Table of Contents Table of Contents……………………………………………………………...1 Abstract………………………………………………………………………..2 Introduction……………………………………………………………………3 Literature Review……………………………………………………………...4 Methodology…………………………………………………………………..5 Decline and Revitalization…………………………………………………….10 Demographic Transition………………………………………………………11 Refugee Revitalization………………………………………………………..15 Iroquois Manor………………………………………………………………..17 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….19 References…………………………………………………………………….21 Appendix 1………………….………………………………………………...23 Appendix 2……………………………………………….…………………...25 1
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Table of Contents
Table of Contents……………………………………………………………...1
Abstract………………………………………………………………………..2
Introduction……………………………………………………………………3
Literature Review……………………………………………………………...4
Methodology…………………………………………………………………..5
Decline and Revitalization…………………………………………………….10
Demographic Transition………………………………………………………11
Refugee Revitalization………………………………………………………..15
Iroquois Manor………………………………………………………………..17
Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….19
References…………………………………………………………………….21
Appendix 1………………….………………………………………………...23
Appendix 2……………………………………………….…………………...25
1
Abstract
Immigration has been shown through different studies to contribute to the reversal of
neighborhood decline. This article focuses on the once declining Iroquois Park
Neighborhood in Louisville, KY and the unique revitalization it has undergone over the
past decades from the addition of thousands of refugees from Vietnam, Cuba, Bosnia,
Africa, and the Middle East. I suggest how the process evolved over time, and why the
refugee groups have been so successful in transforming the demography of the
neighborhood and creating a multi-ethnic economy that is unlike anything else found in
the city.
2
Introduction
Drive down South 3rd Street near Iroquois Park in the South End of Louisville, KY.
You might not notice it at first, but stop and take a look around and you will see and feel
something that might be different from anywhere else in Louisville, a neighborhood that
has been transformed by immigrants, where signs are marked with strange characters,
dozens of languages can be heard at any given moment, and store shelves are stocked
with foreign products from all over the globe.
Immigrants are a growing and important element of Louisville’s community and the
local economy and workforce. At the same time, the children of immigrants are a fast
growing segment of the metropolitan area’s school-age population (Capps et al. 2004).
Nowhere is this more evident than in the South End, most notably around the Iroquois
Manor shopping center, a place in which much of the city’s refugee population has been
resettled through the Wilson-Fish Program, a public-private partnership that provides
benefits and social services during refugees’ initial years in the United States (Capps et
al. 2004). I suggest that these immigrants over time have played an important role in
revitalizing a once declining neighborhood into a rich, diverse community.
For this research study, my goal is to show the demographic change that has occurred
over the years to transform the Iroquois Park community into a multiethnic enclave
within Louisville by using data from the U.S. Censuses, American Community Surveys,
and other sources. In addition, I will illustrate in what ways the change has been
responsible for helping to revitalize the neighborhood with observations and a series of
conversations with many residents (both native and foreign), business owners, refugee
resettlement agencies, and other relevant participants in the community.
3
Literature Review
Through my research I have found that the amount of literature available pertaining to
the effects of immigration on urban areas is substantial. Sifting through it all to find
relevant information to my own research has been tedious at times. However, I have
found it to be very beneficial in helping guide me through my studies.
The main theme I have discovered that is prevalent in a majority of my researched
material is that immigration has a significant strengthening effect on urban economies
and can contribute to the revitalization of decaying neighborhoods (Hayduk 1998,
Waldinger 1989). This has been illustrated in previous urban neighborhood studies
conducted in Flushing, NY (Smith 1995); Manhattan, NY (Wilson 1987); Northern
Virginia (Wood 1997); Philadelphia, PA (Thorp 2004); Quebec City, Canada (Dorais
1991); and St. Paul, MN (Kaplan 1997).
These studies have been helpful because they support my hypothesis that immigration
can result in a revitalization of a neighborhood that is similar to and involves immigrant
groups that are present in my study area in Louisville. They also provided a starting point
for my own research by revealing ideas and topics that could be incorporated into the
methodology of the study.
There is considerable evidence that the emerging ethnic enclaves in these
neighborhoods contain an ethnic community center, which is usually a once declining
retail center that has been revitalized through a process of ethnic place making (Wood
1997). These centers play an important role in community development and the creation
of ethnic economies (Kaplan 1997). This is the cultural center where the ethnic groups’
native customs and traditions are expressed. This area is not always noticed at first but
4
can usually be identified by ethnic markers in store signs containing languages, pictures,
or flags from their native country.
My review of the literature base has also shown that immigration is not always
welcome in some neighborhoods. In several cases public discourse has accompanied the
new arrivals as conflicts emerged between immigrants and long-term residents and
between different ethnic groups (Cummins 2007, Skerry 2002, and Smith 1995).
Lastly I tried to focus my search on some literature that had to due with immigration
in Louisville. Luckily I have found that this city has a plentiful supply of immigrant
resources. From articles (Cummins 2007, Faurest 2004, and Hill 2003) to studies (Capps
et. al. 2006, Dakan 2005, and Izyumov et. al. 2001) to city government that embraces
immigrants and has set up several programs and a government department called the
Office of International Affairs to help them integrate into the community. It's also
significant that Louisville is one of the few cities in the country that has established a
governmental department with the sole purpose of dealing with international issues.
Methodology
For this study several data sources and both qualitative and quantitative research
methods are utilized. The purpose of using multiple and independent methods is to
provide a wider range of coverage that helps to strengthen the validation achieved when
different sources of data converge and are found to be congruent (Jick 1979, Bonoma
1985, and Duchon and Kaplan 1988).
The main data source is the U.S. Census Bureau. These data are from the Decennial
Census which is conducted by the U.S. government every 10 years, in years ending in
zero, to count the population and housing units for the entire United States. The specific
5
data sets that were used were race, country of origin, and date entering U.S. at the census
tract level for tracts 44, 45, 46, 90, and 91.02 (1990) or 91.03 (2000) in Jefferson County,
KY, from the 2000 and 1990 censuses. These tracts were chosen based on the percentage
of foreign born in each tract for 2000 and for their proximity to the Americana
Apartments (Tract 56) and Iroquois Manor (Tract 46).
In addition, data from the American Community Surveys (ACS) and the US Office of
Refugee Resettlement (ORR) were used to estimate demographic data for 2006. I say
estimate because the smallest level of data from the ACS is at the county level and the
ORR only has data at the state level. The formulas for calculating the 2006 data are as
follows:
The equation for native and foreign born residents uses data from the 2006 ACS. To
convert this data set to my study area I calculated what percentage of the total selected
group for Jefferson County lived in my study area. Then I took the 2006 data and
multiplied it by that percentage to find out approximately how many were present for that
year.
(1)
The equation for ethnic groups uses data from the 2006 ORR. To convert this data set
to my study area I calculated what percentage of the total selected group for Kentucky
lived in my study area. Then I added up the ORR data of refugees entering Kentucky
from 2000 to 2006 and multiplied it by that percentage to find out approximately how
many of them were relocated to the study area. Finally I added the number of new
arrivals to the 2000 census amount for each ethnic group to find the total present for
2006.
6
(2)
The definition for each term used in the equations are as follows: A stands for the total
population of the study area and B is the total population of Jefferson County, KY for the
group being calculated based on data from the 2000 census. C is the 2006 ACS total for
the foreign or native born population of Jefferson County, KY. D is the total population
of Kentucky for the group being calculated based on data from the 2000 census. And E is
the ORR total of refugees that had been relocated in Kentucky from 2000-2006.
It should be noted that while the census data have become more accurate over the
years, they are still not able to have a 100% representation. Many people, especially
recent immigrants who are not fluent in English, are confused by the questions in the
census or don't like to provide the government with information about themselves.
Sometimes the census forms are lost, or people forget to fill them out. Also the constant
rate of movement and change within this country makes it difficult to have data that are
completely accurate. This is notably evident today since there has been almost 8 years of
changes that are unaccounted for since the most recent census. The formulas using the
ACS and ORR data are used to try to fill in this gap. However, they can not be counted
on as completely accurate as they calculate the 2006 totals based on the 2000 census
percentages of the different groups living in the study area. Any change in those
percentages that have occurred since 2000 are not included. Also, the ORR data only
contain information on resettled refugees, meaning that all non-refugee immigrants,
including undocumented immigrants, which have migrated to the study area are
unaccounted for.
7
Despite these flaws the decennial census data still provide the best and most accurate
data for my study area and it is the only census tract level data source, which allows me
to illustrate in much greater detail the significant demographic changes that have
occurred along the 3rd Street corridor over the last couple of decades and show how the
new population has contributed to the revitalization of this area.
The use of surveys, interviews, and personal observations are components of this
study as well. By talking with several of the key players in the neighborhood who are
involved in the revitalization, I got a better understanding of how the process is taking
shape, who is driving it, and who is being affected by it. Some of the respondents include
members of the different refugee resettlement agencies, immigrants’ assistance
organizations, ethnic groups, housing complexes in the area (including the Americana
Apartments), local businesses and business associations, and several residents (both
native and foreign born). All information given is strictly voluntary and every effort was
made to ensure that the interviewees were fully aware of the nature of the study and no
individual rights were violated. This is particularly important when dealing with different
ethnic groups (especially recent arrivals) who might not have become fully comfortable
in their new community.
Most respondents were selected through personal research or contacts. These included
business owners, different agencies and organizations, and housing complexes. After
selecting the candidates, I contacted and explained to each one the nature of my research
and inquired if they would be interested in participating in a voluntary interview. I gave
each a document stating the purpose, structure, confidentiality, and my personal contact
information if they had any future questions or concerns (Appendix 1). Then each one
8
signed an Informed Consent form to indicate that they had voluntarily agreed to
participate but had the right to decline participation or answer any question at any time.
When conversing with residential subjects in the field I chose a different approach. I
randomly selected residents in different locations throughout my study area and gave
them a short survey (Appendix 2) that asked for ethnicity, time lived in the Iroquois
neighborhood, and opinions on the impact of different ethnic groups within the study
area. This survey served two purposes. First I compiled the data collected from the
surveys to gain a community opinion to the diversity in the area. Secondly I used this
opportunity to evaluate the residents and determine if they would be good candidates to
be asked additional questions. Some of the criteria that I looked for were diversity, length
of time living in neighborhood, and overall attitude. If they appeared to be a good
candidate then I asked if they would like to participate further in the research and went
through the same process of explaining the study and having them sign the voluntary
agreement form as with the other interviewees. If they were not then I thanked them for
their help and moved on.
The use of both quantitative and qualitative research methods for this study is crucial
to get an overall understanding of the revitalization that has occurred and how it is related
to the recent immigration influx into this area. By studying the census data I detected a
pattern of out migration of native (white) residents and a simultaneous in migration for
many different ethnic groups from decade to decade. These data are fairly accurate and
are much easier to come by than conducting a survey of all residents in the study area.
And firsthand accounts by the individuals and organizations that are a part of the
revitalization will benefit in providing a complete and detailed description of how this
9
process took shape and what the current status is for the study area. Also it will help to
formulate some predictions as to what is the future direction for Louisville's, South End.
Both methods have their own benefits to them, but in the end this study would not be able
to cover the full spectrum of the research question if they were not incorporated together.
Decline and Revitalization
Like many older neighborhoods throughout the United States; the South End in
Louisville, KY, had been going through a period of decline starting around the 1960s as
many residents and business owners were choosing to migrate to bigger, more modern
neighborhoods (Faurest 2004). This population mainly consisted of white, Christian,
middle class residents who were either growing tired of the same old familiar
neighborhood and were looking to move somewhere new, or thought that the newer areas
would provide better opportunities for them.
In the 1980s and 1990s this area started to see a reversal of fortune at about the same
time that the first wave of immigrants arrived. They were Vietnamese refugees who were
relocated to escape the violence during the Vietnam War by resettlement agencies such as
Catholic Charities and Kentucky Refugee Ministries. It should be no surprise that this
area has been taking off ever since. Studies on other cities in the U.S. have shown how
immigration has countered trends of urban decline by contributing to repopulation,
revitalization, and economic development (Thorp 2004).
The South End was an ideal location for refugees because of the low cost of housing
in the area including the addition of multiple affordable apartment complexes. One of
them is the Americana Apartments, which viewed this resettlement as an opportunity to
quickly fill their vacancies and therefore were very eager to be at the center of the
10
relocation. This area also benefited from a centralized location within Louisville and a
well established public transportation system allowing for easy access to the downtown
business district to the north, industrial district to the west, and newly constructed areas to
the south and east. Finally, there was the availability of housing and employment
opportunities due to the vacancies from the out-migration of the former residents.
The process of revitalization is not quick or easy. At first many hostilities were
reported between different ethnic groups and between ethnic groups and local residents
due to unfamiliarity and prejudice (Smith 1995). In the case of the Vietnamese (the first
refugee group to arrive in the area in significant numbers) there might have also been a
misconception that the new arrivals were Communists which became a growing
generalization among many Americans during this time period (Rutledge 2002). Over
time, as the foreign population continues to become more integrated into the community,
the negative responses from native born Louisvillians have subsided, creating an overall
atmosphere of acceptance (Cummins 2007).
Demographic Change
The main catalyst for the revitalization of the Iroquois neighborhood was the
demographic change that has taken place over the last several decades. Once a white
middle class neighborhood, this area has clearly been transformed into a diverse
multiethnic community with contributions from the Vietnamese, Cubans, Bosnians, and
several other ethnic groups.
Vietnamese
The most predominant ethnic group in the Iroquois neighborhood is the Vietnamese.
At first they arrived in waves during the 1980s and 1990s as they were placed in this area
11
by the different refugee resettlement agencies. During the 2000’s the number of actual
refugees being resettled dropped to a slow trickle. In their place were Vietnamese who
were arriving as either non-refugee immigrants or as part of a secondary migration from
other cities and states, which has helped to keep the Vietnamese community strong.
These include family and friends of refugees who had been separated during the war or
resettlement process. The 2000 US Census shows that there are approximately 1,000
Vietnamese living in or around the Iroquois neighborhood. This number, along with the
high visibility of the Vietnamese, has prompted some people to refer to this area as Little
Saigon (Cummins 2007). However, the overall number of Vietnamese is probably
underestimated due to the difficulty in obtaining data on the amount of non-refugee
Vietnamese who have settled in the area since the 2000 census was conducted.
Cubans
Currently the fastest growing immigrant group in the Iroquois neighborhood is the
Cubans. They are relative newcomers to the area compared to the Vietnamese, only
beginning to arrive during the mid-90s. However, since then this area has become a
popular destination for Cuban refugees. Based on data from the United States Office of
Refugee Resettlement (ORR), Kentucky ranks as the third highest destination for Cuban
refugees since 2000, behind only Florida and Texas. Census and ORR data between 1990
and 2006 show that approximately 3,800 Cuban refugees have been resettled in Jefferson
County, KY, with an estimated 43% of them residing in the study area.
Bosnians, Africans, and Others
Due to the never ending number of conflicts that are taking place all over the world,
the stream of refugees coming into this area continues to grow. Other ethnic groups
12
adding to the diversity in Louisville’s South End come from Eastern Europe (Bosnia,
Croatia), Africa (Somalia, Sudan), and the Middle East (Iraq, Iran) which can be seen
more clearly in Table 1. Like the Cubans, these groups are fairly new additions to the
neighborhood and haven’t established themselves in the community quite as much as the
Vietnamese. However, their inclusion is still no less significant as they bring even more
diversity and flavor into the area.
Ethnicity 1990 2000 2006*
Born in U.S. 23801 21019 19597
Foreign Born 653 3213 4405
Vietnamese 414 978 1005
Cuban 0 842 1669
Bosnian 0 407 628
African 0 183 268
Middle Eastern 36 229 238
* Estimate based on data from Census, American Community Surveys, and Office of Refugee Resettlement.
Table 1. Comparison of ethnic composition within study area since 1990.
In total, the addition of thousands of immigrant refugees from several different ethnic
groups to the Iroquois Park neighborhood has helped to stabilize the population by
cancelling out the decline of the native born residents. Between 1990 and 2006 data from
the census, American Community Surveys, and the Office of Refugee Resettlement
(ORR) shows that the study area has lost a net total of 4204 native born residents and
gained 3752 foreign born resulting in a net loss of only 452 people. Although, the 1990
13
and 2000 data come from the census, the 2006 data is an estimate based on the ORR
number of foreign refugees resettled in the Iroquois neighborhood and does not take into
account non-refugee immigrant. Therefore the number is probably underestimated.
The Americana Apartments (located in Jefferson County census tract 56) are usually
the first haven for many of the resettled refugees due to its location, low rent, and
willingness to take on refugees. Over the years, as the refugees are able to establish
themselves, many choose to move out of the apartment complex but remain within the
neighborhood by purchasing individual homes nearby. It is also evident that there is a
distinct dispersal pattern for the foreign born residents to the census tracts south and east
of the Americana Apartments, away from the city (Figure 1).
1990 2000
Figure 1. Percentage of Foreign Born Population in Louisville’s South End Using GIS.
For those refugees who do choose to relocate to a differnt part of town, they remain
attached to their initial settlement in the Iroquois neighborhood, returning on occasions to
meet with old friends, buy ethnic products from the many stores in the area, and attend
religious services in the buddhist temple or in one of the ethnic churches.
14
Refugee Revitalization
It is important to note that refugees are not the same as voluntary
migrants. The main difference between refugees and voluntary
migrants is the reluctance to uproot oneself, and the absence of
positive original motivations to settle elsewhere, which characterizes
all refugee decisions and distinguishes the refugee from the voluntary
migrants (Kunz 1981). Hence, the key idea necessary to understand
the refugee in flight is that of the “push” (Lee 1966). While ordinary
immigrants are more likely to be “pulled” by the attraction of the
opportunity to fashion a better life, as Barry Stein (1981, 322) defines
it, “the refugee is not pulled out; he is pushed out. Given the choice, he
would stay.” Because of this reality, many of the refugees were not prepared to face
the challenges of integrating into a new community in an unfamiliar land.
That is where having the Vietnamese as the first main immigrant group into the
Iroquois neighborhood has been so beneficial. As a group they are a very culturally
oriented people who have a strong belief in the importance of family and community. For
them, social adjustment in their new environment first consists of establishing their own
networks of social relations and other institutions, which will help them find a place in
the host country without forfeiting their cultural identity (Dorais 1991). Immigrants
express their culture through their own social and institutional community networks, and
it is the community as a whole that integrates them with the larger society (Rex and
Josephides 1987). This reliance on community is what has helped them to overcome the
hardships of being refugees (leaving their friends and family, spending several years in
15
refugee camps, and coming to a place with a completely different language and set of
customs) to successfully make a place for themselves in the Iroquois neighborhood while
at the same instance maintaining their heritage.
Another aspect of the Vietnamese culture that has helped them is their willingness to
do hard work (Haines et. al. 1981). They are instilled with a Vietnamese concept called
“tran can cu” which combines hard work, patience, and tenacity into a relentless drive to
survive or be successful (Rutledge 2002). As many Vietnamese in the community
mentioned to me, it was this drive that got them out of the difficulties that they faced
during their initial resettlement to the level of success that they are having in the
community today.
The infusion of hard working immigrants into the Iroquois neighborhood occured at a
time when the area was going through an urban decline. This gave the Vietnamese the
space needed to establish a close knit community and plently of opportunities to use their
natural determination to make a place for themselves without giving up their culture. This
is significant because it allowed them to create buisnesses that reflected thier Vietnamese
heritage, instead of conforming to existing American ones that would have taken more
time for them to comprehend. And the growing ethnic community provided the demand
and support for these buisnesses while the preexisting residents were trying to figure out
what to make of these new changes. More recently, as other refugee groups (Cubans,
Bosnians, etc.) were resettled into the Iroquois neighbohood, they have started to follow
the same formula as the Vietnamese. By using hard work and community to make their
place, they have further contributed to the revitalization process and added new
dimensions to the already diverse neighborhood.
16
While it was not a planned goal of the refugees to revitalize this area, they had been
placed here without any say in the matter and were just trying to reestablish their lives
and make a living. However, in the process of doing so they contributed to the reversal of
the population decline and created a new ethnic economy.
Iroquois Manor
Once an ethnic group is established (usually takes several years) it begins to transform
the community. The transformation begins with the creation of what I call a central ethnic
district (CED) which is usually a shopping center or strip mall that becomes the heart of
the ethnic community. Within the CED are several ethnic businesses that range from
restaurants to grocery stores to jewelry shops. In the South End, the Iroquois Manor
shopping center located on South 3rd Street has become this neighborhood’s CED, and
since the Vietnamese community is the most established (Figure 2), it has played the
biggest role in shaping the CED and therefore is the most visible. However, in the past
decade there has been a large increase in the number of refugees from Cuba, Bosnia, and
Africa; as they are becoming more established, their influence and visibility should
continue to grow.
17
Figure 2: Vietnamese stores located along S. 3rd Street near Iroquois Manor.
In addition to the several ethnic buisnesses that have sprung up over the last decade,
many of the non-ethnic buisness owners, managers, and employees expressed to me that
they needed to adapt their buissnesses as well in order to survive and satisfy the
increasingly diverse population. Banks, medical offices, and refugee assitance
organizations in the CED now have multi-lingual employees able to assist customers who
speak a variety of languages such as Spanish, French, Bosnian, Vietnamese, and
Somalian.
The best example of this adaptation is the anchor store of Iroquois Manor,
ValuMarket. This location was an ordinary grocery store a little more than a decade ago,
no different from any other ValuMarket. With the increase of the ethnic population in the
their market area this grocery store was forced to meet the needs of its changing
18
customers. As the manager explained, “the goal of any buisness is to be profitable, and
for us to be profitable we had to adapt to the community that we are serving.” That has
meant creating a store that is appealing to both American and foreign residents. At first,
like the initial presence of foreign residents in the community, this change was faced with
some uncertainty. Over time it gradually became accepted and now is a staple of the
foreign presence in the Iroquois area.
Diversity brings more attention and buissness to the area (both from ethnic groups and
natives). On the whole, the impact of immigration on urban economies is generally
agreed to be positive (Hayduk 1998). The number of ethnic buisnesses in the Iroquois
neighborhood is a direct result of the demand for these services by the different ethnic
groups in the area. As this ethnic economy has grown it has garnered more notoriety. The
ethnic offerings at Iroquois Manor have drawn people from outside the neighborhood
(Hill 2003). And whether it be curiousity or a sense of adventure to try something new,
they made the journy to the Iroquois Manor. Now the trip has become a routine part of
their week as they just can't get enough of the area's ethnic flavor. Sometimes, as I found
out from one Iroquois Manor regular, coming from as far away as Fort Knox, KY.
Conclusion
The evidence presented in this study confirms that immigration and refugee
resettlement has created a demographic change in the South End resulting in the
revitalization of the neighborhood. Catholic Charities, Kentucky Refugee Ministries, and
other refugee resettlement organizations have relocated several thousand immigrants and
refugees from all over the world to this area. This has altered the look and feel of the area
and jump started the revitalization process. However, it was not until the foreign residents
19
began to establish themselves within the community that the process was visible. The
establishment stage occurred when the foreign residents began to make places for
themselves by reconfiguring the geography of the places they inherited in the community
by opening their own businesses (most of which had an ethnic theme) in place of the
many abandoned or declining ones in the area (Wood 1997).
The new residents have reenergized the community by turning it into a vibrant mix of
cultures and languages. The threat of assimilation and erosion of cultural traditions by the
American mainstream is always present, but so far the strong ethnic community has
slown the acculturation of its members by providing a reference base where the values,
attitudes, and cultural patterns are still considered worthwhile (Rogg 1971).
Commitments to old values, together with a strong identification with their home country
and their past lives, have been the most potent forces working against the refugees’
assimilation into the United States (Portes 1967), and have aided them in maintaining a
sense of familiarity and comfort within the community. Iroquois Manor has played a
pivotal role in the revitalization and ethnic strengthening of the South End by providing a
haven for the many different ethnic cultures and businesses to come together and flourish.
This would never have been possible in an area where a demand for an ethnic market did
not exist.
In the future, it remains to be seen whether or not the different groups will be able to
coexist and thrive off one another like they have up to this point, especially with the
Cubans becoming the majority ethnic group in the area, surpassing the Vietnamese.
However, the successes that have been achieved in the South End neighborhood can be
directly attributed to the ethnic place-making that has occurred. And if the neighborhood
20
wants to continue to grow it should embrace its ethnic roots and try to strengthen the
multicultural niche that it has created.
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Appendix 1
Immigration and Neighborhood Study
Researcher: Shawn Hibbs, Undergraduate Student at the University of Louisville, Department of Geography/GeosciencesPhone Number: 502-836-8435Email Address: [email protected]
Introduction and Purpose
This is a study, conducted as part of a student research project, which is intended to look at the
impact of immigration within the Iroquois Neighborhood. Over the years growing numbers of different
ethnic groups have settled in and around the South End of Louisville and become part of this community.
My goal is to better understand how they have effected and helped to revitalize this area.
Voluntary Participation
Taking part in this study is voluntary. If you decide to participate in this study you will be asked to
sign an informed consent form, however you may still opt-out at any time that you like. All questions are
voluntary and you may refuse to answer any question that you do not feel like answering.
Appendix 2 Immigration and Neighborhood QuestionnaireResearcher: Shawn Hibbs, Undergraduate Student at the University of Louisville, Department of Geography/GeosciencesPhone Number: 502-836-8435Email Address: [email protected]
1. Where were you born?
2. What is your ethnicity? (Circle One)
White Black Asian Hispanic Other
3. How long have you lived in the Iroquois Neighborhood? (Circle One)
Do not live here Less than 1 year 1-5 years 6-10 years More than 10 years
4. How often do you visit Iroquois Manor?
Never 1 – 2 times a month 1 – 2 times a week More than twice a week
5. Why do you visit Iroquois Manor? (select all that apply)
Grocery Shopping Retail Shopping Dining/Restaurants Other
6. How much impact have people of ethnic descent (Hispanic, Asian, African, or Eastern European)