

arthaparijñāna does not seem to reflect the original). Furthermore, there are two other

works with the element paricaya in their titles, i.e., Sūtrālaṃkāraparicaya and

*Mahāyānottaratantraparicaya, included in the Sajjana-Mahājana codex. Although their

colophons that refer to the author’s name are yet to be found, these two are most probably

Mahājana’s compositions, as this particular title paricaya and this particular situation (be-

ing included in the same codex) suggest.

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156. The Terms vikalpa and nirbhāsa in the Triṃśikābhāṣya

Kitano Shintarō

According to Sthiramati’s commentary (Triṃśikābhāṣya＝Tbh) on the Triṃśikākārikā, con-

trary to our common sense, vikalpa and nirbhāsa occupy the same space. The aim of this

paper is to consider this problem. Sthiramati made an important statement on this problem,

as can be seen in the following quotation: tam ātmādinirbhāsaṃ rūpādinirbhāsaṃ ca tasmād

vikalpād bahirbhūtam ivopādāyātmādyupacāro rūpādidharmopacāraś cānādikālikaḥ pravar-

tate vināpi bāhyenātmanā dharmaiś ca. It is clear from this example that vikalpa and

nirbhāsa occupy the same space. So far research on the term vikalpa (＝abhūtaparikalpa)

has been superficial. As Rishō Hotori acutely pointed out, vikalpa means mental material

rather than the subject of cognition. However, strictly speaking, this view is unsatisfactory.

We miss the point if we regard the meaning of the term vikalpa merely as mental material.

What I wish to show in this paper is that the term vikalpa has two meanings, both subject

of cognition and mental material.

157. The Historical Development of the Negation of Arising from Other in Madhya-

maka Tradition: The Turning Point by Kamalaśīla

Yoshimizu Chizuko

The negation of arising from other in Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā and its com-

mentaries aimed to validate the ultimate Madhyamaka doctrine of non-arising by refuting

the Ābhidharmika Buddhist view that a thing arises from its conditions. As epistemology

and logic developed and debates took place between Buddhists and non-Buddhists, the the-

ory of causality or the question of how to establish a causal relation became a point of in-

terest for scholars, so that the Mādhyamikas faced the new task of disproving any means of

establishing a real causal relation in order to defend their ultimate tenet of non-arising.

Kamalaśīla’s discussion in his Madhyamakāloka is remarkable from this viewpoint; he

thoroughly refutes various possibilities that ultimately things arise from something other–

whether it is permanent or impermanent. Moving beyond the context of the

Mūlamadhyamakakārikā and its commentarial tradition, he devotes a large portion of his

argument to refuting the causal relation between momentary entities (kṣaṇika) that are

（307）Abstracts

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considered to be real. This was definitely a new stage in the negation of arising in the his-

tory of Madhyamaka thought, which encouraged later Tibetan interpreters to further ex-

pand the scope of the discussion.

158. Sāṃkhya Theory in the Prajñāpradīpa-ṭīkā chp. 9

Jung Sangkyo

The subject of criticism of Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (MMK) chp. 9, when it criticizes A

preceding subject existing prior to whole sensory organs, is known to be the Pudgalavādins

in general, but is not specified in the MMK.

However, the Buddhapālita-mūlamadhyamaka-vṛtti (BP), an important commentary

of a somewhat later time, did not specify the subject of criticism of chp. 9, criticizing A

preceding subject by a parable of the window.

Since then, the Prajñāpradīpa (PP) has clarified that the subject of the BP is the

Sāṃkhya school, and the Prajñāpradīpa-ṭīkā (PPṬ) succeeded to the commentary on the

PP to introduce the Sāṃkhya theory in more detail.

However, the PPṬ commented on the subject of criticism of the BP as rather Sāṃkhya

theory, while the Pudgalavādin is also presented as a subject of criticism of chp. 9.

Therefore, it is necessary to consider the differences between the commentaries in

more detail in order to clarify the subject of criticism in chapter 9 of the MMK.

159. Dharmapāla’s Critique of Eternalism in the First Chapter of the Dasheng guang-

bailun shilun

Watanabe Toshikazu

This paper examines Dharmapāla’s critique of eternalism found in the first chapter of his

Dasheng guangbailun shilun 大乗広百論釈論, and clarifies the following points:

1.　 It is reasonable to think that the “logician” (tārkika, rtog ge ba) that Candrakīrti refers

to and criticizes in the 9th chapter of his Catuḥśatakaṭīkā is Dharmapāla.

2.　 Three types of logical reason given by Dharmapāla in his commentary on Catuḥśataka

9.4 are similar to the three types of property referred to by Dharmakīrti.

3.　 Since the logical reason “not being a product” is a property formed by mere exclusion

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(vyavacchedamātra), its being a property of the subject of the thesis (pakṣadharmatva) is en-

sured even with regard to the subject whose existence Buddhists do not accept (e.g. space

etc.), and is classified as a contraditory (viruddha) called dharmisvarūpaviparītasādhana.

These results show that Dharmapāla plays a bridging role in the developments in Buddhist

logic from Dignāga to Dharmakīrti and his commentators. Further examination of

Dharmapāla’s theory will make it possible for us to reconsider the innovations in

Dharmakīrti’s theory.

160. Bhāviveka’s Criticism of the Mīmāṃsaka in the Prajñāpradīpa: The Differences

between the Chinese and the Tibetan Translations

Tamura Masaki

In the twenty-second chapter of the Prajñāpradīpa, which was translated into Chinese by

Prabhākaramitra and into Tibetan by Klu’i rgyal mtshan, Bhāviveka, a Mādhyamika philos-

opher, criticizes the Mīmāṃsaka in a context where he makes a ‘‘digression’’ on the

Tathāgata’s omniscience. In the beginning, Bhāviveka introduces a syllogism by which the

Mīmāṃsaka tries to reject the Buddhist view of omniscience. Bhāviveka’s counter-argu-

ment differs in, respectively, the Chinese and the Tibetan translations. However, previous

studies have studied only one of these translations.

The Chinese translation points out that the reason presented by the Mīmāṃsaka

would be unestablished (asiddha), arguing that Buddhist scriptures are authorless. This ar-

gument is based on Bhāviveka’s own view of the Tathāgata’s teachings, which is found in

the twenty-fifth chapter of the Prajñāpradīpa. Conversely, the Tibetan translation points

out that the thesis presented by the Mīmāṃsaka would be fallacious (pakṣābhāsa) through

an examination of the meaning of ‘‘one who is not omniscient’’ (asarvajña). Both transla-

tions can be considered to contain valid arguments, so they should be dealt with equally.

161. The Number of Verses of Nāgārjuna’s Vigrahavyāvartanī

Wang Nan

The Vigrahavyāvartanī, one of Nāgārjuna’s main philosophical treatises, gives us an insight

into Nāgārjuna’s theory of emptiness as well as his dialectical methods. The first Sanskrit

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edition was published by K. P. Jayaswal and R. Sāṇkṛtyāyana in 1937, in which they count

the number of verses as 72. However, in 1951 when E. H. Johnston and A. Kunst published

their edition, which is most widely used today, they reduced the number of verses to 70.

Thus, Johnston’s interpretation has become the standard statement of this problem for

scholars. However, if we look into this issue more carefully, there are several factors that

may not support Johnston’s position. In this article, I will detail three arguments against

Johnston’s interpretation.

162. A Newly Available Sanskrit Manuscript of the Rewritten Abhidharmakośakārikā

Tanaka Hironori

In 2016, a new manuscript of the Sanskrit text of the Abhidharmakośakārikā (AKK) in the

Potala Palace, along with photographs, was published by the Tibetan Palm Leaf Manuscript

Institution (西蔵貝葉経研究所), and was determined to be identical to the Tibetan transla-

tion of the AKK. However, I have discovered that this manuscript has various variants

with resepect to the Gokhale manuscript.

In this paper, I present the original Sanskrit text and the translation of two interesting

passages (IV.3, V.23) that have been corrected to conform to the Sarvāstivāda doctrine. I

point out that the two passages are related to Paramārtha’s (Zhendi 真諦) translation of the

AKK.

163. Famine in the Vinayas

Inoue Ayase

The vinayas allow special cases of “cooking and preserving food”, “utilizing leftover food”, and “collecting fruits” in case of famine. The famine exception does not apply when the

famine is over. Even bhikkhu can work in times of famine in order to support their lives,

according to the Vinayas. In the event of famine, the rules loosen. It was generally accepted

in ancient India that there was a difference between normal and emergency times. It is

common in the Vinayas and Dharma literature that, in the event of an emergency, bhikkhus

or brahmins may take on the activities of someone with a different social status, while

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keeping their status as bhikkhu or brahmin, respectively. It can be said that the Buddhist

sangha had the same character as the broader Indian society in that avoiding poverty is

more important in an emergency than protecting the bhikkhu’s normally expected means of

life.

164. Mundaneness and Impermanence

Kimura Yukari

The Abhidharmamahāvibhāṣā argues on the basis of a sūtra which maintains that some-

thing is called mundane (*laukikī) because it changes and perishes. It takes up the question

whether the noble path (āryamārga) is mundane so long as it is also conditioned. The noble

path is never mundane. But the Abhidharmamahāvibhāṣā only presents the differences be-

tween the noble path and mundaneness, and it does not show any reasons for the

differences.　　The Abhidharmakośabhāṣya cites suffering (duḥkha), the world (loka) and so on as

synonyms for appropriative aggregates (upādānaskandha). It defines suffering as follows:

suffering is because Āryas have an abhorrence of it, and the world, and suffering is because

it perishes (lujyate). The Abhidharmakośabhāṣya argues that all conditioned things are suf-

fering by suffering inherent in conditioning (saṃskāraduḥkhatā). The aspect of imperma-

nent nature draws the aspect of suffering, but the path is not abhorrent to Āryas as it makes

them quiet.

The Dharmaskandha, an early Sarvāstivādin text, mentions that the five appropriative

aggregates are suffering since perishableness and change are inherent in them. It follows

that appropriative aggregates attribute suffering because they are not calm, and against the

mind of Āryas.

165. The Titles of the Śālistamba-sūtra in Chinese and Tibetan Translations 　　

Sakiyama Tadamichi

The Śālistamba-sūtra is one of the Mahāyāna sūtras devoted to the clarification of the doc-

trine of dependent origination (pratītyasamutpāda). Although the Sanskrit text of the sūtra

has not survived in its entirety, five Chinese (Taishō 708–712) and Tibetan translations are

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extant. One can render the compound śālistamba, comprised of the word śāli (“rice plant”) and stamba (“clump”), as “a clump of rice plant.” It is worth noting that the titles of the

Chinese and Tibetan translations of the Śālistamba-sūtra do not always have the same

meaning as the title of the original Sanskrit. The aim of this paper is to address why the

Chinese and Tibetan translatiors did not always provide an accurate translation of the title

of the Sanskrit text, examining the meanings of the Chinese and Tibetan words used to

translate the titles of the Śālistamba-sūtra. A closer scrutiny of the titles reveals the follow-

ing:

(1) Out of the five Chinese translations, the earliest one bears a title which is not a

translation of the title Śālistamba-sūtra, i.e., Leben shengsi jing 了本生死經 (Taishō 708),

and that by Shihu 施護 bears a title which is a transliteration of the Sanskrit śālistamba,

namely, the Dasheng shelisuodanmo jing 大乘舍黎娑擔摩經 (Taishō 711). The rest (Taishō

709, 710, and 712) contain in their titles the word dao 稲 corresponding to the Sanskrit śāli,

i.e, daoyu 稲芋, daogan 稲𦼮, daogan 稲芉, daogan 稲稈 and daoqian 稲芊. These words

can be classified into three groups: (a) daoyu 稲芋 and daoqian 稲芊 (“a vigorous look of

rice plant”), (b) daogan 稲𦼮 and daogan 稲稈 (“a stem or stalk of rice plant”), (c) daogan

稲芉 (“rice plant and a seed of adlay”). The word daogan 稲芉, which makes no sense,

seems to be a scribal error for the word daoqian 稲芊.

(2) Tibetan translations of the Śālistamba-sūtra contain in their titles the words sā lu’i ljang pa (“rice seedling”). The word sā lu’i ljang pa does not correspond to the Sanskrit

śālistamba (“a clump of rice plant).

In conclusion: (i) Chinese translations classified into Group (a) provide an accurate

translation of the Sanskrit śālistamba. (ii) Group (b) and the Tibetan translations, whose ti-

tles are similar in meaning, contain in their titles words which are not used for the Sanskrit

śālistamba. (iii) It is highly likely that the translators of the translations in question con-

fused the word śālistamba (“ a clump of rice plant”) with the word śālistambha (“a stem of

rice plant”), whose second member stambha means “a post, stem.” One may, therefore, rea-

sonably suppose that the translators of Chinese translations classified into Group (b) and

Tibetan translation translate the word śālistambha instead of śālistamba.

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166. A Re-Examination of the Shisonglü and Shisong biqiu boluotimucha jieben: Huaise

壊色 in the Section of the Pāyattika

Li Wei

When a bhikṣu receives a new robe, the regulations require him to dye the robe three par-

ticular colors (huaise 壊色) before wearing it. Otherwise he commits a pāyattika 波逸提罪

offense. The three colors are blue, mud, and qian 茜 (a madder or deep red) according to

the Shisonglü 十誦律. However, the colors are rather blue, mud and mulan 木蘭 (magnolia)

in the Shisong biqiu boluotimucha jieben 十誦比丘波羅提木叉戒本. There is one different

color. In this paper, I discuss the particular colors focusing on qian and mulan.

167. Three Ways to Release Warriors form the Role of Killing

Sugiki Tsunehiko

According to the Indian Classics in general, the most important function of a king is to

protect his people, which in certain situations takes a form of warfare against a foreign

army or internal rebels. Some discourses can be found in Buddhist scriptures in and before

the 7th century CE that teach or describe ways or strategies for a king or warrior to deal

with the diplomatic problem without resorting to warfare including killing. Those ways can

be roughly divided into three types: (1) retreat from the role of warrior; (2) resolution

without pitched battle; and (3) pitched battle without killing. Each type has subdivisions.

The authors of the Buddhist scriptures selected certain strategies from those commonly

found in the Indian scriptures on politics such as the Arthaśāstra and reformed them in ac-

cordance with the Buddhist precept against killing.

168. Recitation in the Nikāyas

Hirabayashi Jirō

In this paper, I examine the term sajjhāya- used in the Nikāyas to elucidate the meaning of

recitation in early Buddhism. Concerning recitation in the Majjhima-nikāya, I consider the

difference between the terms sajjhāya- and ajjhena-. In the four Nikāyas, sajjhāya- means

repeating sūtras (or Vedas) aloud to learn and memorize them. In a few cases in the Jātaka,

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however, sajjhāya- is used to indicate singing to oneself or repeating. In the Saṃyutta-

nikāya, although sūtra recitation (sajjhāya-) is one of the most fundamental practices of

Buddhist monks, there is no need to cling to sūtra recitation after a monk has achieved dis-

passion. In the Majjhima-nikāya, ajjhena- appears where brahmins recite the Vedas,

whereas sajjhāya- occurs in scenes in which Buddhist monks recite sūtras. Brahmins pre-

scribe Veda recitation (ajjhena-) as one of the practices for the acquisition of merit, for at-

taining virtue; on the other hand, the Buddha Śākyamuni thought sūtra recitation

(sajjhāya-) was a tool for the mind, to practice freeing the mind from hostility and ill will.

169. The Story of Indra’s Death

Nakasone Mitsunobu

As previous studies have reported, Indra (Skt: Śakra; Pāli: Sakka), or lord of the gods in

the Trāyastriṃśa heaven, visited the Buddha and listened to his teachings in the Sakkapa-

ñha-suttanta of the Dīgha-Nikāya (DN) No. 21, and its corresponding Chinese translations

from Sanskrit Āgama sūtras.

Indra’s motivation for visiting the Buddha mentioned in DN is not concrete, because

it is only stated that he had a zeal for meeting the Buddha. Thus, it is difficult to compre-

hend why he had this zeal. However, its commentary (aṭṭhakathā), the Sumaṅgalavilāsinī,

adds an explanation that he asked for relief from death because the five signs of decay oc-

curred on his body.

That is to say, Indra’s motivation for visiting the Buddha is not explicitly explained in

DN and its corresponding Chinese translations from Sanskrit Āgamas, but in the commen-

tary on DN.

In this paper, I point out that Indra’s motivation is also described clearly in the story

of Indra’s death in the Chinese translations of the Abhidharma Mahāvibhāṣa and else-

where. Some of these references were compiled earlier than the Pāli commentaries.

170. The Theory of Metaphor in the Subodhālaṅkāra

Shiota Hōju

The Indian science of rhetoric (alaṅkāra) systematizes figures of speech. While a large

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number of classical works on Sanskrit rhetoric have been handed down to us, Pāli rhetoric

has only one extant treatise: the Subodhālaṅkāra, written by Saṅgharakkhita. This paper

discusses how metaphor is defined and how the theory of metaphor is developed in the

Subodhālaṅkāra.

This paper concludes with the following two points. First, the definition of metaphor

in the Subodhālaṅkāra is an eclectic mix of that in the Kāvyādarśa and the Kāvyaprakāśa,

and the classification of the types of metaphor in the Subodhālaṅkāra is derived from that

in the Kāvyālaṅkāra. Second, the method by which the Kāvyaprakāśa sorts out metaphors

and similes presented in a compound justifies the idea that the examples of metaphorical

compounds given by the Subodhālaṅkāra are correct cases of metaphors.

171. The Origin of Tianzhu 天竺

Ishizaki Takahiko

Tianzhu 天竺 is generally known as the old name of India. The oldest example is found in

the Hou Han shu 後漢書 as Tianzhuguo 天竺国. There had existed numerous Chinese

names of India such as Shendu 身毒 in the Shi ji 史記, and Tiandu 天篤 in the Han shu 漢書. After the Datang Xiyu ji 大唐西域記 was written, Yindu 印度 became the most general

designation. The origin of Tianzhu is still unclear. This study aims to examine the results

of preceding studies. The pioneering study was by Thomas Watters. He examined the ori-

gin of Tianzhu, and inferred the possibility that it was transmitted through Burma for the

first time. Wu Qichang 呉其昌 is the most important scholar to study old Chinese names of

India, and he followed Watter’s theory. Sugimoto Naojirō 杉本直治郎 was a Japanese pio-

neer in this field. Prabodh Chandra Bagchi is another important scholar who sought the or-

igin of Shendu 身毒 by the phonological approach. The results of preceding investigations

are each persuasive, but historical evidence is still required.

172. The Īśvarapratyabhijñānvayadīpikā

Kawajiri Yōhei

The aim of this paper is to examine how the Pratyabhijñā works were transmitted in South

India, by focusing on the Īśvarapratyabhijñānvayadīpikā, a South Indian commentary on

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the Īśvarapratyabhijñākārikā.

The author of the Īśvarapratyabhijñānvayadīpikā is Nāthānanda. He was requested to

compose it by his disciple Svaprabhānanda. Svaprabhānanda is identical to the author of

the Śivādvaitamañjarī. According to the Hooli Vīraśaśaiva lineage, Svaprabhānanda could

have lived around 1600, and hence his teacher, Nāthānanda, could have lived in the second

half of the 16th century.

In the Īśvarapratyabhijñānvayadīpikā, Nāthānanda often quotes and copies the

Īśvarapratyabhijñāvimarśinī. This shows that the Īśvarapratyabhijñāvimarśinī was regarded

as the standard commentary in South India.

173. Commentaries on the Jaina Śvetāmbara Canon

Ueda Masahiro

The Vyavahārasūtra, the text that prescribes the atonement rituals of the Jain ascetics and

the rules for the operation of their order, has four types of commentaries. They are, in

chronological order, 1) the Niryukti (in Prakrit), 2) the Bhāṣya (in Prakrit), 3) the Cūrṇi (in

Prakrit and Sanskrit), and 4) the Ṭīkā (in Sanskrit). Of the four, the first two take the sub-

sidiary role of the Sūtra. These are Sūtra-like texts that require further commentary. The

Cūrṇi, a commentary on the Sūtra and the Niryukti/Bhāṣya, is a mixture of Prakrit and

Sanskrit prose. The last one, the Ṭīkā, like the Cūrṇi, is a commentary on the Sūtra and the

Niryukti Bhāṣya. In other words, there are two kinds of texts in the commentaries on the

Sūtra and the Niryukti/Bhāṣya. By comparing the Cūrṇi with the Ṭīkā, this paper will show

that Malayagiri, the author of the Ṭīkā, constructed his commentary in accordance with the

description of the Cūrṇi.

174. Jain Image Worship and Hagiographical Literature

Yamahata Tomoyuki

Jain image worship has been mainly performed for statues of Tīrthaṃkaras and other fig-

ures in Jain temples. Most of the objects of worship represent some of the 24 Tīrthaṃkaras,

such as Rishabha, Nemi and Pārśva. It is still unclear whether this kind of worship ritual

existed from the beginning of Jainism, or whether the Jains introduced image worship from

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an external religious tradition. However, we can trace it in the literature to the 5th-7th cen-

tury.

On the other hand, sixty-three great men, including the Tīrthaṃkaras and other essen-

tial figures based on the Jain tradition, have been described in the Jain hagiographical Car-

ita literature. We can assume that hagiographies and image worship shared a similar ten-

dency in their development, because both Carita literature and image worship targeted

Tīrthaṃkaras and other saints.

This paper examines the changes in the treatment of saints in Jainism based on the

descriptions of image worship in the Jain scriptural and Carita literature.

175. The Person Qualified for Saṃnyāsa in the Jābāla-Upaniṣad

Tang Weiyi

As Olivelle (1992, 83–85) indicated, regarding the person qualified for saṃnyāsa in the

Saṃnyāsa Upaniṣads, śūdras and other lower-class persons or women are not allowed to

renounce, and as for the three upper classes, even though kṣatriyas and vaiśyas are not ex-

cluded from saṃnyāsa, brāhmaṇas are primarily considered to be the persons entitled to

renunciation.

In this paper, I examine the contents in the 5th chapter of the Jābāla-Upaniṣad, which

is included in the older group of the Saṃnyāsa Upaniṣads; investigate whether there are

any conditions for qualification if brāhmaṇas are eligible to renounce, and whether it is

possible for unqualified persons to resort to saṃnyāsa; and finally identify the characteris-

tics of the qualified persons.

As a result, it is considered that brāhmaṇas are qualified for saṃnyāsa. The life of

wandering ascetics may be practiced in this world. Saṃnyāsa may also be fulfilled after

death in accordance with brāhmaṇas’ resolve. On the other hand, it is possible for unquali-

fied persons like kṣatriyas to resort to saṃnyāsa. The act that they abandon their bodies as

they determine to renounce may ensure them qualification for saṃnyāsa and after death

become saṃnyāsins. In addition, the result also shows that others’ approval is not required

before saṃnyāsa, which suggests that to enter saṃnyāsa is left to the discretion of the per-

sons who intend to renounce.

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176. The Vājapeya Ritual Described in the Newly Found Manuscripts of the Vādhūla-

Śrautasūtra: With Special Reference to the Chariot Race

Tsubota Sayori

This is a study of the Vājapeya decribed in the Vādhūla-Śrautasūtra (VādhŚS), one of the

oldest Śrautasūtras, based on its reliable manuscripts found in the 1990s. This kingship rit-

ual is a variation of the Agniṣṭoma, extended with some additional unique elements such

as a chariot race, royal consecration, and the climbing of the sacrificial post. VādhŚS puts

the race and consecration before the climbing of the post, which is followed by the offering

of the Marutvatīya-graha.

There are many notable prescriptions about the chariot race that are not found at all in

other Śrautasūtras: 1. First, the sacrificer puts on clothes made of Tṛpā-grass; 2. After the

Brahman-priest ascends the chariot-wheel reciting a mantra, the sacrificer recites a varia-

tion of the same mantra toward him; 3. Right before the race, the sacrificer distributes

golden chips, reciting a variation of the so-called Ujjiti-mantra, and after the race, the Adh-

varyu-priest offers libations reciting another variation; 4. The Avacchinnahoma should be

offered if any accident takes place with the chariots or horses; 5. After the race, collecting

golden chips, the sacrificer utters “ I trade this (= Surā-upayāma) for it (= vāja-, /probably

reffering to the chips)”; 6. The Brahman-priest drinks of the Madhu-graha reciting a man-

tra of an unknown source.

All of these characteristic features found in the Vājapeya chapter not only clarify the

uniqueness of the Vādhūla school, but also help to understand the Vājapeya in other

schools.

Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies Vol. 69, No. 3, March 2021 (318)

― 1296 ―

177. バーガヴァタ・プラーナ 1巻 1章 1節に対する śleṣa解釈―シュリーナータ・チャクラヴァルティー著『チャイタンニャ・マタ・マンジュシャー』註に基づいて―

置田　清和

シュリーナータ・チャクラヴァルティーは15世紀ベンガル地方の出身であり，ヴィシュヌ教ベンガル派のカリスマ的創始者チャイタンニャ師（1486～1534年）と同時代の人である．彼の書いたチャイタンニャ・マタ・マンジュシャーは，ベンガル派によって創作された数々のバーガヴァタ・プラーナ註釈書の中で最も時期が早いものの一つである．この論文ではシュリーナータのバーガヴァタ・プラーナ1巻1章1節に対する

註に焦点を当て，彼が śleṣaの技術を使うことで一つの節に対して三つの解釈を提供する課程を分析する．そしてこれらの解釈を14世紀にシュリーダラ・スワーミーによって叙述された，最も有名なバーガヴァタ註であるバーヴァールタ・ディーピカーと比較する．この比較によってシュリーナータの śleṣa読解術が単なる言葉遊びでなく，彼自身の神学的理解に基づいていることを指摘する．

178. Śākadvīpaの四種姓に関するテキストの変化

永井　悠斗

MBh VI. 12. 33–35は Śākadvīpaを構成する国土として，マガなどの四つの名前を挙げる．この節が，ViṣṇuPや SāmbaPなどのいくつかのプラーナ文献に引用されていることは既に多くの学者によって指摘されている．しかし，そこに見られるテキスト上の細かな違いと，それらが持つ重要性について，これまで看過されているように思われる．それらの違いの中には，確かに引用の際の単なる書写の誤りも見られるが，一

方で，プラーナ文献の編纂者による意図的なテキストの改変を示唆する違いも見出される．本稿では，そのような違いとして，現れる格語尾の違い，太陽崇拝への言及の有無，マガなどを説明する記述量の多寡を指摘する．そして，これらの違いがテキスト上に生じた理由として，「マガ・ブラーフマナ」の社会的地位の変化を想定する．マガ・ブラーフマナ，あるいは単にマガとは，太陽崇拝を専門とするバラモン

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で，SāmbaPが語る伝説によれば，彼らは Śākadvīpaからクリシュナの息子サーンバによってインドへと連れて来られたとされる．先行研究は，このマガが古代イラン宗教に起源を持った，イランからインドへの移住者であったことを明らかにしている．こうした外国起源の集団が，インドにおいてバラモンとしての地位を獲得する過程には，何らかの土着化ないしインド文化の受容といった段階があったと想定される．本稿は，そうしたインド化の痕跡が上記の違いから窺えることを指摘し，マガが MBhを引用することによって，自らの権威付けを図り，バラモンとしての社会的地位を確保しようと試みた可能性について考察する．

179. 「ガヤーの頭」の起源と変遷

虫賀　幹華

北インドビハール州南部に位置するヒンドゥー教の聖地ガヤーは，祖先祭祀を行うのに良い聖地として有名である．現在では Viṣṇupada寺院が最も重要な場所とされているが，聖地としてのガヤーが文献に現れた最初期から言及され続けてきたのは「ガヤーの頭」である．本稿ではガヤーの頭と解釈できる gayaśiras,

gayāśīrṣa, gayāśiras, gayāsīsaの記述をサンスクリット語およびパーリ語文献から拾い上げ，10～11世紀頃に成立したとみられる Gayāmāhātmya （GM） 前後の記述の相違に注意しながらその変遷を描く．GMとそれ以後の文献におけるガヤーの頭は，現在の Viṣṇupada寺院周辺をその中心とする1 krośa（約3.22 km）の範囲である．これに対して，仏教文献の gayāsīsaは，Viṣṇupada寺院から南西約2 kmに位置する Brahmayoni山と同定できる．最も問題となるのが，ガヤーに関する最古の記述をもつとされてきた Yāskaの Nirukta （N） における gayaśirasの解釈である．Nはヴィシュヌ神が足を置いた3箇所を samārohaṇa, viṣṇupada, gayaśirasとするAurṇavābhaの見解を記録する．この3箇所をガヤーに関連づけるか否かは先行研究でも意見が割れている．本稿は，Durgaによる Nの注釈に従って，これらをガヤー内の特定の場所ではなく太陽の運行の描写と考える立場をとる一方で，Nの記述が Mahābhārataおよび GMに引き継がれていると思われる箇所を紹介し，ガヤーの歴史を考察する上で Nを考慮に入れる必要性を示す．

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180. 不合理なる改変―Yājñvalkyasmr̥tiにおける未顕現からの世界創造―

近藤　隼人

Yājñvalkyasmr̥tiは5–6世紀頃に最初に編纂され，9–10世紀頃に現行の「流布版」が再編集されたものと推定されている．両版テクストの差異は，ヴィシュヴァルーパ（Viśvarūpa, fl. 800–825）註 Bālakrīḍāと，流布版に対するヴィジュニャーネーシュヴァラ（Vijñāneśvara，12世紀）註 Mitākṣarāやアパラールカ（Aparārka，12世紀）註 Yājñavalkyasmr̥tiṭīkā等との間に見て取れ，ヴィシュヴァルーパの伝えるテクスト（YSB）が原型に近いものと考えられている．しかしながら，その再編集がいかなる過程を経て行われたのかは不分明である．本稿においてはその一端を解明すべく，サーンキヤ的術語を用いつつ未顕現（avyakta）からの世界創造を説く Yājñvalkyasmr̥ti第三巻の一節を対象として，その両版テクストの差異に焦点を当てる．

Yājñvalkyasmr̥ti 3.180では未顕現から統覚（buddhi），統覚から自我意識（ahaṃkāra）が展開するとされるが，自我意識からの展開物について YSBは五元素とする一方で，流布版はタンマートラ（音声・感触・色・味・匂い）とする．これに続く，その展開物の性質の逓増（3.180d），性質が音声などであるとする記述（3.181）を考慮すれば，流布版テクストは意味を成さず，YSBこそが正当なるテクストと判ぜられる．自我意識からの展開物をタンマートラとする見解は，Sāṃkhyakārikāに代表される古典サーンキヤ体系に属するものであるが，Yājñvalkyasmr̥tiの改変者は文脈を考慮せずに当初の編纂後に一般化した古典サーンキヤ体系を採用したという可能性が想定される．また，「未顕現」の指示内容について，Yājñvalkyasmr̥tiの想定する世界観は，

Carakasaṃhitā第四篇 Śārīrasthānaと基本的に合致するため，これはアートマンを指示するものとして解されうる．未顕現に関するこの用法は Mahābhārata

Mokṣadharma篇等によっても裏付けられるものであり，根本原因（pradhāna）と解する流布版諸註とは一線を画している．以上の点は，Yājñvalkyasmr̥ti当初の編纂に際して初期サーンキヤ思想が参考に供されていたという推測を根拠付けるものとなる．この点からは，Yājñvalkyasmr̥tiが最初に編纂された当時はSāṃkhyakārikāが存在していなかったか，あるいは存在していても大きな影響力を及ぼすほどではなかったという可能性が導き出される．

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― 1299 ―

181. ニヤーヤ学派の議論学説における「敗北の根拠」の制限

須藤　龍真

本稿はニヤーヤ学派における「敗北の根拠」（nigrahasthāna）の適用範囲に関する思想史的変遷を，論議における適用範囲の制限の点に着目して論じたものである．論議における敗北の根拠の適用制限に関する問題意識は Solomon 1976，岡崎2005，小野2017等にも共有されるものであるが，本稿ではニヤーヤ学派内における当該問題に関する思想潮流を制限・拡大・体系化の段階に分類し論じた．すなわち，論議における敗北の根拠を三種あるいは八種に限定する古典的解釈に対して，バッタジャヤンタやバーサルヴァジュニャ等によって，スートラ解釈に必ずしも依拠しない適用範囲の拡大化が為された．この背景には論理学の精緻化にともなうダルマキールティ等からの「敗北の根拠」批判への応答という要素も大いに伺われる．この傾向性に反して，ウダヤナは22種全ての敗北の根拠を論議の文脈における独自の4区分の中に配分し，あらゆる敗北の根拠の位置付けを試みていることを明らかにした．さらに，以上の分類と密接に関わる問題として，「余分なもの」（adhika）などの特定の敗北の根拠を巡る適用判断基準の変遷について論じた．すなわち，規則依存性の高い敗北の根拠に関して，1）ヴァーツヤーヤナに起因し，ダルマキールティを経て，バッタジャヤンタやバーサルヴァジュニャによって提示されることとなる「拡張的な議論」（prapañcakathā）及び「取り決めのある議論」（niyamakathā）という二種の新規議論形態を認める見解と，

2）ウッディヨータカラによる「余分なもの」の常在的過失性の強調を継承するヴァーチャスパティミシュラやウダヤナによる，敗北の根拠の妥当する前提の新規解釈を企図する見解との両者が存在していたことを明らかにした．とりわけ前者については，著作が散逸しているヴィシュヴァルーパの所説との関連性という点からも更なる検討を要する箇所であろう．

182. Maṇḍanamiśraによる Mīmāṃsāsūtra 1.2.40を巡る議論

斉藤　茜

マンダナミシュラ（7～8世紀）は，ミーマーンサーの伝統を重んじながらも，ウパニシャッドの価値を積極的に肯定することで彼に先行するミーマーンサー学者たちから距離を置いた．彼にとって伝統的なミーマーンサーの教義がどのよう

(322) Abstracts

― 1300 ―

な価値を持っていたかは，未だ解明の余地を多く残す．本稿では，彼の著作である Vidhiviveka （VV） において一度，Brahmasiddhi （BS） において三度，合計四度引用される Mīmāṃsāsūtra （MS） 1.2.40が，マンダナによってどのように理解され，そしてどのように彼の議論に応用されたのかを検討する．MS 1.2.40は，MS

1.2.31–1.2.39で列挙される「マントラは無意味である」とする反対意見とその根拠に対する応答である．この応答，つまり「マントラは有意味である」という見解を，マンダナが大いに自説の拠り所にしたと考えられるシャバラ註の説明に従いながら俯瞰し，その上で VV, BSでの応用の仕方を探る．いずれの場合でもマンダナは，この議論をウパニシャッドに応用していくが，その際「自派ヴェーダ学習命令」（svādhyāyādhyayanavidhi）の役割をどう理解し，そしてどのように正当化するのかという問題が，隠れたもう一つの主題となる．二つの問題の関係性を明らかにすることを，本稿のもうひとつの目的とする．

183. マドゥスーダナ・サラスヴァティーの bhakti文献における śraddhā

眞鍋　智裕

アドヴァイタ・ヴェーダーンタ学派の学匠マドゥスーダナ・サラスヴァティー（ca. 16th–17th C. CE）は，アドヴァイタ教学に基づいてバクティ思想の救済理論を本格的に確立した人物とされている．彼は，聖典 Bhāgavatapurāṇa（BhP）に依拠して，Bhaktirasāyana（BhR）とその自註 Bhaktirasāyanaṭīkā（BhRṬ）や BhPの冒頭三詩節に対する註釈 *Śrīmadbhāgavataprathamaskandhādyapadyatrayavyā khyā

（ŚBhPĀTV）を著し，また聖典 Bhagavadgītā（BhG）に対して浩瀚な註釈Bhagavadgītāgūḍhārthadīpikā（BhGGAD）を著している．彼はこれらの著作において彼のバクティ論を展開しているが，BhR（Ṭ）と ŚBhPĀTVにおける彼のバクティ論と BhGGADにおけるバクティ論には以下のような違いが見られる．即ち，BhPに依拠する BhR（Ṭ）と ŚBhPĀTVにおける彼のバクティ論では，バクティは独立の救済手段であり，またその有資格者は全ての生類とされている．一方BhGに依拠する BhGGADでは，バクティは知に従属するものであって独立した救済手段と見做されていない．また，その有資格者は実質遊行者であるバラモンに限定されている．このように，BhR（Ṭ），ŚBhPĀTVと BhGGADにおいては，マドゥスーダナのバクティへの態度に違いが見られる．彼のこのバクティへの態度の違いは，śraddhā（信頼）の理解の違いにも関係していると考えられる．そこ

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で本稿では，BhR（Ṭ）と BhGGADにおいて śraddhāがどのように異なっているのかを確認し，その違いが BhR（Ṭ）と BhGGADにおける彼のバクティへの態度の違いに結びついていることを明らかにした．BhGGADにおける śra ddhāの対象は，解脱の手段である梵我一如の知が説かれているヴェーダーンタの文であるため，バクティはその知に従属していると理解される．一方，BhR（Ṭ） ではバクティそのものが目的とされているため，その手段であり，śraddhāの対象でもあるバーガヴァタの諸規範の遂行というバクティは，知に従属しない独立したものであると理解される．このように，両著作におけるマドゥスーダナの śraddhā理解の相違は，両著作における彼のバクティへの態度の違いと密接に結びついている．

184. 我はどうやって消えるのか？―私のもの・私・私の我の意味―

藤本　晃

仏教の見方では，「我」は永遠不滅の実体ではなく自分の心身を「私」とか「私がいる」などと執着することから生じる誤解にすぎない．それゆえ，仏教では無我という．無我は，執着も無明も全て滅した最後の第四の悟り・阿羅漢果で完全に証得さ

れる．しかし，悟りに四段階があるように，無我の証得にも段階があるのではないだ

ろうか．三通りに言い換えられる無我の定型句「これは私のものではない．これは私ではない．これは私の我ではない」が，無我の段階を示すと予想し，検討する．「私のもの」という執着は，悟りの第三段階・不還果で滅し，「私」という執着は，最後の完全なる悟り・阿羅漢果で滅する．では，最後の「これは私の我ではない」は何を意味するのだろうか．筆者は，

「悟りもまた我ではない」と了知した解脱智見・滅尽智という正見を意味すると考える．「諸行無常」，「一切行苦」に対して「諸法無我」といわれるのは，有為法のみならず無為法たる解脱・滅を含めた「すべての法が我ではない」のである．

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― 1302 ―

185. Avadānakalpalatāに見られる〈直喩〉について

山崎　一穂

Avadānakalpalatā （Av-klp）はカシミールの詩人 Kṣemendra （西暦990–1066年頃）によって書かれた108章からなる仏教説話集成である．同作品の第31章第32詩節には「心」（manas）を「恩知らずな者」（akṛtajñaḥ）に喩える〈直喩〉（upamā）の用例が見られる．古典詩論家達は〈直喩〉が成立する条件の一つに喩えるものと喩えられるものの文法上の性と数，格の一致を挙げる．問題の〈直喩〉ではそれぞれ，喩えるものと喩えられるものである「心」と「恩知らずな者」という語が文法上の性を異にする．本論文は Kṣemendraがなぜ詩論家達の規定に抵触する〈直喩〉をここで用いたのかという問題の解明を試みるものである．喩えるものと喩えられるものの文法上の一致が成立しない〈直喩〉の用例は劇

作家 Bhavabhūti （西暦8世紀）の戯曲作品 Mālatīmādhava第9幕第10詩節に見られる．註釈者 Jagaddhara （西暦13–14世紀頃）は，問題の詩節では〈情〉（rasa）が示唆されているので，〈直喩〉の文法上の不一致が許されると説明する．このことから，西暦8世紀頃には，詩論家達の規定の枠内で〈直喩〉を組み立てることよりも，〈情〉を示唆することを重要視する文学的慣習が戯曲詩人達の間に存在したことが推定される．演劇論家 Dhanaṃjaya （西暦10世紀後半）は，Bharataの演劇論を体系化し，演劇論書 Daśarūpaを著している．同書の第4章では八種類の〈情〉が定義されている．Av-klp第31章第32詩節に先行する第27詩節と第28詩節にはそれぞれ，abhilāṣa「欲求」，vīṇā「ヴィーナー〔の音〕」という語が見られる．Dhanaṃjayaによれば，前者は運命やその他の理由で一緒になることができない男女に生じる〈恋〉（śṛṅgāra）の〈情〉が成熟していく最初の段階を，後者は〈恋〉の〈喚起条件〉を言葉で表現するのに用いられる語とされる．このことは Av-klp第31章第32詩節で〈恋〉の〈情〉が示唆されていることを意味する．以上の点を考慮すると，Av-klp第31章第32詩節に見られる〈直喩〉の喩えるものと喩えられるものの文法上の不一致は，Kṣemendraが詩論家の規則を満たすことができなかったことを意味するものではなく，彼が〈情〉を示唆することを，詩論家の規則に従って〈直喩〉を組み立てることよりも重視したことによる結果であると解釈できる．

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186. ニダーナ，イティヴリッティカとアヴァダーナ

徐　美徳

本稿は，十二支分中の四支分，並びにそれらの緊密な相互関係を，インド原典と漢訳に基づきつつ論じる．導入部で十二支分と三蔵の関係について論ずる．大乗阿毘達磨集論，声聞地経などの諸節によると，四支分は三蔵の律に属するものである．本稿の最初に，三種のニダーナ，すなわち経のニダーナ，偈のニダーナ，律のニダーナの各々に焦点をあてる．ニダーナとアヴァダーナの関係について，この両支分は古い区分すなわち九支分には含まれていない．律のニダーナは体系的に，別解脱経の経分別に保持されている．教団規則の背景を構成する現在事はニダーナと呼ばれ，現在事の背景を構成する過去事はアヴァダーナと呼ばれていた．本稿第二部では，イティヴリッティカの語源を論じる．これに関しては二つの理論がある： Ityuktaka, chn. rushiyu如是語，そして Itivṛttaka, chn. benshi本事である．第三部は，アヴァダーナ，ジャータカそしてイティヴリッティカの関係に関するものである．ここでの分析は，瑜伽師地論，大乗阿毘達磨集論そして成実論に基づいている．言及すべきは，岩本裕によるイティヴリッティカの系図で，そこではニダーナとアヴァダーナはイティヴリッティカから派生している．本稿最終部はアヴァダーナと律の関係を，十地経論，大智度論及びマハーヴァストゥ中の記述の検証を通じて分析しつつ，論じる．平川彰の仮説，すなわち大衆部律の原型は経分別と犍度部にアヴァダーナとジャータカを含んでいたという説を証明することが重要であるが，それらの資料は後代に改訂されたものであり，別にマハーヴァスツーアヴァダーナ（アヴァダーナとジャータカ），そして大衆部律（律の核心的資料）という形で伝承された．

187. 般若心経はサンスクリットで作られたのか？

張本　研吾

Nattier 1992は『般若心経』は中国撰述であり，サンスクリット版はそれからの訳であると提唱した．その議論の強みは以下の点にある．漢訳を見ると『心経』は『大品般若経』の一部を使っているように見える．しかし梵語で見るとその両者は著しく異なる．特に，梵語『心経』の簡潔さは，その点で羅什訳『摩訶般若波羅蜜經』と同じである．そこで Nattier 1992が提唱するのが『心経』はまず漢

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訳が先にあるというものである．羅什訳『摩訶般若波羅蜜経』を，当該箇所に関し，それに先立つ二漢訳と比べ

てみると，どれも同じレベルの簡潔さを示す．さらに，後続する訳が先行する訳を参照しているようには見えず，どれも独立して訳していると思われる．つまり，『心経』の簡潔さに関し，羅什訳『摩訶般若波羅蜜経』の介在を想定する必要はなかろうということになる．『心経』の「核」となる部分は直接インド語の『大品般若経』から持ってこられたのであろう．さらに細部を見てみると，梵文『心経』にはそもそもガーンダーリーのような中期インド語であったテキストを言語的のみならず哲学的にも向上させようとした跡が窺われる．これが段階的に行われたというよりは『心経』は，その成立時に梵語として発生したと考えるのが良いように思われる．

188. 梵文法華経における梵語化検証の可能性―『ケルン・南條本』の異読を中心に―

西　康友

梵文法華経（SP）は初期大乗仏教経典の古層とされ，この漢訳『妙法蓮華経』は東アジアにおいて多くの経典・思想・文化の形成・発展に大きな影響を与えてきた重要経典の一つである．この原典とされる SPは，仏教混淆梵語（BHS）の代表経典の一つであり，本文には中期インド・アーリヤ（MIA）語的表現が多く見られる．すべての現存 SP写本は，中央アジア（CA）伝本とギルギット・ネパール（G-N）伝本の2つに大別されることが知られている．初期の SPはMIAで編纂され，時代とともに伝承されるにしたがって梵語化された（Kern 1912, Edgerton 1953, 辻1970の一部，辛嶋1992–2006）と考えられているが，反論（Brough 1954など）も多く，統一的な見解に至っていないのが現状である．この仮説を検証した結果，以前の発表者の研究で，この仮説を支持する3例証を見出した：（1）異読（写本ごとに異なる読み）2語 BHS krīḍāpanaka- /

Skt. krīḍanaka-; （2）異読3語 BHS sāntika- / MIA santika-=Pāli / Skt. antika-; （3）異読3語 BHS acintika- / MIA acintiya- =Pāli / Skt. acintya-．（1）–（3）は現存 SP写本の出現箇所分布について特徴的な偏りが存在する： ①MIAが CA偈文・散文とG-N偈文に多く出現し，Skt.はほぼ出現しない；② Skt.が G-N散文に多く出現するが，CA偈文に出現しない．

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本稿は上記の研究を推進させることにより，SP梵語化の仮説について，以下の異読を具体的に精査し，この仮説の論証の可能性を見出すことを目的とする：SPの一般的な校訂本『ケルン・南條本』序文にある CA伝本カシュガル本 OとN写本の対応箇所語彙の90異読における分析を行う．なお，本稿では SP2伝本のうち書写年代が顕著に異なる主要な19 SP写本と SP初の写本混淆校訂本『ケルン・南條本』（SP研究における基準テキスト）を取り扱う．以上の一連の研究を拡張し，展開することによって，法華経成立・伝承過程の

解明に向けての新しい視座を獲得できる可能性を提示する．

189. 『大哀経』または『陀羅尼自在王経』のサンスクリット写本の予備的報告

葉　少勇

『大哀経』（Tathāgatamahākaruṇānirdeśa）は重要な初期大乗仏典であり，『陀羅尼自在王経』（Dhāraṇīśvararāja）としても知られている．その仏典のチベット訳が現存し，また竺法護と曇無讖による漢訳がある（『大哀経』T 398,『大集経』の第1–2品 T 397）．従来，『究竟一乗宝性論』（Ratnagotravibhāga Mahāyānottaratantra）と『入中論注』（Madhyamakāvatārabhāṣya）において引用文が回収されたが，それ以外にはこの経のサンスクリット文は発見されていない．本稿で報告する写本は，北京の中国民族図書館に保管されている貝葉写本の束の第59番である．大量のサンスクリット写本が元々チベットで伝承されていたが，それが北京に移送されたのち1993年にチベットに返還される際に，中国民族図書館にそのうちの三部の写本が寄託された．本稿で報告する写本は，中国民族図書館に寄託されたその写本のうちの一つである．同写本は12葉（Folio. Nos. 1–23; ただし，3, 4, 11及び13－20が失われている）

が現存し，経の冒頭部分を含んでいる．書体はプロトナーガリー（Proto-Nāgarī）である．古文書学の特徴から判断すれば，この写本は8–9世紀前後に書写されたものであると推定される．さらに，本稿では，第1–2葉のローマ字転写テキストも提示している．

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190. Arthaviniścayasūtranibandhanaの梵本写本について

堀内　俊郎

Arthaviniścayasūtranibandhana（『決定義経注』）とは，『決定義経』という経典に対する注釈書であり，8世紀ころのナーランダの学匠ヴィールヤシュリーダッタの著作である．梵本にのみ残る同論に対しては，校訂本（Samtani 1971），和訳，英訳，諸研究が存する．校訂本に対してはいくつかの訂正案が提示されてきたが，写本に基づくさらなる読み直しが期待されている．今回筆者は従来の校訂本では使用されていなかった1本を含め，4本の写本を閲覧することができた．諸写本を見直すことによって，従来 Samtani氏によって存在しないとされていた G

写本の数フォリオが，実際は見いだされることが分かった．また，写本の読み直し，関連文献との対照，チベット語訳としてのみ残る注釈書の参照などの作業によって，従来の校訂本に対して大幅な改訂を加えうることも分かった．本稿では，“失われた ”G写本の数フォリオの発見の報告とともに，4写本の系統について知見を提示し，その後，数箇所に関するテクスト再校訂と読み直しを提示したい．

191. 「摂異門分」の構成に関する一考察―『泡沫経』を例に―

中山　慧輝

「摂異門分」は，瑜伽行派の基本典籍である『瑜伽師地論』に含まれ，『雑阿含経』を中心とする阿含経典によく現れる同義異語や関連語，定型表現などを集めて，それらの語の意味の違いや区別を説明したものであり，同派が典拠とする経典を探る上でも重要な史料である．一方で，それらの解説はあまりにも簡潔で，経典の比定は難しく，研究はあまり進んでいない．先行研究に拠れば，「摂異門分」は，綱領偈 （uddāna） によって計60項目の解説内容を示し，それらを大きく聞思修の三慧の順に列挙する．しかし，隣り合う項目同士のつながりは，その綱領偈だけでは理解することが難しく，それぞれが独立してみえる箇所も少なくない．そこで本稿では，その全体の構成から，具体的な解説内容に視点を移し，解説の典拠となる経典を特定し，その内容を分析することで，個々の項目間の順序にも意図がある可能性を示す．具体的には，「無常・聚沫」の隣り合う二項目の箇所を扱う．「聚沫」の項目は，『泡沫経』を典拠としていることがすでに先行研

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究によって明らかにされているが，「無常」の項目の末尾で解説する用語も『泡沫経』に見られるものであること，さらに，その解説内容が「無常」と関連することを指摘して，両項目の密接な関係を示すことで，「摂異門分」が綱領偈に示される個々の項目も意図を持って並べている可能性を指摘する．

192. 世親の漫談―『釈軌論』にみられる説法者―

上野　牧生

世 親 作『釈 軌 論』（Vyākhyāyukti） の 掉 尾 を 飾 る 第5章 で は， 説 法 者（dhārmakathika）の予備軍に向けて，説法の見本が示される．特にその第3節では，奇譚・漫談・厭世譚の実例が紹介される．それぞれ，聴き手を驚かせる・笑わせる・〔輪廻や欲望や怠惰を〕厭わせることを目的とする小話である（この3

点が布教の契機として重視される）．それらはいずれも簡潔で短く，任意の引用，そして説法での実用に適する．おそらくは説法の前に，あるいはその合間に，説法者の声に耳を傾けない相手に向けて語られるものであろう．本稿はそのなか，居眠りする聴衆を笑わせ，眠りを醒ます目的で語られる漫談の全話を紹介する．例えば，次のような小話である．「ある外教徒がマハーバーラタを読んで泣いていると，ある人から「なぜ泣いているのですか？」と聞かれた．「シーターがどれほどの苦しみを味わったかご覧になりましたか」と答えると，「それはマハーバーラタですよ，ラーマーヤナではありませんよ」と言われた．外教徒は「私が泣いたのは無意味でしたね」と虚しく語った．これと同じように，説法者の語る佛陀のことばも，注意して聴かなければ無意味なのです」と．往時の説法者は，こうした漫談で聴衆の笑いをとり，あるいは，話を滑らせ失

笑を買ったであろうか．『釈軌論』から推測する限り，少なくとも世親自身が説法者であった，とはいえそうである．とはいえ，世親が居眠りする者にまで気を配る様は驚きでもある．あまつさえ，喜劇的な話や下世話な話，自虐までを漫談に織り込み，時には聴き手に合いの手を求めている．そうまでして世親が人々を佛教の聴聞に導こうとするのは，そこまで考慮しなければ，人々が佛教に耳を傾けなくなった当時・当地の時代状況を反映しているのかもしれない．いずれにせよ，『釈軌論』第5章の記述は，5世紀前後の説一切有部圏域におけ

る説法者の実態の，その一端を記したものとして注目に値する．

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193. 『入中論』と『プラサンナパダー』

米澤　嘉康

『入中論』（Madhyamakāvatāra, 以下MA）と『プラサンナパダー』（Prasannapadā,

以下 Pras）とは，ともに中観派を自認するチャンドラキールティ（Candrakīrti月称）による中観論書である．本論文では，MAにおける最後の5偈と Prasの帰敬偈とを比較し，両書の関係を明らかにするものである．まず，MAの章構成について確認した．その結果，MAで取り扱われている13のトピックそれぞれが，章を構成しているかどうかは検討の余地があることを指摘した．次に，MAにおける最後の5偈と Prasの帰敬偈とを比較した．いずれも「龍樹の讃嘆」という内容であり，共通の語がいくつか用いられていることから，MAと Prasとは緊密な関係にあると結論づけた．ただし，MAに用いられている「学説（prakriyā）」という語が Prasの本文に用いられていないことから，MAと Prasとでは，対象とする読者が異なっていると想定した．このことは Madhyamakaśāstrastutiにおける用例からも支持されるであろう．

194. 『プラサンナパダー』新校訂本に対するいくつかの訂正

王　俊淇

『プラサンナパダー』（PsP）第1章は，著者チャンドラキールティがブッダパーリタの帰謬論法を正当化することと，バーヴィヴェーカの自立的論証式に対する厳しい批判で有名である．その章は，Louis de La Vallée Poussin（LVP）による校訂本（PsPL, 1903–1913）の出版以来，繰り返して研究されてきたが，LVPがテキスト作成当時に参照した3本の紙写本はいずれも書写年代が新しく，欠損や転写過誤が多くあるため，章の内容の読みについて紛議を起こした．2015年に Anna

MacDonaldが出版した PsP第1章の新校訂本（PsPM）は，詳細な校訂情報と訳注が充実していることで，高く評価されてきたが，まだ訂正の作業が残っている．そこで，本発表は，バーヴィヴェーカ批判の中核である§ 27および§ 28に対するいくつかの可能な訂正を試みるものである．

PsPMの§ 27および§ 28の読みは次の通り．

§ 27, p. 148: ko ’yaṃ pratijñārthaḥ | kiṃ kāryātmakaḥ svata uta kāraṇātmaka iti | kiṃ

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cātaḥ | kāryātmakaś cet siddhasādhanam | kāraṇātmakaś ced viruddhārthatā . . .

§ 28, pp. 151–152: sa cāyaṃ paraṃ prati hetudṛṣṭāsaṃbhavāt svapra-

tijñāmātrasāratayaiva kevalaṃ svapratijñātārthasādhanam upādatta iti . . .

§ 27の -ātmakaの読みに関して，本発表は，ms Pの -ātmakaの異読が信頼できず，ms Qの -ātmana（s/ḥ）の読みを取るべきであると主張したい．

§ 28について，MacDonaldは「否定辞 naは文脈で意味が通じない」という理由で写本に見られる naを saに，svapratijñātārthamātramを svapratijñātārthasādhanam

に修正したが，saと svapratijñātārthasādhanamの読みは実は16本のサンスクリット語写本に支持されていない．また，MacDonaldの議論を吟味すると，氏が文脈としての三比量説を誤解していたことがわかる．他比量を能破として用いたのはバーヴィヴェーカではなく，チャンドラキールティである．そこで，本発表はPsPの文脈を分析する上で，§ 28において否定辞 naと svapratijñātārthamātramが必要であることを証明しようとする．

195. 『中観五蘊論』にみられる経典引用―著者問題の根拠として―

横山　剛

チベット語訳でのみ現存する『中観五蘊論』は，初学者が無我を理解するための入り口として説一切有部の法体系を中観派の立場から概説する小型の論書である．同論には多数の経典引用が確認されるが，その多くが，中観派的な色彩が強く，同論の約二割の分量を占める慧の心所に集中する．そして，これらの引用と共通する引用がチャンドラキールティの他の著作に確認される．一部の研究は，同論師が慧の心所のみを著したという部分著作説を主張するが，これらの引用はその根拠の一つとされる．一方で，数は限られるが，慧の心所以外においても経典からの引用が確認され

る．本稿では，これらの引用に注目し，対応する経典資料，引用の目的，慧の心所における引用との性格の違いを明らかにするとともに，これらの引用についても共通する引用がチャンドラキールティの他の著作にみられることを指摘することで，論全体が同論師に帰される新たな根拠を提示する．まず，冒頭において，慧の心所も含めて同論全体の経典引用を整理する．続い

て，慧の心所以外における引用として，（I）所触，（II）尋伺，（III）軽安不軽安，

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（IV）慚愧の定義における引用について検討する．翻訳ならびに対応する経典資料を示した上で，それらの引用が法と法との関係の教証としての役割を担っていることを指摘し，無我の教証である慧の心所における引用とは役割が異なることを明らかにする．そして，同論全体をチャンドラキールティに帰す新たな根拠として，（III）と（IV）の引用と共通する引用が，それぞれ『六十頌如理論注』と『明句論』に確認されることを指摘する．その際には，これらの論書間で，引用がなされる文脈が異なる点に注目し，特に（IV）の引用を未了義であるとする『明句論』の見解が，有部の法体系に対する同論師の理解を反映している可能性を指摘する．

196. ダルマキールティのアポーハ論と内的形象の関係について

秦野　貴生

アポーハ論（anyāpoha）は仏教論理学を確立したディグナーガにより提唱された理論である．しかし，ディグナーガの思想を継承しているダルマキールティが，主著『プラマーナ・ヴァールッティカ』の第1章，およびそれに対する自注でのアポーハ論箇所で，apohaという語を用いる頻度は少なく，bhedaや vyāvṛtti

といった語を代わりに用いていると考えられる．諸先行研究では，当該箇所でダルマキールティが apohaという語を用いるのは，主にディグナーガの主張に言及する場合に限られるということや，その際の apohaに「内的形象」（ākāra,

pratibhāsa）との関連性がないことが示されているが，『プラマーナ・ヴァールッティカ』の他の章や，注釈者シャーキャブッディによる復注（自注への注）ではapohaと内的形象との関連が見られることもまた示されている．本稿では，ダルマキールティの著作のうちアポーハ論箇所以外での apohaが，ダルマキールティの見解に直接関連するかどうかについて整理し，そして，アポーハ論箇所でダルマキールティが apohaの代わりに用いている語の用例を検討することにより，ダルマキールティ自身のアポーハ論と「内的形象」との関連性について明らかにした．アポーハ論箇所以外では，apohaと内的形象との関わりはディグナーガや

シャーキャブッディの説を通じて見られ，ダルマキールティは「ディグナーガのアポーハは内的形象と密接である」と捉え，シャーキャブッディは「ダルマキールティのアポーハが内的形象である」と捉えている．アポーハ論箇所において，

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apohaの言い換えとして用いられている vyāvṛttiの用例では，vyāvṛttiは分別知上に現れている対象を通じて普遍や同一基体性などの言語表現が成り立つ根拠であり，vyāvṛtti自体が内的形象とは解釈されなかった．したがって，ダルマキールティ自身の主張において「apohaが内的形象である」という内容は確認されず，両概念は互いに区別して使用されていた．

197. 仏教論理学派が批判するジャイナ教論師について―特にスマティを中心に―

小林　久泰

仏教論理学派がジャイナ教論師を名指しで批判を行う例は極めて少ない．それにもかかわらず，カマラシーラは『タットヴァ・サングラハ・パンジカー』の中で9回にわたり，ジャイナ教徒スマティの名前に言及し，彼の学説を批判している．スマティ自身の著作がすでに散逸していたということもあり，ジャイナ教の伝統の中でも，スマティが言及されることはほぼないに等しい．それにもかかわらず，何故カマラシーラはこれほどスマティを批判の対象としたのか．このような問題意識に立ちつつ，本稿では，そもそもスマティとはどのような人物かということをインドの碑文をもとに考察した．結論として，MalvaniaやMahendra Kumar Jainなどがスマティを論じる際に用いたグジャラートの碑文に登場するスマティ（セーナ・サンガ所属）と南インド・カルナータカに残される碑文群に登場するスマティ（ドラミラ〔ドラヴィダとも言う〕・サンガ所属）は全くの別人である可能性が高いことを明らかにした．その上で，同じくカマラシーラの批判の対象となっている他のジャイナ教論師サマンタバドラやパートラケーサリンが同じドラミラ・サンガに所属していることを考えると，後者のスマティがおそらくカマラシーラの論争相手であると考えるのが自然であるということを指摘した．

198. 五護陀羅尼 Pañcarakṣāの構成について

園田　沙弥佳

五護陀羅尼 Pañcarakṣā（PR）のうち『大寒林陀羅尼』Mahāśītavatī（ŚV）の経題を持つチベット語訳の内容は，サンスクリット・テキストや漢訳に説かれている

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内容と一致しないことが先行研究で指摘されている．サンスクリット・テキストでは『大寒林（陀羅尼）』Mahāśītavatī，漢訳では『大寒林聖難拏陀羅尼経』とある一方，チベット語訳では『聖持大杖陀羅尼』’Phags pa be con chen po zhes bya ba’i gzungsという名で収録されている．テキストによって経題に複数のバリエーションがあるものの，これら3つの経典の内容はおおむね共通しており，いずれもŚVと見なされている （以下，ŚV-A本と称する）．一方で，チベット語訳系統において ŚVの名を持つ経典は『大寒林経』bSil ba’i tshal chen po’i mdoであり，ŚV-A

本の内容とは大きく異なる（以下，ŚV-B本と称する）．そのため，2種の PRの系統を区別するうえで ŚVは重要な経典の1つであるといえる．本論文では PRの構成や経題に見られる問題点，カルマヴァジュラ Karmavajraに

よって著された ŚVの注釈書『明呪大妃大寒林経十萬註』Mahāśītavatīvidyārājñī-

sūtra-śatasahasraṭīkā-nāma（ŚVŚS）を取り上げた．前述のとおり，ŚVと見なされる経典は2種の存在が確認されているものの，ŚVŚSでは両経典が併せて注釈されていることが明らかになった．チベット大蔵経において別名で収録されている ŚV-A本が ŚVSSに含まれた経

緯については未だ明確ではないが，当時 ŚVと見なされていた両テキストを注釈者が意図的に合体させて注釈を行った，もしくは，注釈者が ŚV-A本と ŚV-B本の内容が元々一つとなっているテキストを使用したことが推察される．後者の場合，これまで確認されている ŚV-A本と ŚV-B本以外にも第3の ŚV文献が存在したことになるが，その可能性については今後の写本研究を進める上で検討していきたい．

199. インド密教における末世観と成就

藤井　明

密教経軌中には，末世の行者，衆生を形容する種々の記述が認められる．しかしながら，これまでの密教研究においては，密教経軌中の末世観について扱っているものは少なく，各密教経軌中における末世に対する密教行者の思想と，末世への対応がいかになされてきたかを知ることが出来ない．本論文では，Mañjuśriyamūlakalpa （MMK）や Amoghapāśakalparāja （APK）あるいは仏教版Bhūtaḍāmaratantra （BBT）を始めとする，サンスクリットが現存する密教経軌を主たる典拠として，密教経軌中に見ることの出来る「末世」「末法」「仏滅後」と

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いう記述を提示し，密教行者たちの末世観と，その思想に対する態度を明らかにした．用例の分析をした結果，いくつかの密教経軌中には末世における密教行者の成

就に対する渇望が明確に見て取れた．また，これらの記述は未来世にあっても成就があることを示し，儀軌あるいはマンダラやマントラなどが如来の代わりとなるという，言わば悪世における解決策を示している．これは，種々の未来世の記述が，密教経軌の力や有用性を示すための要素として機能しているとも言い得るであろう．密教経軌中の末世観に関わる記述においては，密教的なマンダラや陀羅尼，成就法の力を主張することに力点が置かれていると言える．本論文で挙げた記述には，未来世に対する言い知れぬ不安を読み取ることが可能であり，またこれらの記述は未来世における不安感を払拭する機能を持っている，と言えるだろう．

200. Dīpaṃkaraśrījñānaに帰せられる死と転生の儀軌

望月　海慧

筆者は，本誌の前号において，「Dīpaṃkaraśrījñānaの13のマントラの流儀」として編纂された儀軌文献のうち，最初の導入に続く，灌頂，三昧耶，マンダラ，水供養，護摩，天供養の6つの文献について報告した．本稿では，すでに発表済みの最後の小像作成の儀軌を除く後半の5つの文献について報告する．最初の Āyūḥsādana （P. no. 4863） は，金剛の寿命を成就する方法としての儀軌をまとめたものである．Mṛtyuvañcana （P. no. 4864） は，死兆の解説とそれを欺く儀軌からなり，死兆は外と内に分けられ，前者はさらに夢と視覚されるものに分けて解説されている．Mumūrṣuśāstra （P. no. 4865） は，菩提心を浄化する儀軌の解説であり，輪廻を排除する10想と，解脱を望む7念と，菩提心をとどめる儀軌からなる．Śmahoma （P. no. 4866） は，寿命を移す者の業障を浄化する儀軌を偈頌によりまとめたものである．Saptaparvavidhi （P. no. 4867） は，転生者が善趣を獲得するために49日の間行う儀軌からなる．以上の5つに小像作成の儀軌を加えた後半の6つは，「13のマントラの流儀」のうち死と転生のための儀軌となる．これらの6つの儀軌のうち，最初の3つは儀軌の行為者が自らのために行うもの

であり，後半の3つは行為者が死者のために行うものとなっている．これらの13

文献は，その著作スタイルの異同からも，編纂者が Dīpaṃkaraśrījñānaの著作とさ

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― 1314 ―

れるものから死と再生に関する儀軌文献を選択して編集したものと考えられる．

201. パツァプ・ニマタク注における『根本中論』の引用方法をめぐって

カマリド　ドラテ

本論文は，パツァプ・ニマタク（1055–1145 （?））の注釈における『根本中論』Mūlamadhyamakakārikāの引用方法をめぐって，第1「縁の考察」章を中心に分析を加え，その特色を考察することを目的とする．考察の対象とするニマタク注は，ラサにあるぺルツェク古代チベット写本研究所から出版されたカダム文集（第11巻）に含まれる．その題名は『『根本中・般若［論］』に対する注釈『灯明論』』dBu ma rtsa ba’i shes rab kyi ti ka / bstan bcos sGron ma gsal bar byed pa zhes bya

baである（1a–52bR11）．本論文は，ニマタク注の序論と第1章を直接の考察対象とし，彼が『根本中論』の各偈頌のどの部分を，いかなる翻訳文により，いかに引用するかを分析する．ニマタク注は，彼が11世紀の終わりにカシミールにおよそ20年間滞在し，仏

教思想とサンスクリット語を複数のインド人パンディットから学んで得た多くの研究成果を反映している．後伝期のチベットにおいて，チャンドラキールティの中観思想を本格的に導入するにいたった最大の功労者がニマタクであることはよく知られている．その勝れた翻訳の背後で，彼はカシミール留学中に，仏教思想に関するいかなる知識を得て，いかなるテキストを読み翻訳したのか．また，彼の翻訳はいかにしてチャンドラキールティの中観思想をチベットに根づかせる契機となったのかを解明する上でも，本注釈のもつ意義はきわめて大きい．本稿はこの点を念頭に置きながら，ニマタク注に引用される『根本中論』の内容と翻訳文に分析を加え，いくつかの新知見を得た．

202. 『静慮無色定大論』における止の完成後の修習

青原　彰子

ジャムヤンシェーパ・ガワンツォンドゥ（’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa Ngag dbang brt-

son ’grus: 1648–1721）著『静慮無色定大論』（bSam gzugs chen mo, SZCM）「止観節」はツォンカパ・ロサンタクパ（Tsong kha pa Blo bzang grags pa: 1357–1419）著『道次第大論』（Lam rim chen mo, LRCM），『道次第小論』（Lam rim chung ba, LRCB）

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― 1315 ―

の難所の解説であり（SZCM 113b1），止観による修習次第の全体を LRCM, LRCB

に基づいて説示するものである．本稿は，SZCM「止観節」の説示する止観による修習次第の全体を見通しつつ，特に止の完成後に修習される無我を所縁とする伺察修について考察する．初学者はその者の性質に応じた所縁もしくは如来の御姿に依拠して九種心住の

段階を進んで止を完成する．止を完成した瑜伽行者は了相作意，四念住，人無我およびそれに続く法無我の修習などを行うことが説かれている．了相作意には世間道と出世間道があるが，LRCMによれば，そのうち出世間道の四諦十六行相の修習に該当する．四念住は『倶舎論』に説かれるとおり，止の完成以後に行われる修習である．止の完成後に無我を所縁とする観が修習されるとも説かれており，この「観」は正規の観を完成する以前の未完成の観であり，伺察修である．唯識派と中観派の学説によれば，人無我の修習を先にして，法無我の修習を後にする．これらの修習は一見異なった修習と思われるが，主として無我を所縁とする伺察修である点で等しい．瑜伽行者は止の完成後の段階において，LRCM，LRCBの「観」の節に説かれる中観の哲学に従って無我を所縁とする伺察修を行なう．瑜伽行者はこの伺察修を完成することによって観を完成し止観双運を獲得する．

203. ネパールの仏教アヴァダーナマーラーの研究―ŚaṅkarasvāminのDevātiśayastotra, また Jayamuniと関連する avadānamālāについて―

岡野　潔

ネパール撰述の梵文 avadānamālā文献，Subhāṣitamahāratnāvadānamālā （略号 SMRAM）の第20章Mālikāvadāna（略号MA）の中に，Śaṅkarasvāmin作の Devātiśayastotra （略号DS）のテクストが，連続的にそのままの順序で借用されていることがわかった．MAの第148～167詩節において，その DSの全部で21詩節から成るテクストのうちの，最後の第21詩節を除く第1～20詩節が利用されている．このように DSの梵文詩節を借用したテクストがMAの中に見つかったことは，DSのMichael

Hahn （2000） 校訂本の改善に役立つものである．ただしMAにおける DSの梵文詩節の借用においては，局所的に意図的な文の変更（改竄）が見られるので，DSの再校定にあたってその点に注意が必要である．なお SMRAMの第21章 Pāñcālarājāvadānaの中には Ṣaḍgatikārikāの第1～104偈

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― 1316 ―

が借用されている．このような，SMRAMの第20章と第21章という連続する章の中にアヴァダーナとは全く異質な古いテクストをほぼ丸ごと組み込む編集・製作の仕方は，それらの章の作者がインドの古い梵語の仏教文学作品のネパールにおける保存と普及，教育的な活用に関心があったらしいことを示している．発表者は SMRAMやそれに類する梵文説話集が編集された時代と場所を，17世紀中頃のネパールの Patanと推測する．SMRAMの写本を含めて，ネパール撰述のavadānamālāの諸文献において最も信頼できる梵文の諸写本を筆写した者は Jaya-

muniという Vajrācāryaであるが，この筆写師は，ネパールが17世紀に「本格的な紙写本の時代」を迎えた時期において，梵語仏教文学のジャンルにおいて幾つもの重要な紙写本を作成しつつ，「古い仏教説話文学の復興と写本伝承の確立」を推し進めた中心人物であり，「Avadānaśatakaを再話する avadānamālā諸文献」と「インドの梵文仏伝を再話する avadānamālā諸文献」の両方のジャンルの成立にも恐らく密接に関わった，紙写本に依る avadānamālā諸文献の成立運動を解明するための鍵となる人物であると考えられる．

204. シンガポールにおける仏教の現況

辻本　臣哉

本稿では，シンガポールにおける仏教の現況について報告する．シンガポールでの仏教は，様々な国の仏教が混じり合っているため，ユニークであると言える．シンガポールの仏教の特徴は，上部構造と下部構造に分けることができる．下部構造は，中国文化に関係している．多くのシンガポールの仏教徒は，中国

仏教の伝統を維持する中国系シンガポール人である．例えば，天福宮という中国系寺院では，媽祖という海の女神が本尊として，菩薩や関帝といっしょに祀られており，大乗仏教，儒教，道教が混在している．そして，中国系シンガポール人は，こうした寺院を通じて，中国人としてのアイデンティティを共有している．すなわち，寺院がコミュニティとしての役割を担っているのである．ただし，この下部構造は，世代交代と共に，中国系というアイデンティティからシンガポール人というアイデンティティに移行しているため，徐々に弱まってきている．一方，上部構造は，法に関係している．シンガポールにはサンガがほとんどな

いため，近隣国から僧が来て，スリランカ，タイ，ミャンマー，カンボジアの上座仏教がシンガポールに紹介されている．興味深いのは，中国仏教のバックラウ

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ンドを持つ中国系シンガポール人が，上座仏教の教義を矛盾なく受け入れていることである．これまで分裂してきた歴史を持つ仏教が，シンガポールおいて融合される可能性が指摘できる．

205. 元暁『法華宗要』と智顗・吉藏の関係について

李　四龍

新羅時期の高僧元暁は多種の仏典「宗要」を著作している．現存する五種の「宗要」の解経体例は二つのパータンに整理できる．一つは六つの部分に分かれるパータン，即ち「六門分別」である．もう一つは三つの部分に纏めるパータンである．即ち述大意・釈経宗致・重要な議題を料簡することである．彼の著作『法華宗要』の構成は「六門分別」であり，三論宗の吉藏の『法華玄

義』と近いが，内容からみると，その中に「消文義」が含まれてなく，五門になっている，そして，「判教」が独立の一門として論述されている．これは智顗の『法華玄義』と類似する．元暁は吉藏の『法華遊意』にある「三種の法輪」を引用したが，『解深密経』

の立場からこれに対して，疑問を呈している．また，『法華経』は了義経であるが，中に不了義語も存在すると説かれている．元暁の「別通分満」という四教判の思想は智顗の「蔵通別円」とも通じる．よって，元暁にとって，吉藏より，智顗の影響が大きいであろう．元暁は「一乗実相」によって『法華経』の宗要を解釈している．智顗・吉藏が

「実相」によって，『法華経』を解釈する方法と一致する．また，「一乗法」を一乗理・一乗教・一乗因・一乗果と説明するのは，彼の華厳宗の立場を現し，唯識思想との関係も近い．『法華経』の「経体」と「経宗」を区別する際に，元暁は「経」と「体」を区別せず「体用合挙」という解釈手段を使っている．これはまた智顗と異なり，吉藏の「宗体無異」という主張と類似する．

206. 日本古写一切経諸本の相互関係―竺法護訳『普超三昧経』を例として―

宮崎　展昌

本稿では，竺法護訳『普超三昧経』における異読の共有状況にもとづいて，日本古写一切経諸本の相互関係を探ることを試みた．本稿で主たる検討対象とした

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のは，聖語蔵経巻（唐経），中尊寺経，石山寺一切経，興聖寺一切経，七寺一切経の五種の日本古写一切経である．加えて，比較のために，参照可能な版本大蔵経諸本も用いた（略号一覧参照）．まず，異読の共有状況から，上記の五種の日本古写一切経がひとつのグループ

を形成していることが確かめられた．さらに，それらの間での近接関係については，異読の共有状況からは，中尊寺経と七寺一切経との間に近接関係があったと見ることができる．ただし，七寺本については，後世の手によって，別本を参照して修正された痕跡が確かめられた．一方，石山寺本については，版本大蔵経を参照した痕跡が見られ，同本が書写された年代も考慮し，また，その異読から類推すると，当時参照可能であったと考えられる開宝蔵を参照したものと推測できる．以上の検討結果をもとに，『普超三昧経』に関して，日本古写一切経諸本に焦

点を当てた大蔵経諸本の系統図についても掲げた．

207. 『法苑義鏡』に見られる善珠の真如説

李　子捷

『法苑義鏡』において，善珠（723–797）は基本的に玄奘（602–664）とその門下の学説に従っている．善珠は玄奘伝来の唯識学にとどまらず，それ以前の南北朝の各学派の学説にも通じる．言うまでもなく，地論教学もその中に含まれている．善珠は様々な場合で真如に言及しており，その立場は玄奘と唐代唯識学派の解

釈を土台にしている．真如と仏性との関係を解釈するにあたって，善珠は『大般涅槃経』・『究竟一乗宝性論』のタイトルにあまり言及していないにもかかわらず，これらの諸経論から確かに影響を受けた．これより見れば，奈良時代の日本法相宗の学僧として，善珠の真如理解は玄奘とその門下の学説の枠を超えたと言えよう．

208. 『根吼抄』にみる赤白二渧と「邪見」―近世真言宗における胎生学的教説の意義―

亀山　隆彦

近年，真言密教における「正統」と「異端」の境界は，各地の寺院から発見さ

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れた資料により大きく揺らいでいる．例えば「赤白二渧」のような真言宗に流布する胎生学的教説は，すべて空海以来の即身成仏の教えを曲解した「邪見」，異端の説と評されてきたが，寺院資料を見ると，本来「正統」に分類されるはずの真言僧も，その事教二相の解釈内で頻繁に胎生的教説に言及し，それこそ，彼らにとってもっとも重要な秘説であったとも考えられる．こういった調査の進展を受け，前述の邪義を信奉し，真言密教の異端と呼ばれ

てきた「立川流」のカテゴリーも再考が促される．最近の研究では，立川流という名の法流が，前近代の真言宗に複数存在し，そのすべてが，必ずしも胎生学的教説を信奉していたわけではないと指摘される．一方，その立川流に向けられた批判自体が，イデオロギー性を帯びているとも主張される．つまり，実在の法流である立川流も真言僧が語る立川流も，共に複数の存在で

あり，これまで考えられてきたような，胎生学的教説，「邪義」「邪見」の評価，そして立川流という法流の間の垂直的繋がりはそもそも成立しえない．本稿でも，同様の視点から，真言宗における胎生学的教説の意義，および正統と異端の境界を分析する．具体的には，一六世紀の教雅が著した『根吼抄』を検討し，中世末から近世の真言宗に，異端＝立川流と正統＝宥快『宝鏡抄』を共に批判する，第三の立場がありえた可能性を考察する．

209. 近代日本における日蓮信仰の諸相

三輪　是法

この研究は，日蓮仏教が信仰者に与える心理的影響を考察するために，近代日本における日蓮仏教の信仰者一人一人にスポットを当て，調査考察を試みようとするものである．今回は，京都駅前に建つビジネスホテル・法華クラブの創業者である小島愛之助を取り上げた．彼は法華倶楽部を創業する以前，「宇都宮太郎」という芸名で，日蓮の生涯を庶民に広めるための「統一節」なる講談を全国各地で興行していた．本稿では，小島の生涯において，大正年間の日記に確認できる，入門・巡行の生活，玉雄との結婚，長男の誕生，次男の早世，という4つの出来事に焦点を当て，彼の信仰の特質について考察した．小島愛之助は明治17年（1884）兵庫県に生まれ，大正元年（1912）に統一節

と出会う．統一節とは日蓮の生涯を節とともに読み上げていく講談で，講談師「宇都宮主計之助」，本名妹尾朔によって創作された．小島は妹尾を師とし，宇都

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宮太郎の名前で布教の日々を送る．妹尾について巡講の旅に出るようになると，小島の日蓮信仰が深まりを見せる．当初は統一節という芸能に魅了されていたが，日蓮遺文に触れて日蓮への理解が深まると，日蓮仏教の布教のため，その責務を果たすべく行動するようになっていく．小島は，常に使命感に基づいて行動していたと考えられる．それは，日蓮仏教

を広宣流布するための統一節であり，法華倶楽部創業であり，立正活映株式会社の設立であった．その使命感を強化するもの，換言すれば小島を信仰へ導くものとして，妹尾朔によって執筆された日蓮伝があり，日蓮の生き方が規範となって，彼を突き動かしたといえるであろう．

新刊紹介

Harumi Ziegler 訳

A FOREST OF PEARLSFROM THE DHARMA GARDEN VOLUME Ⅳ

（英訳『法苑珠林(4)』）

Ｂ5変形版，371頁，本体価格6,000円仏教伝道協会，2020年12月