Indigenising Peacebuilding in Kenya's Sotik/Borabu Cross-Border Conflict

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Indigenising Peacebuilding in Kenya’s Sotik/Borabu Cross-Border

Conflict

By

Mokua Ombati

Department of Sociology and Psychology Moi University, Kenya

E-mails: [email protected], [email protected]

Delivered to,

The European Network University and Modus Operandi for the certificate

course on Civil Conflict Transformation, and published at

http://www.irenees.net/bdf_fiche-analyse-1016_en.html and

http://www.irenees.net/bdf_fiche-bibliographie-24_en.html

Abstract

There is no simple prescription or handy roadmap for peacebuilding in the aftermath of

sustained violent conflict. Creating trust, understanding and bonding between previously

warring factions is a supremely difficult challenge. It is, however, essential and must be

addressed in the process of building a lasting peace. Examining diversity and differences,

acknowledging and understanding them, and

above all transcending them, is the best way to

guarantee that there is no return to violence.

Ethnographic studies on the experiences of ethno-

electoral violent conflict in Kenya‟s Sotik/Borabu

Border show that each society must discover its

own route for peacebuilding in the aftermath of

violent conflict. Sustainable peace cannot be

imposed from outside, nor can someone else‟s

roadmap be the highway to a peaceful destination.

It involves a very long and painful journey,

addressing the pain and suffering, understanding (The beautiful undulating Sotik/Borabu

the motivations, bringing together estranged highlands before violence broke-out)

communities, finding a path for connecting, bonding, sharing, justice and ultimately peace.

Faced with each new instance of violent conflict new solutions must be devised that are

appropriate to the particular context, history and culture in question. The central significance

of ensuring peace in the aftermath of violent conflicts is to make a sense of security,

understanding, trust, and confidence; the heart of nonviolent alternatives.

Key Words: Kenya, Elections, Ethnic Conflicts, Indigenous Peacebuilding

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Introduction

There is growing recognition of the ubiquity and importance of locally led

peacebuilding initiatives in violent conflict areas. Local peacebuilding programmes are

usually designed to include a clear understanding of the social, religious, cultural,

philosophical, economic and political dynamics of indigenous communities. Understanding

local dynamics informs the planning of peacebuilding programmes and, therefore is a

condition for their sustainability. Local peacebuilding initiatives are usually more relevant to

their target population, taking into account pressing needs, as opposed to top-down

interventions by foreign actors. Local initiatives are accorded high priority by citizens, and

investment in them is often cost effective as they build on what already exists locally. Local

peacebuilding interventions foster mutual self-help, relevance, and sustainability (Mokua,

2013). Hayman (2012) recounts that a “Local First” approach looks primarily for local

capacity and only brings in external assistance if necessary. But, “Local First” does not mean

local only. The most effective interventions must involve a partnership between local and

external actors. Such partnerships, however, must be carefully crafted so that they do not

destroy the local capacities but instead build on already existing structures. These are

fundamental, both for the effectiveness of the interventions themselves and for the

partnerships with external peacebuilding actors. Though external actors may facilitate and

provide some of the required resources, key aspects of a good partnership include allowing

the locals to identify the needs, set the priorities, formulate the approach, and determine the

strategy. Locals must also be allowed to set peace impact indicators, to lead, to mobilise for

resources, and to enjoy the rewards of conflict de-escalation. The non-material intervention

motivations meet the psychological needs for self-actualization.

Genesis of the Conflict

This data is based on ethnographic studies that investigate cross-border peace

initiatives among the Kipsigis and Abagusii ethnic tribes along the Sotik/Borabu border, a

rural area in South-Western Kenya. The Sotik/Borabu border serves as the boundary and

administrative border between the Bomet and Nyamira counties, as well as the demarcation

between the lands of the Kipsigis, a Kalenjin sub-tribe living on the Bomet County, and the

Abagusii, a Bantu sub-tribe, most commonly known as Kisiis of Nyamira County.

Despite the different dialects, traditions and cultures, and historical cattle-rustling

disputes, the Kipsigis and Kisiis have lived in relative harmony. This however changed after

the 1992 general elections in which violence flared up across the whole of Kenya. The pattern

of violent conflict was to be repeated again in subsequent electoral periods, culminating in

the highest casualties in the 2007/2008 Post-Election Violence. A lot of property was

destroyed as shops, buildings, houses, homesteads, churches and schools were burnt,

vandalised and ruined. Animals were slaughtered and many people displaced, injured, or

maimed and thousands were killed. The acts of arson and destruction did not spare the large

agricultural plantations, as hectares

upon hectares of tea estates were

set on fire.

(Burned villages along the

Isoge/Tembwo area at the height of

the violence)

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The unfolding cycle of electoral violence cannot be blamed solely on a reaction to

disputes over election results, but is rooted in long-term foundational issues that have

remained unaddressed since Kenya gained independence in 1963. Kenya‟s deeply neo-

patrimonial politics is one of the most significant issues. Powerful political elites have

established support using state resources since independence, causing widespread grievances

over inequalities and long-standing perceptions of inclusion and exclusion in the distribution

of public resources (Branch & Cheeseman, 2008; MacArthur, 2008; Mueller, 2008). This

patronage has over time weakened state institutions like the Judiciary, the Electoral agency,

the Police, and Parliament as they have lost their autonomy, public trust, and confidence.

Thus, crucial institutions are perceived as „partisan‟ and „tied to the political elite' a

perception mostly attached to those representing the executive‟s ethnic community (Mueller,

2008:195). This prevalence of weak and personalised institutions was bound to cause

discontent and spark many contestations at some time in history. Ethnic and regional

inequalities infiltrated Kenyan politics but also society more broadly, thus polarising the

country along ethnic lines. Inter-ethnic rivalry and bitterness became more intense as ethnic

communities perceived to be close to the ruling political elite were rewarded with socio-

economic resources, power and authority at the expense of other communities and groups.

Amidst these deepening inequalities, resentment amongst those outside of political favour

became intense, and fed the triggers and motivations for violent conflict (Kanyinga &

Walker, 2013).

Among other things a combination of historical grievances, particularly around land

ownership; unequal distribution of national resources; the entrenched politics of exclusion

and patronage; ethnicisation of Kenyan society; a highly fraudulent electoral process; and

weak national institutions that are prone to political manipulation have all been identified as

the triggers responsible for the mayhem, highlighting and exposing the fragility of stability.

The electoral political cycle provides a particularly fertile ground for the flaring-up of violent

conflicts as local politicians, often incite “their people” against their neighbours on an “us-

versus-them” socio-political-economy of classification (Mokua, 2013)

The Roadmap to Peace

The picture of the region is different today; the physical violence has subsided and

the two tribes interact socially, culturally and economically. However, despite the apparent

return to normalcy complex pockets of violent conflict are still embedded in the Sotik/Borabu

territory and history, and the repercussions on the social fabric are evident. Underlying

mistrust and hostility still remain unchecked, making the area a tinderbox for potential

violence. Cognisant of the salience of the underlying drivers of the violence, the two

communities have joined hands in peacebuilding initiatives that are not only local, but locally

led, locally owned, and locally delivered.

Cultural Peace Resources

Culture, though not static, monolithic, or deterministic, is the matrix within which

peacebuilding practices take form. In many respects peacebuilding is a process of cultural

introspection and reconstruction, a process of generating social dialogue that encourages

critical reflection on existing realities, re-evaluation of present priorities, and initiation of

shared meanings. Every cultural community has its own “indigenous exceptionalisms,” own

distinctive ways, values, insights, and practices. Considering the meaning, relevance,

intercultural inclusivity and applicability of these practices, values, beliefs, and resources,

remains a significant part of peacebuilding (MacGinty, 2008:128-129).

Most people on the Sotik/Borabu border take their beliefs from both traditional

African spirituality and Christian cosmologies in varying degrees. These indigenous rites and

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practices allow them to respond to, prevent, resolve, and manage violent conflicts, thus

maintaining peace, human dignity, communal solidarity and harmony. More often these

rituals, rites and practices invoke the invisible power of the deity, and spiritual and social

sanctions in influencing behaviour. One significant cultural conviction, which is applicable to

both communities, is on the sacredness, sanctity of and, awe and reverence towards human

sexuality, particularly women‟s sexuality. The sacrosanct nature of women‟s sexuality

symbolized by the practice of tying their undergarments unto a string and placing them

strategically on the pathways to the war-front are of vital cultural and religious import. Lethal

religious, cultural and psychological symbolic implications and inferences are predisposed for

those who sidestep and circumvent the paraphernalia and go ahead to confront the enemy.

Locals conscientiously adhere to the invisible power of these tools, which is exercised by

apportioning rewards to those who show respect, reverence and awe, and vengeance and

punishment to those who disregard the warning.

Other parts of the indigenous peacebuilding initiatives, as noted by Valentina

(2013), in particular target the stereotypes of the Kipsigis and Kisiis, who brand each other as

thieves and liars, respectively. These interventions are geared towards encouraging the two

communities to interact, partner and collaborate on several fronts so that individuals and the

communities can more widely weave the ability to perceive cultural differences in largely

non-stereotypical ways and to recognize the essential humanity of others. This is a cultural

sensitivity which requires the capacity to experience one‟s beliefs, behaviours and values as

influenced by the particular context in which one is socialized, and recognise that there are

alternatives to one‟s own culture. By discerning and appreciating differences among cultures

(including one‟s own), and by constructing a kind of self-reflexive perspective, individuals

are able to experience others as different from themselves, but equally human. They develop

positive attitudes towards other cultures and therefore uphold equality.

Through regular interactions, individuals from one community have a “critical

mass” of information about another community‟s culture in order to apprehend their

worldview. Contact with cultural differences generates pressure for change in one‟s

worldview: Bennett (2004) expounds that this happens because the “default” ethnocentric

world-view while sufficient for managing relations within one‟s own culture, is inadequate to

the task of developing and maintaining social relations across cultural boundaries. Changes in

knowledge, attitudes, and/or skills are manifestations of changes in the underlying

worldview.

Youth and Sport for Peacebuilding

The peacebuilding initiatives have in some part been driven by local youth seeking

peace for their respective communities. One such group, the Borabu/Sotik Youth Peace

Forum, is composed of young people from both tribes who regularly meet and organise

peacebuilding related activities in the region. These activities encompass cross-border sports

activities such as soccer competitions and road peace marathons, where participants are

encouraged to promote the peaceful resolution of conflicts. The purpose and benefits of

physical activities such as sports programmes are innumerable. Physical activity and exercise

contribute to increased psychological well-being and help combat inherent stress, and

therefore can be used as rehabilitative tools, providing psychosocial support for people in

society. Sports promote self-confidence and the development of the various skills necessary

for success in employment, relationships, and other areas of life that impact a person‟s overall

well-being. Sports succour societal cohesion by promoting the integration of communities,

combating discrimination and/or promoting communication between different groups in a

post-conflict environment. By so doing sports explicitly challenge violence, tribalism and

ethnic profiling, banditry, cattle rustling/raids, social exclusion and even environmental

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degradation. Consequently, tremendous effects in the decrease of antagonisms, the reduction

in the intensity of negative attitudes, and rebuilding of relationships are recorded. It is a

combination of youth, education, knowledge, skills and sports as instruments for

communication, social integration and violent conflict de-escalation.

Sport is inextricably tied to development given that physical activities and mass

sport, as MacClancy (1996) argues, have the unique ability and significant means to mark,

create, construct and re-imagine national and ethnic identities. Sport is therefore an important

conduit for both a sense of collective resentment and popular consciousness. It is therefore

used by different groups to maintain and/or change their identities. Sport is, arguably, the

only universal language and, consequently, sports functions as a way to promote the unity,

coherence and identity of not only the individuals in their communities but also as Kenyan

citizens.

Through sporting activities young participants are encouraged to play a role in the

development of their communities and become an important and powerful voice for peace.

As peace is necessary for development, their participation in peacebuilding is essential for

sustainable development. Perhaps the establishment of a high altitude athletics training camp

in the area is an example of sport as a social change instrument, through which identities and

conceptions of development activities are constructed, and which has created a more nuanced

and therefore more accurate understanding of peacebuilding. Through this training camp

youth from both communities polish their athletic skills, and are sponsored for major

tournaments in and outside the country. A portion of the proceeds from their participation is

invested in community projects such as schools, vocational centres, churches, hospitals,

agricultural improvement and the construction of community infrastructures. This is quickly

changing the development dimension, phase and paradigm of the two border communities.

Accordingly, these sporting activities contribute to peacebuilding by putting young people at

the centre of sustainable development. Additionally, peace workshops and seminars are held

to educate and desensitise young people on political manipulation, one of the main roots of

electoral violence. Due to the high unemployment rate, the young are also trained on viable

alternative income generating activities in an attempt to prevent them from engaging in

activities deemed to be counterproductive for peace in their spare time.

Women for Peacebuilding

Women from both sides of the border are the other key actors in the peacebuilding

process. Violent conflict and the ensuing repercussions make it of imperative importance that

women play a significant role in curbing the effects of violence; not only for themselves but

for their families and communities at large. The difficulty of accessing formal sectors of

peacebuilding inevitably leads women to tap into informal sectors where they are both

creative and innovative in developing effective peacebuilding strategies. Their primary

peacebuilding options are limited to working outside the formal system and influencing peace

outcomes through the formation of connections, maintaining old and developing new social

networks, sharing across ethnicities and interacting beyond geographical boundaries. It is the

creation of these informal linkages and webs that lead women to play an active role in

peacebuilding. Through these initiatives women work not only to end violence but also

address the underlying social, cultural, economic and political issues that contributes to the

outbreak of violent conflict.

The Sotik/Borabu Women Peace Drive is a local initiative founded by women from

both the Kipsigis and the Kisii in response to the intermittent violent conflict. This initiative

promotes the role women play in society and attempts to bring women together from both

sides of the border. The Women Peace Drive have found using local radio talk shows

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particularly effective as they regularly

broadcast on issues of peace, female

leadership, and empowerment.

On the other hand, the Women‟s

Peace Meetings is another peace forum

organised and promoted by the local District

Peace Committee (DPC). The forum

facilitates frequent peace conferences among

and between women from both sides of the

border. During these meetings women

discuss security issues within the region and,

propose programmes and activities that

could promote peace between the ethnic (Local women joined by government administrative and

groups. security officials march and drum-up for peace through

The proposals put forward include: the streets of Chepilat market)

Women from both sides setting an example by interacting as „one tribe‟. This is

achieved through trade, commerce and exchange of commodities.

Use of religious faith to enhance peace and promote dialogue by, for example,

visiting, praying and having common interdenominational fellowships from churches

along the common border.

Enhance education and make schools inclusive for all children from both sides of the

border.

Start the peace process at home, by promoting peace education in one‟s family and

therefore advancing good behaviour within families.

Cross-Border Peacebuilding Committees

Evolution of the model of Peace Committees in addressing conflicts is perhaps one of

the main successes of the peacebuilding processes in Kenya. Initially started as an informal

structure composed of elders (representation of traditional governance institutions), civil

society, religious leaders and government officials, the model has since been replicated in the

whole country and concerted campaigns for its institutionalization have gained momentum.

The Peace Meetings are grounded on a yet to be fully adopted National Peacebuilding and

Conflict Management Policy (Ruto, 2013). This is a local community owned, low cost,

socially acceptable peacebuilding model that recognizes and appreciates the role of the

citizenry, indigenous knowledge and expertise in conflict management and peacebuilding.

The Sotik/Borabu Cross-border Peace Committees are constituted of representatives

elected from each community and the local provincial administration (state security actors).

The committees are created not only to improve on cross-border governance and (in)security

management through detailed border surveillance, but also to minimize conflicts. The

committee acts as an arbiter for disputes between the rival ethnic tribes and groups, and

provides a platform for cross-border community coordination and cooperation on security,

governance and conflict management. The committee undertakes regular cross-border

conferences (baraza in Swahili) that allow relationships and friendships to develop,

establishing a “constructive dependency” among individuals, the two communities, cultural

leaders, administrators and political authorities. The cycle of dependency so built is relied

upon for continued and potentially more meaningful partnerships, collaborations and

cooperation. These efforts help to restore and sustain peace.

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Peace markets

Mutual interaction and sharing by the two warring communities causes people to

become more interculturally tolerant and therefore competent. This means there is a major

change in the quality of their experience as the beliefs, attitudes and behaviours of their

cultural traditions are no-more-central to reality. Just as Bennett (2004) underscores, the

communities can experience their own beliefs and behaviours, and appreciate them as just

one organization of reality among many viable possibilities. These interactions therefore can

alter the beliefs, attitudes and behaviours of individuals and communities towards each other.

Significant impetus is given to the informal peacebuilding activities in what Abdalla

(2012) represents as “peace markets.” Peace markets are market centres established in

optimum locations along the Sotik/Borabu common border. For years they have represented

innovative cross-border commerce, trade, relationships, bonding, and commodity exchange

model of how the two neighbouring communities preserve their common interests by

circumventing the border‟s insecurity pressures, even in the intensity of a conflict. These

common markets, from Chepilat and Tembwo to Ndanai, are not only arcades and fairs of

trade and commerce, but also epicentres of cultural exchange and civilisation, bonding,

networking, sharing, discussions, and conversation. The market days of the peace markets are

always scorching with activity as market-goers (mostly women) trade in goods and services,

interact, and exchange pleasantries, and form friendships oblivious of their communities‟

animosities. They all seem to adhere to the unwritten rules and regulations through which all

observe and respect each other's religious and ethnic codes of conduct, practices, protocols,

and belief systems. The peace markets, therefore, provide an outstanding example of how the

realities of geography, humanness and context remain superior and more sustainable than

those of ethnicity and electoral politics, and accordingly should be revitalized.

Microfinance as an Instrument for Peacebuilding

The use of microfinance in peacebuilding and in enhancing society‟s welfare is often

seen as an effective strategy to advance local development. Microfinance can help conflict-

ridden societies to rebuild their economies, families to decrease their economic and food

insecurity, and to empower women as well as men (Cheston & Kuhn, 2006; Woodworth,

2006:33). Microfinance provides resource opportunities to the poor (Marino, 2005) -

primarily to women who often have less access to resources than men. Additionally, by

targeting women, a less political client group is promoted, providing further opportunities for

their increased role as peacebuilders in their communities (FDC, 1999:4-5). Targeting women

is also more beneficial for the community at large since increased women‟s income benefits

the household and the community more than a corresponding increase in men‟s income

(Snow, Woller et al., 2001:5). The Norwegian Nobel Committee in its motivation for the

Nobel Peace Prize in 2006, acknowledged that:

[m]icro-credit has proved to be an important liberating force in societies where women in

particular have to struggle against repressive social and economic conditions. Economic

growth and political democracy cannot achieve their full potential unless the female half of humanity participates on an equal footing with the male (Nobel Peace Prize, 2006).

Merry-go-rounds as Peace Actors

Informal savings and credit economies are increasingly proving essential tools and

instruments for peacebuilding efforts, socio-economic and political empowerment, and

development on the Sotik/Borabu border. The vitality and burgeoning of Rotating and

Savings Associations (ROSCAS) popularly known as “Merry-go-rounds” (chama in

Swahili), can be attributed to the fact that they are owned, resourced and controlled by

operators who are at the same time the beneficiaries. Formulated and given credence mainly

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by and in the „peace markets,‟ the informal savings and credit economy are not a business

strategy per se, but a way of life. The economy is interwoven into the web of daily life of the

participants, reinforcing a sense of the spirit of community that binds individuals, families,

ethnicities and communities together, and promotes peaceful co-existence.

The merry-go-rounds are not only forums for savings and credit, but also spaces for

popular engagement, encouragement, meeting, exchanging ideas, socialising, training,

teaching, sharing, and discussing common concerns and challenges of life. They enable

participants to diversify livelihoods, connect and discover help, and strength from others with

similar experiences across the common border. They are a “moral community” whose

economic activities are not defined and governed by market values and principles but by the

interests of community, family, kinship and society.

This informal economy is grounded and driven by values of reciprocity, mutuality

and fairness which are predicated on the principles of strengthening the spirit of community,

feelings of ownership, trust, social capital (wealth) and quality of life. Thus, this is “a moral

community” based on building long term relationships and networks made up of families,

friends, kinships, acquaintances, clans, tribes, communities, business associates, and

societies. The community emphasizes good neighbourliness and respectability as being of

high value and integral to cohesion. The increased social networks strengthen social relations

and understanding, facilitate reconciliation and contribute to the establishment of

relationships of trust and peace outside one‟s inner-group of family, clan, tribe, and

community. The larger the network, the greater the accumulation of social wealth that the

citizens bank on for cohesion and peaceful co-existence.

The economy serves as a kind of rotary club, allowing members to network, to

exchange knowledge and information, and create goodwill. As foundational spaces for

training, learning and socialisation the economy significantly boosts the independence,

confidence, socio-status, courage, self-esteem, and skills of the participants. This is

significant because, as noted by Cheston and Kuhn (2006), belief in ones‟ capabilities is a

noteworthy step for increased equality and empowerment. Further, if this is followed by a

changed perception of stereotypical beliefs and behaviour of a peoples‟ cultural roles and

capabilities, traditional discriminatory sensitivities might be redefined.

Another feature of the moral economy is that it combines income generating

programmes with other social welfare functions such as caring for the disadvantaged in

society such as orphans, the disabled, the old, the widows, and pregnant adolescents. The

economy‟s canons are, thus, a poignant (re)statement of one of the common threads running

through many African tradition philosophies: Mutual sharing and Co-dependence.

Accordingly, the economy goes beyond culture, geography, history, and societal identity; and

acts as the platform upon which people, commerce, and culture connect and bind.

Technology and Peacebuilding

Technological innovations in the modern era have also promoted and strengthened

peacebuilding by giving peace actors the resources to challenge conflict and negative

attitudes towards neighbouring communities. Wider access to the internet, satellite and

mobile phone networks, the social media and the penetration of the FM radio networks now

permit the previously conflicting communities to easily connect, interact, share and

communicate their plight and mobilize support for sustainable peace.

Observations

These local peacebuilding initiatives serve as spaces for dialogue, storytelling,

consultations and reconciliation. With mutual respect for diversity, the communities organize

around their shared predicaments which generate positive change. The Sotik/Borabu border

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community makes the case that the most effective strategies for conflict transformation are

those that play upon local cultural norms rather than importing new and unfamiliar

methodologies. Thus, the value and efficacy of traditional structures and mechanisms of

governance and conflict resolution such as customary institutions, elders‟ councils, religious

leaders, age-sets, youth forums and women‟s networks must not only be considered for

support but also be promoted as central to peacebuilding initiatives. Restoring customary

governance institutions would enhance the communities‟ capacities to mediate and resolve

conflicts, and recognise the need to build on these structures. Strengthening the traditional

governance institutions would provide ownership and cultural relevance to the peacebuilding

interventions in each conflict context.

By recognizing the cultural primacy of inter-community bonding and partnerships

over taking up arms, the Sotik/Borabu border community appear to have found an appropriate

solution to a security problem that has eluded them over time. The Sotik/Borabu border

community provides an example of a truly grassroots, indigenous method of managing

conflict. They make the case that persons and/or organisations working in conflict

management should search for, build upon and apply existing norms rather than simply

bringing two parties in a conflict together. Such indigenous or home-grown methodologies

have proved to be vital not only in preventing and resolving the inter-communal conflicts, but

more significantly they have become instrumental means of reaching out to the other;

bridging the divide and promoting peaceful inter community interface and coexistence.

These peacebuilding activities inspire confidence in peace education. The peace

education activities cover many areas, from advocacy, to basic education, to social and

economic justice. The peace education is directed towards the promotion of tolerance,

understanding and respect for the local cultures, language, and identities; and is run in a

participatory and inclusive way. They are designed to enable and develop people's

constructive and peaceful skills, attitudes, values, and behaviours; and encourage them to live

together and solve problems that arise in their communities through peaceful means.

Local peacebuilding activists have become harbours of peace despite the many

challenges and obstacles placed in their way. Their efforts are bringing visible changes and

positive outcomes, as Sotik/Borabu residents are shown how to live in harmony by members

of their own community rather than through the involvement of external “experts;” external

peace actors only play a facilitative role. By undertaking the peacebuilding activities all by

themselves the community owns the programmes and the benefits accrued from them.

What is evident is that these indigenous peacebuilding mechanisms are anchored in

(i) customary-ethnic social structures, (ii) religious systems, (iii) local administrative

authorities, (iv) state-customary mechanisms, and (v) community forums. These approaches

and efforts are crucial in mobilising the people to act in unison, as one community, if they are

to avoid violence in the future. These underscore the centrality of indigenous conflict

management mechanisms.

Important Lessons

Peacebuilding policies and conflict resolution must be sensitive to local and regional

conflict dynamics, particularly when intervention measures and strategies are designed and

implemented. Meaningful conflict transformation requires „bottom-up‟ approaches that give

prominence to traditional peacebuilding processes, through cultural resources and spaces

such as the arts, sports, education, literature, shrines, and creative technological evolutions

working directly to change relationships and alter negative stereotypes, beliefs, and attitudes.

Local communities are best placed to identify conflict causes, risks and potential solutions,

and to provide feedback on the impact of peacebuilding interventions on conflict dynamics.

The development of policy on conflict intervention strategies should therefore be informed by

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community grassroots-level consultations. Communities must be involved in both the

drafting and implementation of these intervention strategies. Failure to do so implies that

intervention strategies risk aggravating tensions and increasing the prospect of violent

conflicts.

Women, men, youth, and children experience violent conflict in different ways.

Applying a desegregated “gender and age-set lens” to understand these differences can help

ensure that special needs are met and constructive roles are played when designing

peacebuilding strategies in conflict zones. Peacebuilding practitioners operating in conflict

zones should therefore recognize the different peacebuilding potential of each age and gender

category in order to take full advantage of a range of conflict prevention and peacebuilding

opportunities.

Violent conflicts destroy livelihoods and therefore slow and/or reverse the course of

development. By encouraging the establishment, rehabilitation, and development of income

generating projects, the resource-base upon which livelihoods depend, enables families and

communities to recover from conflict and reduces the likelihood of its reoccurrence.

Alternative livelihood opportunities for the young through which they can contribute to their

socio-economic independence such as farm-produce marketing, honey production and

women‟s micro-enterprises, must be developed, promoted and supported. Diversified socio-

economic opportunities are beneficial for wide groups of people, rather than relying on

rudimentary approaches (such cattle-rustling) that only a select number can benefit from.

Alternative and diversified socio-economic opportunities build capacity, help secure

livelihoods, and enable communities to become more open and accountable to each other.

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