Islam in Europe, Florida, 6 March 2009 Muslim Organisations, Multiculturalism & the UK State

Islam in Europe, Florida, 6 March 2009

Muslim Organisations, Multiculturalism & the UK State

Dr Seán McLoughlin

Theology & Religious Studies

University of Leeds, UK

Overview

1) Muslims in Britain: a Very Brief Profile 2) From Race to Faith Relations: The State,

Multiculturalism & Established Church 3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim

Leaderships 4) The Rise & Fall of the Muslim Council of Britain

(MCB) 5) The State & Muslim Leaderships after ‘7/7’

1) Muslims in Britain: Profile

1) Muslims in Britain: Profile

Religious Question 2001 Census– 1.6 million (hitherto estimates 1M - 3M)– 2nd largest; Hindus (552k), Sikhs (329k), etc– Grown 60% since 1991; 3% pop in England

Nearly 50% Pakistani - 75% South Asian overall– 96% Pakistanis & Bangladeshis & 16% Indians Muslim

Others... – Middle East, Africa, Eastern Europe – some refugees rather

than labour migrants– 5-10,000++ converts

1) Muslims in Britain: Profile

Geographical Distribution:– London – 1/3 of all Muslims; most diverse– West Midlands – Birmingham (140k); – West Yorkshire – Bradford (75k); – Lancashire – Manchester (35k)

High unemployment, low educational qualifications: – 60% Pakistanis / Bangladeshis low incomes compared to 16% of Whites– but also ‘YUMMies’

The consequences of migration context: – Pakistanis / Bangladeshis less mobile / more conservative than Indian &

‘African’ Asians (‘Twice Migrants’). – Social & cultural capital.

2) From Race to Faith Relations

2) From Race to Faith Relations

Immigration, Citizenship, Race & Ethnic Relations:– Commonwealth citizenship – Race riots 1950s – Immigration legislation from early 1960s– Discrimination legislation - 1966 & 1976.

Multiculturalism: – Liberal accommodation of cultural difference from 1960s.– 1980s - de-industrialisation & riots. – New politics of recognition. Ad hoc. Localised. Minority votes.

Lord Parekh (2000) The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain – Between liberalism & greater pluralism?

2) From Race to Faith Relations

New Labour, Glocal Crises & Community Cohesion: Riots in northern mill towns & ‘9/11’.

– Failure of Multiculturalism? Discourse about citizenship & loyalty.

Renewal of ‘civic identity’: – ‘Shared values’ and ‘common citizenship’ to ‘minimise...further

disorder’ (Denham, 2002: 1-2). – ‘Rights’ and ‘responsibilities’. More critical dialogues.

Increased regulation & securitisation: – Citizenship, language tests (e.g. imams), forced marriage, anti /

counter-terrorism

2) From Race to Faith Relations

The Church of England & Muslims: The impact of Church-State relations (cf Fetzer & Soper,

2005): – Key role in institutions & civic life– Models of what ‘religion’ should be - liberal, tolerant,

No recognition of ‘other faiths’ – Church legitimates - & mediates - public religion. – Importance of inter- & multi-faith alliances.– Symbolic recognition of sacred versus secular?

But other faiths lack capacities & infrastructure. – NB Religious authority structures - Islam not a ‘church’.

2) From Race to Faith Relations

The Faith Relations Industry? Inner Cities Religious Council (1992)

– Religious communities = people, networks, organizations, buildings = urban regeneration.

New Labour (1997) engaged ‘faith’ more widely. – Cf Communitarianism– Religion a source of ‘bonding’, ‘bridging’ & ‘linking’ capital (Putnam,

2000)

Accessing excluded Muslims & promote ‘cohesion’ through Interfaith dialogue.

– But idealised? Opposition. Encorporation of religion?

3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim Leaderships

3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim Leaderships

Grassroots ‘Muslim’ organising: – Mosques.

Highly gendered, ethnic spaces.

– ‘Lay’ & ‘religious’ leaders. Former often been the public face. Bridging / linking social capital.

1970s-90s: – Interlocutors of local state:

Representative bodies & public recognition. Also calming influence on youth?

– Surface co-operation of leaders rather than engaging the whole community. ‘Difference multiculturalism’ = autonomy.

3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim Leaderships

Rushdie Affair (1989) – Strengths & weaknesses of grassroots leadership– No Members of Parliament – Irrelevant national umbrella organisation (Union of Muslim

Organisations, 1970)

UK Action Committee on Islamic Affairs (UKACIA)– ‘New’ alliance of reformist Islamist & neo-traditionalist businessmen

& professionals – Peaceful national lobby, work with media … but failed.

‘Old’ (g)local leadership – Book-burning in Bradford followed by Ayatollah’s fatwa

3) From the Local to the National: Old & New Muslim Leaderships

1990s UKACIA engaged strategy: – Recognise Muslims as ‘Muslims’ on national level. – Blasphemy, Religious Discrimination? No joy.

1994 Home Secretary – Muslims must “speak with one voice”.– NB 1997 Islamophobia report (Runnymede Trust).

Impetus for Muslim Council of Britain (1997) – modelled on Jewish Board of Deputies

‘British citizens with an Islamic heritage’ ‘a more enlightened appreciation of Islam and Muslims’ ‘better community relations and work[ing] for the good of society as a whole’

4) The Rise & Fall of the Muslim Council of Britain

4) The Rise & Fall of the Muslim Council of Britain

1997 – New Labour: – Widespread national recognition of Muslims:

MPs, state-funded schools, chaplains, Census.

The Honeymoon Period:– MCB ‘first port of call’ for government, civil society agencies

General Secretaries (1997-2006) – First two prosperous African Asian & Indian businessmen.

Membership / affiliates:– NB 1/3 to 1/2 reformist Islamist heritage

e.g. Islamic Foundation, Islamic Society of Britain

– Alliances with neo-traditionalists but few Sufi links.

4) The Rise & Fall of the Muslim Council of Britain

However, MCB unable to influence foreign policy: – State grooming of ‘moderates’ failed

War on Terror after ‘9/11’ - ‘Stop the War’ alliance. Shift of Muslim votes

– Dangers of state patronage for minority leaderships.

Criticism from other Muslim organisations – e.g. Q-News - authoritarian / delusions of grandeur?

Significant stage in evolution of Muslim representation.– Adapted to spaces allowed by public reason.– But dangers of identity politics - too absolutising of ‘Muslim’

difference?

5) State & Muslim Leaderships after ‘7/7’

5) State & Muslim Leaderships after ‘7/7’

Overwhelming significance of ‘7/7’ for UK– British born bombers - 1000 arrested, 50 charged– Growing influence of Wahhabism & Salafism; promise to ban ‘radical

Islamists’ e.g. Hizb al-Tahrir – ‘Islamophobia’ - verbal & physical abuse

New visibility / scrutiny of diasporic public spheres– ‘Mediatisation’ - various media exposés:

Affiliates’ demonisation of West; support Hamas but not Holocaust Memorial (Observer 14.08.05)

– NB Predicament of diasporas – ‘double consciousness’.

From clear distinction of Islam from terrorism after 9/11 – to Blair’s call for modernising reform (Guardian 04.07.06)

5) State & Muslim Leaderships after ‘7/7’

State now ‘re-balancing’ partnerships & funding – 2005 ‘Preventing Extremism Together’ working groups:

Radical Middle Way roadshow Mosques & Imams National Advisory Board (MINAB)

– 2006 - Sufi Muslim Council: Silent majority? Lacked institutional expression. Classical Islam v politics?

Traditional religious leaders enter ‘struggle for Islam’– Denounce radicals theologically as ‘Wahhabi’ etc.

Wider trend since 9/11 of mature, self-critical, cosmopolitan Muslim voices

– condemning militancy from many lineages / constituencies

5) State & Muslim Leaderships after ‘7/7’

The Future?– Continuing Muslim self-regulation – Or greater state intervention / legislation? (Birt, 2006)

e.g. a state-sponsored UK shariah council?

Still a UK commitment to the spirit of multiculturalism– Even if the term itself compromised– Still clear distinctions vis-à-vis France

e.g. on veiling

N.B. 2007 - The Racial and Religious Hatred Act – A sop to Muslims because of expanded securitisation?– Riddled with exceptions / qualifications