School of Design Creative Industries Faculty Queensland University of Technology 2018 IT’S A SOCIAL BUSINESS: MAPPING THE INFLUENCE OF MEAL KIT SERVICES IN USER VALUE AND CO-CREATED EXPERIENCES BRETT CAMILLERI Bachelor of Industrial Design (Hons) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Philosophy
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School of Design
Creative Industries Faculty
Queensland University of
Technology
2018
IT’S A SOCIAL BUSINESS: MAPPING THE
INFLUENCE OF MEAL KIT SERVICES IN USER
VALUE AND CO-CREATED EXPERIENCES
BRETT CAMILLERI
Bachelor of Industrial Design (Hons)
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the
degree of Master of Philosophy
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Keywords Dinner
Value co-creation
Service dominant logic
Service design
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Abstract
The development of services has drastically increased in complexity, as service designers
must not only consider how the service functions, but where it exists within its customer’s
creation of value. This challenge is embodied by the meal kit service model, which aims to
address the modern difficulties associated with cooking dinner. It does so by attempting to
simplify its customers creation of dinner by preselecting a week’s work of meals, for which
it then organises the corresponding ingredients and cooking instructions that are delivered
to the customers door step. However, the service’s method of provision fails to also
accommodate the potential contextual, social and religious values its customers may
consider vital to their creation and consumption of dinner. And so, despite the service’s
convenient and healthy features, the strict method in which they are provided can
challenge their customers’ personal food values, ultimately negating any benefit attributed
to commercial entity. This culminates in the service design challenge where the meal kit
must consider how to balance the uniquely determined values its various customers may
attribute to dinner, while ensuring that its ability to do so remains viable at commercial
scales.
In response to this difficulty, this study grounds its scope around the exploration of existing
customer values attributed to dinner, and identifies how the meal kit service is currently
used in realising them. To frame this exploration, this study utilises a combination of
participatory design and service dominant logic concepts that explore the routine usage of
the meal kit service. This is because both concepts share the axiological perspective that
value can only be created by individual perceiving it. And despite using varied versions of
co-creation, both acknowledge that only the individual can create their own value, and so
they should be involved the development of the solutions.
Value’s intrinsic and contextually informed nature is used to inform the social constructivist
epistemology that underpins this study. This study utilises highly qualitative methods
informed by the participatory design discipline to explore the mundane and routine
processes of six households as they use the meal kit to create dinner through the week.
This generative approach enabled the collection of participant descriptions of their
routines, preferences and frustrations, in addition to their imagined futures and desired
goals.
The exploration of meal kit users’ mundane processes and subsequent analysis through
service dominant logic concepts presented a number of implications that can benefit the
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service design discipline. This informed a method that synthesises the unique processes of
meal kit customers into a comparable series of practices that are representative of the
value creation process. This method of abstracting of specific processes into practices
forms the basis by which a service designer can establish the expected degree of control
the customer wants over the value creation process, who else is involved in its creation,
and the overarching purpose of the activities performed. Combined, these three
dimensions present a means of characterising the various network roles and expected
functions attributed to the meal kit service by its users, the understanding of which can be
used by service designers to inform future service iterations that are more appropriate for
value creation.
Upon the application of this analytical tool, this study subsequently identified that
participants were already naturally adapting elements of the meal kit to align with their
contextually informed values. The exploration into these customer-led modifications to the
service informed the conclusion that the meal kit’s primary offering should be designed
with the intention of interacting with a number of immediate users peripheral to the
primary customer. This is because this study identifies that a service’s resiliency can be
improved by increasing the primary customer’s ability to seek help from both household
members and peers, and apply their efforts directly into the meal kit’s function. Apart from
problem resolution, this approach was also identified as a promising means of continually
innovating the meal kit in a way that was highly tailored to those using it. Both the
analytical method created, and the subsequent co-creative functions identified through it
can inform service designers how these natural evolutions of the service can be adopted by
the firm in future iterations. Consequently, this study is expected to contribute towards the
intersection of service science and its application through service design, and subsequently
ease the development of co-creative services that accommodate both the customer and
their surrounding network.
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Table of Contents
Keywords ................................................................................................................................. iii
Abstract ................................................................................................................................... iv
List of figures ........................................................................................................................... ix
List of Abbreviations ............................................................................................................... xi
Statement of Original Authorship .......................................................................................... xii
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................... xiii
Figure 38 Managing an undesired service meal .................................................................. 125
Figure 39 Managing undesired service ingredients ............................................................. 126
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List of Abbreviations SDL Service Dominant Logic
VIU Value in use
VISC Value in social context
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Statement of Original Authorship
The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made.
Signature: QUT Verified Signature
Date: August 2018
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Acknowledgements
This thesis was only possible thanks to the amazing support of my family, friends and
colleagues. I am truly grateful to be surrounded by such an amazing group of people, and
want to express that your advice, critique and distraction throughout my candidature has
been integral for this finished work.
To all my supervisors (current and past), each of you have had such an impact on both my
thesis and my personal development. To Marianella Chamorro-Koc, Udo Gottlieb, Jaz Choi
and Ben Kraal, I would like to express a great appreciation for each of your contributions to
my thesis. Each of our interactions has left me feeling richer from the experience.
To Jaz and Ben, while I unfortunately did not get to finish working with you two, your early
guidance emboldened me to explore a topic that I love. The direction and opportunities
both of you have granted me have left me much stronger from this experience, and I have
both of you two to thank for expanding both my world view and personal ability.
To Udo, despite joining my team half way through, your help and knowledge has been
integral to my work. Both your professionalism and optimistic nature has proven critical to
not just the completion of this project, but for also getting me across that mental finish
line, and I cannot express how thankful I am for your patience and dedication.
To Marianella, I want to express a wholehearted appreciation for taking on my project in its
final moments despite your terrifying schedule. I am overwhelmingly thankful for your
dedication to my work, and your finishing contributions are what helped me produce a
work that I’m truly proud of; you were integral in making that happen.
To my parents, Michael and Fiona, I cannot thank you enough for the unwavering love you
have shown me throughout my journey. There is not a chance that I would have made it
this far both professionally or personally without the support and sacrifice you have shown
me throughout my life.
To my brother Aaron, for reminding me that there’s a life outside of the thesis and
providing me with some much-needed distractions through a game as simple as ‘find the
shin’.
To my partner Violet, for being my anchor to reality and pulling me out of my work. Your
kind words, confidence and companionship have motivated me throughout my thesis, and I
cannot say enough thanks for your unconditional patience and understanding.
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To my Nana Margaret, and Poppy Antony, your optimism and kind words have also helped
me keep afloat through both the good and bad times of my work.
I’d also like to extend thanks to all my participants for each sharing their personal values
and descriptions of with me. It was such an honour to be included in your processes, and
without your help, my work would not have been possible.
To my professional editor, Neil Conning, who provided copyediting and proofreading
services, according to the guidelines laid out in the university-endorsed national ‘Guidelines
for editing research theses’
To the Urban Informatics Lab, I want to express how grateful I am for being welcomed into
such a brilliant and exemplary group of people. I feel so fortunate to be able to share my
experiences with you guys, and I’m better for it after being exposed to everyone’s
perspectives and conversations have broadened my own perspectives and made me
greater for it. You guys are doing some incredible work, and I am inspired by you all.
Finally, I would like to thank my close friends for the escapism you have provided me over
the 2 years of work. The distractions and joy you have shared with me were essential to
my sanity, and was exactly what I needed to escape the words of meal kit and co-creation.
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1. Introduction The way in which services are designed has increased in complexity and scope as a broader
array of temporal and contextual factors of the customer must be understood (Patrício,
Gustafsson, & Fisk, 2018), which is made apparent when looking at the meal kit service
model. Unlike traditional grocers, this service merges the elements of meal planning and
dietary advice with the physical organisation and delivery of ingredients and corresponding
cooking instructions to the customers home. With these functions considered, the meal kit
service is representative of a servitised good (Nudurupati, Lascelles, Wright, & Yip, 2016)
aimed at resolving the time pressures, low cooking ability and poor diet currently
attributed with the difficulties of modern Australian dinners (Banwell, Broom, Davies, &
Dixon, 2012d). But despite these complex processes, an analysis of dietary literature
suggests that this is still not enough (Perry et al., 2017; Vidgen & Gallegos, 2014). The act of
creating and consuming dinner is highly contextual, intrinsically determined and can be
representative of social engagements involving a variety of users associated with the
similarities with SDL’s perspectives (Storbacka et al., 2015; Vargo & Lusch, 2004) towards
the nature of value, the role of the individual when creating it, and concluded with how
participatory design’s consideration of power could potentially negate challenges of
implementing value co-creation (Greer, 2015; Heidenreich et al., 2015). With these
similarities and benefits established, this study consequently identified participatory
design’s fuzzy front end (Sanders, 2013) as a powerful tool to collect rich insights pertaining
to meal kit users VISC processes (Edvardsson et al., 2011; Ellway & Dean, 2015). This was
used to justify why the fuzzy front end will be used to scope the project around the
exploration of the routine processes and experiences of meal kit users within their
network. This work then adopts Storbacka et al. ’s (2015) conclusion that value
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propositions should be informed by an analysis of value creation practices. The abstraction
of processes into practices provides a means for service designers to holistically understand
the purpose of the meal kit service in relation to the established processes of its users,
rather than being inundated by highly specific yet contextually dependent processes. As
such, this suggestion motivated the decision to utilise McColl-Kennedy, Cheung and
Ferrier’s (2015) CSEP framework to synthesise the varied VISC processes of customers
collected from the fuzzy front end. In summary of the literature, the subsequent goal and
leading research question for this project is:
‘How can value co-creation inform the design of a meal kit service model that better
accommodates its customers unique food values, while continuing its provision at a
commercial scale?’
To address this question, the literature review has inspired the division of this research
project into three parts of collection, synthesis and application:
1. Use participatory design’s fuzzy front end to observe routine customer VISC
processes as they create dinner.
2. Use the CSEP framework to synthesis customer processes into a series of practices
that are representative of value co-creation with the service.
3. Use these findings in conjunction with other service dominant logic concepts and
infer how the meal kit is utilised during customer VISC, and use this to consider
where the service fits in relation to their network and process. Further SDL
concepts can then be used to inform service functions that would be readily
implemented through design.
With the research question clarified and its subsequent aims presented, Chapter 3 will describe in detail how these aims and research question will be resolved.
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3. Research design and method
3.1 Introduction This chapter is divided into four sections. Section 3.2.1 will demonstrate why the
intrinsically determined nature value in conjunction with this research project’s aim to
understand how to address a variety of these values forms the justification for a social
constructivist epistemology to underpin the methodology and subsequent research design
of this project. Section 3.3.3 will then explain why participatory design philosophies and
conceptual tools are used to define the scope of this research project, in addition to the
generative tools utilised for the data collection process. Section 3.3 will explain the specific
research design utilised by this study. As the cognitive map research tool utilised by this
study had to first be appropriated for the meal kit context, sections 3.2.2 and 3.3.3 will
reflect the various stages of the cognitive maps development, which section 3.3.4
concludes by describing how the final cognitive mapping exercise was conducted with
participants. Section 3.4 then describes what design and marketing frameworks were
implemented to analyse the raw data collected during this study. This section is divided
into two frameworks: It starts with the Kimbell's (2011) actions, environment, interactions,
objects and users (AEIOU) framework used to convert mind mapping responses into
components for the cognitive mapping activity; and the CSEP framework, which
synthesised participant responses from the cognitive mapping activity into practices that
formed the core of the discussion.
3.2 Research design 3.2.1 Introduction
Section’s 2.2.5 and 2.3.3 demonstrate that meal kit users will conduct a series of differing
processes with the meal kit service to realise their intrinsic values affiliated with dinner.
Axiological characterisations of value emphasise its contextually influenced nature,
ensuring that each participants creation of value is nuanced (Ellway & Dean, 2015;
Fernandes, 2012). It is therefore unrealistic to consider refining the multitude of duplicitous
contextual influences experienced by a user sample into a definitive typology of food
values that are representative of all meal kit users. Instead, this study utilises a
constructivist epistemology to reflect value’s complexity (Kukla, 2000). Consequently, this
study first recognises that there will be no single objective ‘truth’ representative of every
participant’s value creation process during dinner, and that the outcomes of this study will
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not be universally applicable to all meal kit users. From this epistemological position, this
study also embraces the complexity of potential food values by encouraging the use of
participant experiences to inform the findings. This approach is appropriate as it leans
towards an analysis of user processes to identify the methods used to achieve their values,
rather than the resultant values themselves.
With this projects epistemology justified, a qualitative methodology has been deemed
appropriate to underpin the implementation of this study. This decision is reinforced by
predominant factors. First, marketing (Furrer et al., 2016) and design disciplines (Sanders &
Stappers, 2012) both recognise that qualitative research tools present an effective means
to collect deep user insights relating to their processes and experiences; both of which
prove integral in informing design criteria of a project. Therefore, as both these disciplines
form the prominent theoretical foundations of this project, it is suitable to adopt a
qualitative methodology to explore value co-creation. Outside of existing professional
research practices, this project recognises qualitative methods as essential for the
collection of theoretical elements for this project. It is central to this study’s objectives to
not only identify the values participants attribute to the meal kit service, but how these
values are formed and why. While quantitative measures could be used to infer the
popularity of specific engagements between participants and meal kit service when
creating intrinsic value, the lower fidelity of this resultant data set would not contain the
information necessary to infer why participants conducted themselves in this manner
(Kimbell, 2011). Value’s highly intrinsic and contextually informed nature dictates that the
information necessary to understand value co-creation can only be collected via research
methods that examine participant activities in depth. When considering why a mixture of
qualitative and quantitative methodologies have not been selected, this study recognises
that attempts to analyse the higher reasoning behind participant actions at quantitative
scales would prove overwhelming due to the previously mentioned magnitude of
contextual factors that influence the co-creation of value (Ellway & Dean, 2015).
3.2.2 Participatory design and the fuzzy front end As neither business nor designer can determine what their constituents consider valuable
(Vargo & Lusch, 2004), this should also be reflected in the method in which this study is
conducted. Therefore, the exploration of participant dinners and how it relates to the
creation of value should therefore be described by the participant in their terms, rather
than responding to a protocol formulated from a researcher’s preconceived notions of a
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participant’s context. It is for this reason that participatory design methods are highly
appropriate for the exploration of values pertaining to food and meal kit services. As
demonstrated in the literature review, participatory design is both a process and
philosophy. Founded from the perspective that those affected by an outcome should be
therefore hold a stake in its development and implementation (Kensing & Blomberg, 1998;
Wright & McCarthy, 2015), the participatory design discipline has created a variety of
generative research tools to enable this type of design (Sanders & Stappers, 2012, 2014).
Furthermore, participatory design’s proposition that researcher, designer and participant
are mutually involved throughout the design process informs a method of inquiry that can
reduce the bias of conventional research. This is achieved by including participants before
the specific project problem or subject has been defined. Consequently, participants can
declare what is of core importance to their situation, which enables researchers to uncover
foundational problems rather than shallow symptoms associated with the problem
(Sanders, 2013). This notion of exploration prior to development is shared within the
marketing discipline as well, where Alam (2006) states that the success of a product is
much higher the earlier the user is included in its design. Therefore, it is here that
implementing a participatory design methodology could inform new scenarios unexpected
by the researcher (Sanders & Stappers, 2008). From this point, both researcher and/or
designer can collaborate with the participant to define a project scope and development
goals that are centred upon a problem that holds importance with the participant. It is for
this reason that participatory design concepts are highly relevant for exploring the highly
intrinsic nature of food and its social dimensions.
When addressing the complexities of user value within the meal kit, participatory design’s
Fuzzy front end and will be utilised. The fuzzy front end is described as the pre-design
phase, where the user and their contextual elements are explored without any
preconceived goals or expectations (Sanders, 2013). Therefore, this project will narrow its
scope to the exploration of participants’ routine use of the meal kit within their
households. With the project scope established, the participatory design tools used to
collect the data from the fuzzy front end will be described in the following section.
3.2.3 Make tools
Elizabeth Sanders is a prominent participatory design researcher who has established a
variety of research methods referred to as ‘make tools’ (Sanders & Stappers, 2012), which
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are designed to explore the fuzzy front end. These research tools are exploratory in nature,
and aim to provoke multiple insights from participants that can be used to inform future
developments, rather than a narrow, definitive solution. ‘Make tools’ are divided into
‘make’, ‘say’ and ‘do’ methodologies, each designed and practised differently to generate
specific research outcomes. ‘Make’ relates to generative prototyping sessions where
participants imagine specific futures of a context; ‘say’ consists of interviews and focus
groups to describe participant perspectives; and ‘do’ refers to participant enactments that
are measured through observations and user testing (Sanders & Stappers, 2014).
Make tools are highly qualitative in their design, and exploratory in nature. Rather than
asking preconceived questions, make tools engage the user through activities in a way that
encourages them to generate personal insights surrounding a selected context. But these
‘make tools’ must themselves be designed and appropriated to fit the specific user
demographic and the context that is to be explored. After consideration, Sanders and
William’s (2003) ‘cognitive map’ was chosen as the basis of the research tool.
3.2.4 The cognitive map
The cognitive map is a combination of ‘make’ and ‘say’ methodologies. It consists of a semi-
structured interview run in parallel with a paper crafting exercise that utilises prompt
cards. The prompt cards consist of a combination of images, words and phrases. The aim of
this exercise is to encourage users to generate their experiences and ideas through images,
words and questions that prompt the participant into discussion with minimal leading from
the interviewer (Sanders & William, 2003). The use of images is important, as their
subjective nature enables the participant to interpret them in a multitude of ways. The
words selected for the prompt cards are largely emotive and can be combined with images
or other word cards, and are effective at colouring participant experiences. Finally, the
prompt cards used should not consist solely of the subject being explored (i.e. cooking), but
also include cards that are abstract. This is to enable participants to describe important
factors and emotions that are peripheral to the context in focus. This broad format allows
for flexibility in the participant’s response, which results in the generation of broad and
unexpected results, such as previous experiences, current problems and perceptions of
possible futures (Sanders & William, 2003).
But the act of dinner does not centre entirely on eating. As informed by food literacy (Perry
et al., 2017; Worsley, 2015), this study considers the experience of cooking to consist of
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collecting the ingredients, the (sometimes spontaneous) selection of the meal, the
afternoon activities prior to cooking and so on. Therefore, it was important to capture
activities that cover a wide spectrum of time when appropriating the cognitive map tool for
cooking contexts. Thus, a timeline was included to the cognitive map methodology to
represent this. The timeline was designed to encapsulate a week of using a meal kit service,
each week-long period starting when a meal kit was ordered, and ending upon the next
order of the service. This was selected in response to timing constraints of the study and
the limitations of the individual researcher, it was not feasible to conduct and then analyse
a week’s worth of observations for multiple participants.
To resolve this, the day reconstruction method (DRM) (Kahneman, Krueger, Schkade,
Schwarz, & Stone, 2004) was used to generate the timeline component of the cognitive
map. The DRM methodology consists of having participants personally record specific
activities of their day through a medium (journal, pictures, voice recording, etc.). This
medium is then used later to discuss with the participant specific moments of their day.
This process of self-recording improves participant recall when asked later interviewed.
This is because inserting an unusual activity into routine processes forces the participant to
become aware of that moment (Kahneman et al., 2004). Therefore, prior to conducting the
cognitive map exercise, participants were asked to perform a cultural probe activity for a
week. A cultural probe is a generative tool used to provoke or elicit a response from those
being observed, and motivate an open-ended contribution that is representative of their
perceptions and attitudes of a phenomena (Martin & Hanington, 2012; Sanders & Stappers,
2014). The cultural probe for this study took the form of a photographic exercise, where
participants were asked to capture specific service moments during their week using the
meal kit service. These photographs were then implemented into the cognitive map
timeline to later aid in participant recall and prompt discussion around that specific
moment during the exercise.
3.2.5 Summary
Section 2.2.5 and 2.3.2 establish that the values meal kit users associate with dinner will be
intrinsic and contextually informed. These properties of value are therefore used to justify
this studies application of a social constructivist epistemology and the subsequent
qualitative methodology. As such, section 3.2 utilises this epistemology to reason why the
highly explorative and generative nature of participatory design, and its affiliated tools will
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be utilised. This is because, for customer values to be address by the meal kit service, it is
vital that participants share their attitudes and values pertaining to the use of the meal kit
prior to the selection of a solution, rather than developing the study’s research criteria
around the preconceived notions of the researcher. Therefore, this study will adopt a
qualitative methodology that encourages participants to share their perspectives relative
to the meal kit service.
Sections 3.2.2 and 3.2.3 demonstrate why participatory design and its philosophy of
participation reflect the qualitative goals of this study. This is because participatory design
and its affiliated tools aim to provide a means by which participants can openly describe
the phenomena in focus (Wright & McCarthy, 2015). Therefore, this study’s aim to have
participants clarify their experiences of routine meal kit use will be achieved via
participatory design’s fuzzy front end (or pre-design) stage and will establish the scope of
exploration for this study. With this study’s scope established, participatory design tools
will also be used, as their generative nature can be used extract rich narratives pertaining
to routine participant habits and processes enacted with the meal kit. These descriptions
can infer not only processes performed, but other actors involved and the perceptions and
experiences attributed to these processes (Sanders & Stappers, 2014), which accurately
represents the dimensions of VISC (Ellway & Dean, 2015). The final added benefit of these
generative participatory design tools is that their format also encourages participants to
share their desired futures (Sanders & Stappers, 2012), which can also be used to inform
future service iterations.
The final section demonstrates why Sanders and William’s (2003) cognitive map activity has
been selected to explore the fuzzy front end and extract participant VISC with the meal kit.
This is because this research tool’s flexible delivery and open interpretation enables
participants to not only provide descriptions of their use of the meal kit, but also
encourages them to share their desired futures and expectations of use via the prompt
card provided (Sanders & Stappers, 2014). This data is highly relevant for exploring
participant VISC, and also informative when considering what form future service iterations
should take when attempting to facilitate future value co-creation with
customers/participants.
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3.3 Method 3.3.1 Introduction
With the qualitative methodology and research design established, this section describes
how the cognitive map exercise was both developed and then implemented with
participants. Sanders and William (2003) state the cognitive map activity must first be
designed to accommodate the specific context it aims to explore. As such, section 3.3.2 will
first describe the preliminary mind mapping and cultural probe activities that were used to
inform components of the cognitive map activity. The following section will then describe
the development of the cognitive map activities which formed the primary data collection
to be utilised in this study to gather participant descriptions of their VISC processes. This
section will then conclude with the final protocol participants were asked to perform
during the cognitive mapping activity.
3.3.2 Online mind map and prompt deck
To reduce biases within the prompts selected for the cognitive map, Sanders and William
(2003) suggest sourcing contributions from multiple participants external to the study. To
achieve this, a mind map was used to generate a broad range of interpretations towards
the concept of dinner and eating, and subsequently inform the prompts used in the
cognitive map activity. A mind map is a visual diagram used to demonstrate associations
towards a particular concept (Martin & Hanington, 2012). The concept in focus is written in
the centre of the page. Associated themes or subjects are then written, placed or drawn
around it. Fifteen individual mind map templates were created in an online ‘Google
Drawings’ document. The template only consisted of the phrase: ‘What I think of when I
hear dinner’ wrapped in a circle placed in the middle of the page. Fifteen participants were
then recruited through social media to participate in a mind mapping activity. Before
starting the activity, participants were presented with a mind map example, and then were
asked to provide 15 words and 15 images that they associated with dinner in the online
mind map (Figure 5). To achieve this, participants self-enlisted by following a link provided
in an enlistment post on social media (see Appendix A). Participants were not screened, as
a random sample was desired to broaden the results. Overall, 150 images and 150 word
prompts were collected from the mind mapping activities.
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The images and words were then analysed through Kimbell’s (2014) AEIOU framework to
refine and curate the prompts to a total of 100. This framework was selected as it dissects
complex service processes that an individual interacts with into key functional components
of actions, environment, interactions, objects and users (AEIOU). Prompts that could
represent multiple AEIOU categories were prioritised for the prompt deck, as they were
more flexible in their interpretation. Towards the end of the curation process, the prompts
were then assigned to specific AEIOU categories for the cognitive map exercise. This
segmentation of the prompts was designed to improve the participant’s ability to scan and
select the prompts quickly by category when conducting the activity. Finally, blank AEIOU
prompt cards were created as a backup if the participant wanted to express something that
was not provided in the prompt deck (Figure 6).
3.3.3 Cultural probe
As this study was interested in a participant’s routine use of the meal kit, it was important
to distinguish these practices relative to the stages of use. This required the element of
time be measured, which resulted in the application of a timeline to the cognitive map
activity. The day reconstruction method’s (DRM) use of activities to improve awareness of
Figure 5 Mind map responses
Figure 6 Blank prompt cards in use during pilot study
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specific moments in a process was used to inspire a small cultural probe to both record
these practices in service and prep participants before conducting the interview
(Kahneman et al., 2004). To centre the cognitive map exercise around the meal kit,
participants were prompted to photograph specific moments when using the service. A
combination of primary and secondary research was used to inform the design of a cultural
probe. The secondary research consisted of a competitive analysis of several websites of
various online food services. HelloFresh, Marley Spoon and My Food Bag were chosen to be
the focus of this study due to their similar service function (home delivery, pre-set meals,
dietician approved, etc.). The primary research consisted of a personal two-week trial of
the meal kit HelloFresh, which was recorded in an online reflective journal (see Appendix B)
The primary and secondary research informed nine service prompts, which were divided
among four major service stages. The first stage centred around ordering and receiving the
meal kit. Participants were asked to photograph who ordered the meal kit and where,
where the meal kit is usually delivered, and what an unboxing looks like. The aim of this
stage’s final prompt was to have participants take note of the quality of the produce, and
describe how it all gets into the fridge. The second stage revolved around the events that
led up to and during the cooking process for each meal. Participants were asked
photograph elements of the meal they may have modified, removed or had difficulty with,
and what they would consider a successful/unsuccessful meal. The third stage explored the
process of eating the meal, where participants were asked to show where they ate dinner
and with whom. The goal of these images was to also get a brief snapshot of how the meals
are accepted by other members in the household. The fourth and final stage aimed to
identify post-service processes and what happens when the participant is not using the
meal kit (as the service provides a maximum of five dinners). This final stage was also
developed to discuss moments where the food service was failing, and ways the participant
may tweak the function of the meal kit to align with personal needs.
The cultural probe sent to participants took the form of a double-sided A4 poster and was
designed to be easily completed with a smart phone (Figure 7). The front of the poster
introduced the participant to the point of tasks, what they needed to do. Below the
description were the nine image prompts divided into the four service stages. On the back
of poster, the email address, the email protocol and an image of an email example were
provided. Participants were asked to hang the poster in a highly visible space in their
kitchen to act as a reminder to complete the task. Finally, when ex-users of meal kit service
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were added to the participant pool, these four main service stages remained the same, but
the sub-questions were altered. Instead of asking about how the meal kit was used, it
asked how they had replaced their processes and to highlight elements that worked better
or worse than using the service.
3.3.4 The cognitive map
In line with Sanders and Stappers’ (2014) make tools, and primary and secondary research
were used to inform the development the cognitive map’s components and protocol,
which were iteratively designed throughout the initial data collection stages of this study
Figure 7 Cultural probe Information
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(see Appendix C). The primary research consisted of the initial two-week trial to inform the
cultural probe questions/prompts, and the mind mapping exercise was used to reduce bias
in the development the dinner image prompts. Finally, pilot studies were conducted
towards the later stages to both practice the delivery of the exercise, and further refine the
prompt deck generated from the mind map (see Appendix D). The responses from the pilot
studies were also used to tally the use of each prompt card and determine how effective
each prompt was during the exercise. Secondary research consisted of using Sanders and
William (2003) to inform the overall structure and function of the cognitive map activity, in
conjunction with Kahneman et al. (2004) and Sanders and Stappers (2014) to inform the
timeline-based elements for the data collection. Finally, primary and secondary research
was used to generate a discussion guide (see appendix D), which was used to guide the
interview during the cognitive mapping exercise and ensure standardisation in process
among the different participants (Sanders & William, 2003). The guide consisted of
questions pertaining to their processes during the week (both with the meal kit or affected
by the service), as well as perceptions and attitudes relating to the activity. Some questions
included:
• ‘Do you feel like much has changed in your daily processes now that you’re using
the service?’
• ‘Do you feel pressured to cook every night?’
• ‘Do you ever modify the meal provided? If so, how do you do it and why?’
• ‘Is there anything notable about your process that frustrates you? Have you tried
doing anything different?’
• ‘Is there a feature that you feel would greatly benefit you if it was implemented by
the service?’
The subjects enlisted for this study consisted of individuals that are currently, or have
recently cancelled using, an online food service (e.g. HelloFresh, FoodConnect) to cook for
either for themselves or for a group (e.g. family, roommates). If a participant had cancelled
their service, their duration of using the service needed to exceed the duration of time
between cancellation and their acceptance to participate, with a maximum duration of six
months. As this study was exploratory in nature, participants were not screened beyond
their usage of the meal kit service. This mean that participants ranged in cooking
experience, dietary requirements, personal responsibilities, time restrictions, ‘familiarity of
service’ and so on, to enable a varied sample of insights pertaining to customer value-in-
social-context processes.
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In total, seven participants from six households were interviewed. This small sample size
was selected as it was deemed more appropriate when exploring the highly varied and
intrinsic nature of value. As the literature review demonstrates, it is not commercially
feasible for the service to attempt to accommodate individual food values on an individual
basis. This limitation was used to establish that it was not necessary (nor feasible) for this
study to identify and then measure every potential food value among the meal kit
community. As such, an in-depth exploration to understand the dynamics of participant
value creation processes was considered more appropriate for the goals of this study. It is
because of this that a small sample size was deemed more appropriate, as it allowed for a
more intensive examination (Crouch & McKenzie, 2006) of participant value creation
efforts over a week-long period. Consequently, this smaller group of participants allowed
the primary researcher to explore in detail not only participant usage of the service
throughout the week, but which other household members were involved and in what
capacity, and (importantly) affiliated attitudes and goals towards each activity throughout
the process.
In its final form, the cognitive map was conducted on an A1 sized piece of butcher’s paper
with a horizontal line spanning its length. The line on the A1 sheet was used to represent a
timeline of the user’s weekly process using the meal kit. The images generated from the
participant’s response to the cultural probe were placed from left to right to represent this
to the participant. This was done so that the participant associated the A1 sheet as a
timeline, and to apply this temporal nature to the activity being performed by describing
their weekly events in sequence of each other. These images were not permanently fixed
to the A1 sheet so that participants could adjust the images to accurately represent their
stages of process. If the participant had quit using the meal kit service, they were
presented with two timelines. The top timeline represented their current process, which
was where their cultural probe responses were placed, and the lower timeline was
provided for the participant to describe their past processes using the meal kit.
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The prompt deck was placed adjacent to the cognitive map, but used blue post it notes to
segment the images and words into ‘actions’, ‘objects’, ‘places’, ‘interactions’, ‘people’ and
‘feelings’ categories, and improve visibility for the participant. Participants were requested
to conduct the exercise in the room where the participant ate dinner, such as on a dinner
table or in the living room (Figure 8). This was to first ease the participant by having them
in a familiar place. This was also another method of improving participant recall by
conducting the exercise in the location the context in focus occurs. Only participants 2 and
5 performed the cognitive map exercise outside of their households, and this was instead
performed at the university campus.
The cognitive map activity started by describing the purpose of the activity, what the
activity consisted of, and the purpose of the prompt cards. Participants were then asked to
start from the first image they provided from the cultural probe (‘Who ordered the meal kit
and where?’). From here, probing questions were asked. While questions were prepared in
the discussion guide, the questions asked during the exercise were generally reactionary in
response to participant statements or themes mentioned by the participant. If the
participant had stopped or fell short describing an element of their process, the questions
in the discussion guide were used to further prompt the discussion. As participants
described their activities, they were encouraged to add images that they felt represented
the theme as well. This was useful in uncovering user moods and perspectives towards the
Figure 8 Setup of cognitive map exercise
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routines they described. The primary researcher would also draw on the A1 butcher’s
paper to draw connections or causations when appropriate (Figure 9).
While the interview was structured to discuss the user’s process chronologically, the
flexible and visual nature of the exercise aided participant recall in several ways. First, it
allowed the participant to jump between descriptions of their weekly process as they
recalled them during the exercise. Secondly, it aided the participant when describing how
disparate events were in some ways connected. Thirdly, the visual timeline was useful to
refer to at the end of a participant’s train of thought, reminding them of the original stage
being discussed and move the conversation onto the next stage. Towards the end of the
interview, the participant was asked to identify what they considered to be moments in
their week that informed the rest of their process and describe why. An interview was
considered complete after the participant felt they had sufficiently described their weekly
process using the timeline. The cognitive map exercise conducted with each participant
took on average an hour, within a range of 42 minutes and 80 minutes.
3.4 Instruments for analysis 3.4.1 Dataset 1: Mind map images and words
Figure 9 Completed cognitive map exercise
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When developing the prompt cards for the cognitive map activity, images and words
generated by the mind map exercise were printed off and then grouped via Kimbell’s
(2014) AEIOU framework (Figure 10). This framework was adapted to represent the
elements that are influence practices.
Figure 10 Kimbell's (2014) AEIOU framework
When attempting to identify values and perceptions, the category of ‘feelings’ was added.
This group was added as suggested by Sanders and William (2003), and contained emotive
prompts. During the pilot studies, the prompt cards used were tallied based on their use.
Cards that were hardly being used were removed from the deck.
3.4.2 Dataset 2: The cognitive map
An affinity diagram was used to analyse participant responses and identify participant VISC
processes (Holtzblatt & Beyer, 2015; Martin & Hanington, 2012). Prior to the analysis
process, participant data was first transformed into practice cards. To do this, audio
recordings from the cognitive map were first transcribed and coded by the primary
researcher. Originally, participant transcripts were coded via the Kimbell's (2014) AEIOU
framework, however this coding scheme disassociated the relationships between elements
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of participant responses too much (see Appendix E). From here, the coding scheme was
modified to capture the activities performed by a household member, which network
members were involved, and attitudes attributed to a certain activity (Figure 11). This
approach was found to better reflected the CSEP archetypes (McColl-Kennedy et al., 2015).
Furthermore, each AEIOU element could be divided into a respective practice archetype
(i.e. users and interactions are representative of normalizing practices). The transcript
codes were originally segmented and written onto post-it notes (participants 1 and 2) (see
Appendix E), but was then digitised by transferring the transcript codes into a Microsoft
word table in an A4 document. These activities were then compiled into a dedicated cell
within a Microsoft Word table (see Appendix E). The table in this Microsoft Word
document was then printed, where each cell was individually cut out to form a practice
card. Each practice card contained a corresponding participant and transcript code number.
This was to ensure that the information on an activity card could be quickly clarified by the
participant’s original statement within the transcript (Figure 11)
The practice cards were grouped into specific clusters that represented holistic stages in
Figure 11 Example of printed activity cards used for affinity diagram
Figure 12 Affinity diagram for participants 6 and 7
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the participant’s process (e.g. checking fridge, collecting family member weight, looking at
upcoming recipes all represented ‘meal planning’) (Figure 12). The benefit of the affinity
diagram process was that these practices cards could be easily grouped then reshuffled,
which enabled an themes to be rapidly identified and then evaluated (Sleeswijk Visser et
al., 2005). This enabled themes to be assessed, challenged and retested before finalising
where each action fitted within the individual’s VISC process, and how these actions and
associated perceptions were interrelated (e.g. waiting for a partner before cooking).
Through the affinity diagram, two hierarchies of the participant process were created. An
overarching hierarchy was developed that segmented the results into five broad dinner
stages. This was used to keep the analysis consistent across the seven participants. These
stages were developed after finding similar functions in each participant’s process. They
were planning, which consisted of participants thinking about, and then deciding about
meals and ingredients for the week’s series of dinners; unpacking, which consisted of
getting the produce/ingredients from an agent to the house; preparation, which
considered the activities conducted and triggers prior to cooking; cooking, which was
considered when someone in the household began to start organising that dinner’s
ingredients; and then dinner, which included both the consumption of the meal and the
peripheral cooking activities conducted immediately after (e.g. cleaning). Dinner also
included alternative actions to the meal kit service or personal cooking, such as ordering or
eating a meal another agent has prepared (e.g. fast food). Within these five broad dinner
stages, the second hierarchy described activity clusters that were specific to each
participant’s processes within the broader five dinner stages (e.g. Participant 5 weighing
her family in the planning dinner stage to determine what the upcoming dinners will be).
Once the arrangement of the practice cards were finalised, McColl-Kennedy, Cheung and
Ferrier’s (2015) CSEP model was used to synthesise the practices. Each activity cluster in
the affinity diagram was dissected and allocated a specific type of CSEP practice within
either the representational, normalizing or exchange practice typologies. Ellway and Dean’s
(2015) cyclical description of the value creation process was used to inform analytical rules
that distinguished how the CSEP practices identified in the findings correlated with each
other. As value creation activities are an amalgamation of these three interrelated practices
archetypes (Ellway & Dean, 2015; McColl-Kennedy et al., 2015), after the practices were
identified within an activity their relationship and functional characteristics were finally
grouped into a ‘practice chain’ (Figure 13). As such, each activity cluster was considered to
consist of at least one representational, normalizing and exchange practice necessary for
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performing that action. This analytical process was performed manually in a book and then
later transferred to a digital version (see appendix F).
4. Results 4.1 Introduction
Figure 13 Practice chain structure
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Seven participants from six households conducted the cognitive mapping exercise. With
regard to the demographics of these households, three households had young children,
two households consisted of young couples both working full-time, and one household
consisted of two sisters living together with a roommate. The duration of use between
participants also varied, with two households having used the service for less than three
months, two households using the service for more than 18 months, and two households
recently cancelling their subscription. Figure 14 Participant household composition
represents the member distribution of each household, as well as their representative
codes. Their involvement in the cooking process is symbolic of how often the member wold
contribute to the specific cooking process of routine meals.
Figure 14 Participant household composition
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While synthesising participant data through the affinity diagram, five major stages emerged
that were representative of each household’s overarching cooking routine. These stages
are described as: planning, where participants would determine what the upcoming week’s
meals would consist of; unpacking, where participants would source the ingredients
necessary for their week’s meals; preparation, which consisted of the participants
afternoon routines prior to starting that nights meal; cooking, which was the specific
actions performed to create that night’s meal; and dinner, which comprised of the actions
performed while consuming the meal, in addition to activities that occurring immediately
after dinner (e.g. cleaning). This final dinner stage also represented participant actions of
sourcing food from alternative agents (e.g. fast food and restaurants).
It was identified that all participants using the meal kit performed these five dinner stages
in the sequence presented. For those that had quit the service, it was identified that they
continued to perform the same activities within these 5 dinner stages, however their
planning activities were conducted simultaneously within both the unpacking and
preparation stages (i.e. participants would plan what to personally cook upon arriving
home). By grouping the results into these five stages, a comparison between participant
processes was much easier. This approach also provided a more concise idea of how
previous events would inform later stages of the dinner process (i.e. poor planning and
routine shopping habits resulted in forced repetition). As such, the following section will be
divided into these five dinner stages. Within these five stages, actions or values shared
among participants will then be presented.
4.2 Planning This first dinner stage is comprised of participant descriptions of how they select and each
upcoming week’s meals, and their decision-making process that determines this selection.
The synthesis of participant description led to the emergence of three themes which are:
personally planning meals, utilising the meal kit to plan meals, and attitudes towards the
service’s provision of meals.
4.2.1 Personally planning meals All participants interviewed for this study were found to be the household meal planner
when the meal kit was not used. Unlike the meal kit service, which plans the meals a
week in advance, each participant would habitually decide what meal to cook prior to
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starting the meal preparation process. Most participants expressed that the reasoning
behind this process was because they did not enjoy searching for meals, and therefore
lowered its priority in relation to other responsibilities. A shared attitude towards meal
planning can be summaries by participant 5’s expression:
“Yeah, I’m not a big cook. This is probably going to add more stuff to your … I don’t like thinking about things. You tell me what to do and I’ll do it, whenever it comes to cooking. I don’t like having to think about, ‘Oh what do we have to eat
for dinner tonight.’ ”. (Participant 5)
But this spontaneous approach to meal planning meant that a participant’s selection of
meal for dinner was then dictated by the ingredients already within their household,
ultimately limiting their ability to explore new meals. Participant 4 expressed a desire to
cook vegetarian meals, but despite his confidence in his cooking ability, he felt that his
lack of planning prior to grocery shopping meant that he would not have the ingredients
necessary to experiment with a new meal. When asked why he hasn’t attempted to
implement more planning prior to grocery shopping, he expressed:
“One reason is just lack of organisation, and laziness. If I am to cook vegetarian meals, I need to go and look up vegetarian meals, I don’t just sort of know ...
about what, what, what’s a good vegetarian meal or a fish meal.” (Participant 4)
To reduce the effort associated with meal planning, participants would occasionally use a
resource such as a website (participants 1, 3 and 4), cook book (ptn 4), or an older recipe
card (participants 2, 4, 5, 6) from a previous meal kit. In participant 3’s case, she utilised
the suggestions of market vendors to select new ingredients, how to cook them, and
what meals they should be used in:
“[Market vendor]’ll recommend things, so I’m quite open to, ‘Oh, ok, yeah I’ll try that,’ and she’ll say, ‘You can slow roast that on – or that’ll
be really nice if you put some you know, something herb with it.’ So, and I’ll do the same at the fruit and veg [stall], when I go along to the fruit
and veg, and ask, ‘What’s good?’, and the ladies there’ll be like, ‘Oh, this is what you need, you need some of these this week, these are really nice this week.’ So I do shop very much, and I think I’ve got a trusting
relationship with the people that I buy from.” (Participant 3)
Combined, these participant perspectives towards the act of planning meals for their
household demonstrate the task is highly undesired, and held a lower priority in relation to
other weekly activities and responsibilities.
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4.2.2 Utilising the meal kit to plan meals The attitudes towards personally planning meals contrasted severely with the insertion of
the meal kit into the household, as all participants expressed appreciation when role of
meal planner was adopted by the meal kit service. The most commonly shared benefit
participants attributed to the use of the meal kit was its ability to reduce the amount of
planning required, an activity each participant held a strong disinterest in conducting.
Participant 6 sums up their attitudes:
“For me, it’s really about convenience. Um, and about avoiding going to the grocery store, and, uhhh yeah, just that decision fatigue and
deciding what to eat and it’s, they [meal kit meal] always taste yummy ... But I find as well, like, in a way, you’re paying almost … um, I don’t
know, you’re paying for the luxury to bypass the grocery shopping and all the impulse buying you would have done.” (Participant 6)
Using the meal kit, the participants’ meal planning activities were generally limited to
looking at the upcoming week’s recipes on the meal kit website to assess their
appropriateness for the household. Provided that household preferences or routines
weren’t challenged, this greatly reduced degree of involvement, and was highly desired and
appreciated by all participants.
4.2.3 Attitudes towards service’s meal selection
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When participants were asked about their lack of control over the meals selected by the
meal kit, opinions varied. When asked about meal variety, participant 1 combined the card
‘something different’ adjacent to a picture she took of an empty bowl from a dinner (Figure
15). While doing this, participant 1 explained that the meal kit’s meal variety allows her to
try new meals, stating that she feels the meal kit has only repeated meals three or four
times over the year. But when asked about her feelings towards the specific meals selected
in relation to what she would choose to cook, she stated she would ‘get excited for meals,
or not excited for some, but then again, it’s a subscription box’.
Participants 2, 4, 5, 6 and 7 on the other hand expressed a great joy (Figure 16) in the
discovery of new meals When asked about her thoughts on the varied cuisines selected by
the meal kit, participant 2 stated:
“Yeah, it is different. I wouldn’t automatically choose the things that they’re giving us, but I like the fact that it’s encouraging me to do that,
Figure 15 Participant 1’s response to service’s selection of meals.
Figure 16 (Left) Participant 5 and yng5’s feelings towards meal variety. (Right) Participant 2 uses ‘healthy bowl’ image to describe meal kit’s dinner selection.
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to try ... I didn’t realise I was doing it until we tried all those other things and I was like, ‘Oh yeah I really, I pigeonholed myself a little bit.’ ”
(Participant 2)
Even participant 7, who repeatedly stressed throughout the interview her strong
disinterest towards cooking, appreciated the meal kit’s introduction to one of her now
favourite ingredients:
“Same with that other risoni stuff. That’s cool, I like that ... That’s my new favourite thing, it’s like a pasta rice! ... It’s cool ... [laughs] I eat it and I’m like eating more than I need to and I’m like, ‘Oh, this is pasta, like it will make me fat ... I shouldn’t eat this much.’ ” (Participant 7)
Thus, not only was the meal kit mitigating planning responsibilities, but it was perceived as
an actor that brought new and interesting discoveries into household dinner processes. But
where some participants enjoyed the exploration, at times the meal kit’s forced assignment
of meals challenged preferences of the household. Participant 3 mentioned that she and
ptn3 enjoyed the activity of fishing, and so both members were highly familiar with cooking
fish. Therefore, when the meal kit service planned a fish meal, participant 3 felt that the
service’s selection of fish meals and dictation of how to them conflicted with her personal
history and preferences. But this conflict affected participant 3 so severely that she even
expressed disgust towards the service’s selection of fish meals:
“Nah, just the seafood, and then fish was on the menu again and I was like, ‘Naah’ ... and that was a bit of a real swaying thing for us because I was like ‘Well, that’s one night’s meal that we can’t eat out of the box,’
and if they’re going to keep adding fish ... and things like fish tacos, eugh ... that just ... pfft, that just doesn’t sit well with me. So, the
seafood was an issue for me, yep … No, I would never eat fish tacos ... I just don’t think the two should go together.” (Participant 3)
In conclusion, this section demonstrates that the meal kit’s adoption of a household’s meal
planning process was largely welcomed by all participants, who lacked the desire to
personally plan the meals. An added benefit as demonstrated by participants 2, 4, 5 and 7
was that, despite the decreased involvement of the meals, the added ability to explore new
meal and ingredient types was mostly appreciated. But contrary to this strong beneficial
attribute, if the service’s dictation of meals challenged the food preferences of participants,
this service was considered to be detrimental to the creation of dinner. In the most severe
example, participant 3 demonstrates that those who are highly familiar with a specific food
type may even consider the service to be conducting a poor job and consider it necessary
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to personally undertake the meal planning role again. This dynamic was identified among
other participants, and will be further discussed in the following section.
4.2.4 Contextual factors that challenge service’s meal selection
When asked about how their personal preferences were affected by the autonomous
nature of the meal kit, participants 2, 3, 4 and 5 described unique contextual factors that
limited their ability to consistently rely on the meal kit’s organisation of meals. As a result,
despite the meal kit’s highly desired adoption of meal planning responsibilities, only
participants 1, 6 and 7 felt confident in the meal kit’s ability to consistently organise their
week’s meals. Participants 2, 3, 4 and 5’s descriptions informed two types of contextual
factors that limited their ability to consistently rely on the service’s ability to plan meals.
They were a household’s weekly routines (e.g. children’s activities, work, dinner with
friends), and household dietary requirements.
When considering household routines, participant 4’s weekly dinner process varied
between ptn 4 cooking personal meals on weekends, going out for dinner, and organising
his children for their afternoon activities. When attempting to balance these factors with
the meal kit service, participant 4 found that the limited selection meal quantities offered
by the meal kit service challenged his household dinner processes:
“We didn’t get ever to choose the things we wanted to have, um, because there just weren’t spare nights, and, and quite often we
actually wouldn’t even be able to use the four meals that we got and so, we were always, you know, gave them to someone; worked out alright.”
(Participant 4)
Rather than wasting a night’s meal, participant 4 gave the extra meal kit meal to a
neighbour. But despite participant 4’s solution to ensure that nothing was wasted, his
inability to modify the number of meals delivered was a contributing factor to the
cancellation of the meal kit. Participant 1 also experienced a similar scenario where her
position as a teacher meant that she would have to mark assignments at home during the
end of semester. As she prioritises her work duties, she often feels too busy to cook even a
meal kit recipe:
“When I’m at my busiest, so if its reporting, um school reports or the end of the year reports, like now, we switch to the 3 meal box because we
found that there were a couple of nights we just weren’t cooking at all, or its wasted, so we found that we were wasting meals and having to,
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yeah, either freeze the meat or throw it away, because we just didn’t have time. So this week I’ve had two nights out and so, If I’d have got
the 5 meal box, we would have been wasting meals on those days cause yeah [ptn1] definitely wouldn’t have cooked.” (Participant 1)
But unlike participant 4, participant 1 felt that the ability to quickly modify the meal
portions delivered from five times a week to three times was of strong benefit, and
expressed a strong appreciation for the meal kit service’s flexibility.
The second contextual factor that challenged households was dietary requirements and
preferences. Both participants 2 and 5 have household factors that require them to
determine whether they can eat the ingredients provided in the upcoming meal. In
participant 2’s case, her partner is lactose intolerant and she does not enjoy eating fish. The
only solution participant 2 has identified when addressing an upcoming meal kit that
contains these ingredients is to cancel the week’s delivery and then conduct her
(undesired) personal meal planning. Participant 5 also utilises this process, describes her
scenario as:
“We’re actually a family nutrition conscious family. We do a weight-divisioned sport, which means that we need to control our weight at certain times of the year. Um, so we found [with meal kit service], we just need to change the portion sizes and it fits in with the nutrition
requirements. ... Um, with regard to planning for all of the rest, um, it’s really a week by week thing, because if the weight’s on track then we don’t really need to make a change, but if the weight’s not on track,
then um, we’ve got that week to plan and it’s ... yeah, our meals without [meal kit service] are really, boring and simple. Chicken, veg, change it
up with the herbs.” (Participant 5)
Unlike participant 2, participant 5 will do what she can to modify the portions of the meal
kit meals to meet household requirements by modifying the portions of vegetables and
protein. But if she cannot realise opportunity to do this, participant 5 will cancel that
week’s order and return to an undesired personal meal planning process. But where
participants 2 and 5 still consider the meal kit’s ingredient selection manageable,
participant 3’s lack of interest in the fish produce resulted in the cancellation of the meal
kit. This was because participant 3’s inability to change or remove the ingredient from the
rest of the meal kit delivery resulted in a decision between wasting an entire night’s meal,
or cancelling the order entirely.
When considering both types of contextual limitations of the households interviewed,
participant responses demonstrate a clear divide in the value of the meal kit service. Both
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participants 1 and 5’s ability to appropriate the meal kit’s strict provision of resources for
their personal processes left both participants maintaining strong positive associations with
the service. This contrasted drastically with both participants 2, 3 and 4, who were unable
to resolve the meal kit’s challenge in a satisfactory manner. But where participant 2
described the service only challenged her household’s dietary preferences, participants 3
and 4 found that their contextual factors were not only repeatedly challenged, but the
service’s strict provision left them feeling incapable of using the meal kit’s resources. This
combination of challenged contextual factors in conjunction with their inability to modify
the resources provided is used to infer one of the predominant reasons why both
participants 3 and 4 have cancelled their subscription to the meal kit service.
4.3 Unpacking Unpacking is the second dinner stage identified, and consists of how participants organised
the ingredients for necessary for their weekly cooking process. Participants’ descriptions of
how they sourced their weekly ingredients in this stage resulted in two main themes: how
the meal kit is delivered, and how appropriate the meal kit’s ingredients are for household
requirements and personal grocery shopping.
4.3.1 How is the meal kit delivered? The first process discussed revolved around using the meal kit’s home delivery feature.
Much like the opinions held towards the service’s meal planning role, participants still using
the service expressed a positive attitude towards the meal kit’s home delivery feature and
the degree of flexibility it offered. It was a common delight among participants to perform
unrelated personal processes (e.g. sleeping, working), and then to magically receive a
selection of ingredients at their front door. When describing this delight, participant 2
attributes the meal kit’s adoption of grocery shopping tasks with an increase in time that
she can instead spend bonding with her partner:
“Yeah, well I guess this part, like one of the things this has done for us is give us more time, and we’re spending less time grocery shopping and things like that. Well with our more time, we should spend more time
together.” (Participant 2)
But much like the meal planning, this delivery process was challenged by a participant’s
contextual factors. Participant 2 used an image of a ‘praying dog’ (Figure 17) to represent
her anxiety over the potential theft of the meal kit due to the open layout of her house and
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its adjacency to a busy street. Furthermore, the front is unshaded, which leaves her
questioning how safe it would be to leave her ingredients out in the sun while working.
Participant 5 also described a situation in which her dog would bark at the delivery man in
the early hours of the morning during the delivery. But unlike the limitations of meal
planning, both participants greatly appreciated the greater degree of control over how the
meal kit is delivered. In both cases, participants could rearrange the delivery time to ensure
it is more appropriate for their house (e.g. participant 2 has the meal kit delivered early in
the morning before work; participant 5 has it delivered during the day so the dog doesn’t
wake up the neighbourhood).
Participant 6 appreciated the home delivery, as she lives on the second floor of an
apartment block (Figure 18). But in the past (with both her current and previous meal kit
services) participant 6 encountered the occasional delivery dilemma where the meal kit is
delivered to the wrong area. When participant 6 could not find the meal kit at her
doorstep, she assumed it had failed to be delivered until discovering the meal kit the next
day after being exposed to the elements. Despite this failed delivery, participant 6 felt that
her vegetarian preferences meant that the meal kit consisted of ingredients that did not
perish as easily, and she instead appraised the meal kit’s insulation, as her ingredients were
still slightly cold upon discovery the next day. While participant 6 was not explicit about
why these delivery mistakes occasionally happen, a conclusion for her leniency towards
these delivery problems may be a result of both the satisfactory condition of her
Figure 17 Participant 2’s pictorial response when describing her attitudes towards meal kit delivery
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ingredients upon discovery, in addition to her second-storey apartment location, which
features many adjacent ‘front doors’. This observation was made when the primary
researcher visited her place of residence to conduct the cognitive map activity.
Once the meal kit made it into the house, participants 1, 2, 5 and 6 described similar
processes of how they also made it their specific duty to unpack the meal kit and transfer
the ingredients into the fridge. Participants 2, 5 and 6’s reasoning for conducting this task
was motivated by two reasons. This activity first allowed these participants to confirm that
the all ingredients required for that week’s meals were delivered and suitable for
consumption. During this activity, the meal kit’s recipe card functioned as a checklist
(Figure 19). The second reason was that meal kit ingredients were stocked in specific
locations within the fridge for symbolic purposes. Participants 1, 2, 5 and 6 used the
shelving space in both their fridge and pantry to demonstrate to both themselves and other
household members what ingredients what were for specific dinners, and what could be
casually eaten.
Figure 18 Participant 6’s cultural probe response to ‘Where is the meal kit delivered?’
Figure 19 Both participant 5’s (left) and participant 2’s (right) describe unpacking the meal kit with the checklist icon.
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The final theme commonly mentioned by participants pertaining to the service’s delivery
centred around the packaging that the produce and recipe cards was sent in. Participants 2,
6 and 7 all expressed a desire for the meal kit to manage the wasted packaging rather than
leaving the onus on them:
“Yeah, cause we end up with so many boxes, cause they deliver a brand new box every week and I thought we put out our old box and collect it
and then swap it over, but it just has to go into recycling. And all the cool packs as well, I know they can be recycled but it just seems like a lot
of stuff every single week, whereas I’d love to just swap it over.” (Participant 2)
“The box. I feel, I feel like they used to collect it and they used to recycle it. It would be awesome if they still did that … ’cause it’s a pain for us to have it … and … um, it makes you feel like you’re doing the right thing by
recycling it.” (Participant 7)
But participant 6 utilised two strategies to reduce excess packaging. The first consisted of
using the cardboard box to collect their recycling underneath the sink, although participant
6 stated that they had stopped doing this because it both took up too much space, and it
looked ‘ugly’ in the kitchen. Participant 6’s second strategy consisted of using the packaging
insulation as growth media for her veggie patch. Participant 7 acknowledged that she was
impressed with her sister’s creative efforts to manage the wasted product.
In conclusion, participant opinions of the home delivery feature of the meal kit were
generally positive. A familiar problem among participants was how their house/apartment
would occasionally challenge how the meal kit was delivered, which would occasionally
result in a soggy or missing meal kit. Despite the occasional shortcomings of the delivery
feature, no participants blamed the service. Instead, participants generally considered the
delivery problem to be caused by their location (e.g. participant 5’s dog, participant 6’s
large apartment complex). Opinions were generally positive, as participants felt that the
service provided sufficient options to modify the service’s delivery to an appropriate
degree that resolved most of their concerns (e.g. participant 2 reducing the chance of theft
with a midnight delivery, participant 5 changing the delivery time to stop her dog barking in
the early morning). The only problem solely attributed to how the meal kit was delivered
was identified by participants 2, 6 and 7, who all felt the meal kit packaging was excessive.
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4.3.2 How appropriate are the ingredients the meal kit selects?
Participant evaluations of the produce sent by the meal kit was generally positive.
Participant 2 did claim that the produce was occasionally ‘nobbly’ or damaged, but felt that
this contributed to the produce being ‘organic’ (Figure 20). Another negative perception
towards the meal kit’s provision of ingredients was that participant 2 felt the ‘expected
ingredients’ (i.e. staples the participant has to organise) requested by the meal kit weren’t
commonplace within her household, and wished the meal kit sent them.
The only problem encountered with the produce severe enough to warrant the service’s
cancellation occurred with participant 3, as the meal kit’s suggested fish meals already did
not align with participant 3’s household’s preferences. This conflict was further
exacerbated after what she described as the ‘fish incident’:
“We didn’t like the fish, and um, we looked at the fish in the packet, and we went ‘salmon ... ok ...’ and we were like ‘... give it the benefit of the doubt, we’re pretty spoilt and lived up north, we’ve cooked lots of fish
for ourselves’, and we were like, ‘Nah, we can do this’. And [ptn3] opened the fish up, I could smell the fish from the other end of the bench ... he put his finger into the fish and his fingerprint stayed in the fish, and
he was like, ‘Uuh, so I’m going to cook it ...’ and I was like ‘... alright’.
Figure 20 Participant 3 uses farmer to demonstrate organic perception towards produce
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And it just smelt ... who knows, maybe that’s what it was meant to ...? I mean well in my mind if you press ... you shouldn’t be able to smell it, and it should bounce back when you press a piece of fish ... Um. So we
really did, we were like, ‘Oooh,’ we were trying to hide it from the children too that we weren’t impressed. We didn’t want them to feed off
of our ... um, very high standard of fish that we like.” (Participant 3)
Furthermore, this negative experience formed a basis of doubt around services ability to
source the correct produce:
“I did say that we didn’t like the fish and I um, googled, it wasn’t salmon, it was pink ling, yeah, and I googled. I think we might have had
salmon as well but I googled ‘pink ling’ , and I was like ‘I don’t know what pink ling is, I’ve never heard of pink ling,’ and I googled that while
[ptn3] was cooking, which was probably the worst thing I could have done because it’s not a fish, it’s an eel. And, obviously it gets used a lot
and it’s a commercial fish and all the rest of it, but for me, this did not ... my brain was not accepting that I was going to eat an eel for dinner ... I
don’t care what they call it ...” (Participant 3)
Thus, the combination of unfamiliar meals planned by the meal kit in addition to the lost
faith in the service’s ability to source the correct produce meant that participant 3 wanted
to cancel all future fish meals created by the meal kit. But her inability to remove individual
meals from the rest of the meal kit formed participant 3’s justification to cancel the meal
kit service, despite her appreciation of the other types of meals provided.
In conclusion, all participants except participant 3 and ptn 4, greatly appreciated the
service’s adoption of the highly undesired grocery shopping task. Furthermore, participants
1, 2, 5, 6 and 7 greatly appreciated the opportunity to discover new ingredients through
the service, which they felt wasn’t likely to happen through their personal processes. While
most of participants considered the ingredient defects as characteristics of organic
produce, participant 3 and prtn 3 felt the meal kit service was incapable of organising
ingredients to the level of quality they desired. Furthermore, their lack of control over
resolving the challenging ingredient subsequently resulted in participant 3’s cancellation of
the service.
4.3.3 How are personal ingredients organised? Participant attitudes towards their personal shopping processes contrasted greatly in
comparison to the meal kit service. Most participants held a strong negative association to
grocery shopping and expressed a desire for the removal of this process. Participants 1, 2
and 6 all used negative icons during the interview to demonstrate their hatred of the
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process (Figure 21). But as previously discussed, participants disinterest in planning
upcoming meals impacted the grocery shopping as well. When organising the ingredients
for the households, the household’s meals, instead of actively planning around specific
meals, participants would routinely purchase staple ingredients. This poor planning prior to
grocery shopping also left participants purchasing products that they did not need.
Participants 1, 2, 6 and 7 used the ‘empty wallet’ image to express that after replacing their
personal grocery shopping activities with the meal kit, they were reducing unnecessary
purchases and saving money.
Participants 4, 5, 6 and 7 conducted additional processes that simplify their remaining
grocery requirements not managed by the meal kit service. Participants 4 and 5 both use
Coles’ online ‘Click and Collect’ service to organise their remaining grocery shopping.
Similar to participant’s routine ingredient selection process discussed in Section 4.2.1,
participants 4 and 5 mitigate their routine meal planning processes by automatically
ordering staple ingredients with a digital grocery list they generated with the service.
Participant 4 only modifies this list after discovering a new meal or ingredient of interest.
They will then simply collect the grocery items from a designated fridge on their commute
home after work. While participant 6 conducts much of the grocery shopping, both she and
participant 7 will minimise their grocery shopping activities by sharing the responsibility
through spontaneous collaboration. If either participant 6 or 7 realise an ingredient is
needed prior to cooking, they will notify the member (via call or text) who is out conducting
a personal activity to collect the missing ingredient before coming home.
Figure 21 Participant 6’s (Left) and participant 1’s (Middle) attitudes towards grocery shopping, and participant 2’s (Right) elimination of grocery shopping
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Only participant 3 held a positive association with the process of grocery shopping. This
conclusion can be made because when conducting the cultural probe, she responded with
six images of her grocery shopping process (Figure 22) when the activity asked for only one.
Throughout the interview, participant 3 elaborated on both the quality of the produce and
the friendly nature of her relationships with the farmer’s market vendors. Participant 3
selected the ‘conversation’ image card to describe her grocery shopping process (Figure
22). Participant 3 further detailed that her exchange with the vendors of a local farmer’s
market was not only friendly, but informative:
“[Market vendor]’ll recommend things, so I’m quite open to, ‘Oh, ok, yeah I’ll try that,’ and she’ll say, ‘You can slow roast that on – or that’ll
be really nice if you put some you know, something herb with it.’ So, and I’ll do the same at the fruit and veg [stall], when I go along to the fruit
and veg, and ask ‘What’s good?’, and the ladies there’ll be like, ‘Oh, this is what you need, you need some of these this week, these are really nice this week’ . So I do shop very much, and I think I’ve got a trusting
relationship with the people that I buy from.” (Participant 3)
Figure 22 Participant 3’s grocery shopping process with farmers market vendors
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This interaction was predominant influence that encouraged her to explore new
ingredients, recipes and cooking methods. Participant 3’s grocery activities were a
collaborative effort within her family, as each member was involved in selecting specific
ingredients for that week’s grocery shop. But if an ingredient was forgotten, ptn 3 will grab
the missing ingredient(s) after work as he’s closer to the city. Participant 3 does not like the
traditional supermarket chains, as she feels the price and quality of their produce doesn’t
compare to her farmers markets.
This examination demonstrates that much like meal planning, the activity of grocery
shopping was highly undesired by all participants apart from participant 3. Participants 1, 2,
4, 5, 6 and 7 made attempts to reduce the effort required by conducting routine purchased
which negatively impacted their enjoyment of dinner, as they frequently repeated meals.
Furthermore, these participants would attempt to conduct grocery shopping activities after
work, which left them feeling tired or annoyed. Participant 3’s demonstrated pleasure in
conducting the grocery shopping is attributed to the relationships she has with the farmer’s
market vendors. This relationship was highly beneficial, as participant 3 was consequently
able to discuss and negotiate with the market vendors in a friendly manner, what
ingredients were appropriate for her household, in addition to discovering new and
unexpected meals based on their conversation. This can be used to infer why participant 3
felt that this method had surpassed the capabilities of the meal kit service, while the other
participants preferred the meal kit service.
4.4 Preparation The preparation dinner stage was considered the activities performed prior to starting the
cooking process. This actions and perceptions attributed with this dinner stage were
predominantly conducted in between arriving home from work and starting the cooking
process. Participant descriptions resulted in two themes for this dinner stage, which are
afternoon routines, and determining who cooks in the household.
4.4.1 Afternoon routines For those cooking without the meal kit, participants typically decided what form dinner will
take during this preparation dinner stage. Participants mentioned the intensity of their
day’s events would dictate whether to cook a regular meal, a meal kit meal, a ‘lazy meal’,
or even order dinner from restaurant or fast food chain. Participants 1, 2 and 6 all
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described feelings of displeasure when thinking about the time between finishing work and
starting to organise dinner. Participant 4 and 5 also expressed feeling time poor during this
stage as they had to simultaneously organise their family members’ personal activities
while determining what’s for dinner. Participant 4 states:
“I get home and uh, 5 o’clock, or, 5.30, and then I start thinking about dinner... or tomorrow I’m going to get home at 6, and you know, it’s just difficult to do different things ... so I won’t get to do this [cook dinner] till
ah, 6 o’clock and it’s just easy to do things that I know how to do.” (Participant 4)
This is indicative of how contextual priorities within this dinner stage shaped the
participants’ subsequent processes and attitudes towards cooking. This form of cooking will
be described as ‘routine’, where the meal’s recurring but vital creation was considered
highly undesired in relation to other recent contextual events or priorities. Unlike the
inspired cooking endeavours that would be performed on the weekend (participants 1, 2
and ptn 4), the conflicting contextual priorities within this stage would be used to suggest
why participants considered the subsequent cooking task as a chore that simply had to be
completed.
When considering participant perceptions of the services application during non-routine
meals, responses were not as positive. Participant 4’s feelings towards the meal kit’s
application were mixed during this stage. As highlighted in the planning dinner stage,
participant 4 greatly appreciated using the meal kit service to mitigate cooking efforts while
organising his children for their afternoon routines. However, participant 4 was not so
willing to relinquish his choice of dinner for less frantic nights. It is here that the meal kit
service challenged his preferred routines despite the reduced effort planning and
organising meals:
“We didn’t get ever to choose the things we wanted to have, because there just weren’t spare nights, and quite often we actually wouldn’t
even be able to use the four meals that we got, and so we were always, you know, [giving] them to someone.” (Participant 4)
This demonstrates that despite the convenience, the service’s predefined number of
dinners organised did not compare to participant 4’s more cherished personal dinner
routines.
In conclusion, these descriptions are used to first distinguish the differences between
routine and desired cooking. This differentiation can be used to demonstrate how the meal
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kit was appropriate for the routine mode of use. However, as demonstrated by participants
1, 2, 3, 4 and ptn4, when a participant was not conducting this routine type of cooking the
meal kit service was considered more of a hindrance.
4.4.2 Determining who cooks in the household All participants explained how they would determine who will cook that night’s meal during
afternoon routines, and then attempt to distribute that role with varying degrees of
success. Three different processes were used by participants when assigning cooking
responsibilities within their respective households.
i. Dominant cooking role in the household:
The first process, described by participants 1 and 4, is where a single member of the
household was primarily in charge of cooking the meal. Participant 1’s reasoning as to why
she’s the predominant cook was:
“It’s just more of an effort for me to clean up afterwards, and yeah. So it’s probably more my control, why [ptn 1] doesn’t cook, but he gets
home later than I do, and he studies [university]. So when he gets home, he generally goes into the study and you know, does his thing, does
assignments, and listens to lectures and things like that. It’s easy enough that I can cook, because I probably would end up being home an
hour before him, so it’s not as big of a deal for me to just go, ‘Alright, well I’ll stop planning for an hour and go and cook dinner.’ So, yeah, it’s partly me being absolutely anal about [cleaning], and then yeah, some of him; just he’s strapped for time as well and his times pretty precious
while he’s still finishing uni.” (Participant 1)
P4 is also the predominant cook within his household. His reasoning as to why is:
“I do most of the cooking in the household, but [ptn 4] is a very good cook. Very good and very enthusiastic. She enjoys cooking and she’s … very concerned about what she’s producing at the end ... [ptn 4] cooks twice a week probably, 2 or 3 times a week? ... She’s meant to have,
meant to work 4 days a week, not 5, and I think today is her day off, but this is a pretty typical day off as she gets home at 7 o’clock at night … so
we, it does tend to be more round the weekends or holidays that she would cook.” (Participant 4)
While participant 4 has made attempts to include his children in the process, this was not
happening frequently, as his kids are ‘not interested’. Participant 4 admitted that his efforts
to get his children to cook were greatly enhanced when the meal kit was being used.
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ii. Negotiating the cooking role in the household:
Elements of the meal kit were used by participants to assign roles to other household
members. Participant 7 acknowledges that while participant 6 is the predominant
household cook (Figure 23), participant 7 states that she will occasionally cook simpler
service meals when P6 is busy. Thus, the simpler meals of the service allow participants 6
and 7 to use their absence to inform a dynamic cooking roster:
Participant 7: “We don’t have a really, a formal roster, you know.”
Participant 6: “And sometimes like, we know we have some different activities that we might know about. So usually on a Wednesday night I’ll go to a friend’s house, I didn’t this week, and I was doing running on Mondays – Monday nights, umm, and then [Participant 7] might have
exercise some nights and yeah.”
Participant 7: “If, like I know she’s gone on running group or something, I’ll typically start dinner.”
P5 conducts a similar process within her household, where the role of household cook alternates between herself, ptn 5 and eld5. When asked how they conduct this process, P5 said:
“So with [meal kit service], I literally just come home at the end of the day and my husband and the 16-year-old, are, have already been home
Figure 23 Participant 7 uses the "my sis rocks" card to describe Participant 6’s predominant cooking activities
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from school or work and they’ve left to go to training. And they pick out a recipe, and they leave the recipe card on the kitchen bench, and that is
the recipe I cook for that night.” (Participant 5)
This is process is utilised so that each the household member can alternate between cooking and attending training. Finally, it was also discovered that the meal kit recipe card was implemented as a tool to assign cooking responsibilities. Participant 4 utilised the recipe card to get his children involved in cooking:
“So ... we, you know, have a system whereby the kids make one meal each, every week. Now ... it very rarely happens I’ve got to say, but
never the less, that is the, that’s the staging regime. And if you say like [meal kit] is very easy to do that, because you can just say, ‘Okay, you’ve got four recipes, you pick one, and tell me which day you’re going to do it,’ and so it’s uhh ... I found it quite a good thing in terms of um, getting kids involved, in the process, because then, you know, you give them the
choice without saying this is the meal I want to cook, so it gives you some sort of ownership rather than saying, ‘This is what I want you to
cook tonight.’ So that works quite well.” (Participant 4)
This use of the meal kit’s resources to motivate other household members to cook was used by participant 6, who now suggests recipes with a specific ingredient that participant 7 loves:
“Yeah, so, barley is something that I found out that I absolutely love, and every time there’s a meal with barley it’s gone. And ... or [P6] will
say, ‘Hey! this one’s got barely in it, you’ll enjoy it!’ ” (Participant 7)
Both participant 6 and 7 feel that despite participant 7’s strong disinterest in cooking, this is proving to be an effective form of motivation when encouraging cooking.
iii. Cooking collaboratively with household:
Many participants found benefit in using the meal kit service to not only to improve either
personal or household cooking frequency, but to also invite other household members into
a collaborative cooking process. Participant 2 expressed a great appreciation for the meal
kit’s lowered cooking difficulty, as it encouraged her partner to engage in a hobby she
thoroughly enjoys by:
“No, just association with food for the both of us is just much more positive. I mean I’ve always been really super interested and like to
watch the cooking shows and everything like that, meanwhile [ptn 2]’s not that interested. And it’s nice for him ... it’s nice for me to see him
interested in something I’m interested in. And that’s a nice little incidental. But yeah, it’s good, it’s working out well for us.” (Participant
2)
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Consequently, participant 2 expressed feeling much less time poor as her afternoon routine
now consists of procrastinating on her phone (Figure 24) as she waits for her partner to
arrive home before cooking the meal kit meal together. Participant 3’s household also
cooks collaboratively but without the assistance of a meal kit. While participant 3 and ptn 3
are the predominant cooks (i.e. they typically select the meal) in the household, where eld3
and yng3 will perform minor cooking tasks (cooks rice, makes a sauce, etc.). This process is
important to participant 3, as she sees the collaborative cooking process as a routine task
that provides an opportunity to bond with her household.
In conclusion, these three methods of organising the household cooking demonstrates that
the meal kit’s lowered difficulty not only makes it easier for participants to personally cook
routine meals, but also enhances their ability to distribute a predominant cooking task
among their network.
Figure 24 Participant 2's description of her afternoon routine
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4.5 Cooking The cooking dinner stage was defined as either the participant’s or another household
member’s utilisation of ingredients and skillset to create a single night’s dinner. Participant
descriptions of this dinner stage resulted in the emergence of three themes, which were
cooking personal meals, using the meal kit to cook, and modifying the meal kit.
4.5.1 Cooking personal meals As previously mentioned, the minimal planning and reliance on routine grocery purchases
left participants generally deciding what was being created that night only prior to starting
the actual cooking process. This meant that meal choice was primarily determined by what
ingredients were already in the fridge. The types of meals selected by participants varied
depending on their cooking ability, interest and how time poor they felt. When discussing
participant perceptions of ability when cooking without the meal kit, most participants
described themselves as competent. Only participants 5, 7 and ptn 2 were exceptions, who
instead felt they were only moderately successful in their attempts. When discussing
participant attitudes towards cooking non-routine meals, participant responses were much
more varied. Participants 1, 2, 3 and ptn 4 enjoyed the creativity and freedom associated
with cooking personal meals. These same participants also described experiencing no
difficulties exploring and attempting new meals, with the only limiting factor being the
ingredients they had available within their fridge. Participant 2, for instance, relishes the
opportunity to spontaneously experiment:
“It depends on how tired I am, but yeah I really like cooking and when I have all the ingredients for things I like to try new stuff and I’ll go for
weeks where I just cook every single night, and then go through weeks where [ptn 2]’s travelling, or had a bad week at work, and that’s when I’ll start doing a bit of takeaway and stuff like that. But I love cooking, the biggest thing for me is not having the ingredients.” (Participant 2)
Participant 3 is also used to this spontaneous approach in her cooking:
“Often I’ll just google search. So, like that pork rack, I’ll google ‘pork rack’ and ‘taste’ will come up, Taste.com.au and I found that they have really good recipes. I don’t tend to go onto any of those forum’y, people who’ve got their own recipes, because they’re not tried and tested and I just don’t really, don’t really rely on them. Or if I need to, um, like, ‘How
do I slow roast something?’, or some technique that somebodies mentioned to me at like the market. ‘You could braise that’ ‘Oh but how do you braise that?’, so I would just google that, but that would, umm,
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I’m not going to spend any more than 5 minutes looking for a recipe.” (Participant 3)
Participant 4 instead saw cooking as a chore despite perceiving himself to have a strong
cooking ability. As previously discussed, the planning activities required to organise new
meal types held a lower priority in relation to participant 4’s other contextual priorities.
Despite a desire to experiment and a strong cooking ability, participant 4 found difficulty in
trying new meals.
Unlike the previous participants, participants 5 and 7 were not so confident in their cooking
ability. Participant 5’s perceived low cooking ability and sparse meal planning is what she
felt caused her to create either unhealthy or bland dinners, which left her feeling
conflicted:
“Yes, so before starting [meal kit service], we, the training schedule was essentially the same, um ... and the planning, there was zero planning, so I would get home, on a Monday afternoon, after no, um ... with the
six-year-old, and have no idea what to cook, not have any idea what’s in the fridge, have no, plan and then we’d end up eating, terrible food, or ... the same old ... boring stuff. And even before [meal kit service], I was
not using anywhere near as much herbs or sauces or marinades or whatever, as what I am using now. I was too afraid.” (Participant 5)
Participant 7 was explicit throughout the interview about her disinterest in cooking by
repeatedly declaring the fact. Her primary reasoning for this disinterest was that she’s she
doesn’t want to prioritise more than 30 minutes on a meal. Because of this, she tended to
repeat a small selection of very basic meals such as burritos and spaghetti prior to the meal
kit service, much to participant 6’s displeasure.
These insights surrounding personal cooking ability first demonstrate that the meal kit is
used irrespective of cooking ability, although those with a lower cooking ability do
appreciate the new avenues it presents. Participants with a higher cooking ability all
expressed a preference for experimenting and trialling their personal meals when they
were not feeling time poor. As such, they preferred the freedom to explore and did not
consider the meal kit appropriate for this process. This finding suggests why the meal kit
service is associated with cooking routine meals.
4.5.2 Cooking with the meal kit When discussing perceptions of using the meal kit in their cooking process, participants
primarily welcomed the involvement of the service, provided the service meals delivered
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were appropriate for their household requirements. Participants who felt confident in their
cooking ability would often modify or ignore the recipe’s instruction in favour of conducting
their personal process. Participants 1 and 2 described the meal kit’s suggested cooking
process as ‘utensil heavy’, and would instead modify the process to reduce the amount of
cleaning at the end. When asked about his attitudes towards using the meal kit to cook
routine meals, participant 4 stated:
“If it was just [ptn 4] and I, I wouldn’t do [meal kit service] either, because then we would just be doing some more interesting things with
food. Well I regard [meal kit service] as a very easy, bit like fast food almost. You know, it’s an easy and convenient thing to be doing …”
(Participant 4)
But when asking the same question of participants who were not so confident in their
cooking ability, they expressed enjoyment of utilising the meal kit’s suggestions during the
cooking process. Both participants 5 and 7 also attributed the meal kit with an increase in
their personal cooking abilities after being exposed to new ingredients to experiment with.
Participant 7 attributes the meal kit with introducing her to one of her now favourite
ingredients, risoni, which (based on participant 6’s suggestion) is now used to motivate her
to cook it. Participant 5 described that the specific ingredients provided by the meal kit in
conjunction with the recipe forced her to learn about new ingredients in a way that was
not possible through her personal processes:
“Since having [meal kit], I have increased my ability to cook massively. Like it’s been a massive improvement. I’m not afraid to put herbs, put
sauces, mix different types of food with other types of food which I would have never thought to do. Um, when you read off I guess a recipe book, or you know, a piece of paper from the internet, without actually forcefully having the ingredients put in front of you, I guess you’ve got the option to not buy the ingredient that stays on the recipe card and therefore you don’t put that ingredient in your cooking, whereas here,
it’s physically in your hand, it’s right in front of you as you’re cooking, so you may as well put in the recipe when it tells you to. So I’ve expanded
on my cooking ability.” (Participant 5)
Because of this learning process, participant 5 believes she has matched (or potentially
surpassed) her partner in cooking ability, which she took great pleasure in stating. Further
examples of this forced experimentation were found when cooking fish. Much like
participant 2, participant 5 has never enjoyed cooking fish, so when one meal contained
fish she was tempted to replace it with chicken. But where participant 5 differed from
participant 2 is that, despite her personal preferences, participant 5 trusted the meal kit’s
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suggestion enough to attempt to cook the fish, which she is happy she did because she was
very satisfied with the results.
Thus, based on participant responses, cooking ability infers their degree of willingness to
experiment with the meal kit. Those who feel less confident in their ability are more likely
to appreciate being forced to trial new ingredients (participants 5 and 7). This is greatly
contrasted by those with a higher cooking ability who prefer to personally conduct the
experimentation themselves, and consider the meal kit’s suggestion as limited (participants
1, 3 and 4). Furthermore, this suggests that the predominant benefit affiliated with the
meal kit’s use does not lie in the cooking stage, but through mitigating the planning and
grocery stages as previously mentioned.
4.5.3 Modifying the meal kit As previously mentioned, the meals provided by the meal kit were not always appropriate
for the household, but some participants were found to implement strategies that made
the service more appropriate for their household. When managing undesired ingredients, a
basic strategy commonly used by participants would be to cook the conflicting ingredient,
but then either serve that portion to a family member less averse to it. Otherwise, the
ingredient was just wasted, but most participants (participants 1, 2, 4, 5, 6) expressed a
strong desire not to do this.
Another common strategy used by participants was to modify the portion size of the meal
by adding personal ingredients. This was conducted frequently by participant 5, who
needed to adapt the meal kit portion sizes to household’s weight targets necessary for
their competitive sport. Participants 1, 2, 6 and 7 described using the meal kit to modify
their personal processes outside of dinner. These participants felt that the meal kit’s
portion sizes were too large for dinner, and would use what was remaining for lunch the
next day. Participants 6 and 7 felt that this unexpected attribute has saved them a fair
amount of money, as both have stopped purchasing lunches from work.
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Another modification to the service seen among participants was in reaction to the
previously mentioned preference not to waste unused ingredients. To resolve this conflict,
participants would implement excess meal kit ingredients in either personal or other meal
kit meals. Participants 1, 2, 5, 6 and 7 stated that the meal kit will provide an entire clove of
garlic, but its recipes don’t utilise nearly as much. As a result, these participants are
attempting to manage the gradual collection of garlic cloves within their fridge on a weekly
basis (Figure 25). Participant 1 resolves this meal kit problem by implementing the
ingredient into her personal meals, whereas participants 2, 5, 6 and 7 will just implement it
in future service meals.
These participant-motivated modifications demonstrate how the service’s challenge of
household preferences and requirements, while occasionally frustrating, are not
necessarily catastrophic for the service. Instead, these contributions demonstrate that
participants are malleable in their response as they draw on personal skills and knowledge
to ensure that the meal kit aligns with their personal values and contextual factors (e.g. not
wasting food, saving money).
4.6 Dinner This final dinner stage was defined as both the actions and interactions that occurred
during the consumption of a meal. These actions did not necessarily have to be conducted
with the meal kit service, but also included both commercial restaurants and personal
meals. Finally, activities that were performed soon after the act of dinner and were related
(e.g. cleaning dishes, taking out trash) were also implemented into this dinner stage.
Figure 25 (from left to right) Participant 1, 2 and 6’s cultural probe response to “What is the Food Service providing too much of?”
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Participant descriptions of how they conducted and consumed dinner led to the emergence
of three themes relating to their processes: regular dinners where the household consumes
either a personal or service meal; dinners with friends or family that are external to the
immediate household network; and a final scenario performed by parents where the meal
kit was used to change the behaviours of other network members.
4.6.1 Regular dinner process Participants 1, 2, 3 and 4 emphasised the importance of eating dinner collectively with their
family at the dinner table. Each participant described how the meal played an important
part in facilitating a conversation with household members and discussing family events
and achievements (Figure 26Error! Reference source not found.). When asked about the
importance of the meal, participant 4 stated:
“It’s for, having something central and you know, same with food. Food is a … uh, you know, one of the bits of collateral that uh, you use you
know. And you have a, some sort of regime and regularity and you have food, and you know, nice food is, is certainly part of it, but it’s not, it’s, it’s, you sit down together not for the sake of being able to appreciate the nice food, but um, to be able to interact with each other, and the
nice food just … makes it … more, a more enjoyable process.” (Participant 4)
Unlike participants 3 and, 4 who predominantly used dinner as a premise to connect with
their young family, participants 1 and 2 dinner location would alternate between the
dinner table and the couch in front of the TV. Participant 1 demonstrates this process with
the ‘ironing board dinner’ card placed adjacent to her cultural probe image of ptn 1 at the
Figure 26 Participant 3’s (Left) cultural probe response to ‘What does a successful meal look like?’ and participant 4’s (Right) usage of the conversation card in conjunction with dinner images to describe his dinner process.
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dinner table (Figure 27). Participant 2 responded to the cultural probe’s ‘Where is dinner
eaten?’ in a similar fashion with a picture of ptn 2 on the couch (Figure 27).
But participant 2’s perceived quality of the meal kit was used to motivate a change in her
normal dinner process. Participant 2 considered the service’s meals to more extravagant
than her personal meals. This justified why they should be eaten at the dinner table,
consequently fostering the process of eating and conversing with her partner. While this
perception of quality wasn’t shared by participant 1, she did emphasise how the meal kit’s
reduction in effort left her feeling less ‘shattered’ after cooking, which left her motivated to
sit and converse with her partner at the dinner table.
Participants 5, 6 and 7 differed from these participants, as they all ate the majority of their
meals on the couch in front of the TV. Participant 5 used the ‘guy on phone’ image (Figure
28) to describe their routine dinner process was more akin to an unwinding process than
bonding. When describing their household dining room, participants 5, 6 and 7 also felt
that their dinner table was too small and cluttered, which further justified why dinner
wasn’t normally performed at the table (Figure 28).
Figure 27 Participant 1’s (Left) and 2’s (Right) response to dinner activities.
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When considering how these participants performed their routine dinner with the meal kit,
participants 1 and 2 demonstrate using the service as justification to change their routine
behaviours from eating in front of a couch and instead connect with their respective
partners. In this sense, the meal kit service is already being used to achieve social values.
But outside of this application, the value of the service within participant processes is more
varied. While participants 3 and 4 utilise the meal as justification to connect with their
young children, the meal is only the means to an end. Both participants 3 and 4 state that a
delicious meal helps, but it is not necessary for this interaction to occur. Finally, articipants
5, 6 and 7 maintain their routine perspectives of food, and more closely consider it simply
as an act of nourishment. It is for this reason why it can be inferred why their value of the
emal kit service comes from the creation of hte meal, more so than it’s role in dinner.
4.6.2 Dinner with extended family and friends When it came to bonding with extended family members or friends over dinner, all
participants preferred to place cooking responsibilities onto an external agent (e.g.
restaurant, takeaway food). Participant 5 described a family ritual that occurred after
family members’ competition, with the household collectively choosing a restaurant to ‘pig
out’ at and celebrate. When describing this process, participant 5 used a combination of
images that represented shared eating, fast food restaurants, and ‘eating fast food in front
of a laptop’ (Figure 29). In contrast to the casual nature of their routine dinner processes,
dinner after a competition is considered as the main event for them to connect as a family.
Figure 28 Participants 5 (left), 6 and 7’s (right) description of their dinner activities
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Participants 1, 2, 4 and 7 also mentioned that they preferred to socialise with
friends/colleagues/extended family at a restaurant rather than cooking a meal. This
response was the same when asked about catering for a larger group of friends and family
(Figure 30).
Participant 1 expressed that she would prefer to select a personal meal for a larger group,
whereas participant 2 was more open to this idea despite being conflicted as to whether
Figure 29 Participant 5's description of household dinner after a competition
Figure 30 Participant 7 prefers to get dinner with friends.
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she would cook a personal meal or modify the meal kit. Participant 2 did describe a
scenario where she increased the portion size of a service meal to accommodate two extra
servings for her parents. Participant 5 felt that she could modify the meal kit to cook for
larger groups and regaled how it would improve her standard ‘sausage and bread’
hospitality. Only participant 3 described cooking for individuals external to her immediate
household, where she would occasionally cook for her daughter’s friends and parents when
they visit.
In summary, the meal kit service was not really considered as a tool to cook for larger
groups of people, although participants 2 and 5 were able to realise the potential of doing
so by modifying the portion size. Participants 1 and 3 instead inferred that while they do
not cook for large groups often, they would rather personally select a meal to cook for
these groups. But these processes are considered unlikely, as all participants expressed
how they preferred to interact with these extended groups in a restaurant or diner as
opposed to cooking for them.
4.6.3 Convincing others to eat The final theme identified surrounding the meal kit’s role in a participant’s dinner process
was demonstrated through participants with young children. The meal kit’s pre-selection of
ingredients without little affordance for changes resulted in a popular strategy used by
participants to motivate their children to try new meals and ingredients. Participants 3 and
4 described moments where this function of the meal kit was used to simultaneously
explore new meals while not being perceived as the villain of the household.
“Lack of enthusiasm from my children is, is the main reason ... they’re quiet enough about it but they turn up their nose at vegetarian meals,
and you know ... they tend to turn their nose up at anything that’s new, and that was one of the great things about having the vegetarian for
[meal kit service] I think, that you know, ‘That’s what we were having,’ and so they tried it.” (Participant 4)
“But [meal kit service] did that to us as well, so, it was, I found it exciting to look at the recipes for the week and think, um, and having teenage girls who, one is a little bit fussy, and I think at the time, I said, ‘This is what we’re doing,’ and they seemed pretty keen about it. Umm, and they, I said, ‘Just gotta give it a go, you know. Like, let’s try that,’ you know, cause they might have turned their nose up a bit at particular, something that we hadn’t had before, and, my youngest who is fussy, she, she just had such a good attitude towards trying these new foods,
in these recipes and things like that.” (Participant 3)
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While it was not specific to the consumption of the meal, participant 5 also found benefit in
utilising the meal kit to encourage yng5 in performing her afternoon routines and not
harass participant 5 about being hungry, thus giving participant 5 time to cook and prepare
the meal in peace. This was done by presenting the recipe card to yng5 and demonstrating
how long the meal would cook. Participant 5 described:
“Now, even though [meal kit service] takes obviously longer than two minutes to cook, [yng5] can see it cooking and she can see the end
picture on the recipe cards I guess and she can see, how long it’s going to take and she’s quite happy to … wait for her food now. Um, so that’s
really interesting.” (Participant 5)
This final theme demonstrates how parents found opportunities through the meal kit’s
resources to negate aspects of dinner that were normally challenged by their children. In
doing so, these participants found new value in the service’s ability to trial more
experimental and interesting food types while utilising the service as a scapegoat for their
children. This final theme also presents a unique scenario where the meal kit’s challenge of
household preferences is accepted and valued, provided that the participant’s food values
are still being achieved.
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5. Findings 5.1 Introduction With the participant descriptions collected through the cognitive mapping exercise, their
responses then had to be converted into a data set that could assist the meal kit service in
establishing where it fits in relation to unique social food values of its users. Therefore,
participant descriptions of their weekly dinner processes were coded and then collated
through an affinity diagram. This diagram demonstrated clusters of participant actions at
various stages in their weekly dinner process. The customer service experience practices
(CSEP) framework was then applied to these action clusters, where their descriptions were
compared and then affiliated with its specific practice type. Ellway and Dean’s (2015)
cyclical description of value was used to inform the sequence each practice archetypes was
performed, and how they related to each other. This was used to inform a series of practice
chains, which were used as representations of specific VISC processes of each participant.
The following sections extrapolate these processes to demonstrate the nuanced yet vital
role a meal kit plays in each participant’s enactment of dinner and experiences (Edvardsson
et al., 2011).
Section 5.2 discusses the predominant role that participants attributed to the meal kit
service and why. Akaka et al.’s (2014) description of symbols in value co-creation will be
used in conjunction with the CSEP practices identified to infer why the participants
attributed a similar expected role of the meal kit. This section will then elaborate on this
finding and use the CSEP analysis to infer what parts of the service’s function limit its ability
to absolutely fulfil this role.
Section 5.3 explores the unique applications of the meal kit by individual participants, and
infers how the service was utilised by participants to realise their social food values. This
exploration of which clarifies how each participant’s specific contextual factors would
influence how they perceived and subsequently implemented the meal kit’s resources.
From this observation, this section concludes with the proposition that participants
attempted to use the meal kit’s resources beyond its primary focus of health, convenience
and cooking ability, and to realise other intrinsic social values attributed to dinner.
Section 5.4 explores in further detail the modifications each participant applied to the meal
kit through the CSEP practices to understand how they were implemented. This section
then utilises additional value co-creation concepts to clarify what determined the
successful or failed application of meal kit resources to achieve these social dimensions of
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food security. This consequently demonstrates how meal kit customers are capable actors
that can organise other actors and collaborate on a solution encountered with the service.
Section 5.5 discusses the discovery that the meal kit’s applicability during each participants’
creation dinner and realisation of their social food values was determined by the
participant’s network. This section utilises the CSEP interaction practice archetype with
Lusch & Nambisan’s (2015) notion of resource platforms and resource densities to frame
participants attempts to resolve the shortcomings of the service. This amalgamation of
service science theories in conjunction with the CSEP practices observed are then used to
propose that participants will perform a specific series of interactions with their immediate
network to align the meal kit’s resources with their needs (and subsequent social values
attributed to dinner).
5.2 Co-creating value with the meal kit service When discussing meal planning, participants described how their contextual requirements
(e.g. work, family routines, etc.) motivated their reasoning to lower the priority of
organising and cooking routine meals. Because of this, participants appreciated transferring
their assigned meal planning responsibilities for the household (i.e. assimilating practices)
to the meal kit, enabling them to simply follow the instructions of the service (i.e.
producing practices) (Figure 31).
This suggests that participants are willing, to a degree, to change personal behaviours and
routines to accommodate a process that grants them access to what they identify as a
highly beneficial set of resources. Participants 1, 4, 5, 6’s reasoning for these changes in
routine was predominantly because following the meal kit service’s suggestion mitigated
Figure 31 Planning meals through the meal kit service
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most of the effort attributed with their undesired routine meal planning processes.
Furthermore, the meal kit’s performance of these accounting practices exceeded
expectations of participants 2, 4, 5, 6 and 7, as it led to the discovery of new ingredients
and flavours, which was highly valued.
When considering why all participants associated the meal kit with this predominant role of
meal planning and grocery responsibilities, Akaka et al.’s (2014) symbols explain this
phenomenon. The meal kit’s online promotion of pre-planned meals (i.e. ‘home cooking
made easy!’, ‘home delivered with simple instructions’) suggests to the viewer that the
service exists to perform their meal planning responsibilities (See appendix G). Participants
therefore use these symbols to formulate an expectation of function in relation to other
network actors during their VISC process (Edvardsson et al., 2011), and subsequently
attribute the meal kit service with the responsibility of planning and collecting ingredients
for meals that are easy to cook.
But participant disinterest in routine cooking did not necessarily mean that cooking was an
unenjoyable activity. Participants 1, 2 and 3 described personal bursts of motivation to trial
new meals, attributing this type of cooking with pleasure. If an upcoming dinner held
significance (participants 1, 3), the participant was not experiencing time pressures
(participant 1), or had experienced a burst of inspiration (participant 2), participants
preferred retaining control over the cooking activity when creating the meal. Only
participants 5 and 7 felt that the service’s meals were sufficient when for cooking for
friends or family, while participant 2 was undecided. This more valued form of cooking
suggests that an individual’s degree of cooking ability combined with the importance of the
upcoming meal will determine whether the meal kit is used. This demonstrates a pattern
where the significance of the upcoming dinner event will determine whether participants
prefer conducting assimilating practices and dictating what form the meal takes, rather
than performing producing practices and passively following the meal kit service’s
instruction. These initial observations demonstrate that the meal kit service is not being
implemented by participants to engage in these more valued cooking creations. Sanders &
Stappers’ (2008) levels of creativity explain this scenario by demonstrating that those who
are both motivated and proficient enough to cook are likely to feel more fulfilled relying on
their personal capabilities to create a new dish, rather than following the meal kit’s
instruction. It is for this reason that the meal kit’s maximum provision of five dinners is a
beneficial function, as it provides a tolerance that participants use to implement their less
frequent but highly valued personal dinner activities. As such, the services partial
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accommodation of weekly dinners proves advantageous in assisting participants to realise
their social dimensions of food security.
When considering the appropriateness of the service’s selection of meals, participants 1, 6
and 7 expressed no severe dietary restrictions or preferences. Because of this, these
participants would only engage with the service out of curiosity by searching (i.e.
accounting practice) the meal kit service’s website (i.e. linking practice) for the upcoming
week’s meals. Because of these low food requirements, it is considered that these
participants (1, 6 and 7) are experiencing food security as their physical, economic and
social dimensions of food security’s access, utilisation and stability (Clay, 2002) are being
met. This conclusion is informed by their continued confidence in the service’s ability to
continually provide healthy, appropriate meals that that do not challenge their
preferences. Furthermore, the service’s ability to correctly accommodate these dimensions
can also be used to infer why these participants 1, 6 and 7 have utilised the service for
more than 1.5 years.
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But for participants 2, 3 and 4, despite enjoying the reduced meal planning and grocery
shopping, the service’s failure to consider their dietary or scheduling requirements meant
that they could not to confidently rely on the service to plan appropriate meals each week.
This occasional challenge to these participants’ utilisation pillar of food security resulted in
the subsequent failure to satisfy the stability pillar, thereby challenging participant food
security (Upton et al., 2016). But these challenges did not necessarily end in the
cancellation of the service. Instead, these remaining participants all described personal
efforts to resolve the shortcomings of the meal kit and achieve their utilisation and stability
pillars of food security. One such resolution participants 2, 3, 4 and 5 adapted was the
implementation of a new but less involved household role that this study will refer to as
the ‘meal guardian’ (Figure 32). Sections 4.2.2 and 4.2.4 demonstrate that participants
would take it upon themselves to conduct a small preliminary search (i.e. accounting
practices) of the upcoming week’s service meals to determine if what was being planned
was appropriate for the household’s routines or diet (i.e. evaluating practices). After this
quick search, the ‘meal guardian’ would decide whether to place the order or cancel that
week’s delivery and personally conduct the meal planning process for a week.
This examination of participant applications of the service reinforces and then extends
upon this study’s initial hypothesis that the meal kit effectively addresses the physical
dimensions of food security. It does so by first demonstrating how participants utilise
symbols (Akaka et al., 2014) to attribute the meal kit’s role with the expectation that it will
perform their meal planning processes. This study then deconstructs the specific functions
attributed to the meal kit service role through the CSEP framework. This analysis of
participant processes and subsequent discovery of the guardian role also inform that,
despite the service’s strong ability to address the physical dimensions of access and
utilisation, the service’s success is dependent on the meals it selects and whether they are
Figure 32 The meal guardian role
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appropriate for the individual’s network. The individual’s determination of these food
requirements is identified in the evaluation practices performed prior to ordering the meal
kit. But the participants’ strong disinterest in performing the accounting practices affiliated
with routine meal planning suggests that participants are willing to compromise their
personal methods to ensure the meal kit’s continued use, provided that the ingredients
selected do not drastically challenge their network. As such, the evaluation practices
performed by the ‘meal guardians’ provide a point of reference in determining how the
service’s value proposition impedes a customer’s ability to use its resources.
For service designers and the meal kit service, this demonstrates that while the meal kit
may not entirely align with the desired process of participants, its resolution of highly
undesired tasks means that those using the service are more likely to make concessions in
their personal value creation process. This notion is echoed by participant 4, who feels that
his cancellation of the service is only temporary, provided he can convince the rest of his
network into using the meal kit service again. This suggests that the an individual’s VISC
process is malleable, and that the potential benefits attributed with the meal kit persuade
the user to implement changes in their personal process to better accommodate service
resources and achieve equilibrium during the co-creation of value (Storbacka et al., 2015).
This dynamic is promising for the meal kit service as it demonstrates that it is possible to
accommodate unique customer food values on a commercially viable scale. Chapter 6 will
discuss in further detail how participants evolved the meal kit’s application to not only
ensure its continued use for routine dinners, but to also create new value outside of its
originally perceived purpose.
5.3 Changing household roles with the meal kit While the previous section discusses how participants used value co-creation symbols to
attribute a predominant purpose to the service during dinner (Akaka et al., 2014), this
section will discuss how participants unexpectedly utilised the meal kit to modify the social
dynamics within their network. Throughout the various cooking stages, participants utilised
the meal kit beyond the previously discussed meal planner and grocer role to realise
unique social values attributed to their specific dinner. Participants 2 and 4 found that the
meal kit’s lowered cooking difficulty meant that the creation of dinner was no longer
limited by skillset. This transformed what was originally an assimilated role into one that
was distributed among the household. Extending beyond the specific role of household
cook, participants found other opportunities throughout the five dinner stages to utilise the
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meal kit and modify network roles and functions. These adaptations were observed in
attempts to convince household members to trial new foods (participants 3, 4 and 5),
cooking for friends rather instead of eating out (participants 2, 5 and 7) and managing
particular children (participants 3, 4 and 5). This demonstrated that, while the meal kit
naturally accommodated food security’s physical dimensions of utilisation (Cawthorn &
Hoffman, 2015), it was the participants that would personally realise their social food
values through the service’s resources. This alteration with the meal kit’s resources
correlates with Frow et al.’s (2014) fourth premise that value propositions will evolve to
reflect the nature of a network it resides within.
An analysis of participant reconfiguration of meal kit resources through CSEP’s
representational practices (McColl-Kennedy et al., 2015) informed two methods used by
the participant to change their network’s function. Participants 2 and 3 used the meal kit’s
reduced cooking difficulty to engage other household members in collaborative cooking
processes, subsequently converting the meal kit into a pseudo couples/family cooking
class. In these scenarios, participants used the meal kit not only to mitigate the undesired,
singular responsibility of household cook (i.e. transferral from assimilating to producing
practices), but also to engage with family members (i.e. bonding practices) in conversation
(i.e. play practices) through cooking (i.e. appreciating practices). In essence, participants 2
and 3 converted a mundane process into one that is highly valued (Figure 33).
These producing practices infer a link between the meal kit’s usage and the realisation of
social food values. The play practices highlighted in participants 2 and 3’s description in
Section 4.4.2 demonstrate that the meal kit not only enhanced physical access by reducing
the exertion of cooking, but also greatly increased the individual’s social dimension of
utilisation. This is because the act of communal cooking naturally encourages interactions
between those involved which consequently encourages bonding (Daniels et al., 2012). This
Figure 33 Collaborative cooking
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is embodied in participant 2’s delighted expression that she must now wait for her partner
to arrive home before cooking due to his excitement to cook with her. Even outside of the
literal act of cooking, participants 1 and 2’s perceived quality of the service’s meals is used
as justification to eat dinner with their respective partners and converse (play practices) at
the dining table, rather than their original routine of eating in front of the TV.
The second type of representational practices performed when changing the meal kit’s
function was personalizing practices. Participants identified performing personalizing
described using the meal kit’s resources in authoritative ways to reassign cooking
responsibilities to other network members. One demonstration of personalizing practices
was identified in frequent parenting tactic identified in Section 4.6.3, where participants 3,
4 and 5 realised that the meal kit’s recipe cards served as a tool for assigning cooking
responsibilities to their children. The pre-organised ingredients combined with the recipe
card’s simple instructions meant that the participant could easily demonstrate the
transferral of household cooking responsibilities by simply handing the recipe card (i.e.
classifying practices) to the child/household member (Figure 34). This transferral of cooking
responsibilities is another demonstration of social food values being achieved, as Daniels et
al. (2012) identified the act as socially important experience among families. This is because
the act of teaching a child to cook can engender gestures of care and nurture for the
parents while also encouraging sensations of independence and responsibility for the child
(Simmons & Chapman, 2012). Finally, the meal kit’s ability to facilitate this assignment of
roles is considered to directly benefit the food literacy of children. Simmons and Chapman
(2012) state that learning to cook in a home environment with their parents is quite
beneficial for improving and sustaining a child’s healthy food behaviours and knowledge.
This assignment of cooking roles was even utilised to a similar degree by participants 5 and
6. Both participants attributed the meal kit the ability to perform more valued social
Figure 34 Dictating cooking roles
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activities (participant 5’s competitive sport and participant 6’s running). The ability to
reliably distribute cooking responsibilities to other household members meant that both
participants could return home to a cooked meal after performing their desired social
activity. This enhanced reliance on new actors through personalizing practices could be
considered as improvements to both the physical and social dimensions of food security’s
access and utilisation (Cawthorn & Hoffman, 2015). This is because participants 5 and 6
maintain their access to nutritious food but not at the cost of their more valued social
activities.
Frow et al.’s (2014) fourth premise that a value proposition’s resources will evolve through
use explains why meal kit users were observed modifying the meal kit to better
accommodate their intrinsic food values and subsequently achieve food security. Through
the extended use of the meal kit the individual will learn from their experiences, and may
identify new opportunities in a service’s resources specific to address other contextual
factors (Ellway & Dean, 2015). As a participant endeavours to realise their social
dimensions of food security, these new applications of meal kit resources subsequently
inspire new symbols associated with the meal kit (Akaka et al., 2014; Ellway & Dean, 2015;
Frow et al., 2014). As such, the meal kit’s purpose evolves beyond meal planning and
grocery shopping, and is also considered a family cooking roster (participants 3, 4, 5 and 6),
a fun date activity (participant 2) or culinary scapegoat (participant 4).
While the previous section utilises CSEP practices and symbols to demonstrate why
participants predominantly associated the meal kit with meal planning responsibilities, this
section utilises the same theories in conjunction with other SDL frameworks to
demonstrate how unique participant applications of the meal kit emerged. Consequently,
these unique applications of the meal kit were identified as participant attempts to adapt
the meal kit’s resources to personally realise contextually specific social food values; i.e.
teaching their children to cook, using the perceived quality of meal to justify eating
together at the table. This dynamic is beneficial for the firm, as it establishes that the meal
kit does not necessarily have to tailor the service to reflect the varying social values that its
analysis reinforced the literature review’s primary argument that the meal kit’s
supplementation of cooking skills and groceries, while beneficial, was at times insufficient
after considering the other dimensions of each participant’s dinner. With the collection of
participant cooking descriptions, the subsequent analysis of these VISC processes through
McColl-Kennedy, Cheung and Ferrier’s (2015) CSEP practices presents a means of distilling
the unique responses into a comparable data set.
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This study clarifies how the application of SDL concepts through participatory design
perspectives can inspire new methods of designing complex services such as the meal kit
service. In adopting SDL’s concept of value co-creation (Vargo & Lusch, 2016) and
considering solutions that reflect existing processes (Sanders, 2013), this study presents
outcomes that can be used by the meal kit service to support its users’ established value
creation processes with their immediate network. This is achieved by first proposing a
means of using the CSEP framework to identify existing co-creation roles within a network.
With the collection of participant cooking descriptions, the subsequent analysis of these
VISC processes through McColl-Kennedy, Cheung and Ferrier’s (2015) CSEP practices
presents a means of distilling the unique responses into a comparable data set. This study
further enhances this analytical process by adopting Ellway and Dean's (2015) value
creation stages to clarify the sequential relationship between the representational,
normalizing and exchange practice archetypes (McColl-Kennedy, Cheung, & Ferrier, 2015).
Consequently, service designers and researchers can use these practice chains to abstract
detailed user processes with the meal kit service into a sequence that clarifies the user’s
desired role (representational practices), who is involved (normalizing practices), and their
underlying purpose(s) of the value creation activities enacted (exchange practices).
Consequently, these practice chains present a means for service designers and researchers
to consider the unique customer VISC processes by abstracting vast responses into a more
manageable data set that may prove useful for analysis at larger scales.
This study also contributes to service design by supporting Kimbell and Blomberg's (2017)
proposal that practices can be used by designers to develop services that impart fewer
restrictions on the user’s processes. This is achieved through the abstraction of detailed
processes through the CSEP practice chains. This assists the design of complex services by
informing a method that gauges how closely a service’s function aligns with the value
creation processes of the participants. The understanding of which forms the basis for
distinguishing how closely the meal kit’s existing functions align with, or challenges, the
VISC processes of its users (Edvardsson, Tronvoll, & Gruber, 2011). This method of analysis
also corresponds to Storbacka et al.’s (2015) conclusion that a service’s value proposition
should be designed with the intention of integration by both the customer and their
immediate network. Consequently, a service designer can use this comparison to consider
how a service’s functions either adopts, or aligns with, the processes of its users. This is
highly beneficial, as if the service’s function more closely resembles the network role
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designated to it by the customer, it is more likely to mitigate defective or deviant value co-
creation (Greer, 2015; Heidenreich et al., 2015).
Expanding from the practice chains developed in this study, the subsequent comparison of
each participant’s specific dinner stages enabled the identification of both commonly
attributed roles to the meal kit service (e.g. the household meal planner), or contextually
informed applications (e.g. the parental tool used to assign cooking responsibilities to
children). The comparison of each participant’s normalizing practices during their
appropriation of meal kit resources demonstrated how they would draw on more
immediate network members to resolve the shortcomings of the meal kit service. The
analysis of these changes to the meal kit’s value proposition through CSEP’s normalizing
practices (McColl-Kennedy, Cheung, & Ferrier, 2015) expanded upon Frow et al.’s (2014)
observation by inferring that the service’s resources (linking practices) were being
supplemented by the resources of more immediate network actors (bonding or bridging
practices) to achieve a resolution. In changing the meal kit’s value proposition, participants
also modified its capabilities and subsequent functions to better align with their desired
VISC processes. These interactions informed another key outcome of this study, which was
the linking resolution dynamic.
This study’s proposal of the linking resolution contributes to service science calls for
understanding how value propositions are changed by the network they are inserted into
(Storbacka et al., 2015). It does so by using McColl-Kennedy, Cheung and Ferrier’s (2015)
functional descriptions of normalizing practices to explain why participants would enlist
immediate network actors to change the function of the firm’s value proposition to better
fit their context. The linking resolution further defines Frow et al.’s (2014) conclusion that a
firm’s value proposition is malleable due to its varied application by different users and
their network members. The observation of this dynamic is promising for the meal kit, as it
clarifies that participants were at times able to align the meal kit to their needs rather than
submitting the meal kits specific processes. However, the participant’s success in achieving
this was found to be influenced by their ability to both source the necessary resources of
immediate network actors and apply them to the meal kit’s resource density and modify its
original function (Lusch & Nambisan, 2015).
Upon the discovery of the linking resolution, this study proposes how it can be embraced
by service designers. In line with SDL’s interest in service ecosystems (Frow et al., 2014;
Vargo et al., 2016), the linking resolution inspired the design consideration that a service’s
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resilience among varying user contexts could be enhanced by increasing the potential
network actors the user can draw on during the value co-creation process. This study
further uses the characteristics of CSEP’s normalizing practices (McColl-Kennedy, Cheung, &
Ferrier, 2015) to conclude that each users’ immediate network composition is too
inconsistent for bonding practices to be relied upon, therefore informing the proposal of
enhancing the user’s ability to conduct bridging practices. To achieve this, this study
proposes that a service designer could further broaden the user’s network through the
provision of an online platform.
Consequently, this platform would present a method of inspiring alternative applications of
the meal kit without the direct assistance from the service (Akaka et al., 2014). This
proposal is supported by service science literature, which establishes that the individual’s
evaluation of potential actors informs their value co-creation strategy (Ellway & Dean,
2015), which subsequently informs alternative applications of the default value proposition
(Akaka et al., 2014). Furthermore, this centralised location provides a single point from
which a design team could observe how the meal kit is used en masse. In doing so, the
stages of this study could be repeated to consequently inform the design of other meal kit
iterations that accommodate other commonly attributed VISC roles. This method of
collecting customer informed modifications of the meal kit’s value proposition through a
central online platform may even provide an essential component that contributes to Barile
et al.’s (2016) proposed ‘evolutionary’ services.
This study concludes by clarifying how the application of service science concepts through
participatory design perspectives and methods enhanced the exploration of value co-
creation, and can assist in future designs of complex services. In line with the evolution of
service design, the application of emergent service science concepts will subsequently
inform the design and implementation of innovative services (Kimbell, 2011; Wetter-
Edman et al., 2014). And so, this study’s exploration of SDL’s recent interest
accommodating networks (Vargo et al., 2016) informed new analytical methods that
service designers can utilise to clarify what purpose the firm’s resources serve within the
user’s network. Therefore, this study’s observation and synthesis of unique customer
dinner processes informs value co-creation mechanisms that benefit not only the meal kit
industry, but service science and service design paradigms as well. The outcome of which
presents a means of designing innovative services that balance the multitude of potential
user values, while continuing the provision of a service at commercial scales.
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7.4 Limitations The first limitation of this study emerges around the methodology underpinning this
research study and subsequent research design. The social constructivist epistemology
(Kukla, 2000) and the highly qualitative nature of this study means that both participant
contributions and the researcher’s analysis affect the contributions of this study. Primarily,
this thesis acknowledges that the findings of this study are not objective truth, but rather
representations of how value is created. The generative and open nature of both the
cultural probe and cognitive mapping exercise mean that participants are disclosing a
subjective version of their dinner. Therefore, it is entirely possible that participants may
have omitted or altered descriptions of their dinner process out of potential
embarrassment or privacy. Furthermore, in using participant descriptions rather than
physical observations of their cooking process, parts of their process may not have been
mentioned, either purposefully or out of absent-mindedness. However, this study’s core
aim to explore customer values, perceptions of their processes and future desires was
considered more important for this study than a dedicated user testing study. This is
because a week-long series of field observations within multiple participant households
was considered excessive. Furthermore, while these observations of service usage could
capture specific functions, this study’s interest in values meant that it was essential to
collect participants’ desires, frustrations and concerns attributed to their processes. And as
this study aimed to then abstract participant descriptions of process into a series of
representational purposes (i.e. practices), this meant that any in-depth observations of
physical processes would have been obscured in the process.
When considering the bias of the primary researcher during the analysis of participant
descriptions, the section 3.2.1 first uses the social constructivist epistemology to
acknowledge that researcher bias cannot be entirely eliminated in the first place (Kukla,
2000). But with this point established, steps were taken to reduce bias in the analysis. As
such, a longitudinal process was applied to the conversion of participant VISC to practice
chains, where the analysis was repeated at different times and in different formats (drafts
in a design journal, online practice chains, physical annotations over printed practice
chains, final version for the discussion). This ensured that each finding was repeatedly
tested under different circumstances to ensure a cohesive conclusion of CSEP properties
and function attributed to the participant response. Attempts to reduce bias in both the
creation and application of the cognitive mapping activity were also made. Participants
were encouraged to self-enlist themselves, where the predominant determinant for
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participant applicability was either using the service, or had recently used the service but
quit. The open-ended format of the cognitive mapping exercise also encouraged the
participant to lead the conversation and themes discussed, as the researcher primarily
countered with questions specific to what was mentioned to further prompt discussion.
The second limitation of this study was that the small participant size is not representative
of all meal kit users. As such, the specific values and subsequent roles discussed are not
intended to be used as specific commercial targets for the meal kit service to aspire to
achieve. Consequently, this analysis of VISC processes is not representative of a broad set
of scenarios of use that would occur on a commercial scale. But despite this, the methods
chosen for this study are appropriate, as they were tailored to address the core problem of
how to accommodate uniquely determined values with a single product. As such, it was
important to understand how these values function in relation to the product, rather than
attempting to identifying every potential value attributed to the service. It is for this reason
that this study’s explorative nature is considered appropriate, as it was more important to
understand the mechanisms that underpin the formation of these food values and
subsequent network roles. As such, future quantitative endeavours could utilise the
methods in this study to identify with confidence the values and roles attributed to the
meal kit service.
In conclusion, the combination of both the subjective nature of both the data collection
and analysis, and small sample size demonstrate that this study is largely generative in
nature, and implores further testing of the models and outcomes proposed on a
quantitative scale.
7.5 Future works When considering future expansions from this study’s findings, four streams emerge. The
first stream extends on the commercial meal kit context and proposes why further
application of participatory design processes could inform commercial entities how to
accommodate network-informed value co-creation. The second stream expands upon one
of the limitations of this study and calls for a quantitative exploration of the themes
identified, and how the CSEP analysis could function at commercial scales. The third stream
considers how this study’s merger of participatory design and SDL paradigms could be
implemented in alternative contexts. The final stream expands upon specific dynamics
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identified when applying the CSEP framework, and proposes some amendments to its core
frameworks with subsequent testing.
Beginning with the first stream, this study’s implementation of the participatory designs
fuzzy front end means that this study is primed for the full implementation of SDL concepts
through a participatory design process and subsequent development of meal kit service
iterations. Furthermore, this study considers that the continued application of
participatory design and SDL concepts through a complete design development process
presents an opportunity to explore how the evolving nature value propositions (Frow et al.,
2014) and the symbols attributed to them could be better facilitated by the meal kit firm.
After collecting customer-generated symbols through the method utilised in this study,
subsequent stages of a participatory design methodology would then invite the same
participants to theorise how they would realise these symbols through service resources.
Consequently, this exploration of SDL concepts through the active involvement of
participants holds the potential to inform how continuous iteration and evolution of a
service’s value proposition could be managed by the customers using the service. The
findings from this exploration feeds into SDL’s recent interest of evolutionary services
(Ostrom et al., 2015; Barile et al., 2016; Beirão, Patrício, & Fisk, 2017).
The second stream for future research emerges from one of the previously discussed
limitations of this study, and calls for a quantitative exploration of how the themes
identified to test their viability at commercial scales. While this study demonstrated how
the CSEP framework was useful in synthesising multiple processes into a comparable
dataset, future studies could evaluate how this analytical process and observation of
practice chains functions at larger scales. To do so, the data collection methods would need
to establish a balance that maintains the collection of participant attitudes to their VISC
and expectations of the service, but not be overwhelmed by contributions on a commercial
scale.
The third stream emerges from section 6.2’s discussion of CSEP practice chains, and
considers how they could be applied and tested in other contexts. Further testing of this
analytical process may prove particularly useful in contexts where service outcomes are
contextually dependent and highly influenced by participant values. Cooking interventions
and their resolution of food literacy present an immediate example, where the CSEP
practice chains may prove useful in not only understanding both the contextual restraints
influencing participants experience, but more importantly collect the values and
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motivations that prove vital for developing programs that motivate continued healthy
cooking habits (Begley et al., 2017; Perry et al., 2017). Other alternative scenarios that this
concept could be implemented may also consist of self-managed healthcare and fitness
contexts.
The final stream of this research advises future application and testing of McColl-Kennedy
et al.'s (2015) CSEP framework. One potential experiment that was considered after the
application of CSEP was to utilise Grönroos’s (2011) distinctions of value facilitation and
value co-creation, instead of SDL’s ‘The individual is always co-creating value’ (Vargo &
Lusch, 2008). This consideration emerges after observing how participants were found to
implement personal resources to modify the function of their linking practices (i.e.
participant 6’s resolution of wastage by using it as growth medium for her veggie patch). It
is here that it becomes apparent how SDL’s and SL’s distinction of what is considered co-
creation influences the subsequent analysis. Despite participant 6 drawing on her personal
experiences to resolve a problem experienced with the service, SDL’s all-encompassing
notion that all applications of external resources are considered acts of value co-creation
(Vargo & Lusch, 2016) may over simplify this nuanced interaction. Alternatively, service
logic’s clarification between facilitation and co-creation (Grönroos & Voima, 2013) may
consider this act as a clear scenario of value facilitation, as participant 6’s endeavours are in
response to challenges made by the service to her desired value creation processes.
Therefore, further testing of CSEP framework with service logic’s differentiation between
value creation concepts may inform additional normalizing practices (i.e. DIY or drawing on
personal resources to appropriate the resources of other actors for VISC). This kind of study
would best be performed through the exploration of those who have cancelled their
service (i.e. participants 3 and 4), which could provide further examples of participants
attempting to overcome the meal kit’s difficulties.
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Appendices 8.1 Appendix A Examples of enlistment A1. Mind mapping enlistment via social media
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A2. cognitive map enlistment via social media
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8.2 Appendix B Initial trial of meal kit B1. Online reflective journal for meal kit trial (https://brettsfood.tumblr.com/, accessed
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1/05/2018)
8.3 Appendix C Cognitive Map Development C1. Design development of cognitive map task
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8.4 Appendix D Cognitive Map Pilot Studies D1. Early cognitive map with participant responses written on post-its
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D2. Tallying of cognitive map images and words
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D3. Cognitive map pilot studies
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D4. Final testing of cognitive map
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D5. Sample of cognitive map discussion guide/prompts
Service aspects (From user’s perspective) • How long have you been using the service for? • How often do you use it for dinner (3 or 5)?
o Why’s that? • How do you feel the service fits into the rest of your weekly processes?
o How could it improve? • When does the meal kit get delivered?
o Where does it get dropped off? o Is there a specific strategy for unpacking ingredients? o Are you finding that [service] is now fighting your fridge for other stuff you
keep in there usually? • Are you generally happy with the variety of meals provided?
o Are you cooking things you wouldn’t have before? o Do you ever feel [service] provides what you would order through takeout? o Would you ever attempt to make it yourself? o What are your thoughts their portion sizes? o Would you like to [plan your own portion sizes]?
• Have you cooked anything fairly intensive? o What made this intensive [prep, cook, time]? o Was this worth the effort?
• Have you ever had a time where [service function] hasn’t quite worked? o How did you work around it?
• Was that a successful meal? • What do you do with the menu’s?
o Are they important? Why? o Where do you keep them?
• Do you feel like you’d want to use [Service] in a learning capacity at all? o Why?
• Do you ever find yourself with a surplus of ingredients? • Are there any special circumstances that would cause you not use the service for a
specific night? o What happens instead?
Values, drive, goal
• What is keeping you committed to [Service]/Why did you cancel the service? • Are you get excited to return home to the meals? • Where do your cooking values lie?
o Is that a very important thing for you? • Do you ever have nights where you get home and you just don’t feel like cooking?
o Why? o What do you do instead?
• What would you consider is a meaningful experience? • Do you post any pictures of your meal to social media?
o Are they your meals or [service] meals? o Why do you do it?
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8.5 Appendix E Coding scheme and development
E1. Transcript with initial coding scheme
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E2. Participant 5’s transcript converted actions via post it notes
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E3. Early affinity diagram with post-it notes
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E4. Participant 5’s transcript converted into activity cards via Microsoft Word Table
P5/11 Unpacking: Fridge rules: HF has a dedicated shelf to prevent ingredients being “pushed to the back” + getting lost. :(
P5/11 Unpacking: Fridge Rules: HF has dedicated shelf in pantry. At eye level. “Expected cooking items” live underneath.
P5/12 Unpacking: Fridge rules: Family “lives a busy lifestyle” – Constrained by work+sport schedules. D: Rules make planning/cooking easier for P5 :)
P5/13 Prep: P5 uses recipe card to organize all ingredients onto bench before starting to cook. This is to prevent “rummaging mid meal” :|
P5/14 Prep: P5 has a tendency to start cooking but not be prepared resulting in mistakes. D: Recipes Cards are helping fix this.
P5/14 Prep: Altering P5 will alter Recipe’s suggested prepping process before starting to cook. This is to minimise utensils + save time/reduce washing :)
P5/15 Prep: Problem: HF have changed recipe card design which P5 does not like, even w/ added images :( Changes make it difficult for her process of prep before cooking. - Old cards were clearer on prep.
P5/16 Cooking: Altering: trust Ingredients P5 does not know are included in meal BC she “trusts” HF :D P5 only removes spicy ingredients because family ”is not big on spice”
P5/17 Cooking: Trust: P5 will cook/include ingredients she does not like BC she trusts HF. Partner + daughter do not trust HF: removed ingredients due to perceived spiciness. “meal was bland” D:
P5/18 Dinner: Preference: Family will “eat anything apart from spice” P5 appreciates that Chili is considered optional in HF meals.
P5/18 Cooking: Adventure -P5 does not like raw fish :( -HF provides a lot of fish recipes. -Cooking fish is foreign to her. -Dish turned out to be “really tasty” :D -Surprising positive experience.
P5/19 Cooking: Altering: P5 finds recipes + ingredients “simple” This makes it easy for her to add vege’s to meal. :D
P5/20 Prep: Planning: Altering: P5 Finds that HF recipes are light on vegetables :| Household is “a big vegetable family”. P5 Adds vege’s to HF recipe.
P5/21 Prep: Cooking: P5 does not like touching raw fish D:
P5/22 Planning P5 is “not a big cook”. -Dislikes planning/thinking what to cook. Much prefers being told what to do (by family/HF) :( - - > :D
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8.6 Appendix F Practice chain development F1. Early practice chain development
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F2. Mid practice chains development
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F3. Late practice chains development
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8.7 Appendix G Meal kit symbols
G1. Meal kit’s Landing page for their Commercial website