Dea Ismail SRP Spring 2014 First Draft INCLUSIVE URBAN PLANNING FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: THE MEDELLÍN TRANSFORMATION Introduction There are two things that have drawn my interest towards urban development. Last semester I did a service-learning project with my colleagues in our urban development class which served as an excellent introduction to Washington, D.C’s public housing and the possibility of the residents being displaced. The fact that such thing happens in a country considered as the most economically advanced in the world is astonishing to me as an outsider. Secondly, I grew up and have lived in Makassar, a big city in Indonesia and witnessed firsthand the many challenges faced by my hometown especially in accommodating the urban poor into the city living. The two events really sparked my interest into thinking of ways to make a city work for everyone of its citizen regardless of 1
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Inclusive Urban Planning for International Development: The Medellin Transformation
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Dea IsmailSRP Spring 2014First Draft
INCLUSIVE URBAN PLANNING FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT:
THE MEDELLÍN TRANSFORMATION
Introduction
There are two things that have drawn my interest towards
urban development. Last semester I did a service-learning
project with my colleagues in our urban development class
which served as an excellent introduction to Washington, D.C’s
public housing and the possibility of the residents being
displaced. The fact that such thing happens in a country
considered as the most economically advanced in the world is
astonishing to me as an outsider. Secondly, I grew up and have
lived in Makassar, a big city in Indonesia and witnessed
firsthand the many challenges faced by my hometown especially
in accommodating the urban poor into the city living. The two
events really sparked my interest into thinking of ways to
make a city work for everyone of its citizen regardless of
1
their socio-economic standing. The idea of inclusive urban
planning came to my mind as an inspirational strategy and
framework for achieving this goal. My idea is that through
planning, a city could set a direction for how and where they
would like to progress as opposed to having unplanned
development.
The world is now characterized by rapid urbanization.
Literatures regarding urban development present two common
themes. First is the prediction that the majority of the world
population will live in cities within the next few decades.
Secondly, based on such prediction there is an urgency to make
cities more livable for all of their populations. Rapid
urbanization presents a myriad of challenges especially in
developing countries. Within the field of international
development, the attention of practitioners and academicians
alike is increasingly re-directed towards the dynamics within
urban settings.
Since the focus of international development is in
developing countries and the rapid increase of urban
population mostly happens in developing countries, analyzing
what is feasible to be implemented in the context of urban
2
setting becomes ever more relevant for the field of
international development. The challenges that international
development practitioners are trying to address such as
poverty, inequality, vulnerability, and many others that are
typically encountered in rural areas are often exacerbated in
an urban setting.
This paper will first delve into the urban context of
international development and then narrowed down towards
inclusivity in urban context. I offer a range of inclusivity
that will help visualize where different types of inclusivity
falls within the continuum. The paper will end with the
discussion of how inclusive urban planning could be
implemented as well as lessons learned from Medellín, a city
that has implemented inclusive urban planning.
The idea of inclusive urban planning presented in this
paper is a holistic approach to address many issues that are
of concern within international development. It is not meant
as the ultimate answer to improve the lives of every citizen
of a city that is essentially the ultimate goal of
practitioners of international development, but it could be a
3
step in the right direction to help accommodate increasing
number of urban population especially in developing countries.
4
Chapter 1:
Urban Development and the field of International Development
The relevance of urban development within the field of International Development
As the development industry recognized that nearly more
than half of the world’s total population now resides in
cities, urban development is becoming highly incorporated into
the field of International Development. The developing
countries experience higher urban growth rates than those in
the more developed regions of the world. Developing countries
in regions such as Africa and Asia had the highest urban
growth rates.1 However, such growth does not necessarily
portray any increase in the welfare of the citizens in cities
of developing countries but has brought with it urban poverty
and inequality with their many manifestations such as lack of
adequate housing, diseases and other health-related issues,
access to clean water, crimes, etc. within the urban settings.
These are the number of issues that are of concern to
development practitioners.
1UN-HABITAT, State of the World’s Cities Report, (Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2007), 6.
5
United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) is
the main international organization at the forefront of urban
development and promoting socially and environmentally
sustainable towns and cities for all as its
mission.2Acknowledging the fact that the developing world is
experiencing rapid urbanization, the organization reaffirmed
its focus towards urban centers in developing countries.
Strategically UN-HABITAT targets cities or urban centers as
elucidated in its agenda that properly planned and managed
urban settlements hold the promise for human development and
the protection of the world’s natural resources through their
ability to support large number of people while limiting their
impact on natural environment.3 Such premise, however, puts a
big responsibility in cities to ensure that all citizens could
be accommodated while maintaining or striving for
environmental sustainability. These ideals are very
challenging for cities in developing countries thus provide
room for development practitioners in order to think of
2UN-HABITAT, UN-HABITAT for a Better Urban Future, http://www.unhabitat.org/categories.asp?catid=103UN-HABITAT, The Habitat Agenda Goals and Principles, Commitments and the Global Plan of Action, http://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/1176_6455_The_Habitat_Agenda.pdf, 2.
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innovative and effective ways of addressing the needs in
cities of developing countries.
Other aid agencies representing the more developed
countries also view urban development as something that they
need to address. In recognizing that more than 50% of world’s
total population will live in cities and the potentials of
cities as driver of economic development, Japan International
Cooperation Agency (JICA) aims to support urban growth for
inclusive and dynamic development, of which they have 6 areas
of focus: developing core infrastructure; creating better
disaster-resistant cities; sound-urban management; and urban
reconstruction.4These focus areas largely cover some of the
most pressing concerns of cities in developing countries.
USAID also recognizes the urgency for urban development based
on the projection of the world’s total urban population in a
few decades as well as the importance of cities for economic
growth.5The organization focuses towards capacity building of
poorly managed cities and basic service delivery such water
4Japan International Cooperation Agency, Urban Growth for Inclusive and Dynamic Development, (JICA, 2013)5USAID, “Usaid’s Urban Policy”, USAID Making Cities Work, http://www.makingcitieswork.org/story/usaids-urban-policy
7
and sanitation.6The two organizations discussed in this section
serve as examples of how aid agencies recognize the urgency
for their work in urban settings of developing countries.
Having discussed the urgency for big international aid
agencies to direct their work in cities of developing
countries, we should also look at grassroots movements or
organizations that strive to address various pressing urban
issues thus simultaneously recognizing the works of these
organizations and their members as development practitioners.
On the international level, Slum Dwellers International (SDI)
is a prominent example urban grassroots movement. The
organization is a network of community organization of the
urban poor in 33 developing countries.7Another example on the
local level, the zaballeen is a community of garbage collectors
on the outskirts of Cairo who mobilized to persuade residents
to separate their trash so they could continue collecting
trash, an effort that were started due to formal privatized
waste management in the city threatening their livelihood.8The
6USAID, “Urban Themes and Technical Topics”, USAID Making Cities Work, http://www.makingcitieswork.org/urban-theme/urban-themes-and-technical-topics, accessed April 1, 20147Shack/Slum Dwellers International (SDI), “What We Do”, Shack/Slum Dwellers International, 2014, http://www.sdinet.org/about-what-we-do/8Mai Iskander, Garbage Dreams, directed by Mai Iskander (New York: Cinema Guild, 2009), DVD.
8
efforts of these organizations and grassroots movements serve
specific interest of those citizens who are often left out.
These organizations may have different approach when it
comes to addressing urban issues but they do have a unified
view that the cities present a great opportunity in order to
achieve better lives for their citizens. UN-HABITAT, at the
forefront of urban development, emphasized in its report that
“the struggle to achieve the MDGs will be won or lost in cities” by pointing out
how cities around the world play crucial role in creating
wealth as well as enhancing social development however such
wealth in cities does not lead to poverty alleviation at the
national level or at the city level.9Such discourse puts
pressure for cities to perform well.
Urbanization of poverty that is depicted by many instances
in cities of developing countries such as slum proliferation
and lack of adequate housing, access to clean water and
sanitation, etc. requires both international assistance as
well as comprehensive local initiatives. I have previously
mentioned that big players in international development
recognized the needs to provide assistance in cities which
9UN-HABITAT, State of the World Cities Report, 48-49.9
were shown through their official reports and websites.
However, Stren pointed out that there had been a decline in
the level of public support for urban development and that the
notion of urban development was less popular than those of
other fads within the development industry such as women and
children in poverty, HIV/AIDS, the plight of Africa, post-
disaster reconstruction, and many others.10
In recognizing such tendency as elucidated by Stren, I
think it is imperative for city government to come up with its
own local initiatives as well as enhance its own capacity in
order to facilitate efforts that will be beneficial for all of
the citizens of that particular city. One way that city
government can lead urban development is through planning.
Brugman brought forward the issue of urban strategy as he
argued that so many of the world’s problems now arise from the
poor design, weak governance, and mismanagement of cities thus
it is crucial that we learn how to transform cities into the
center of world’s solution.11 However, putting it in the
context of development, I would emphasize that the “we” in
10Richard Stren, “International Assistance for Cities in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Do We Still Need it?” Environment & Urbanization 20, No. 3 (2008): 377-37811Jeb Brugman, Welcome to the Urban Revolution: How Cities are Changing the World, (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2010), 201.
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this argument should be defined as local stakeholders of the
city.
In this paper, I am looking into the notion of inclusive
urban planning as a strategy for stakeholders of a city to
facilitate urban development to ensure the well-being of the
citizens as a whole, creating a more livable city. Thus, the
idea is to put the local initiative at the core of urban
development through planning as opposed to heavily relying on
donor-sponsored projects.
Defining “inclusivity”
Inclusivity is often associated with participation thus it
is often defined through a social framework. Rhonda Douglas,
Global Projects Director for WIEGO (Women in Informal
Employment: Globalizing and Organizing), stated that an
inclusive city is one that values all people and their needs
equally in which all residents have representative voice in
governance, planning, and budgeting processes, and have access11
to sustainable livelihoods, legal housing and affordable basic
services such as water and sanitation as well as electricity
supply.12 Earlier on in 1999, UN-HABITAT launched the Global
Campaign on Good Urban Governance with the theme of inclusive
city. The organization emphasized inclusivity as an important
element in the decision-making process, providing example for
women who were usually excluded from decision making processes
to be involved and heard. An inclusive city according to the
organization is a place where everyone, regardless of wealth,
gender, age, race or religion, is enabled to participate
productively and positively in the opportunities that cities
have to offer.13 Thus, the resounding themes of participatory
decision making, access to opportunities as well as basic
services in the city seem to be the main objectives of
inclusivity.
According to Herrle and Walther, the fundamental parameter
of inclusion is the share of power which requires active,
effective, involvement of impacted communities.14 How such12Rhonda Douglas, “Commentary: What We Mean by ‘Inclusive Cities’”, Next City, January 28, 2013, http://nextcity.org/informalcity/entry/commentary-what-we-mean-by-inclusive-cities, accessed February 18 201413 UN-HABITAT, Global Campaign on Urban Governance: Concept Paper (Nairobi: United National Human Settlements Programme, 2002), 15.14Peter Herrle & Uwe-Jens Walther, “Introduction: Socially Inclusive Cities – New Solutions for Old Problems – or Old Wine in New Bottles?” in Socially Inclusive Cities, eds. Peter Herrle and Uwe-Jens Walther (Piscataway: Transaction
12
power is shared in practice will be discussed in the
subsequent chapter. Although, inclusivity has been highly
associated with social inclusion, I would like to invite
towards thinking that inclusivity is not only limited within
social framework. In contextualizing cities as our playing
field, inclusivity can also be spatial.
Spatial inclusivity in a city is associated with urban
design. Inclusive (urban) design means designing products,
services and environments that as many people as possible can
use, regardless of age or ability, sometimes called universal
design or design for all.15 Such definition does have a broad
reach and it needs to be contextualized for it to be
applicable.
There is a tendency for urban projects to focus on profit-
oriented development.16 Such development often lacks proper
consideration for potentially detrimental social impacts. The
objective of factoring spatial inclusivity in designing an
urban space is so that the particular space does not exclude a
Publishers, 2005), 1215 Elizabeth Burton and Lynne Mitchell, Inclusive Urban Design: Streets for Life (Oxford: Burlington Press, 2006), 5.16 Van Den Broeck, “Analyzing Social Innovation Through Planning Instruments: A Strategic-Relational Approach,” in Strategic Spatial Projects: Catalysts for Change, eds.Oosterlynck et.al. (New York: Routledge, 2011), 52.
13
certain group within the population or unjustly affect a
segment of the population, usually the poor.
The concern of international development practitioners in
spatial urban planning is perhaps largely focused towards
slums and the living condition in those slums. The
practitioners would be interested in how a city manages or
treat the slums on which there are two policy extremes
regarding slums: complete demolition and
resettlement/displacement and slum-upgrading. It is inevitable
that a segment of the urban population is considered poor and
live in slums with inadequate access to basic services but an
inclusive urban planning is a step in the right direction for
a city to accommodate not only the needs of the urban poor but
also the needs of other segments of the population.
14
Chapter 2:
Empirical Background
It is very important for development practitioners to
recognize the possible impact of their efforts. Focusing a
program or project only on one particular group of the
targeted beneficiaries will affect the other segments of the
population. For example, when creating a program targeting
children and/or youth will have impact on adults or require
assistance and buy-in to the program by the adult population.
Therefore inclusive programs are highly desirable including in
conducting urban development.
Inclusive v. Exclusive urban space
Before delving any further into inclusive urban planning,
it is useful to discuss about what inclusive and exclusive
city looks like. The term “exclusive” is associated with a
condition in which a certain group of people can have access
to a favored urban space. Such exclusivity allows for people
who tend to be of homogenous socio-economic background to have15
their own space to live and interact among themselves.
However, this term often specifically refers to higher
economic class in a given society. An example of exclusivity
in an urban setting is easily exemplified as a gated
community. Caldeira refers to such community as fortified
enclaves that she defines as privatized, enclosed, and
monitored space for residence, consumption, leisure, and
work.17 The proliferation of such space in a city leads to the
difficulty of maintaining openness and free circulation among
the citizens.18
On the flip side of that exclusivity is the group of
people who are not able to access such luxury or even the
general benefit of living in a city. Viswanath conceptualized
that exclusion may be based upon race; income; gender;
disability; age; and/or sexual orientation.19 Some of the
segments of the population that are often excluded are the
urban poor who may or may not live in slums, the disabled, and
women. The challenge of ensuring that an urban space is able
17 Teresa P. R. Caldeira, “Fortified Enclaves: The New Urban Segregation,” Public Culture 8 (1996): 30318 Ibid19 Jennifer Cook, Kalpana Viswanath, & Carolyn Whitzman, “Female Friendly Cities: Planning for Inclusivity in our Urban Spaces,” YouTube video, posted by The University of Melbourne, October 3, 2011, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jebhb8lXrE8&feature=youtu.be
16
to accommodate each segment of the population continues to be
a major challenge for stakeholders in a particular city.
Maintaining exclusivity in urban settings could make
extreme inequality much more visible, something that is not so
much of an issue in rural settings. It is apparent that
exclusivity in an urban setting does not lead to the creation
of a city that accommodates its citizens regardless of their
backgrounds. Caldeira further argues that such segregation
brings terrible consequences for the city and that such method
of planning only promotes conflict instead of preventing it by
highlighting the extent of the social inequalities as well as
the lack of commonalities.20 Thus the goal for urban
stakeholders such as city government and planners as well as
the civil society should be creating inclusive space in order
for the city to function well making it more livable and
ensuring the well-being of the citizens.
The discussion of inclusivity and exclusivity within an
urban setting inevitably leads towards the idea of “the right
to the city”. The right to the city is the right of
individuals living in cities to liberty, freedom and the
20 Caldeira, 32517
benefits of city life which requires transparency, equity and
efficiency in the administration of cities, participation and
respect in local democratic decision-making, recognition of
diversity in economic, social and cultural life, and the
reduction of poverty, social exclusion and urban violence.21
The idea is frequently advocated to be included in creating
urban policies that promote justice, sustainability, and
inclusion in cities.22 Organizations such as UN-HABITAT and
UNESCO support the idea and it has also been included in
Brazilian National Law.23 The objective is to convince
stakeholders to adopt and implement policy which contain the
spirit of the right to the city.
Inclusivity is embedded within the right to the city. UN-
HABITAT lists several useful guiding questions to assess
whether a particular city is inclusive or otherwise that
reflect upon some of the most crucial problems faced by cities
around the world. The guiding questions are informed citizens,
equal access to basic services, attraction of investment,
safety, access of the citizens to their elected
21 Carolyn Whitzman et. al., Building Inclusive Cities : Women’s Safety and the Right to the City (Routledge, 2013), 5 http://www.myilibrary.com?ID=45916122 Mark Purcell, “Possible Worlds: Henri Lefebvre and the Right to the City,” Journal of Urban Affairs 36, no. 1 (2014), 14123 Ibid
18
representatives, equal opportunities for all ethnic groups,
involvement of women, participatory decision-making, and
consideration for the poor.24 These components of an inclusive
city need to be constant reminders for stakeholders when
creating and implementing a policy.
Types of inclusivity
We can look at inclusivity in urban settings using two
lenses, spatial and social. Spatial inclusivity is related to
the design of the urban space which aims for that particular
space to be accessible for all. For example, an urban space is
designed not only in order to provide room for new investment
and for the affluent citizens but also to create a decent
space that the poor can live in. Social inclusivity refers to
ways of including different groups or segments of the
population when creating a policy or designing an urban space.
For the purpose of this paper, it is necessary to discuss
these different types of inclusivity and how they can be
included in an effort of implementing inclusive urban planning
24UN-HABITAT, Global Campaign on Good Urban Governance, Concept Paper, 2000 in UN-HABITAT, Inclusive and Sustainable Urban Planning: A Guide for Municipalities, Vol. 1 (UN-HABITAT, 2007), 21
19
that will create cities that are more accommodating to those
who usually experience exclusion and livable as well as
improving the well-being of their citizens.
1. Spatial inclusivity
Spatial inclusivity is related to inclusive design in
planning terms. The way that I see it is that it is often an
arbitrary or top-down process that government stakeholders
or planners carry out based on their vision of what the city
should look like. It is often codified in the form of land-
use planning and/or zoning regulations. Ideally the policy
of land-use or zoning should incorporate the objectives that
will lead to the creation of space that is accessible to all
of the city residents.
The top-down approach of land-use planning put a strong
emphasis on the state intervention and control over spatial
development and land-use.25 Oosterlynck et. al. discussed
that such approach crumbled in the 1970s which portrayed the
lack of capacities of central state in directing spatial
development and meeting the objectives in land-use planning
25 Stijn Oosterlynck, Louis Albrechts, and Jef Van den Broeck, “Strategic Spatial Planning Through Strategic Projects,” in Strategic Spatial Projects: Catalystsfor Change, eds.Oosterlynck et.al. (New York: Routledge, 2011), 2
20
as well as the lack of attention given to how power
structures as well as conflicting interests shape the plan.26
These power structure and differing interests need to be
addressed in creating inclusive urban planning policy.
One example where spatial planning works in favor of the
affluent segment of the population as well as private sector
interest is demolition of slums and displacing the slum
dwellers in order to create space for new housing
development and businesses. The project may make the city
more visibly attractive but the social impact of such
project is felt by the excluded population. It is necessary
for adequate political will to be mustered in cities in
order to adopt inclusive urban planning that will enable all
of its citizens to have access to decent city living
regardless of their socio-economic background, for this
example demolition of slums and displacement of slum-
dwellers are clearly not within the practice of inclusive
urban planning.
In recognizing the competing interests within a city as
well as the production of space, land-use planning evolved
26 Ibid21
into strategic spatial planning. Strategic spatial planning
is defined as transformative and integrative public sector-
led socio-spatial process through which visions, coherent
actions and means for implementation and co-production are
developed, which shape and frame both what a place is and
what it might become.27 This type of urban planning embraces
inclusivity in a way that it includes social and ecological
considerations. Socially it recognizes the different actors
involved and may be affected. Ecologically it considers the
city’s ecological carrying capacity which is defined as the
maximum number of individuals that a given area, or in this
case the city, can sustain (for food, water, habitat and
other needs) without degrading the natural environment for
present and future users.28
The spirit of sustainable development is embedded within
strategic spatial planning. Oosterlynck et. al. argues that
within the strategic spatial planning, the four principles
of sustainable development which includes physical
27 Oosterlynck et. al, 328 Wackernagel and Rees, 1996 cited in Stijn Oosterlynck, Trui Maes, & Han Verschure, “Strategies for Sustainable Spatial Development: Operationalizing Sustainability in Strategic Projects,” in Strategic Spatial Projects: Catalysts for Change, eds.Oosterlynck et.al. (New York: Routledge, 2011), 179-180
22
ecological principle, the economic principle (supply and
demand, including in qualitative terms), the social
principle (social justice and equity, particularly creating
benefits for disadvantaged social groups, and the
institutional principle (the collective responsibility for
the use of land and environmental resources) need to be
ensured that these principles are considered without
favoring one over the others.29 Although such urban planning
is more desirable than the rigid top-down approach, there is
room for improvement by considering social inclusivity in
planning.
2. Social inclusivity
Social inclusivity is essentially putting the people
factor into the effort for inclusive urban planning. It
includes participatory measures from the citizens as well as
targeted towards consideration for segments of the
population who are often excluded as the result of the top-
down planning approach. To have the social aspect within
inclusive urban planning, it is imperative that we
29 Stijn Oosterlynck, Trui Maes, & Han Verschure, “Strategies for Sustainable Spatial Development: Operationalizing Sustainability in Strategic Projects,” in Strategic Spatial Projects: Catalysts for Change, eds.Oosterlyncket.al. (New York: Routledge, 2011), 181
23
acknowledge that in order for it to be successful, an
enabling environment such as a well-functioning democracy
coupled with political will of the government should be in
place.
Social inclusion promotes the consideration of putting
the people first and within the framework of urban planning,
it is necessary for stakeholders to put the communities or
the citizens that they are serving in consultative roles.
Their inputs are crucial on any policy that would directly
impact their lives. Such approach is also known as
communicative planning. According to Sager, communicative
planning is seen as an open and participatory enterprise
involving a broad range of affected groups in socially
oriented and fairness-seeking developments of land,
infrastructure, or public services.30 Inherently,
inclusiveness is one of the substantive value principles for
communicative planning in the way that the plan should not
make it difficult for certain groups within the population
to take part in public life, to work, and to access basic
public and private services.31
30 Tore Sager, Reviving Critical Planning Theory: Dealing with Pressure, Neo-Liberalism, and Responsibility in Communicative Planning, (London & New York: Routledge, 2013), 5.31 Sager, 207
24
Participation is the main component of such planning.
However participation must not be taken only at face value
because there is so much more to this approach. There are
several levels of participation that we need to be aware of
and the power relations within communities that are at work
needs to be anticipated and addressed. Several levels of
participation as pointed out by Goethert are “none” or no
and “full control”.32 Goethert further argues that inclusion
is not as “enthusiastically” embraced as expected by
stakeholders such as government, development agencies, and
professionals.33 Although participatory measures are
considered essential parts of a desirable project, power
relations that are embedded within a community needs to be
addressed by the stakeholders thus emphasizing the
importance of genuine political will as well as a
functioning democracy to exist under the enabling
environment to make the process possible.
32 Reinhard Goethert, “Planning with People – Challenges to the Paradigm,” in Socially Inclusive Cities: Emerging Concepts and Practice, eds. Peter Herrle and Uwe-Jens Walther (Piscataway: Transaction Publishers, 2005), 1433 Ibid.
25
Socially inclusive planning addresses the needs of the
different segments of the population as a whole and aims to
create a space that fit the needs of the overall urban
population. The challenge for socially inclusive planning is
to create an urban setting that is accessible to all of
residents. Therefore, it is necessary to recognize the
segments of the populations experience exclusion some of
them may include women, children, disabled persons, and the
urban poor typically living in slums and what each of these
groups within the population need out of the city living.
There are many ways that socially inclusive cities could
be planned and implemented. For example, women’s concern
over safety in public transportation is an issue worth
looking into with regards of creating socially inclusive
cities. The sense of lack of safety in public transport
could act as a barrier for women in accessing the
transportation facilities as well as for them to access the
city. The intervention that would create spaces that are
safer for women could be through adding adequate lighting
and other design improvement34 which will improve the overall34 Carolyn Whitzman, “Women’s Safety and Everyday Mobility” in Carolyn Whitzman et. al., Building Inclusive Cities : Women’s Safety and the Right to the City (Routledge, 2013), 5 http://www.myilibrary.com?ID=459161
26
safety of the space for all. Another group who is
disadvantaged within an urban setting is the urban poor
living in informal settlements. A socially inclusive
planning would strive to fulfill the needs of these people
such as housing with adequate basic infrastructure through
upgrading of the informal settlement without having to
displace the residents. These are only two examples of how
an urban plan could be socially inclusive.
The range of inclusivity
Considering that there are two types of inclusivity,
social and spatial inclusivity, I include the chart below in
order to better visualize the range of inclusivity within
urban planning.
27
The range of inclusivity as visualized in the previous
page starts from spatial inclusivity towards social
inclusivity. Ideally the combination of both would be more
beneficial to the city residents because it combines the two
types of inclusive planning rather than only championing one
over the other. This approach to urban development puts the
government and planners as the main stakeholders of
development within the city, however there is room for
international development practitioners in carrying out
projects but must respect and adhere to the government’s
overall goals.
28
Chapter 3:
Methodology and Methods
Rationale for choosing the topic
The field of international development and the
professionals working in it should increase their attention
towards urban development. The projection that most of the
world’s population will live in cities within the next few
decades has been echoed by many organizations and scholars.
Although cities are engines of economic growth for the country
and provide many economic opportunities, do not translate into
well-being for all of its citizens.
The overwhelming unfortunate reality of urban poverty is
the concern for international development practitioners.
Brugman argues that a city is very malleable thus it can be
transformed into something better by deploying innovative
solution using its many sources against issues such as
poverty, inequity, injustice and environmental degradation.35
Through this paper, I offer an analysis towards a holistic
35 Brugman, 20529
approach of inclusive urban planning in addressing issues in
urban settings that would normally be the concerns of the
international development practitioners, not as a panacea but
as one way that could be ventured into in trying to address
multiple urban issues.
According to UN-HABITAT, small cities with population of
less than 500,000 and intermediate cities with the population
of 1 million to 5 million will absorb most of the world’s
urban population.36 Better urban planning makes sense because
as the city is ever expanding, closer attention needs to be
given towards the small and intermediate cities due to their
potential for rapid growth. Inclusive urban planning could
work well in these cities as they brace for the impact of the
growth. The ultimate goal is achieving a city that is able to
develop without excluding any group within its population.
In the next chapter, Medellín would be discussed
extensively as the subject of the case study in this paper.
The city has been said to have achieved social urbanism
through innovative solutions planned by the city’s leadership.
Urbanism is defined as a way of developing, using, and living
36 UN-HABITAT, State of the World’s Cities 2006/2007, 730
in the city in compatible ways to make its economics,
politics, social life, and ecology coherent with consensus
aspirations and values.37 Not only Medellín was able to achieve
urbanism, the city also managed to transform its previous fate
as a haven for drug cartel and notoriously known as one of the
most violent city in the world. Medellín’s experience could
provide several lessons for other cities in their efforts for
achieving urbanism.
Perspective used in the paper
I choose the case study methodology with the objective of
obtaining a deeper understanding of how inclusive urban
planning can be implemented in order to make cities more
livable for all of its citizens. I will conduct the case study
by purposely focusing on Medellín’s transformation that was
achieved through planning and the implementation of such
planning policy. At the end of the study I would like to
extract lessons learned from the case of Medellín and how they
may be adopted by other cities.
37 Brugman, 20231
This research will be a qualitative secondary research on
which I gather extensive qualitative data on Medellín through
library research. I will analyze how Medellín has been able to
be successful in its efforts to achieve extreme transformation
of the city and suggest several recommendations on how similar
efforts may be successfully implemented in other cities.
The focus of the paper is urban planning and its
application in Medellín. However, I will strive to develop a
deeper understanding of the Medellín transformation by
analyzing the qualitative data that I found using my point of
view as an international development scholar and practitioner.
Thus I will take into account the issues that are of concern
for the practitioners and the multi-disciplinary aspect of the
international development field.
32
Chapter 4:
Medellín’s Inclusive Urban Planning
Background
Medellín was previously dubbed as the most dangerous city
in the world due to the busy drug trafficking activities that
were overtaking the city which led to homicide rate of 381 per
100,000 residents in 1991.38,39 Such alarming figure was able to
be extremely reduced within two decades thus making Medellín’s
transformation very intriguing. The transformation of the city
has had a lot to do with its leadership as well as the
implementation of its innovative urban planning. Before
looking deeper into the inclusive urban planning that the city
has been implementing, I find that it will be useful to have
some historical background of the city.
The city of Medellín is Colombia’s second industrial city
with its early industries growing due to the vast production
38 Francis Fukuyama and Seth Colby, “Half a Miracle: Medellín’s Rebirth is Nothing Short of Astonishing but have the Drug Lords Really Been Vanquished?” Foreign Policy, May/June 2011, Issue 18639 Alvaro Maz, “Social Urbanism – The Medellín Case,” Trending City, 2013, http://www.trendingcity.org/north-america/2013/7/8/social-urbanism-the-medellin-case
33
of gold and coffee.40 The city continued to growth with the
discovery of coal and the establishment of hydroelectric
plants which provided Medellín with source of energy that
fueled the establishment of other industries and companies in
the area.41 The industrial growth of the city brought with it
inevitable impacts such as increase in population.
Medellín’s population follows an increasing pattern ever
since the growth of industrialization in the city. The
increase in industrial growth in Medellín was followed by
increase of the city’s total population. The city population
rose from 60,000 in 1905 to nearly 360,000 in 195142, the total
population grew 6-fold in less than 50 years. Medellín’s
increasing population rate did not stop despite the decline of
the industries.43 Such predicament was due to the growing
violence in the countryside that drove peasants to flee and
settled in Medellín creating informal settlements.44 Currently,
the population of Medellín is approximately 3,497,000.45
40 Holli Drummond, John Dizgun, & David J. Keeling, “Medellín: A City Reborn?” Focus on Geography 55, no. 4 (2012), 14641 Drummond et. al., 146-14742 Drummond et. al., 14743 Veyom Bahl, “Murder Capital to Modern Miracle? The Progression of Governance in Medellín, Colombia,” Unpublished Dissertation, MSc Urban Development Planning, Development Planning Unit, UCL, London (2011), 1644 Fukuyama & Colby45 Index Mundi, “Colombia Demographics Profile 2013,” 2013, accessed April 16, 2014, http://www.indexmundi.com/colombia/demographics_profile.html
34
In conjunction with the soaring population, 60% of the
city was unplanned in the form of squatter settlements and
informal development46 despite the early efforts to control
development in Medellín. In 1913, urban development plans for
the city were drawn up by local business elites with the
intention of providing the city with modern infrastructure
projects, a public utility company and some industrial
development, a plan that was known as Plan Futuro.47 Recognizing
the rapid urbanization in 1950s, local stakeholders in
Medellín which included local government, industrialists,
entrepreneurs, and cultural leaders developed an Medellín
Master Plan, the-top-down planning that incorporated the
expansion of the city, creation of an industrial zone,
canalization of the Medellín River, beautification of river
banks and other parts of the city, and the construction of
soccer stadium and an administrative center.48 However, the
master plan experienced a shortfall in adequately addressing
the city’s issue of informal settlements meanwhile violence in
46 Peter Brand, “Ecologism and Urban Space: Nature, Urbanization, and City Planning in Medellín, Colombia,” Planning Practice and Research 10, no. 1 (1995), 59. 47 Abraham F. Lowenthal & Pablo Rojas Mejía, “Medellín: Front Line of Colombia’s Challenges”, America’s Quarterly, 2010, accessed April 17, 2014, http://www.americasquarterly.org/node/131048 Restrepo, 1981 cited in Drummond et. al., 147
35
the countryside remained rampant which made it even more
difficult to curb the growing population in addition to the
growing level of crime in the city.
Against this backdrop that I would like us to gain an
understanding of the challenges that the city government must
overcome in order to get the city to where it is now. Due to
several interventions conducted by its leadership, Medellín
was able to transform itself into a more livable city for all
of its citizens.
Medellín’s Leadership
Leadership of a city is one of the most important factors
for the city’s transformation. In Medellín, its governmental
leadership has played crucial roles in bringing positive
changes to the city and slowly turns itself around from the
world’s most violent city to the most innovative city.49
Therefore, it will be beneficial to discuss the leaderships
that have contributed towards the transformation of Medellín.
49 Medellín received the 2013 Most Innovative City Award organized by the Urban Land Institute
36
The enabling environment for the transformation of
Medellín was from the national government leadership. Colombia
had vast problems with crimes and the situation was able to be
improved when Alvaro Uribe became president of the country in
2002. With his pledge of “democratic security”, Uribe expanded
Colombia’s military and national police against paramilitaries
and negotiating a pacification strategy.50 Although Uribe’s
success was criticized, between 2002 and 2003 Medellín’s
homicide rate fell by almost 50%.51 This change on the national
level was able to affect the security in Medellín.
Much of the Medellín’s urbanism is visibly associated with
the use of cable car as a unique mode of transportation with
the intention of connecting poor communities of the city to
the rest of the city and vice versa. Medellín’s Metro
authorities proposed the cable-car system as a way of
extending its services into the poor communities which was
greeted with mixed reaction of the city’s mayoral candidates.52
Medellín’s former mayor Luis Perez (2001-2003) won the
50 Fukuyama & Colby51 Ibid.52 Peter Brand & Julio Davila, “Aerial Cable Car Systems for Public Transport in Low-Income Urban Areas: Lessons from Medellín, Colombia,” 2011, http://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/PDF/Outputs/ESRC_DFID/60726_Brand_aerial.pdf, 3
37
election and approved the cable car proposal.53 The
construction of the cable car gave way to the urbanism
transformation of the city.
The transformation of Medellín continued when an
independent mayor, Sergio Fajardo, was elected in 2004.
Fajardo was supported by a coalition of business people,
grassroot community organizers, and the middle class.54 His
vision was “Medellin, the most educated55 which well-aligned
with his background as a Mathematician with a Doctoral degree
from the University of Wisconsin-Madison. In order to fulfill
his vision, Fajardo implemented structural changes that
combined educational, cultural, as well as entrepreneurial
programs in the most critical areas of the cities.56 The
critical areas of the city were the poor communities that were
previously neglected and were ridden with crimes with the
intention of paying the city’s debt to these areas.57 His
53 Ibid.54 Fukuyama & Colby55 Martha C. Fajardo, “Architecture, Urbanism and Landscape Design as Catalyst to Urban Violence; Medellín, Colombian Case Study,” UNESCO, 2013, accessed April 17, 2014, http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Abstract_Fajardo_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf56 Lorenzo Castro & Alejandro Echeverri, “Bogota and Medellín: Architecture and Politics,” Architectural Design 81, no. 3 (2011), 10057 Davíla, 2009 in Peter Brand & Julio Davila, “Mobility Innovation at the Urban Margins,” City: Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action 15, no. 6 (2011), 653
38
innovative set of policies as well as his background as an
activist from one of the wealthiest families in Medellín
appealed to the citizens of all socio-economic levels thus he
was able to gain support in implementing his policies which
set the stage for Medellín’s transformation.
The subsequent mayors of Medellín, Alfonso Salazar (2008-
2011) and Anibal Gaviria (2012-2015) continued the same path
of transformation established during the Sergio Fajardo
administration.58 Based on the success and recognition that the
city has received for its transformation, it is likely that
social urbanism will continue to be incorporated in any plan
and/or policy for the city.
Medellín’s successful transformation has been made
possible due to a combination of several factors. Governmental
leadership with benevolent political will was crucial in the
implementation of the policies which lead to positive changes
for the city. However, it is also important to recognize that
other stakeholders such as the civil society, private business
owners, and its citizens played a key role in contributing
58 Jaime Hernandez-Garcia, “Slum Tourism, City Branding and Social Urbanism:the Case of Medellín, Colombia, Journal of Place Management and Development 6, no. 1 (2013), 47
39
towards the transformation of their city. The sustained
existence of these factors will determine whether the city
will continue in its positive transformative path or
otherwise.
Medellín’s Implementation of Inclusive Urban Planning Policy
The majority of Medellín’s urban planning policy that led
to its positive transformation was spearheaded by Sergio
Fajardo during his administration, although the cable car
transportation system was approved by Luis Perez. The city’s
urban planning policy under Fajardo was called “social
urbanism” which is a governance framework that channeled
investments of urban projects towards disadvantaged areas of
the city.59 Social urbanism in Medellín was designed as a
comprehensive strategy that seeks solutions to mobility,
governance, and education together with the recovery of public
space and green areas.60 The urban projects that have been
conducted in Medellín had elements of both spatial and social
inclusivity. In this part of the chapter, I will discuss how
59 Brand, 2010 cited in Bahl, 2011, 25-2660 Fajardo
40
inclusive urban planning, both spatially and socially, has
been implemented in Medellín.
1. Spatial inclusivity
In terms of spatial inclusivity, Medellín adopted the
strategic spatial planning enforced by its leadership.
Although it is actually a top-down process, the
administration of Sergio Fajardo had good political will in
order to redirect the city’s resource towards the informal
settlements on the outskirts of the city. His idea was to
transform the appearance of the city by constructing the
best possible buildings in the poor neighborhood in order to
muster pride and inclusion of these communities
Fajardo’s policy of social urbanism regarding the plan
for the city was called “Integrated Urban Projects”, an
integrated system of civic infrastructure, social housing,
transportation projects and economic development.61 The
execution of such plan is visible in Medellín through the
newly erected buildings and public space since the Fajardo
administration not only in the wealthier areas of the city
but also in some of the poorest neighborhoods.
61 Bahl, 2641
The strategic spatial planning adopted in Medellín by
the Fajardo administration aimed to incorporate the poor
neighborhoods in the development of the city. The
integration of the informal settlements in the periphery of
the city was through upgrading of the neighborhoods and
building of new aesthetically appealing structure. The
municipal administration of Medellín has made efforts of
integrating the urban poor into the city with innovative
transportation system that enables the poor citizens to
access many opportunities that the city has to offer.
The municipal government’s main goal with the provision
of various infrastructures to the poor neighborhoods was
focused on creating access for the informal settlements to
access the city and for the rest of the city to access these
places.62 They were able to ease the access from the informal
settlements to the city through its transportation system
which includes a cable car system. The stakeholders of
Medellín were able to identify a means of transportation
that would work best given the topographic location of the
settlements on the hillsides in order for the residents to
62 Alvaro Maz42
be able to access the rest of the city which was centered in
the valley.
Spatial inclusivity through its unique transportation
system was achieved in a way that the municipal government
has incorporated the poorer residents living in the
outskirts of the city. The cable car system increased the
mobility of the urban poor by reducing their commuting time
and cost from their neighborhoods to the industrial and
commercial parts of the city along the Medellín River, thus
stimulating employment and social integration.63
Additionally, the reduced commuting time enabled the
citizens to have more family time which is crucial for
families with young children.64
The transformation of Medellín did not stop at the
innovative public transportation system. Sergio Fajardo’s
vision of creating a vibrant city with education and culture
as its main values continued through the provision of public
spaces throughout the city on which the residents can
interact such as libraries and parks. These new facilities
63 Lowenthal & Rojas Mejia64 Deutsche Welle, “Eco-Friendly Transport in Colombia – Global Ideas,” YouTube Video, February 2, 2011, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xu1Bm4v18C4
43
are aimed to create spaces of encounter that also serve as
urban landmarks and gathering spaces for the community.65
Thus the municipal government have been able to show that
through its urban projects were able to provide public
services for the citizens as well as helping create an image
of a safer city for investment, in fact the murder rate in
the city has been severely reduced. The new infrastructures
were also accompanied with educational programmes that the
citizens could partake such as entrepreneurship,
sustainability and art programs.66 The integration of social
programs certainly help to create a more vibrant communities
especially in the poorer neighborhoods.
2. Social inclusivity
Before Fajardo was elected mayor, Medellín already had a
plan to address a variety of social issues that the city
had. The program started in the 1990s when the municipal
government was given more autonomy to address local crises
through participatory measures.67 The program was PRIMED
(Programa Integral de Mejoramiento de Barrios Subnormales en Medellín). The
65 Castro & Echeverri, 10066 Ibid67 Bahl, 21
44
holistic intervention had six objectives: strengthen
planning, management and inter-institutional collaboration;
promote community participation and state-civil society
partnerships; improve basic infrastructure, public services
and public spaces; upgrade informal housing; secure land
tenure for informal settlements; and mitigate geological
risks on the mountainside.68 Despite these noble objectives,
PRIMED fell short of its goals leaving many residents in
informal settlements not receiving the intervention that
they had been promised.69
Bahl discussed that one of the failures of PRIMED was
the participatory method that the implementers employed were
deemed ineffective. The beneficiaries were not involved in
the initial planning and decision making processes thus
their participation was merely consultative rather than the
ideal collaborative function.70 The collaborative
participation is the ultimate goal of participatory
planning.
68 Primed, 1996 and Betancur, 2007 cited in Bahl 2269 Bahl, 2270 Bahl, 23-24
45
Sergio Fajardo adopted the social urbanism approach
towards urban planning policy in Medellín. His integral
urban projects incorporate social and institutional
objectives which signaled the social inclusion of the policy
such as focusing on community participation, coordinated
action among all municipal actors, and promoting alliances
with the private sector, NGOs, national and international
organization as well as community-based organizations.71 His
approach has been quite successful in incorporating these
objectives while emphasizing on his visions of education and
culture.
Social inclusivity in Medellín’s urban planning was
accomplished in two ways: the focus towards the urban poor
in the informal settlements and the implementation of
participatory planning. The municipal government prioritized
the urban projects in informal settlements that included
infrastructures such as social housing, transportation
projects and economic development72 as opposed to demolition
of these poor neighborhoods. Social programs also
accompanied the highly physical development. The municipal
71 Medellín, n.d. cited in Bahl, 2672 Bahl, 26
46
government also strived to conduct participatory planning as
much as possible. One of the ways that citizen participation
was honored through participatory budgeting which granted
authority for the citizens to decide on how five percent of
the municipal budget was allocated.73 The percentage of the
budget that could be decided by citizens certainly could be
larger however this small percentage is better than the
alternative of having no participatory budgeting process.
The roles of International Development Assistance in Medellín
Medellín’s transformation has largely been led by its
municipal government. Although its transformation has received
worldwide recognition, the city continues to grapple with some
issues that are of concern to international development
practitioners. I would like to dedicate this section of the
chapter to address the roles of International Development
assistance in Medellín, how it has contributed towards
Medellín’s transformation and how it can continue in order to
help address some of the issues that the city still faces.
73 Ibid.47
One of the ways that International development assistance
has played a role in Medellín was in a form of budgetary
assistance. PRIMED, Medellín’s earlier social policy was
partially funded by a loan from KfW, German Development
Bank.74,75,76 However, it is important to acknowledge that a
significant portion of the budget for PRIMED did come from
national sources.77 Medellín has continued to obtain a
significant portion of its budget to finance the
implementation of its programs through taxation and the profit
of its own utility company, Empresas Publicas de Medellín.78
International organizations also helped in addressing
several issues in Medellín that are related to their
objectives as an organization. Although, violence in the city
has been greatly reduced, it has not been completely
eradicated. International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is
an example of international organization conducting a project
in Medellín with regards to the urban violence. The ICRC’s
74 Ibid., 2275 https://www.kfw-entwicklungsbank.de/migration/Entwicklungsbank-Startseite/Development-Finance/Evaluation/Results-and-Publications/PDF-Dokumente-A-D/Colombia_Medellin_2003.pdf76 John J. Betancur, “Approaches to the Regularization of Informal Settlements: The Case of PRIMED in Medellín, Colombia,” Global Urban Development 3, no. 1 (2007), 277 Bahl, 2278 Fukuyama & Colby, 2011
48
project is comprised of preventing violence in the school
environment, protecting the local people and assisting
communities.79
In the context of Medellín, although the municipal
government plays a leading role in the development of the
city, there is room for international development agencies to
carry out projects that will assist the local government in
achieving its goals and simultaneously helping the
communities.
Lessons Learned from Medellín’s Urban Planning
There are several lessons that can be drawn from the
Medellín transformation through its implementation of
inclusive urban planning. This list may be beneficial for
other cities that aspire to adopt similar planning policy in
order to create better living space for all of its citizens.
The first lesson that I could draw from the Medellín
experience is the feasibility of inclusive urban planning in
order to address a variety of issues that a city may
struggle with. Other than its past of extreme violence and
the vast drug trafficking, Medellín faced similar problems
as other cities in the world. Urban poverty, informal
settlements, education as well as health issues are to name
a few. The fact that the city has managed to transform
itself in a decade is fascinating.
Other cities whether they are in developing countries or
otherwise could learn that it is feasible to implement
inclusive urban planning. However, it is necessary to
acknowledge the existence of other factors that have made it
possible for Medellín such as its political will and
funding.
2. Leadership
It is obvious that the leadership and the political will
that have been at play in Medellín made the implementation
of inclusive urban planning policy in the city possible and
50
successful. Sergio Fajardo was the Mayor that turned things
around for Medellín through his planning policies and
visions of education and culture. Fajardo’s efforts were
carried on by the subsequent mayors of Medellín, Alfonso
Salazar and Anibal Gaviria.
Medellín’s transformation that was able to achieve major
advance during Fajardo’s administration could be accredited
to the willingness of the mayor to adopt and implement
innovative solution in addressing the problems of the city.
Perhaps, it also helps that he had not been a politician
prior to being elected as mayor. Being an academician might
have inspired his vision of education as well. Fajardo’s
background and his willingness to adopt and implement
innovative solutions for Medellín certainly helped brought
the city to its current condition.
3. Source of funding
Undoubtedly, large sum of funding is required in order
to carry out mega scale urban projects. In the case of
Medellín, the inclusive planning policy was heavily focused
towards the informal settlements on the outskirts of the
51
city through provision of new infrastructures as well as
social programs. In some cases urban projects are funded by
private investment that is likely to exclude and/or
disadvantage the poor i.e. demolition of informal settlement
to create space for the new investment. However, that is not
the case for Medellín. The funding for the program was
sourced internally by the profit of its utility company,
high municipal tax-rate which is tolerated by uniquely
civic-minded business elites.80
Funding is often a constraint for cities wanting to
implement large-scale urban projects. Medellín has been
fortunate enough to be able to source a large portion of its
funding internally. Other cities may not have profitable
publicly owned company such as Empresas Publicas de Medellín or
constituents who are willing to pay higher taxes.
Nevertheless, funds need to be secured in ways that will not
hinder the development goals of the city.
4. Implication for international development assistance
In the case of Medellín’s transformation, it is apparent
that the government has taken the driver’s seat in directing
80 Fukuyama & Colby52
how development is conducted through its inclusive urban
planning policy. The government was able to adopt policy
that aims at addressing various problems of the city as well
as implementing programs in support of such policy. The
policy and its execution has been able to achieve success in
improving the city particularly in poor neighborhoods.
On the other hand, the declining trend for support of
international assistance towards urban development as
discussed by Stren81 should be recognized thus it is
imperative that government should be in charge of
development. Not only because of the declining support in
the international development community, but also because
government is the only stakeholder that is constant in a
city meanwhile private interests and international agencies
come and go.
The implication for international assistance programs
for urban development in this model is that development
projects should be aligned with the overall development
goals of the city. This is an important consideration as
development projects tend to follow the fads of the field
81 Stren53
and what the donors view as priority that may or may not be
the focus of a city’s development goals.
5. Context-specific interventions
Next lesson that I can draw from Medellín is how
context-specific the interventions that municipal government
has conducted. In the early 2000s, Medellín had high crime
rates and rapid urbanization that desperately need to be
addressed. The supporting political will created an enabling
environment for projects to be carried out in order to
address these issues.
The city has also been praised for using the cable-car
system as a mode of transportation to and from its informal
settlements as well as its infrastructure projects in these
settlements and the social programs that came with them.
Medellín is considered innovative because perhaps it is one
of the first cities that used the cable-car as a part of the
public transportation system. However, cable-car has been
able to work really well in Medellín because of its
topographic condition of being located in a valley. The
cable-car is able to efficiently transport passengers from
54
the hillside informal settlements to the city and vice versa
in shorter duration.
Sergio Fajardo felt that Medellín had a ‘debt’ towards
informal settlements of the city. The debt was a long period
of neglect thus he implemented rebuilding projects in the
low income communities putting public facilities such as
libraries and parks as well as other infrastructures in
these neighborhoods. Considering that crime was rampant the
provision of these infrastructures was accompanied by
adequate policing in these neighborhoods.
These list of lessons learned are not exhaustive however
in order to adopt them, other stakeholders in similar-sized
cities need to consider contextual factors in their cities and
their resources before diving into large-scale urban
development projects.
55
Chapter 5:
Conclusion and Area(s) of Future Research
Conclusion
It is inevitable that the attention of international
development practitioners need to be re-directed towards urban
settings considering the rapid urbanization that is happening
worldwide especially in developing countries. Cities in
developing countries experience highest urban growth that is
not accompanied with increase of the citizens’ welfare.
Poverty and inequality in cities are manifested in lack of
adequate housings, access to basic services, health issues,
and many other kinds of deprivation. Such reality is an
enormous opportunity for International Development
practitioners to carry out urban-related intervention.
International development organizations do echo the
urgency for focusing towards issues in urban settings.
However, there is a chance that support for urban development
has dwindled. In light of this possibility perhaps it is time
to position government as the main stakeholder as well as
56
giving them role as development practitioners. Government is a
constant presence while international NGOs and assistance come
and go thus they hold an important role in ensuring the
sustainability of any development projects.
There are many ways that government could facilitate
development in urban settings, provided that they have
benevolent political will that will help create an enabling
environment for a successful urban intervention. One of the
ways that this could be done is through planning. Although
top-down planning is often carried out, the ideal urban
planning that would be beneficial for citizens of a particular
city is through the implementation of inclusive urban
planning.
Urban planning is often understood as spatial process and
inclusivity is associated with participation which put the
emphasis upon a social framework. However in this paper I
argued that inclusivity in urban planning is a continuum that
ranges from spatial to social inclusivity. Spatial inclusivity
is essentially designing of an urban space that could be
accessed by all and not creating the said space at the expense
of a group within the population, for instance demolishing
57
slum in order to create space for new investments. Social
inclusivity embodies participatory measures from the citizens
in consultative roles thus the citizens will have more input
towards policies that directly impact their lives. Social
inclusivity factors the various segments of the population who
are often excluded such as women, children, the disabled
people and the urban poor and aim to make city living more
accessible for them.
Medellín is an excellent example of how inclusive urban
planning could be implemented. Municipal government of
Medellín was able to create and implement inclusive urban
planning that has both spatial and social considerations. New
buildings and infrastructures were built in its poorest
neighborhoods and the cable-car system eased commuting to
their places of employment for the residents of these
neighborhoods. Medellín’s success lies with the enabling
environment to make the implementation of their policy
possible.
The main lessons that could be drawn from the Medellín
experience in implementing inclusive urban planning are its
feasibility, leadership, source of funding, the supporting
58
role of international development assistance, and its context-
specific interventions. From the transformation of Medellín we
learn that implementing an inclusive urban planning
successfully is feasible thus there is no reason for other
cities to shy away from this method. The policy was heavily
supported by the leadership of the government and backed by
adequate financial resources therefore the city was able to
afford the mega-scale urban development projects including its
unique cable-car transportation system.
Medellín’s successful transformation by no means
prescribes that inclusive urban planning is a panacea for
addressing issues in urban settings. It is crucial to
understand that what has been successfully implemented in
Medellín may not be as successful in other places because its
success was supported by a number of factors such as funding
resources and political will of the municipal government that
created such an enabling environment. Other cities of similar
size that also struggle with some of the similar issues with
Medellín may learn from Medellín’s experience but should
tailor their policy to their own context as much as possible
and be open towards innovative solutions.
59
Inclusive urban planning for international development
puts governmental leadership at the forefront of the efforts
as they should be. Government with good political will should
be empowered to direct where the development of their city
should progress. With government as leading stakeholder,
international assistance is by no means irrelevant but should
align itself with the vision of the local government.
Area(s) of future research
Through the process of writing this paper, I have thought
about several areas of future research that might help
expanding and contribute to the body of knowledge of urban
development and urban planning in the context of international
development field. Future research could incorporate more of
the technical points of view on urban planning, look into
implementation of similar urban planning policy in other
cities, and research that incorporate more of the citizens’
accounts in Medellín of how the program really impacts their
everyday lives. Additionally, future research could also aim
to learn on how development financing model that is adopted in
60
Medellín could be made possible through its own utility
company and its higher tax rate.
I have to admit that concentrating on urban development
within the field of international development is a new
undertaking for me. My education of international development
has contributed in my understanding of the intricate process
of international development assistance. My background as an
urbanist from a developing country has helped in shaping my
perspective of how urban development could be carried out.
However, as shown in this paper, technical aspect of urban
planning was not incorporated enough in analyzing the
implementation of inclusive urban planning in Medellín.
Further research could be conducted by incorporating the
technical aspect and by using international development
perspective thus international development practitioners could
relate to the contents as much as possible.
The case study of Medellín has shown the feasibility of
inclusive urban planning in order to address a variety of
issues that are generally of concern to international
development practitioners. Future research could analyze the
implementation of similar urban planning policy in other
61
cities that are fairly similar to Medellín for the purpose of
comparing the results in both cities, how they are similar or
different. The results of such research will be helpful in
framing future policy, in the said city or in other cities.
The transformation of Medellín received international
recognition for its success. However, in the spirit of social
inclusivity, future research could be conducted by obtaining
citizens’ accounts on how these urban interventions really
affect their lives. The low income citizens as the primary
target in the social urbanism policy could be interviewed in
order to re-confirm regarding the actual impacts of the
implemented projects. Additionally, middle and higher income
citizens should be interviewed regarding the taxation that is
imposed upon them in order to finance the infrastructure
projects in Medellín and how this taxation impact their lives.
In addition to the citizens’ account, future research
should study the source of funding in order to implement the
inclusive urban planning in Medellín. The city has been able
to source most of its funding internally through taxation and
the profit of its own utility company. The research could then
provide insight on how other cities may want to pursue
62
sourcing their funds internally so as to reduce dependency on
external agencies. Lessons can be drawn from how the utility
company has managed to be profitable despite Medellín’s past
as the world’s most violent city as well as how the tax rate
was able to help funding its transformation and how the
municipal government handled, if any, resistance towards the
taxation policy.
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