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7 E'7 Dateline :Nalflibia 1987 ISSUE NO . 1 Dr . Abisai Shejavali (front, left) leads Ai-Gams procession in Windhoek. Inside Namibia, Resistance Grows Editorial Decades of Deceit, A Year For Action On October 27, 1966, the United Nations formally revoked South Africa's legal right to rule Namibia, a decision greeted with joy among a people dispos- sessed and brutalized by decades of colo- nial domination and racial oppression. But in 1986, Namibians marked the twentieth anniversary of that historic decision still caught in the iron grip of South Africa's occupation . Over the course of those two decades perhaps 16,000 Namibians have been killed in the anti-colonial war . Countless others have been tortured, injured or imprisoned by the white government . An additional 80,000 Namibians—a staggering figure for a country of fewer than two million people—have been driven into neighbor- ing countries by the South African army and now huddle in refugee camps in con- stant fear of South African attack. Yet responsibility for the long years of death and suffering in Namibia is not South Africa's alone . Much of it lies with us . For the past 20 years, Democratic and Republican administrations alike, while professing to support Namibian indepen- dence, have prevented the United Nations from imposing the kinds of economic and political sanctions on South Africa needed to achieve that goal. Instead, the United States has openly connived with Pretoria on ways to evade implementation of the West's own blue- print for Namibian independence—Secu- rity Council Resolution 435 . We should remember that it was America, and not South Africa, that first linked Namibia's freedom to the unrelated issue of Cuban troops stationed in neighboring Angola. And in 1986, our nation went from con- nivance to complicity with South Africa by providing arms and money to anti- government Angolan terrorists supplied and supported from occupied Namibia. Ours has been a deceitful policy, a wrong policy, and a failed policy . It is time for a change . continued on page 7 For too many Namibians 1986 was another year of sorrow, suffering, and bit- ter disappointment under South Africa's colonial occupation . Namibian mothers buried too many of their children last year —victims of the desperate poverty and savage racial violence that has afflicted this country during seven decades of South African rule . Too many Namibian fathers searched vainly for jobs in an economy wrecked by colonial misman- agement and greed . Too many young peo- ple surrendered to despair, seeking solace and sustenance in alcohol, drugs, and crime . Too many years of "negotiations" between South Africa and its Western allies have failed to produce an end to foreign domination. But 1986 was also a year of unprece- dented resistance by the Namibian peo- ple . Under the banner of the territory's Christian churches, the opponents of apartheid and colonialism launched major new challenges to South Africa's illegal occupation through the courts and on the streets. The most important of these was the "Ai-Gams" movement, which started on April 30 ., 1986 . On that day representa- tives of the country's Anglican, Catholic, Lutheran, and Methodist churches met with the Namibian liberation movement SWAPO and nine other political groups at Ai-Gams ("Hot Springs" in the Nama language, the original name for the place the Europeans called Windhoek) at the invitation of the Council of Churches in Namibia to discuss the state of the nation and the prospects for change. The resulting Ai-Gams Declaration called on Namibians of every faith, tribe, and color to demonstrate their rejection of South African rule and their support for the immediate and unconditional imple- mentation of the United Nations indepen- dence plan, Security Council Resolution 435 . (South Africa, with the support of the United States, has refused to put the plan, which calls for free, internation- ally-supervised elections and indepen- dence, into motion until Cuban troops stationed in Angola are withdrawn . The Cubans are in Angola at the request of the government there to guard against repeated South African attacks . ) continued on page 2
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Page 1: ISSUE NO . 1 1987 Dateline:Nalflibiakora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-36-84-african_activist_archi… · Dateline:Nalflibia ISSUE NO . 1 1987 Dr. Abisai Shejavali (front, left)

7

E'7

Dateline:Nalflibia1987ISSUE NO . 1

Dr . Abisai Shejavali (front, left) leads Ai-Gams procession in Windhoek.

Inside Namibia, Resistance Grows

Editorial

Decades of Deceit,A Year For Action

On October 27, 1966, the UnitedNations formally revoked South Africa'slegal right to rule Namibia, a decisiongreeted with joy among a people dispos-sessed and brutalized by decades of colo-nial domination and racial oppression.

But in 1986, Namibians marked thetwentieth anniversary of that historicdecision still caught in the iron grip ofSouth Africa's occupation . Over thecourse of those two decades perhaps16,000 Namibians have been killed in theanti-colonial war. Countless others havebeen tortured, injured or imprisoned bythe white government . An additional80,000 Namibians—a staggering figurefor a country of fewer than two millionpeople—have been driven into neighbor-ing countries by the South African armyand now huddle in refugee camps in con-stant fear of South African attack.

Yet responsibility for the long years ofdeath and suffering in Namibia is notSouth Africa's alone . Much of it lies withus . For the past 20 years, Democratic andRepublican administrations alike, whileprofessing to support Namibian indepen-dence, have prevented the United Nationsfrom imposing the kinds of economic andpolitical sanctions on South Africaneeded to achieve that goal.

Instead, the United States has openlyconnived with Pretoria on ways to evadeimplementation of the West's own blue-print for Namibian independence—Secu-rity Council Resolution 435 . We shouldremember that it was America, and notSouth Africa, that first linked Namibia'sfreedom to the unrelated issue of Cubantroops stationed in neighboring Angola.

And in 1986, our nation went from con-nivance to complicity with South Africaby providing arms and money to anti-government Angolan terrorists suppliedand supported from occupied Namibia.Ours has been a deceitful policy, a wrongpolicy, and a failed policy. It is time for achange .

continued on page 7

For too many Namibians 1986 wasanother year of sorrow, suffering, and bit-ter disappointment under South Africa'scolonial occupation . Namibian mothersburied too many of their children last year—victims of the desperate poverty andsavage racial violence that has afflictedthis country during seven decades ofSouth African rule. Too many Namibianfathers searched vainly for jobs in aneconomy wrecked by colonial misman-agement and greed . Too many young peo-ple surrendered to despair, seeking solaceand sustenance in alcohol, drugs, andcrime. Too many years of "negotiations"between South Africa and its Westernallies have failed to produce an end toforeign domination.

But 1986 was also a year of unprece-dented resistance by the Namibian peo-ple . Under the banner of the territory'sChristian churches, the opponents ofapartheid and colonialism launchedmajor new challenges to South Africa'sillegal occupation through the courts andon the streets.

The most important of these was the"Ai-Gams" movement, which started on

April 30., 1986. On that day representa-tives of the country's Anglican, Catholic,Lutheran, and Methodist churches metwith the Namibian liberation movementSWAPO and nine other political groups atAi-Gams ("Hot Springs" in the Namalanguage, the original name for the placethe Europeans called Windhoek) at theinvitation of the Council of Churches inNamibia to discuss the state of the nationand the prospects for change.

The resulting Ai-Gams Declarationcalled on Namibians of every faith, tribe,and color to demonstrate their rejection ofSouth African rule and their support forthe immediate and unconditional imple-mentation of the United Nations indepen-dence plan, Security Council Resolution435. (South Africa, with the support ofthe United States, has refused to put theplan, which calls for free, internation-ally-supervised elections and indepen-dence, into motion until Cuban troopsstationed in Angola are withdrawn . TheCubans are in Angola at the request of thegovernment there to guard againstrepeated South African attacks . )

continued on page 2

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Inside Namibia

Namibian Lutherans Seek Unity in '92

The three established Lutheranchurches in Namibia, meeting in Win-dhoek from October 29-31, 1986, havedecided to continue their 14-year quest forone Lutheran church in the South Africa-occupied territory.

In sessions marked by lively debate,delegates from the 360,000-memberEvangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia(ELCIN), the 190,000-member Evangel-ical Lutheran Church in SWA/Namibia(ELC), and the 12,000-member GermanEvangelical Lutheran Church accepted adraft constitution for review and possibleacceptance . Should each of the threechurches endorse the draft, they wouldmerge and form a new, united Lutheranbody in 1992.

The forum for the churches' decisionwas a synod meeting of the United Evan-gelical Lutheran Church in South WestAfrica (UELCSWA), a federation estab-lished in 1972 to foster greater coopera-tion among Lutherans in the territory.The outgoing president of UELCSWA,Bishop Hendrik Frederik of the ELC,challenged the meeting by stating that theUELCSWA's history had been limited to14 years of "fruitless" reports . "Thereare 14 years left until the end of this cen-tury," he said . "Could UELCSWA bear

fruit in this period?" Bishop Frederikalso confronted the white German churchon its unwillingness to support the ELCand the ELCIN in statements and ac-tions against South Africa's appointed"interim government" in the territory.

Indeed, support for South Africa's ap-artheid policies among white Lutheransin Namibia has been the major obstacleto progress in the long-stalled coop-eration talks . The German church, withthe same number of votes in the federationas each of the larger African churches,has refused to join with their fellowLutherans in condemnation of SouthAfrica's bloody and illegal occupa-tion of the disputed United Nations TrustTerritory.

In September, a group of 13 BlackLutheran pastors wrote to the synod aftera meeting with clergy from the Germanchurch, demanding that merger talks bepostponed for five years because of "fun-damental theological differences on cru-cial faith issues ."

This motion was not accepted by thesynod, but it reflected the skepticism feltby many Black Christians about the wis-dom of moving toward one church withthe German Lutherans. According toBishop Frederik, the white "Christian

brothers and sisters who said they under-stood my suffering and sorrow changetheir attitudes the next moment ." BishopFrederik urged the meeting to considercarefully the Kairos Document and the AiGams Declaration, two powerful state-ments from Black Christians that pro-claim the necessity for Christian resis-tance and action in the South African andNamibian context.

Despite Black reservations, the synodvoted to continue merger talks, expressedits "solidarity with the cry as contained inthe Kairos Document" and strongly rec-ommended its use in congregations to"stimulate discussions." The synod alsovoted to "strongly support the action ofthree Namibian bishops concerning thelifting of the curfew in the northern part ofthe country."

The synod elected LandesprobstWillfried Blank of the German church asUELCSWA president, Bishop KleopasDumeni, of the ELCIN as vice presidentand Pastor Henog Kamho of the ELC aschairman. Their terms of office will lastthree years . One delegate at the meetingsaid that Landesprobst Blank, who wonthe presidency by a single vote overBishop Dumeni, should view his electionas a challenge to the German church "tochange its attitudes and prove that it trulywants to be a part of a new Namibianchurch" The German Evangelical Luth-eran Church will meet in May to considerthe unity constitution.

continued from page 1Since then, tens of thousands of Nami-

bians have risked their lives to peacefullyprotest South Africa's denial of theirrights . The largest such rally occurred inWindhoek's segregated Black township,Katutura, on July 27, when between15,000 and 25,000 people gathered forSWAPO's first public rally in five years . Itwas a massive show of support for themovement by Katutura's 100,000 resi-dents, and they heard speaker afterspeaker call for the resignation of the ter-ritory's South African-appointed interimgovernment, an end to America's "link-age" policy, and the immediate imple-mentation of Resolution 425.

The Rev. Hendrik Witbooi, a leader ofNamibia's African Methodist EpiscopalChurch and vice president of SWAPO,told the crowd that the United States andBritain "should know that the people ofNamibia are demanding sanctions"against their South African occupiers.The crowd thundered back, "Yes, sanc-tions now ! "

But SWAPO foreign affairs spokesmanNico Bessinger reminded the gathering

2

that the United States and Britain had bro-ken past promises of independence forNamibia, and that freedom would onlycome from their efforts . "The price offreedom can be very high," he warned,"and require great sacrifices ."

Several weeks later, over 8,000 peoplemarked the 20th anniversary of the begin-ning of SWAPO's anti-colonial war withsongs and speeches in support of the liber-ation movement and the independencestruggle.

Yet the demonstrations have not beenconfined to the capital . Over 2,000 peo-ple marched under the Ai-Gams bannerin the northern mining town of Tsumeb inJuly, while 1,000 Ai-Gams supportersmet at the drought-stricken farm villageof Karasburg in the south . During 1986,Namibians organized numerous Ai-Gams marches, rallies and protests inevery part of the country. Such actionsserved to dispel South African claims thatthe Namibian people support the quislinginterim government and want South Afri-can troops to stay.

The year also saw new challenges toSouth Africa's repressive laws in the

courts . In October, lawyers for eightNamibians accused of crimes underSouth Africa's sweeping "TerrorismAct" successfully challenged a provisionof the law that requires defendants toprove their innocence . (In the UnitedStates a defendant is presumed innocentuntil proven guilty by the government .)Defense attorneys argued that the law vio-lated the fair trial guarantees provided inthe interim government's "Bill of Funda-mental Rights" enacted in 1985 to winpublic support for the South African-appointed regime.

A few weeks later, the leaders of Nami-bia's three largest Christian churches,Lutheran Bishop Kleopas Dumeni, Cath-olic Bishop Bonifatius Haushiku andAnglican Bishop James Kauluma made asimilar challenge to the harsh dusk-to-dawn curfew in force over much of north-ern Namibia . In arguments before anall-white, five judge panel, they chargedthat the curfew violated the rights of freeassembly, freedom of religion, and free-dom of association and movement—rights supposedly guaranteed by theinterim government . The bishops also

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Katutura, 1986 . SWAPO's first rally in years attracts thousands of supporters.

submitted 200 sworn affidavits from resi-dents of the curfew zone detailing thehardships suffered by over half of Nami-bia's population under the curfew edict.

Although the bishops' case was eventu-ally dismissed by the white judges, thesuit forced lawyers for the interim govern-ment to admit that the bill of rights "can-not be relied upon by the ordinarycitizen ."Yet even in defeat, the bishops achievedan important goal . Namibians understandthat South Africa, which routinely vio-lates the human rights of its own Black

majority, will never allow the courts tointerfere with its brutal occupation poli-cies . But by exposing the bankruptcy ofthe interim government and the emptinessof the bill of rights, the churches havedeprived South Africa of a valuable prop-aganda weapon in the West and strength-ened their peoples' claim to indepen-dence.

Much the same can be said of the Ai-Gams movement . Namibian church andpolitical leaders know that peaceful pro-test alone cannot dislodge a ruthless occu-pation army. But they hope that the unity

of purpose and determination displayedby such actions will finally persuade theUnited States to end its linkage policy andput real pressure on South Africa to with-draw.

In a way, the growth of a strong protestmovement in Namibia—one led largelyby the church—is a protest against theempty words of the West . Thousands ofNamibians deliberately risked their liveslast year to remind us that they are still notfree. They have pledged to continue theirperilous witness until we remember theirsuffering, and act to end it .

3

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Namibian Courts Powerless On Human RightsOn September 12, South Africa's State

President, P.W. Botha, intervened to pre-vent the legality of the South African Ter-rorism Act from being tested in aNamibian court . It was the second time inas many months that the South Africangovernment has halted a trial related tohuman rights abuses in Namibia . TheTerrorism Act, a cornerstone of Preto-ria's illegal occupation of the UnitedNations Trust Territory, allows for theindefinite detention of prisoners withoutcharge, or access to lawyers or family.Detainees are often beaten and torturedduring interrogation.

In July, President Botha instructed hisallies in Namibia's nominally self-gov-erning "interim government" to stop thetrial of four white soldiers accused ofmurdering a Black man, Frans Uatopa, inNovember 1985 . That action, taken in"the national interest," was denounced asa "rape of justice" by the normally cau-tious—and mostly white Windhoek BarCouncil, and prompted the CatholicCommission for Justice and Peace toremark that "the interim government hasclearly recognized and publicly con-fessed its role as a South African puppet"

The latest intervention came in a majorpolitical trial of eight men, includingalleged insurgents of the Namibian liber-ation movement SWAPO, who werecharged with violations of the TerrorismAct . Lawyers for the accused planned toargue that key provisions of the act con-flicted with the "Bill of FundamentalRights" introduced by the interim govern-ment last year in an effort to gain publicsupport for the South Africa-sponsoredadministration.

Since its introduction in June 1985,human rights, church, and political activ-

ists have used the freedoms supposedlyguaranteed by the bill of rights to chal-lenge a range of repressive laws and acts.But in the face of growing resistance bythe Namibian people in recent months,Pretoria has increasingly abandoned thefacade of constitutional law and resortedto the draconian measures contained inthe Terrorism Act and other security leg-islation to enforce its illegal writ.

Ironically, the bill of rights was first in-troduced to bolster the image of Pretoria'sallies in the interim government . But bydeclaring that in Namibia "no court oflaw shall be competent to inquire into orpronounce upon the validity of any act ofthe South African parliament," the SouthAfrican government further eroded whatlittle credibility was left to the pro-SouthAfrica groupings in the interim govern-ment . Their credibility suffered anotherblow when it was revealed that the interimgovernment itself had requested the SouthAfrican intervention.

The ruling does not exempt proclama-tions made by South Africa's colonialmagistrate, the Administrator General,or laws passed by the interim govern-ment . But the harshest security laws—theInternal Security Act, the Defence Act,and the Riotous Assemblies Act as well asthe Terrorism Act—are now immune tojudicial scrutiny and challenge.

And, although legal action against theAdministrator General and the interimgovernment will continue, South Africanmanipulation of Namibia's legal systemseems certain to strengthen the widely-held belief that basic human rights andliberties can only come with an end toSouth African rule and genuine indepen-dence.

It is extremely difficult to monitor

politically motivated arrests and deten-tions in Namibia . Under South Africa'ssweeping security laws, virtually anyBlack Namibian may be arrested andheld indefinitely without recourse to thecourts . Some, like Teofelus Shidjuu, aLutheran church member from the vil-lage of Onandoba, have been held for overtwo years without being charged with acrime and without ever appearing beforea court of law. The South African armyand police are not required to report thenames of persons held in South Africanprisons nor the number of people beingdetained . Efforts by Namibia's Christianchurches, legal groups and human rightsorganizations to keep track of detentionshave been severely hampered by the banon travel in the north, where most humanrights abuses occur, and by intimidationof witnesses and the press by the SouthAfrican government.

Nevertheless, from sources in thechurches, the press and the government itis possible to confirm that the followingpersons were in detention as ofJune 1986.The actual number of detainees in SouthAfrica-occupied Namibia is probably farhigher.

Updated List of Persons Held in Deten-tion Without Charge in Namibia as ofJune, 1986:

Nathaniel Amkugo, mechanic ; ErwinFimafiku ; Tobias Iimene, teacher;Gabriel Ithete ; Joseph Jabala ; IsmaelKafula, school principal ; CharlesLutokwa ; Luka Matengu ; BenjaminNamke ; Rev. Tomas Ndiwakalunga, pas-tor ; Kondjeni Neghede ; Wilbard Nehale;Fillemon Newayu ; "Mr." Ntonda (firstname unknown) ; Jacob Pendukeni,businessman ; Teofelus Shidjuu ; HenokShifeta ; Erasmus Shikongo, teacher;John Shiluwa, mine worker ; GerhardShimwefeni, teacher ; Daniel Shimwe-feni ; Albert Simon ; Moses Tiramba;Gabriel Xaveria.

Persons Charged With Political Of-fenses as of June, 1986:

Martin Akuenda, builder; MatheusGabriel ; Andreas Heita ; SagariaNamwande ; Johannes Nangolo, builder;Petrus Nangombe, teacher ; SalomPaulus; Andreas Tongeni.

Persons Convicted of Political Of-fenses as of May, 1986:

Frans Angula, laborer ; Norbert An-kome, laborer ; Desiderius Ankome,teacher; Kashululu Viliho, teacher;Bernidinus Shikongo, school principal;Elikan Shoombe; Erastus Uutoni, mineworker.South African troops beat peaceful protester. Namibian courts cannot protect victims of human rights abuses.

4

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iiiismoi

Dr. Abisai Shejavali

VzU

ON JUSTICE:AN ADDRESS BY DR . ABISAI SHEJAUALI

On July 13, 1986, the secretary general of the ecumenical Council of Churches inNamibia, Dr. Abisai Shejavali, delivered a sermon on justice at a public meeting inArandis . His address offers insight into the witness being made each day by NamibianChristians in that occupied land. And it may offer insight as well into South Africa 'sdesire to expel Dr. Shejavali and silence the voice of the church.

Commentary

Today I want to speak to you about justice from the biblicalpoint of view. In the Bible we find many witnesses that God, theAlmighty and our Creator, wants us, His people, to do justice.Justice in itself implies doing what is right and good in the eyesof God. It means treating all people equally, irrespectiveof race, color or sex, as creatures of God in accordance withHis will.

The ruler should safeguard and protect the rights of all . Thepoor should be protected from being exploited by the rich.In fact there is not a single accommodation or provision inthe Bible where oppression, exploitation, ill-treatment arejustified.

But today we see and witness that some people are occupiedwith this evil of oppressing and exploiting others . The evils ofapartheid have prevailed in this country for a long time . And Iam sorry to say that the church has not made it clear to you thatapartheid is heresy ; it is sin . To demand of people to call you"baas" [master] is sin . To create separate Black locations andhomelands is evil . Because of apartheid we now have poorpeople, uneducated people, unskilled people in their ownfatherland, Namibia . There are sufferings and inhuman condi-tions in this country caused by apartheid . The present situationof injustice in this country is evil in the eyes of God.

It is time that we Namibians stand as one and reject thissystem of oppression . We must reject all ways in which we aretreated as things . You are not a thing because you are Black . Youare a human being ; you are somebody!

God entrusted Moses with a tough struggle of liberating theIsraelites from the yoke of the Egyptians . God sent Moses toPharaoh with this instruction : "Let my people go ." It wasnecessary for God to intervene, because the Egyptians op-pressed and exploited the Israelites.

This is exactly what is going on here in Namibia . In the lightof the Bible, what is meted out against the Namibians is againstthe will of God . Today, as a Namibian, you witness acts ofbrutality, torture, acts of aggression, oppression and exploita-tion under a system introduced by intruders from a foreigncountry.

Today, we Namibians witness the imposition of masters overus by the racist regime south of the border, to rule us without oursay. We witness Namibians made foreigners in their own land,Namibians killed, raped, abducted, detained without trial, thedisappearance of detainees in police custody, "suicide" whilein police cells, the destruction of property, intimidation whengrievances are made against the South African army or agents,frustration in legal matters, unemployment, poverty, hunger,and the recruitment of Namibians to be killers of their fellow

Namibians.Namibians today witness how fellow Namibians are roasted

by the South African forces . For example : Titus Paulus ofAmuteya, Ondonga, who was treated in Onandjokwe Hospital,and Portus Blasius of Nakayale, Ombalantu, who was treated in0shakati Hospital . To roast a human being! This is a big crimewhich has been committed against Namibians.

We cannot go on like this . We must reject this whole systemand its evils . Moses stood up and spoke against these evils.Today we are asking the South African government to let theNamibians be free . Let Namibia be independent . Let justiceand peace be restored and enjoyed by all the people in thiscountry. Let the United Nations Security Council Resolution435 unconditionally be implemented . . . .

Let us understand that justice is the moral standard by whichGod measures our human conduct . Let the riches of this coun-try be distributed justly. Let those who work get equal salaries.Let the riches of this country be equally shared and enjoyed byall Namibians . Those who act according to the will of God arejust in the eyes of God, and those who fear God will be helped todo justice.

It is a shame that in wealthy Namibia, Namibians in Katutura[Windhoek's Black ghetto] and in the so-called tribal reservesof Damaraland, Ovambo, Kavango and elsewhere, are suffer-ing from hunger. They have no shelter, no money to enable themto have adequate services and a better education.

I want you to know that the Council of Churches in Namibia(CCN) is earnestly committed to the struggle for peace andjustice . We in the CCN are motivated by the Word of God asrevealed in the Bible.

We want peace and justice to prevail in this country now.I categorically demand an end to killings, detention withouttrial and the abolition of all the draconian rules and laws inNamibia . We want and demand their end in this country withimmediate effect . We demand that the South African occupa-tion forces leave this country immediately . We demand theunconditional implementation of the United Nations SecurityCouncil Resolution 435 . We demand that the ceasefire betweenSouth Africa and SWAPO be signed immediately.

Namibians are being killed especially in the north of ourcountry. We demand an end to the genocide of our people.

We are tired of living under evil traditions perpetuated in thiscountry against the will of God . We demand with a loud voice:

South Africa, "Let our people go" ;South Africa, Let the rule of justice be installed in this

country;South Africa, Let Namibia be free, let her be independent!

5

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Inside Namibia

15-Year-Old BoyTortured in Namibia

Portus Blasius, afifteen-year-oldschoolboy from Onhemba village innorthern Namibia, suffered severe facialburns after soldiers from South Africa'soccupation army forced his face againstthe exhaust pipe of an army vehicle.

The young man told The Namibiannewspaper that on June 6,1986, abouta dozen South African Defense Forcesoldiers arrived at a local "cuca shop" ortavern, and ordered him to open it . WhenBlasius explained that the owner was awayand he himself had no keys, the soldiersgrabbed him and swung him into the armytruck.

"They took me to an unknown place,where they accused me of being a `stupidlittle SWAPO' (the South West AfricaPeoples Organization is waging a guer-rillawar of independence against SouthAfrica's colonial army) and asked meabout SWAPO fighters . Some soldiersstarted to beat me while others, pullingmy hair, held my face against the exhaustpipe:'

"Although I was screaming very loud-ly, those merciless white devils did notcare—and even left me there in the bushwith much pain," Blasius recalled.

He managed to walk to a nearby house,but finding no one there, finally staggeredto the home of a local businessman, John

An Anglican priest has reported thatSouth African Defense Force soldiers ter-rorizedthe northern Namibian villageof Okathitu on October 8,1986, torturingchildren, assaulting and intimidating vil-lageresidents at gunpoint, and stealingchurch money and private automobiles.

Father Andreas Iyambo, parish priestof the Church of the Good Shepherd inOkathitu, said that several South Africanarmy trucks arrived at the village on theafternoon of the eighth, near a dam wherea group of children was swimming . At thesight of the soldiers, many of the childrenfled, but about eight youngsters failed to

Portus Blasius . A victim of torture.

Andjamba. Andjamba rushed the injuredstudent to the hospital and later reportedthe incident to the police and to PeterKalangula, head of the South African-createdtribal administration.

A spokesman for the South Africanarmy, speaking in the territorial capital,Windhoek, declined to comment on theincident, saying only that "a board ofinquiry" would investigate the charges.Such investigations rarely result in prose-cutions as, under South African coloniallaw, its troops are indemnified againstlegal action for "good faith" counter-insurgency operations . South AfricanState President P.W. Botha recentlyhalted the trial of four white soldiersaccused of murdering a Namibianman, Franz Uatopa, on national securitygrounds.

escape . The soldiers, among tens of thou-sands of South African troops illegallyoccupying the United Nations Trust Ter-ritory, took the children, between theages of 14 and 16, to a nearby "cucashop," or tavern, and "interrogated"them with electric shocks .

But it was only in the early evening thatFather Iyambo became aware of the armypresence in Okathitu . He was resting inhis home after attending a confirmationservice with Anglican Bishop JamesKau-luma inthe nearby town of Ruacana whentwo South African army vehicles ap-proached . As he was dressing, a group

of soldiers burst in and held the priest atgunpoint while others ransacked thehouse . They told Iyambo they weresearching for "terrorists" (the govern-ment's term for anti-colonial guerrillafighters loyal to SWAPO, the Namibianliberation movement), and for the chil-drenwho eluded them at the dam . Duringthe course of their search, the troops dis-coveredand removed over 2,000 rand(about $900) belonging to the church'sbuilding fund.

Father Iyambo told a group of visitingattorneys that eight soldiers were in-volved in the search of his home, whileothers took up positions in other parts ofthe village . Of these eight, three wereAfricans and five were white, althoughmost of the white troops had "paintedthemselves black," a common practiceamong white soldiers operating in thenorthern war zone . As the soldiers left hishome to return to the village, Father Iy-amborecalled, "I stood outside the houseand I could hear people crying : '

But the reign of terror had just begun.Throughout the evening the soldiers as-saulted the villagers and plundered theirbelongings . Andreas Shikongo and his17-year-old daughter, parishioners ofGood Shepherd church, were both sub-jected toelectric shocks over thecourse ofthe night . "They tortured `Tate' Shikongofor a long time and he was crying," thepriest continued . "It was very terrible,people were everywhere screaming,Wherever you lived you just heard noiseand people crying: '

It was 11 p .m. before the soldiers finallyleft Okathitu, taking with them an auto-mobile and a truck . "But," said FatherIyambo, "people could not sleep ."

On the following day, Iyambo went toRuacana to report the incident to the po-lice (who are part of South Africa's oc-cupation force) and to the visiting legaldelegation . But on the next night, Octo-ber 10, the South African army returnedto Okathitu and again tortured and as-saulted its residents . The villagers sus-pectthe troops came from either the On-gandjera or Omahanene military bases,and have provided the authorities with theregistration number of one of the armyvehicles used during the attacks . But sofar there has been no official reactionfrom military authorities, and the localpolice "are continuing their investiga=tion:'

"This is only one instance of what ishappening all the time to the people in thenorth of Namibia ;' Father Iyambo noted."Normally these things are not reportedand nobody knows"

Children Tortured,Village Terrorized by South African Army

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Page 7: ISSUE NO . 1 1987 Dateline:Nalflibiakora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-36-84-african_activist_archi… · Dateline:Nalflibia ISSUE NO . 1 1987 Dr. Abisai Shejavali (front, left)

A "Resurrected Church" in Namibiaeditorial, continued from page 1

Fortunately, changing our govern-ment's attitude towards Namibia is verymuch on the Lutheran agenda for 1987 . Inaddition to ongoing inter-Lutheran edu-cation, advocacy, and material aid effortsfor Namibia, the ALC has declared 1987a year for special focus on Namibia . Thisis an important initiative, one thatdeserves the support of everyone con-cerned about the endless violence andinjustice inflicted on our Namibian broth-ersand sisters . In March, the threeLutheran churches will host a nationalthree-day conference at GustavusAdolphus College near Minneapolis toexplore new ways to support Namibiansin their struggle for justice . Let each of usjoin in these efforts to free Namibia.Together we can help make 1987 the yearof Namibian liberation.

To find out more about the Free NamibiaEmphasis for 1987, contact:National Namibia Concerns860 Emerson PlaceDenver, Colorado 80218(303) 830-2774

A "resurrected" church in the heart ofthe Namibian war zone has opened itsdoors once again after repeated acts ofdesecration by the South African army. Inearly September, the Anglican Church ofthe Holy Spirit in Oshandi, northernOvamboland, only eight miles from theAngolan border, held a special thanksgiv-ingservice tomark the event . Over 2,000people, including the country's leadingAnglican, Bishop James Kauluma, at-tendedthe event.

Originally Holy Spirit church was leftopen on one side because of the hot cli-mate . But over the years South Afri-cansoldiers fighting SWAPO guerrillasused it for camping, cooking and toiletpurposes . It became derelict, unfit forworship.

At the service of thanksgiving, CanonLazaraus Haukongo preached on the"resurrected life :' The church, he said,had risen out of the ruins and destructionof war.

The new building, with four stone wallsand a roof, was rebuilt by the local peoplethemselves . "They were no longer de-pendent onthe missionaries," says Rev.Roger Key, personal assistant to the

bishop . "They took the initiative and cov-eredthe expenses . Although there is afear that the church may be terrorizedagain, they have the courage to build inthe midst of war." The parishioners nowplan to build a house for the parish priest,Rev. Lazarus Hiwilepo.

The church is near the "no-go area"declared by South Africa, from which allresidents have been cleared to give thearmy a "free-fire" zone along Namibia'sborder with Angola . One of the congre-gants at the thanksgiving service was theRev. Stephen Shimbode, formerly parishpriest of St . Luke's, in the border town ofEpinga. Together with some members ofhis parish, he moved to Angola severalyears ago to escape intimidation by theSouth African armed forces . FatherShimbode rode on horseback from hisnew parish, called Epinga-across-the-border, toattend the service . It is a treach-erous journey, and both he and his wifehave been assaulted by South African sol-diers inthe course of these crossings . Yet,as the resurrection of Holy Spirit churchdemonstrates, faith and hope remainstrong in the face of racism, repressionand war.

Become An Advocate

Namibian Christians need your prayersand support . Let them know that youshare their hopes for liberty . Write to:

Dr. Apisai ShejavaliGeneral SecretaryCouncil of Churches in NamibiaP.O. Box 57Windhoek 9100South West Africa/Namibia

Let government officials know of yourconcern about Namibia . Let them knowthat the time for the freedom of Namibiahas come . Your letters and telephone callsto congressional or parliamentary repre-sentativescan assist in putting their atten-tion onthe continuing, illegal occupa-tion of Namibia by the South AfricanDefense Force . You can make a differ-ence.

The HonorableUnited States SenateWashington, DC20510

The HonorableHouse ofRepresentativesWashington, DC20515

Advocacy Aids

Back issues of Dateline: Namibia maybe ordered free of charge by writing Date-line: Namibia, 231 Madison Avenue,New York, NY 10016; or phoning (212)696-6841 . The film "A Cry for Free-dom" is available from LCA synodlibraries or through the Augsburg Pub-lishing House audiovisual departments.Other resources on Namibia are availa-

blefrom Lutheran World Ministries, 360Park Avenue South, New York, NY10010, and National Namibia Concerns,860 Emerson Place, Denver CO 80218:Material for this issue was provided bythe Namibia Christian CommunicationsTrust, London, England.

Dateline: Namibia is published by the Division for Mission in North America,Lutheran Church in America . Editors : John A . Evenson, Anne Leo Ellis and MichaelFleshman . Mailing Address : 231 Madison Avenue, New York, N .Y.10016.©1987 DMNA/LCA

printed in U.S .A.

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Page 8: ISSUE NO . 1 1987 Dateline:Nalflibiakora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-36-84-african_activist_archi… · Dateline:Nalflibia ISSUE NO . 1 1987 Dr. Abisai Shejavali (front, left)

Will the next generation also suffer under apartheid rule?

Psalms From Namibia*

. aye .

Psalm 126When the day comes on which our victory

will shine like a torch in the night,it will be like a dream.

We will laugh and sing for joy.Then the other nations will say about us,

"The Lord did great things for them"Indeed, he is doing great things for us;

that is why we are happy in our suffering.

Lord, break the chains of humiliation and death,just as on the glorious morningwhen you were raised.

Let those who weep as they sow the seeds of justice andfreedom,gather the harvest of peace and reconciliation.

Those who weep as they go out as instruments of your lovewill come back singing with joy,as they will witness the disappearance of hateand the manifestation of your love in your world .

Psalm 133

How wonderful it is, how pleasant,to be healed of the corrosive disease of racism and separation;and to live as God's people together in harmony.

The Spirit of the Lord will then fill the heartsand the minds of all the people.

Nobody will be judged any more on the basis of race or colour;but all will be ruled with justice and integrity.

The war will end and the people together will rebuild thecountry.There will be no reference to the colour of the skin,for all will be regarded as the people of God,the people he created in his image.

And this will be the beginning of what the Lord has promised—the life that never ends.

*Excerpted from Why, 0 Lord?, Psalms and Sermons from Namibia by theRev. Zephania Kameeta . Why 0 Lord is available for $3 .95 from Fortress Press,2900 Queen Lane, Philadelphia, PA 19129.

Division for Mission in North AmericaLutheran Church in America231 Madison AvenueNew York, New York 10016

To Receive Dateline : Namibia Directlysend your name, address and congregationalaffiliation, if possible, to Dateline : Namibia,231 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016.

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