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International Institute of Environment and DevelopmentLondon 2005

A handbook of participatory tools used to prepare India’s National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan

An Activist Approach toBiodiversity Planning

Tejaswini Apte


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Published by the International Institute for Environment and Development

International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED)3 Endsleigh StreetLondonWC1H 0DDUnited KingdomTel: +44 (0) 20 73882117Fax: + 44 (0) 20 73882826Email: [email protected]: www.iied.org

© International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), 2005

ISBN 1 84369 548 0

Design: Tony CredlandCover Photo: Ashish KothariAll photographs courtesy of Ashish KothariPrinted by: CalvertsPrinted on: Cyclus offset - recycled paper

Please send feedback and comments to the author at: [email protected]

The publication of this book has been made possible through the generoussupport of the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (DGIS) and the GermanFederal Ministry for Economic Cooperation (BMZ).


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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the International Institute ofEnvironment and Development (IIED) for fundingthis project, and Dr. Sonja Vermeulen of IIED forher encouragement and guidance throughout theresearch and writing of this handbook.

This study was made possible due to the co-operation of all the interviewees who gave theirtime to answer my questions. Special mentionmust be made of Bansuri Taneja whose brainchildthis project was, and of Ashish Kothari and KanchiKohli who answered endless queries withequanimity. Neema Pathak, Seema Bhatt andBjoern Rahm provided valuable comments on adraft version of the handbook. Manju Menonhelped with suggestions for the Sikkim field visit.Shri PD Rai of ECOSS went out of his way toorganise a meeting with Shri DT Lepcha, Ministerof Forests, Mines and Geology, Sikkim. Finally, thisstudy would not have been possible without theable assistance of T. Uden Bhutia, Suneetha Eluri,Gracy Joseph, Nitin Kapse, K. Sanyasir Raju, DVSMRao and Sunita Rao in organising the field visitlogistics, interview schedules and translations.


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1. How to Use this Handbook 10

2. Quick Reference: A Guide to Each Section 11

3. Introduction 15Institutional Structure of NBSAP Process 17Methodology of NBSAP Process 19Methodology of this Study 21Definitions of Key Terms Used 22Context of Participation in Natural Resource Conservation and Planning in India: A Brief Outline 24

4. KarnatakaKarnataka state 27Uttar Kannada sub-state site 27

5. Maharashtra Maharashtra state 43Nagpur sub-state site 47

6. Sikkim Sikkim state 55Rathong Chu Valley sub-state site 55

7. Andhra PradeshAndhra Pradesh state 75Deccan sub-state site 77North Coastal Andhra Pradesh sub-state site 84

8. National Media Campaign: Tools and Strategies 97

9. Conclusion and Summary: Some Lessons Learned 119

10. A Concluding Note: What Next? 145

11. Appendix 147

Contents


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School Biodiversity Registers 29All India Radio programmes 33Biodiversity festival 37

Written questionnaires for government officials 49

Village level public hearings 57Biodiversity festival 63Written questionnaires for government officials 68State-level workshop 69

Mobile biodiversity festival 79Village level consultations 85Tribal workshop and review workshop 87Micro-planning for two villages 89Sectoral meeting for healers 91

Media campaign products:Logo 98Call for Participation brochure 98Posters (printed, blank, roll-up panels and cloth banners) 101Wall calendar 102

Media campaign outreach tools:Website 103Television spots 104Radio spots 104Print articles (Folio magazine/Chandamama/Media Fellows/Media workshops) 104Collaborative workshops 107

Communication with Coordinating Agencies:Newsletter 108Compendium of Guidelines and Concept Papers 109National and regional workshops 110

Karnataka:

Maharashtra:

Sikkim:

Andhra Pradesh:

National media campaign:

Index of Tools


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The aim of this handbook is to present in a user-friendly manner, the tools used to elicitparticipation in the planning process which led tothe creation of the National Biodiversity Strategyand Action Plan (NBSAP) in India. The tools aredescribed in a way that should make it possible forreaders to apply/adapt the tools to their ownsettings, and to understand the strengths andweaknesses of the tools in terms of bringing outthe voices of the targeted social sectors.

Each section can be read as a stand-alone piece,depending on the needs and interests of the reader.It is suggested that all readers should read theIntroduction to understand the context of theNBSAP process.

The tools are presented in five sections. The firstfour sections are organised according to the fourstates examined, since without presenting thecontext in which the tools were used, the lessonslearned from the experiences lose much of theirmeaning. Each state report contains a fulldescription of key tools used in the state. Toolsproduced and used on a national level, and whichwere therefore common to all states, are discussedin the fifth section on the National MediaCampaign. The aim is not simply to presentseparate ‘case-studies’. Common lessons andparallels can be drawn across all four states and themedia campaign, and these are discussed in theconcluding section.

Of four states examined, only the ‘flagship’ toolsof each state will be discussed, i.e. tools that madethe process significantly different from other states’processes. Though only key tools are described indetail, the full cluster of tools used within eachstate process is outlined to give an indication of thecontext in which the tools worked, and the extent to

which they complemented other tools used in theprocess.

Each tool is described in the following format (withsome variation where relevant):• Name of tool• Objective• Output• Description of the development

and application of the tool• Strengths• Weaknesses

In addition, each section includes most or all of thefollowing elements:• An analysis of the overall strengths andweaknesses of the processes in the state. • Ongoing implementation of the states’ plansformulated during the process.• ‘Boxes’ within the text describing follow-upactivities and off-shoots of the NBSAP process inthe state. These boxes are an indication of how theNBSAP often generated independent localmomentum that exceeded the original intentions orexpectations of the process.

The Quick Reference guide gives brief summariesof each section, to help readers navigate thehandbook efficiently. The Index of Tools has asimilar purpose.

How to use this handbook


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Quick reference:

IntroductionThe institutional structure and methodology of theNBSAP process is explained, along with a briefoutline of the context of participatory naturalresource planning in India.

It is suggested that all readers should look at the Introduction to understand the context of theNBSAP process. Following which each of the subsequent sections may be read as a stand-alone piece.

KarnatakaKarnataka state and Uttar Kannada sub-state site:The Karnataka state process, coordinated by theCentre for Ecological Sciences, is an excellentexample of a process that utilised a complementarycluster of tools to reach across various social sectors,and to get inputs at a number of different levels inthe process, from grassroots data collection, toreviewing the final Karnataka Biodiversity Strategyand Action Plan.

The process included diverse sectors such asschool children, teachers, NGOs and the generalpublic through innovative use of tools like radioprogrammes and School Biodiversity Registers.The Uttar Kannada sub-state process used asmaller range of tools and had a relatively limitedreach.The focus of this section will therefore be mainly

on the Karnataka state process, with reference tothe Uttar Kannada process with regard to the useof biodiversity festivals. The Uttar Kannadaprocess, coordinated by AV Baliga College, wasindependent of the Karnataka state process.

Key tools described: • School Biodiversity Registers• All India Radio Programmes• Biodiversity Festivals

MaharashtraMaharashtra stateMaharashtra has a context of vigorous socialactivism, a strong presence of NGOs and people’smovements, and ample research facilities. Thecoordinating agency for the state plan, YASHADA(Yashwant Rao Chavan Academy of DevelopmentAdministration), conducts research and trainingprogrammes for a large number of officials andnon-governmental individuals every year, andcollaborates closely with the state government. Itwas hoped that during the NBSAP process,YASHADA would provide a valuable interfacebetween government officials and the non-governmental sector since it has the capacity toreach out to both.

However the process did not match the expectedpotential. This section examines some of thepossible reasons for this, with interesting lessonsemerging with regard to monitoring andaccountability, the selection of the coordinatingagency, and follow-up communication. TheMaharashtra state process was independent of theNagpur sub-state site process.

Nagpur sub-state siteNagpur is an interesting example because it wasthe only urban NBSAP site in the country. Thissection discusses the challenges of elicitingparticipation in an urban context. The experiencein Nagpur also brings up issues of coordinating


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agency capacity, information management,extractive methodologies, and the need tomaximise existing local resources. The Nagpursub-state site process was independent of theMaharashtra state process.

Key tools described:• Written government questionnaire

SilkkimSikkim state and Rathong Chu Valley sub-state siteSikkim had a highly participatory grassrootsprocess, with village level public hearings at 39locations around the state resulting in 39community action plans.

The coordinating agency was the ForestDepartment (FD), but – unconventionally - a largebulk of the work was handed over to a smallgrassroots NGO, the KhangchendzongaConservation Committee (KCC) based in theRathong Chu Valley. The FD’s collaboration withKCC was a vital element in shaping the process atgrassroots level.

Other highlights of the Sikkim process were twovibrant biodiversity festivals that includedinnovations such as 3-D working models anddramatisations of local environmental problems.This section also includes lessons regardinginformation dissemination, and the need tomaximise local resources and networks.

There were considerable overlaps between theSikkim state process and the Rathong Chu Valleysub-state process since the FD was the solecoordinating agency in Sikkim. The findings fromthe state and sub-state site are therefore presentedin a consolidated form.

Key tools described:• Village level public hearings• Biodiversity festival• Written government questionnaire• State level workshops

Andhra PradeshAndhra Pradesh stateThe coordinating agency was the Environmental

Protection Training and Research Institute (EPTRI),an institution set up by the state government.

Despite an initial enthusiasm from environmentalNGOs and individuals, the process, whichcomprised of a few meetings, fizzled out leaving asense of frustration among many of the initialparticipants. The process did not percolate down toa grassroots level, and did not secure the activeparticipation of a wide range of actors. Key lessonsemerge regarding: bureaucratic approaches;perceptions about the coordinating agency amongstakeholders; build-up and follow-up information.

The Andhra Pradesh state process wasindependent of the Deccan sub-state site and theNorth Coastal Andhra sub-state site processes.

Deccan sub-state site The Deccan plan was confined specifically to theZaheerabad region in Medak district, and focusedonly on agricultural biodiversity. This was one ofthe most intensive participatory processes amongthe NBSAP sites, in terms of grassrootsparticipation. It was co-ordinated by the NGO,Deccan Development Society (DDS), a grassrootsorganisation working mainly with Dalit women.

The highlight of the Deccan process was itsmobile biodiversity festival, which travelled as abullock cart procession through dozens of villagesover 32 days. The Deccan sub-state plan isessentially based on intensive discussions that tookplace during the festival. It is estimated that thefestival reached out to about 20,000 farmers.

Key tools described:• Mobile biodiversity festival

North Coastal Andhra sub-state site The North Coastal Andhra sub-state site focussedon the two districts of Srikakulam and


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Vizianagram. This process is interesting firstly interms of the impact it had on small NGOs in termsof capacity building. Tools and resources producedat a national level assumed great importance in acontext of scarce information and facilitation, andwere used more extensively than at other sitesstudied. Secondly, this site illustrates the resultsachieved by intensive personal follow-up andnetworking by the coordinating agency. Thirdly, theNBSAP produced some interesting ‘off-shoot’activity, from small acts of personal inspiration(such as tree planting or recycling waste) todevelopments with wider implications such asopportunities for networking between far-flungstakeholders.

The North Coastal Andhra process was focussedon grassroots concerns, and the process reflectedthis, with its series of village meetings andinteractions with tribal networks. The coordinatingagency was Grameena Punarnirmana Kendra (GPK),a small grassroots NGO based in Kurupam village.

Key tools described:• Village level consultations• Tribal workshop and review workshop• Micro-planning for two villages• Sectoral meeting for healers

National media campaignA national media campaign was developed tocommunicate the message of NBSAP nationally.The state and sub-state sites were encouraged todraw on the media aims, tools and strategiesdeveloped at a national level, but were free todevelop independent media strategies.

The key way in which the National MediaCampaign differed from media use at state andsub-state levels was that the former aimed to createa presence and momentum at a national level,while the latter’s scope was limited to the area forwhich the local BSAP was being prepared.

This section deals only with the national media

campaign, and the tools and strategies ofcommunication developed for the national level.

Discussion of the national media campaign tools isdivided into: Media campaign products (e.g.brochures, posters) Media outreach activities (e.g.print, website) and Media for communication withcoordinating agencies (e.g. newsletters, guidelines)

Key tools described:• Logo• Call for Participation brochure• Posters• Wall calendar• Website• Television spots• Radio spots• Print articles• Collaborative workshops• Compendium of Guidelines and Concept Papers• National and Regional workshops• Newsletter

Conclusion and summarySome lessons learned: Key lessons drawn out of theNBSAP experience are summarised in this section.Many of these lessons come up in precedingsections, and are presented here in a consolidatedform. This section would therefore be useful for allreaders, whether they have looked at all or onlysome of the previous sections.

Sections:• Ownership• Complementary cluster of tools• Coordinating agency selection• Urban challenges• The challenge of information management• Information dissemination• Maximising locally available resources• The media challenge• Work ethics: who is using the tools?


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• Capacity building• Understanding NBSAP and empowerment• Dissenting opinions• Under-represented sectors• Summary of strong and weak points of key tools

a. School biodiversity registersb. Biodiversity festivalsc. Village level meetingsd. All India Radio seriese. Tools and strategies for involving

government officials


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Introduction

The National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan(NBSAP) of India was a project of the Ministry ofEnvironment and Forests (MoEF) of theGovernment of India. It was funded by the GlobalEnvironment Facility, through the United NationsDevelopment Programme (UNDP). All countriesthat are signatory to the Convention on BiologicalDiversity (CBD) are required to prepare NationalBiodiversity Strategy and Action Plans. The CBDwas one of the key agreements adopted by worldleaders at the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio deJaneiro. The main goals of the CBD are theconservation and sustainable use of biodiversity,and the equitable sharing of benefits arising fromthe use of genetic resources. It was the first globalagreement on biodiversity conservation andsustainable use (www.biodiv.org). India signed theCBD in June 1992, and the Convention came intoforce in December 1993. 168 countries have signedthe CBD (as of April 2004), though not all haveratified it. The CBD stresses that stakeholderparticipation in developing biodiversity policy isessential for the effective implementation of thepolicy. It also stresses that the process of policydevelopment is as important as the final product(Anuradha et al 2001).

The NBSAP is meant to serve as the primaryvehicle for implementing the CBD at a nationallevel.

The initial intent of the MoEF was to entrust thetask of writing the NBSAP for the entire country toa team of consultants with a budget ofapproximately Rs.4 crores (US$ 916,588). However,in an extraordinary move, the MoEF short-listedsome non-governmental institutions and decidedon entrusting the task of preparing the NBSAP toan NGO, Kalpavriksh Environmental Action

Group. Kalpavriksh had offered to prepare theNBSAP for the same budget of Rs.4 crores, withthe task spread across the country, and a far greaterinvolvement and ownership by people acrossdifferent social sectors. This move by the MoEFwas made despite strong resistance from within, bypeople who wanted the process retained within theministry. A great deal of credit therefore goes to theofficials in charge, who had the larger initial visionto push the proposal through. This was the firststep towards a decentralised planning process.Following this a unique process was developedwhich was unlike anything that had happenedbefore in national environmental planning, interms of scale, ambition, decentralisation andpeople’s participation. The NBSAP process in Indiawas launched in 2000 and the national plan is dueto be finalised in 2004 –2005 (as of April 2004 adraft was already available).

The NBSAP was undertaken in a context wheregovernment environmental plans and policies areprepared predominantly in a centralised andconsultant-centric manner. Contrary to this context,the vision of the NBSAP team was to create adecentralised planning process that would result ina plan that would carry within it the priorities andaspirations of the common people of India. TheNBSAP approach was based on the premise thatbiodiversity has ecological, cultural, spiritual as wellas economic value, and impinges on every citizen;and that planning for its conservation shouldtherefore be owned and shaped by as manyindividuals as possible in an equitable process thatallowed the most marginalized voices to be heard.A key element of the approach was also thepremise that the wider the ownership of theprocess, the greater the chances of the plan being


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accepted and implemented at a national, state andlocal level.

In a context of economic and political inequity, itis no great surprise that the people who are mostdependent on the natural environment for theirsurvival are usually marginalized from planningand decision-making regarding the naturalenvironment. The NBSAP was unique in going astep further and recognising that a wide range ofpeople (not necessarily only the poorest of thepoor) is marginalized from biodiversityconservation planning – in a nutshell, almosteveryone not directly connected to planning andpolicy-making, is marginalized from biodiversityconservation planning. The NBSAP thus tried toinclude as many interest groups and sectors aspossible in the planning process, such asgrassroots communities, women, NGOs, activists,field-level Forest Department officials, businessrepresentatives, the armed forces, disabledindividuals, and students. In particular, emphasiswas given to the participation of those whoselivelihoods depend most on biodiversity, and whotherefore have the greatest stake in itsconservation.

The ultimate aims of the NBSAP were:• Biodiversity conservation and ecological security• Livelihoods security

An ambitious programme of participatoryplanning was launched in 2000, decentralised tostate and sub-state levels, and eventually involving"tens of thousands of people" (Kothari et al2002). It was the first time that such an exercisehad been attempted in India. The tools andprocesses used to gain participation and managethe massive co-ordination effort, were oftendeveloped and tested during the on-going process.Many of the activities were experiments, and oftenyielded results that were surprising, inspiring andalso disappointing: "One major problem that hadfaced the co-ordinating teams at the start of

NBSAP was the lack of any previous nation-wideexercise of this scale and magnitude, in India orelsewhere, from which lessons could be learnt. Anumber of the design elements were thereforenew and without precedence, and it was inevitablethat some of them would come unstuck." (Kothariet al 2002)

Objectives of this HandbookThe main objective of this handbook is to describeand analyse some of the tools and ‘designelements’ that went into eliciting participation inthe NBSAP process. The aim is to create ahandbook of tools and experiences that can be usedand adapted for future biodiversity planningexercises of a similar nature.

The focus of this handbook is on tools of directcommunication, used for the purpose ofcommunicating with, and eliciting participationfrom, marginalized groups as part of the NBSAPplanning process. (For the working definition of‘marginalized’ see the section on Definitions p22).

Broadly speaking, the communication tools usedin the NBSAP can be classified into five types:

1. Tools to raise awareness about NBSAP and biodiversity conservation

2.Tools to evoke active responses and inputs into the plan

3. Tools for reviewing or sharing collected information

4.Tools for administrative coordination and communication (between the formal components of the NBSAP institutional structure)

5. Tools for technical planning and communication (between the formal components of the NBSAP institutional structure)

This handbook will be dealing with only the firstthree types of communication tools in the above list.


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Some of the tools are celebratory, such as thosewithin the biodiversity festivals that celebrated thelocal cultural and emotional aspects of biodiversity;some are national-level innovations to reach out toa diverse population, such as the Call forParticipation brochure that was printed in 19languages; others are tools targeted at specificgroups like students, in an effort to widen theplanning process beyond the exclusive realm of theexperts.

Most importantly, there was a consistentemphasis that the process of putting the plantogether was as important as the final product. Inother words (apart from what might come out ofthe final plan), the process itself was to yield resultsin terms of increased awareness of biodiversity,empowerment through participation, localinitiatives to begin implementation of local plans,and so on. In this sense, the NBSAP process wasturned into a form of activism, as much as it wasthe putting together of a formal national plan.

Institutional Structure ofNBSAP ProcessMinistry of Environment and Forests: The NBSAPProject Directorate was based at the MoEF. TheJoint Secretary of the MoEF acted as the NationalProject Director. National Steering Committee: A National SteeringCommittee was created with representatives fromeight ministries, the Planning Commission and theUNDP, in addition to four NGO representatives.This Committee provided overall guidance to theprocess. Technical and Policy Core Group: The bulk of thework in terms of conceptualisation,implementation and day-to-day co-ordination wasthe responsibility of the Technical and Policy CoreGroup (TPCG) – this was a 15-member team ofexperts from various sectors including NGOrepresentatives, researchers, activists and scientists.Heading the TPCG as technical coordinator was

Ashish Kothari of the national NGO, Kalpavriksh. Administrative agency: Administration, logisticsand financial coordination was assigned to BiotechConsortium India Ltd (BCIL), a "public limitedcompany with the objective of providing thelinkages amongst research institutions, industry,government and funding institutions, to facilitateaccelerated commercialisation of biotechnology"(http://www.biotech.co.in/).

Four levels of planning: There were four levels atwhich separate Biodiversity Strategy and ActionPlans (BSAPs) were made:1 State level plans in 33 states and union territories.

Coordinated by State Steering Committees (SSC).The SSC was headed by a coordinating agency.

2 Sub-state plans at 18 selected sites in some statesto create more detailed, local level plans.Coordinated by Local Advisory Committees(LAC). The LAC was headed by a coordinatingagency. Sub-state plans were completelyindependent of state plans.

3 Inter-state eco-regional plans in 10 eco-regionsthat cut across state boundaries, such as theWestern Ghats or West Himalaya. Coordinated byEco-regional Working Groups (EWG).

4 Thematic plans plans on 13 selected themesrelating to biodiversity, such as ‘Culture andBiodiversity’ or ‘Economics and Valuation ofBiodiversity’. Coordinated by Thematic WorkingGroups (TWG). In addition there were sub-thematic reviews, which were smaller studieslooking at specific aspects within selectedthemes.

A total of 71 plans (out of a proposed 74) wereprepared across the four levels. Each plan wasmeant to be an independent, stand-alone documentthat would be directly referred to forimplementation of strategies and actions in theconcerned area. Key elements from all plans werefinally integrated into a single National BiodiversityStrategy and Action Plan (NBSAP).


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Communication flow between components of the NBSAP process

Ministry of Environment and Forests

NationalSteeringCommittee

Technical andPolicy CoreGroup

BiotechConsortiumIndia Ltd

StateSteeringCommittee

LocalAdvisoryCommittee

Eco-regionalWorkingGroup

ThematicWorkingGroup

Participants:• NGOs• Activists• Grassroots communities• Forest Department officials• Government institutions• Academics• Schools/Universities• Scientists• Business interests• Armed forces• Politicians• ‘Ordinary’ citizens


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Methodology of NBSAP ProcessThis handbook will be referring only to state andsub-state site plans (Nos.1 and 2 p.17). Thereforethe following explanation refers only to thepreparation of these plans.

Timeframe The national plan and all the subsidiary plans wereto be completed within a period of two years, from2000 to 2001. This timeframe was subsequentlyextended by a year.

Selection of coordinating agencies: • Each state and sub-state site was assigned acoordinating agency, which was usually a governmentdepartment, academic institution or NGO.• The process for selecting coordinating agencieswas as follows: The TPCG drew up a list ofcoordinating agencies based on their ownexperience, and extensive discussion amongstthemselves and with key contacts. All state-levelcoordinating agencies had to be approved by thestate government (but this was not required forsub-state level agencies). In most cases the agencysuggested by the TPCG was approved, but in somecases the state government chose another agency. • Once a state-level coordinating agency had beenappointed it could not be changed, regardless of thequality of the process. (not for sub-state agencies.)

Arrangements within state and sub-state sites:• Sub-state site processes were completelyindependent of the state processes, and producedindependent plans. The sub-state sites have beenincluded in state chapters in this handbook only asa means of organising the findings, and toestablish the context of the state.• The coordinating agency for a state plan headed astate steering committee (SSC).• The coordinating agency for a sub-state planheaded a local advisory committee (LAC). • Almost all coordinating agencies worked on the

NBSAP as a part-time activity, in addition to theirnormal activities. (This was the case with all thecoordinating agencies at the sites examined in thishandbook).• The SSC and LAC helped to guide the planningprocess, and would ideally be comprised ofrepresentatives from a cross-section of sectors,including NGOs, government officials, grassrootscommunity leaders and academics. Decisionsregarding the processes usually rested finally withthe coordinating agency.• The selection of SSC and LAC members wasusually based on the experience and contacts of thecoordinating agency, as well as recommendationsby the TPCG.• Coordinating agencies were given financialsupport for preparing the BSAPs. They wereencouraged to raise funds from other sources ifneeded. A few coordinating agencies carried outthe entire process without using any NBSAP funds.• Coordinating agencies had independent decision-making powers about how to carry out the processin the state or sub-state site. Detailed guidelines forthe process were provided by the TPCG, but thesewere only recommendations. Guidelines forwriting the BSAPs were less flexible, as there werecertain fixed requirements regarding format andthe kind of information required.• Each TPCG member was in charge of monitoringand providing facilitation to some state and sub-state sites. This included visiting the sites two orthree times during the process.

Responsibility of coordinating agencies:• The coordinating agency (with the help of the SSCor LAC) was to write the BSAP for the relevant areaafter eliciting people’s participation in the planningprocess through a variety of means such asworkshops, public meetings and biodiversity festivals. • Certain participatory tools were recommended bythe TPCG, but coordinating agencies were free tochoose any kind of tool or process for their ownregion. The emphasis was on decentralisation and


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flexibility of ideas; it was felt that creativity wouldbring dynamism to the process.

Finalising the BSAPs and writing the NBSAP:• Most BSAPs went through one or two draftsbefore being finalised based on comments fromthe TPCG. • The TPCG wrote the national plan, i.e. the NBSAP,by drawing on key elements and recommendationsfrom all the BSAPs (including the eco-regional plansand thematic plans). The national plan was alsobased on existing documentation and literature,extensively researched by the TPCG.

Implementation:• Implementation was not built into the NBSAPprocess. There was no official or other guaranteethat any of the BSAPs or the NBSAP would beimplemented; it was purely a planning exercise. • However, the TPCG’s emphasis on a participatoryplanning process was partly to create a momentumtowards official or independent implementation inthe future or during the process itself.• Since the BSAPs were designed to be stand-alonedocuments they are available to be used by anyagency for implementation in the concerned area.

1. Core team

2. Direct substantial or decision-making involvement

3. Direct occasional or advisory involvement

4. Indirect but influential involvement

5. Passive involvement

(Table reproduced from Kothari et al 2002)

Central coordinating teams (TPCG and National Project Directorate);National Steering Committee; Coordinators of each site/theme

Members of SSCs, LACs, EWGs and TWGs and Sub-thematic paper writers

Members of subsidiary working groups; respondents to Call forParticipation or advertisements or other public outreach activities

Participants at public hearings, festivals, workshops and other public events

Recipients of NBSAP outreach activities such as newspaper readers,radio listeners, TV watchers, visitors of biodiversity festivals, etc.

110

1300

1000 (approx.)

50,000 (approx.)

Tens of thousands ifnot lakhs?

Levels of Involvement in NBSAP ProcessLevel Composition Number of participants

NBSAP Emphasis on Participation of Different Sectors"It is critical that in all these activities,there be maximum participation of allsectors (governmental agencies, localcommunities, independent experts,private sector, armed forces, politicians,etc.), especially through:1. making the process of working fullytransparent;

2. inviting public inputs at every step;3. making all relevant informationavailable to the public;4. using local languages in all keydocuments and events;5. respecting the output of ‘lower’ level(e.g. sub-state) BSAPs and information,and integrating them into ‘higher’ level

(e.g. state and national) BSAPs; and6. allowing for a diversity of opinions andapproaches to be reflected in the processand in the final BSAPs."

("Methodological Notes" in NBSAP Guidelines and

Concept Papers (MoEF 2000), distributed to all

coordinating agencies as methodological guidance.)


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Methodology of this StudyHow information was gatheredInformation was collected through extensiveinterviews at national level and in four selectedstates, across a range of sectors, including NGOrepresentatives, government officials, academicsand village community members. Visits to eachstate lasted approximately 10-12 days. A total of 198people were interviewed. Desk-based research of theextensive NBSAP documents was also carried out.

In selecting interviewees, the attempt was to gaina balance of perspectives by interviewing thosedirectly involved in the NBSAP process, and thoseperipherally involved or ‘outside’ the process, whocould nevertheless offer an informed opinion.Interviewing a wide range of people for ‘counter-perspectives’, tended to balance out inherent biasesin perspective that may have arisen due to powerdynamics or interpersonal politics. In many casesinterviewees were assured of anonymity so thatlevels of frankness would be higher.

This is a subjective, qualitative study based onthe experiences and perceptions of a wide range ofinterviewees. There was no attempt to researchquantitative data.

Selection of statesFour states were selected for study along with aselection of sub-state sites in each state, i.e. a totalof 9 sites: • Andhra Pradesh (plus sub-state sites of North

Coastal Andhra and the Deccan)• Karnataka (plus sub-state site of Uttar Kannada)• Maharashtra (plus sub-state site of Nagpur city)• Sikkim (plus sub-state site of Rathong Chu Valley)

The aim was to arrive at a selection of states thatused a variety of interesting tools, with diversetarget groups and diverse results. Sites selectedincluded a range of coordinating agency types:there were coordinating agencies which weregovernmental institutions; small budget NGOs; a

well-established, well-funded NGO; academicinstitutions; and a state forest department.

Diverse contexts were also taken into account:Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh were chosenbecause there were disappointing results at statelevel despite strong, established institutions ascoordinating agencies, and a context of high levelsof social and environmental activism in the state.Conversely the sub-state sites of these statesdeveloped interesting and often dynamic processes.Nagpur city was chosen over other sub-stateprocesses in Maharashtra because it was the onlyurban NBSAP site. The North-East of India is anarea traditionally considered on the periphery ofthe Indian mainstream and is also sometimes leftout by researchers due to its remoteness andlogistical difficulties of travel; it therefore seemedespecially appropriate to study the relative successof the Sikkimese process. Karnataka was uniqueamong the NBSAP states in focusing on tools suchas radio and school programmes.

Criteria for measuring success of toolsFor the purpose of this study, participatory toolsthat fitted one or all of the following criteria wereconsidered as ‘successful’:• Tools that elicited a good quantity and quality of

participation• Tools that created spaces for future policy

inputs / engagement (e.g. creating environmentalawareness; building political confidence;strengthening networks)

• Tools that created spaces for immediate action(e.g. spin-offs like the production of new resourcematerials or mobilising communities for localaction).

Methodological limitations:• Poor memory of interviewees sometimes proved

to be a drawback in recalling events, especially indiscussing the earlier phases of NBSAP.

• Process documentation by coordinating agencieswas often not complete, while at other times it


22

was inaccessible to this researcher due to thelocal language.

• The time available for the fieldwork was especiallyshort for communicating sufficiently with village-level community members. The responses totools targeting grassroots communities need tobe read keeping this limitation in mind.

What this study does not do:• This study does not analyse the BSAPs

themselves, or the strategies/actionsrecommended in them, either at the state level orthe national level. It only analyses the tools used toelicit participation in the planning process.

• This study is an analysis, and not an evaluation.That is to say that this study does not presume topass judgement on the success or failure of theNBSAP at the national or state levels. The NBSAPprocess was far too large for a study of the presentscope, to evaluate as a whole. The aim of thisstudy was to learn some lessons from a range ofsubjective perspectives on the NBSAP experience.

Definitions of Key Terms UsedMarginalized: First, it is important to clarify that when thishandbook refers to ‘marginalization’, it refers tomarginalization from official environmental planning,and not to marginalization in general (i.e. someonewho occupies the mainstream in civic life maynevertheless be marginalized from planning).

It is useful to recognise that there are differingdegrees of marginalization and participation, asillustrated by the table below.

This table is taken not as an ‘absolute’ scale of

degrees of participation, but more as a useful

tool to clarify the working definition of

marginalization, and to help conceptualise the

findings of this study. An explanation of the

terms used in the table is as follows:

Non-Participation (manipulation + therapy):

Describes "levels of non-participation that have

been contrived by some [e.g. insincere planners]

to substitute for genuine participation. Their real

objective is not to enable people to participate in

planning or conducting programmes, but to

enable power holders to ‘educate’ or ‘cure’ [or

persuade] the participants".

Degrees of Tokenism (informing + consultation +

placation): Here, the outsiders are allowed "to

hear and to have a voice… When [these

activities] are proffered by power-holders as the

total extent of participation, citizens may indeed

hear and be heard. But under these conditions

they lack the power to ensure that their views

will be heeded… Placation is a higher level of

tokenism because the ground-rules allow have-

nots to advise, but retain for the power-holders

the continued right to decide."

Degrees of Citizen Power (partnership +

delegated power + citizen control): These are

"levels of citizen power with increasing degrees

of decision-making clout. Citizens can enter into

a partnership that enables them to negotiate and

engage in trade-offs with traditional power-

holders… [In] delegated power and citizen

control, have-not citizens obtain the majority of

decision-making seats, or full managerial

power." (Arnstein 1969)

Most public participation programmes stop at serial

numbers 3, 4 or 5 of the above table.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Manipulation Therapy Informing Consultation Placation Partnership Delegated Power Citizen Control

Non-Participation Degrees of Tokenism Degrees of Citizen Power

Source: Arnstein 1969

Differing Degrees of Marginalisation and Participation


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For the purposes of this study, I have taken aworking definition of ‘marginalized from planningand policy making’ as "those who are not normallyconsulted for policy and planning inputs". This wouldinclude almost everyone not directly related toplanning and policy-making, given the context ofcentralised planning in India. However, thecomplexities in this definition need to beacknowledged. Some people among these would bemore empowered to make their voices heard, thanothers. For example, there are many flourishingand influential NGOs in India today, which couldnot be termed as unambiguously ‘marginalized’,and which are now often consulted on policymatters - though this is neither a norm nor anobligation on the part of the government.Conversely at the other end of the scale are thoseNGOs who are completely out of the loop when itcomes to policy inputs. While it is easier topinpoint individuals/institutions at the extremeends of the scale, there are many greys in between:taking a lead from the above table, the sameinstitution or individual may occupy different‘boxes’ at different points of time, and the overallexperience of a single individual/institution withregard to policy inputs may range from non-participation and manipulation, to various degreesof tokenism and consultation. For example, in rareinstances, such as with the NBSAP, an NGO likeKalpavriksh may be offered partnership, whereas inother instances it may occupy the other end of thescale with ‘non-participation’.

Interestingly, within the NBSAP process itself,participation of people also ranged across thedifferent ‘boxes’ above. In some cases it wasevident that ‘participation’ did not go beyondproviding information. In other instances there wasconsultation, but the existing power equations (orother circumstances) did not permit this to developinto partnership. Some instances even suggest atype of tokenism where people were consulted buttheir inputs not taken seriously (i.e. an ‘illusion’ ofparticipation).

ProcessGeneral movement towards a broad aim (e.g. theprocess of awareness raising), encompassing avariety of tools.

Tools Practical mechanisms used within processes. E.g.the process of awareness raising would includetools like newsletters and festivals; the process ofmonitoring would use tools like review meetings.

BiodiversityThis handbook uses the holistic definition ofbiodiversity as used by the NBSAP, which definedbiodiversity as "encompassing all levels ofbiodiversity, ecological and evolutionaryprocesses"(MoEF 2000). This definition ofbiodiversity includes:• Natural ecosystems (e.g. forests, grasslands,

deserts, coasts)• Wild species and varieties (plants, animals and

micro-organisms which exist in their naturalstate, including genetic variations within each species)

• Agricultural ecosystems (e.g. farmlands,aquaculture)

• Domesticated species and varieties (e.g. species ofcrops, livestock and poultry, pets) (MoEF 2000)


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Context of Participation inNatural Resource Conservationand Planning in India: A Brief Outline

In general, policy-making and planning for thenatural environment remains centralised and top-down. There are lobbies that pressure thegovernment to take account of their concerns, andexpert committees are sometimes appointed by thegovernment to make suggestions. However, thegovernment is under no legal obligation to consultstakeholders when framing laws and policies(Anuradha et al 2002).

Drafting of the Biodiversity BillAs far as biodiversity laws and policies areconcerned, there has recently been some evidenceof a more inclusive approach. The NBSAP, ofcourse, was an intensely participatory process.Prior to this, the drafting of the BiologicalDiversity Bill, begun in 1994, was also anunusually consultative process (the BiologicalDiversity Act was subsequently passed in 2002).A core group, consisting of NGOs and researchinstitutes, was set up to review the legalframework and make recommendations towardsdeveloping a law that would support the objectivesof the CBD. In 1997 and 1998 the Ministry ofEnvironment and Forests invited a range ofstakeholders to two national consultationseminars, to discuss the proposed biodiversity lawand NBSAP. There was no direct involvement oflocal or rural communities and the consultationswere criticised for being somewhat ad-hoc andnot inclusive enough; but the process wasnevertheless a departure from the norm: "Whilethese consultations could not claim to becomprehensive, the process of drafting theBiodiversity Bill was a radical developmentbecause it entailed numerous consultations with a

variety of stakeholders, on a scale unprecedentedin the history of legal drafting in India.Prominent among these stakeholders was thenon-governmental sector, including NGOs,research institutes, academics and industry"(Anuradha et al 2002).

Constitutional Amendment In recent years there has also been radicallegislation with regard to decentralised decision-making and community rights over naturalresources. In 1992, the 73rd Amendment to theConstitution made it mandatory to have a moredecentralised mode of governance by givinggreater decision-making powers to a three-tieredstructure of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) (i.e.local self-governing bodies). Among other things,it recommended the decentralisation ofmanagement of social forestry, fuel woodplantations and non-timber forest produce(NTFPs), to PRIs. This was extended to scheduled(i.e. tribal dominated) areas by the Panchayat(Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA)(Sarin 2001). The Act states, "every Gram Sabhashall approve the plans, programmes and projectsfor social and economic development before suchplans… are taken up for implementation by thePanchayat at the village level" (GoI 1996).Through Panchayats and Gram Sabhas,communities are to be consulted before anydevelopmental projects are approved for the area.

However, the form that this legislation has takenon the ground has varied across states. The politicalwill to implement it is weak. Most states have goneagainst its spirit by excluding communityownership over the most valuable NTFPs;nationalised forests and legally protected areas havealso been excluded by most states. It is alsoweakened because it contradicts other policies andlaws such as the Forest Conservation Act 1980,which makes it mandatory for states to seekpermission from the Central Government toconvert any forest land to non-forest use.


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Trend towards participatory management ofnatural resourcesThere is a trend towards more participatorymanagement of natural resources. Joint ForestManagement (JFM) is a significant component inthis trend. JFM is the management andconservation of a forest by local communities andforest department officials, through jointcommittees. It has been useful in regenerating andconserving forest areas with help from localcommunities in several parts of India. According tothe Ministry of Environment and Forests, over 10million hectares in 22 states was under thisprogramme as of 2000. How much of this is beingsuccessfully and sustainably managed is unclear,and there are serious concerns about the lack oftrue sharing of decision-making powers with localcommunities; nevertheless, JFM is a step towardsmore participatory natural resource management(Apte & Kothari 2000).

In 2002 two new categories of protected areas,‘Community Reserves’ and ‘ConservationReserves’, were declared under the Wild Life(Protection) Amendment Act 2002. Thesecategories are meant to facilitate participation ofcommunities and private bodies in theconservation and management of natural habitats.Conservation Reserves apply particularly to landadjacent to protected areas, and land that links oneprotected area to another. Community Reservesmay be declared in any community or private landwhere the community or individual volunteers toconserve the wildlife and its habitat. Activists,NGOs and local community members haveexpressed serious concerns regarding key aspectsof the new provisions, but the new categories arealso apparently indicative of the trend towardsofficial acceptance of greater communityparticipation in conservation.


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27

Karnataka

Karnataka State and UttarKannada Sub-state site

The Karnataka state process is an excellent exampleof a process that utilised a complementary cluster oftools to reach across various social sectors, and toget inputs at a number of different levels in theprocess, from grassroots data collection, toreviewing the final Karnataka Biodiversity Strategyand Action Plan (KBSAP). The Uttar Kannada sub-state process included a more limited range of toolsand had a more limited reach. The focus of thissection will therefore be mainly on the Karnatakastate process, with reference to the Uttar Kannada process with regard to the use ofbiodiversity festivals.

The Karnataka process was co-ordinated by theCentre for Ecological Sciences (CES) in Bangalore, apremier research institute. The capacity of the CESin terms of human resources and finances, as wellas its sterling reputation within the state, greatlycontributed to the success of the KBSAP process.

Process Summary A summary of the state process is as follows: 1. Selection of 6 themes as a focus for the KBSAP:The focus was narrowed to six themes in view ofthe resources available: Protected Areas; Medicinalplants; Freshwater fishes; Wetlands; Culturaltraditions of conservation; Land races of cultivatedplants.

2. Commissioning of papers by technical experts:One paper per theme was commissioned. This was an academic exercise; each paper took anoverview approach to problems and existing

conservation activities, and suggested strategiesfor additional actions.

3. Case Studies: Four case studies (covering threethemes) were conducted by two NGOs. Some weredone with substantial fresh fieldwork andparticipation by local communities. These weredetailed studies, taking over five months to studythe problem and involve local user groups indiscussion regarding conservation, livelihoods andpossible strategies.

The case studies were intended to complementthe papers by technical experts, by bringing outgrassroots perspectives. The case studies proved tobe a useful exercise in terms of getting inputs fromlocal communities and NGOs as well as bringingnew facts to light.

4. School Biodiversity Registers (SBR): Fieldresearch activities by 43 schools with participationfrom students, teachers and local communitymembers went towards preparing local biodiversityregisters.

5. Newspaper articles on the 6 themes: Six generalarticles in English and Kannada were written by thecoordinating agency, outlining key issues relevantto the six themes, explaining the purpose of theNBSAP planning exercise, and inviting feedbackfrom the general public. About 80 letters werereceived in response. The Kannada articles elicitedthe greater response.

6. Radio programme series: A 14-episode radio serieswas prepared with participation of local communitiesat field sites. The radio programmes solicited inputsfrom listeners among the general public.


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7. Thematic Workshops: The coordinating agencyconducted six workshops at locations around thestate, each addressing one of the selected themes.The objective was to review and refine the reportthat had already been prepared on the basis of theabove activities. Representatives from differentsectors were invited. A key organisation in eachlocation was requested to contact and invite localNGOs and user group representatives. WhereverSBR schools were in the vicinity, some teachersand students were invited to the meeting. An openinvitation to the meeting was put in local papers inadvance. In addition individuals or organisations inthe vicinity who had already contributed to theKBSAP were invited.

The meetings were held away from Bangalore,the state capital, in order to ensure widerrepresentation of people. The locations werechosen according to the theme of the meetings:The freshwater fishes meeting was in Shishila inBelthangaddy taluka, which has a sacred stretch ina river where fish are protected. Several fishermenwere invited to this meeting. The medicinal plantsmeeting was held in Tumkur since a nearby hill,Siddar Betta, is known for its medicinal plants. Thecrop diversity meeting was in the agriculturaluniversity in Raichur, an area with a rich variety ofcrops. The meeting on traditional conservationpractices was held in Ponnampet in Kodagu districtwhich has many sacred groves. The wetlandsmeeting was held in Davinagere which has about45 sq km of wetland, and where many people areworking on wetland conservation. This distributionof meetings across the state ensured greater localparticipation, with between 60 and 150 participantsper meeting.

8. Final Workshop: This was to review and discussthe final KBSAP report among a cross-section ofstakeholders.

9. Follow-Up activities: There have been variousfollow-up activities to expand on KBSAP initiatives

at a local level, and also to work towardsimplementation of some of the KBSAPrecommendations.

These tools complemented each other in the sensethat together they targeted a range of sectors:experts wrote the commissioned papers; NGOsprepared the case studies and participated in thethematic meetings; students and teachers wereinvolved in preparing SBRs; general public opinionwas solicited through the radio programmes andnewspaper articles; and direct local communityinput was solicited through the SBRs and the casestudies. The thematic meetings invited varioussectors, including government officials, fordiscussion.

In analysing the KBSAP process it is mostrelevant to take note of the strategic complementaritywithin the cluster of tools, rather than examiningeach tool individually. In terms of analysingspecific tools, the most interesting initiatives arethe radio programmes and the SBRs.


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Tool 01

Objective:• To compile local biodiversity information as an input

into the KBSAP.• To be an educational and awareness building exercise

for students and teachers.

The exercise was based on the belief that a great deal of valuable,undocumented knowledge on biodiversity is with members oflocal communities. The SBR initiative was a narrower version ofthe ongoing People’s Biodiversity Register (PBR) initiative by theCES (see Gadgil 2002 for details). Whereas a PBR includes awider range of people within a locality, the SBRs were preparedmainly by students and teachers.

Output:The outcome was 118 SBRs prepared specifically for the KBSAP.These were analysed by the coordinating agency, and thesuggestions that emerged from the SBRs were taken into accountwhile formulating the KBSAP.

Description of the Process:Overall Set Up:• 49 schools from 14 districts were involved, covering various eco-

regions such as the coastal, Western ghats and Deccan plateauregions.

• In each school the SBR group consisted of 1 teacher, 1 volunteerand 15 students. Teachers were encouraged to involve membersof the local panchayat or other local representation such as ahealer or farmer, as volunteers.

• Each study was conducted over approximately three months.• SBRs were written in Kannada by the school groups. Some of

the better reports were subsequently translated into English bythe coordinating agency.

Teacher Training: The teachers in each school were provided with some training anda set of guidelines for carrying out the SBR exercise. A set of 10

questions was provided to teachers, to use as a basis for collectinginformation for the SBRs. There were 3 stages of training, forwhich each teacher brought along 2 children:Stage 1: The exercise and its objectives were explained during ameeting of all teachers. In order to collect the best information, itwas important to understand the concepts behind the set of 10questions, rather than go through them mechanically. It cannot beassumed that villagers would readily answer questions simplybecause local students and teachers were asking: "The questionsshould be posed very naturally. Ultimately we want answers to all10 questions, but it has to be done in an intelligent manner.Villagers do not like you going with a questionnaire. There are somany processes set up by the government to document livestock,etc. that they would think this was something similar, and wouldnot take it seriously. So the questions have to be posed in aparticular manner. Most of the teachers got good results in this."The training session also included people from other sectors suchas NGOs, officials and academics, in recognition of the fact thatteachers would need help and inputs from all these differentsectors. Thus the session also worked as an opportunity for theteachers to network and identify people/institutions for tappinginformation during the SBR exercise.Stage 2: Teachers were taken to the field to do a sample study as apractical, hands-on experience. This was regarded as a crucial partof the training, especially because it emerged as a surprise thatsome teachers were unfamiliar with some basic skills: "Someteachers were unable to identify the directions of north, south,east and west, or how to recognise different landscape elements." Stage 3: A review meeting during the process was held for teachersto check that the exercise was being conducted as per the guidelines.

During the training a working manual with guidelines for preparingan SBR was devised, based on consultation with the teachers. Thismanual was then distributed among the teachers as a guide.

Preparing the SBRs:Each school group went through the following stages to prepare

School Biodiversity Registers (SBR)


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their respective SBRs:Stage 1: The objective was to get acquainted with a 1 sq km areaaround the school. Students prepared two types of maps: ahabitation map and a vegetation map. The habitation map showedthe various settlements, school buildings and other man-madestructures. The vegetation map showed natural forests,grasslands, open areas, barren ground, etc. These maps were togive a broad picture of the area around the school.Stage 2: Each school group selected one of the six KBSAP themesand studied the theme within the 1 sq km area. (Some schoolsdecided to study all 6 themes.) In the process the studentsdocumented all the plant and animal species that they couldidentify, including the uses of each species (e.g. the part of a plantused for medicine, food, construction). Stage 3: The objective was to identify the user groups of the plantsor animals. For example, traditional healers were identified as theuser group for medicinal plants; contractors as harvesters ofvarious species; priests as users of sacred groves; fishermen asusers of aquatic species. Individuals in each user group wereinterviewed by students, based on the set of questions provided byCES (e.g. what is the distribution of medicinal plants? Whatchanges have there been in the population of a plant in the past10 years? Why have these changes taken place? How should theplant species be conserved?). The set of questions was meant toelicit a qualitative documentation, and not a comprehensive,quantitative one. Each school group interviewed a varied numberof people, varying from 5 to 15 (there were usually about 5-6 usergroups in the area around most schools). Even the children’sfamily members, such as grandparents, could be interviewed.Each SBR was compiled based on the information gatheredduring the above steps, and each covered 10 issues: (1) Currentstatus; (2) Ecological history; (3) Forces driving ecological change;(4) Knowledge and beliefs; (5) Gainers and losers; (6) Values; (7)Scenarios; (8) Aspirations; (9) Strategies; (10) Action plans.

Prizes:Prizes were distributed for the best SBRs within each theme aswell as for the best SBRs overall. There was an attempt todistribute prizes equitably so that too many prizes did not go tojust a few schools.

Monitoring the SBR Process: Since the SBR process was spread across 43 schools around the

state, monitoring the standards of each school’s SBR processproved to be a challenge. Visits were carried out to various schoolsby resource persons (a team of 10, mainly from an NGO,Bharatiya Gyan Vigyan Sanstha), to check whether any difficultieshad arisen in mapping, data collection, etc. Resource personssometimes went to the field with students as well. Some amountof long distance support was provided. If, for example, a fishcould not be identified, the teacher could photograph it and sendthe photograph to Bangalore to the coordinating agency foridentification.However, inadequate monitoring meant that not all SBRs were upto standard, and a loss of momentum and enthusiasm was seenin some schools.

Strengths:Some of the strong points of the SBR experience included thefollowing:Education: SBRs were a very successful way to educate studentswho found it far more interesting to learn in a practicalenvironment rather than within a classroom. A key aspect wasthat students were not forced to take on the project, butencouraged to come forward voluntarily. Teachers found it easierto teach children about topics like ecosystems and food chains, bytaking them outdoors: "The children had no idea of the richdiversity that surrounded them, and were not able to readelements of the landscape. So when they were taken to exploreponds, etc., it was a fascinating experience for them. Becausethere was no awareness at all about their own environment."Students who were involved in the SBRs usually performed wellin their examinations. Particularly popular with students werebutterfly and bird watching, and learning how to grow and usemedicinal plants.Capacity building of teachers: There was a strong sense that theSBR exercise contributed greatly to the experience and knowledgeof teachers, particularly due to the exposure to fieldwork and theinteractions with local people. Most teachers were initiallyapprehensive about the SBR exercise and felt that they would notbe able to handle it. They felt that the students would not beserious about it, and would not complete the work properly.However, in most cases it seems that the teachers were in for asurprise. Not only did they gain confidence by the end of theprocess (some even strengthened their own reports having seenother schools’ reports), they also realised that their perceptions


31

about their students were not true. The students proved to be enthusiastic and keen to document

their surroundings – for instance, they were keen to report themany things they observed on their way to school. Due to theenthusiasm it generated, the SBR exercise often created a specialbond between teachers and students: "The SBR teacher wasalways the most popular teacher. The exercise brought studentsand teachers closer, because it was an informal and attractiveactivity." (One drawback was that this sometimes created a feelingof jealousy among teachers in the school who were not involvedwith the SBR exercise.) Capacity building of an NGO: Bharatiya Gyan Vigyan Sanstha(BGVS) is a modest NGO of 5-6 full-time staff, with a widenetwork of 500 volunteers, which works to promote a masspeople’s science movement. It was recruited to provide resourcepersons for the SBR exercise. BGVS representatives felt that thecapacity of the organisation had greatly expanded due to beinginvolved in the SBR exercise: "KBSAP has helped us intransforming our learning to field-based learning. We wereexposed to experts, [resource] materials and local people. Ourunderstanding was enriched. The education commissionersubsequently offered that we should do similar exercises in 1000schools, but we have taken up only 90." Village Involvement and Ownership: Villagers often felt pleasedwith the SBR activity because the students were busy doingsomething productive even after school hours, instead of playingor watching TV. Like the teachers, other villagers’ perceptionsabout what students were interested in, or what they could do,changed: "The children were very involved in the exercise. All thetime they would discuss it with their parents, saying that we needto conserve this, or know more about that. The villagers would saythat now our children have grown up, because they feel they haveto conserve so many things."

Some students were able to interact with local panchayat leadersand able to highlight some of the environmental problems intheir area. The exercise often created general interest within thevillage: "When students and teachers go to collect information ina village, a lot of people flock together, and get enlightened in theprocess. So it can turn into a village level activity."Data collection: In a context of scarce human resources forresearch activity, the information gathered through SBRs wasseen as a valuable contribution to data collection, even thoughthey were not comprehensive surveys: "SBRs were a very good

method of collecting information – because there are hardly anyfield biologists who go around all these 14 districts and collectdata there, whether it is for medicinal plants or fish or wetlandconditions.

Since the school teams conducted the field work in the proposedmanner, in the methodology we specified, they got very good,efficient, qualitative data." The case for such data collectionbecomes stronger in light of the fact that even local officials mayoften be unable to provide accurate information: "Sometimesstudents took fish species for identification to local fisheriesofficials – who were not able to identify local species!" In additionthe data was analysed by technical experts appointed by thecoordinating agency, to ‘decode’ the information and discount anyinformation suspected of being inaccurate.

Some villages suggested that such a register should be updatedevery three years, so that the status of the environment could beknown and monitored over time, rather than leaving the SBRexercise as a one-time effort.

Weak aspects:Limitations of data collected: The SBR exercise was not spreadthrough the year, so the data collected missed out some seasons.There are also obvious limitations in a data-collection exerciseconducted as a school project, as opposed to one conducted byprofessionals or scientists. For example, eliciting informationthrough limited interviews, such as on reasons why a particularfish species may have declined, is constrained by the perception ofthe interviewee and his/her ability to make a wider cause-and-effect linkage. Thus it is important to be clear that the SBRexercise as a method of data collection needs to be used as acomplement to other methods of data collection. Indeed, theKBSAP coordinating agency was clear about the fact that the SBRdata was not the result of a comprehensive survey or analysis, andwas rather used as a valuable complement to existing scientificdata and analysis. Time constraints of teachers: Teachers have many demands ontheir time especially since they are often required for duties otherthan teaching, such as manning polling booths, conductingcensuses or participating in polio campaigns. Therefore onlythose teachers who are very motivated find the time to volunteerfor extra-curricular activities like the SBR. Many of the teachersinvolved worked on this activity on Sundays and holidays. Eightteachers dropped out of the programme due to the demands on


32

their time. More extensive SBR studies could have been preparedif teachers had been officially deputed for the exercise, or if theexercise had been incorporated into the curriculum, with theattendant back-up of more teachers and resources available.Lack of official support: Lack of official support (e.g. from theEducation Department) was an issue raised by various teachers.This had mainly to do with set notions of what school educationshould entail: "They do not consider this activity as important.They saw it as something that is distracting the students andspoiling them by taking them to the field. They think only interms of marks and the syllabus. They are killing life scienceseducation because it is taught so badly. They did not try to stop usofficially, but indirectly. Sometimes they prevented us from goingto the field in the Physical Education period; or did not permit usto use computers even if computers were available. Even schoolprinciples and colleagues were not very encouraging because theythought this is an extraneous activity." However, the prizedistribution proved to be of help in countering some of thescepticism within schools. The authorities in the school thatreceived the first prize were very appreciative, and the award wasdisplayed on an endangered tree species outside the school.Laminated photographs of the tree were given to the students and

some prominent people from the village.Insufficient training: Several teachers felt that insufficientguidance was a serious weakness, particularly with regard tospecies identification to counter the confusion often caused bygeneric local names. They wanted more extensive supportmaterial as well as practical, field-level training. It was also feltthat in the future, SBRs should not be compartmentalised intothemes, but should address a holistic picture of biodiversity.

Essay competition: Post-KBSAP, the SBRexercise was followed up with an essaycompetition organised by CES. The SBRteachers were given information from theKBSAP, and requested to conduct essaycompetitions in their schools based on thematerial. The two best essays from eachschool were sent to CES. Of a total of 100essays, a steering group in Bangaloreselected the 10 best essays for prizedistribution. A school level elocutioncompetition was also organised, wherestudents could talk about what they felt wasinteresting in the KBSAP.Wider SBR exercise: CES initiated a largerSBR exercise in 17 panchayats, where thestudy was designed to take place in an entire

panchayat rather than just 1 sq km aroundthe school. The idea was to get feedbackfrom the people of an entire panchayat area,and then to suggest strategies forimplementation to the panchayat.SBR manual revised: The SBR guidelinesmanual was revised. The revisions werebased on the weaknesses perceived in theSBR exercises carried out for the KBSAP, andon feedback obtained through subsequentmeetings with teachers. In particular therevised version tries to address gaps inguidance regarding species identificationand interview techniques. Computer database: CES is working on acomputer database to organise theinformation generated by SBRs (and PBRs).

One of the challenges is to manage thedatabase in Indian languages.SBRs as an input to People’s BiodiversityRegisters (PBRs): As a follow-up to theBiological Diversity Act (2002), all localbodies like municipalities, panchayats andcorporations are supposed to prepare localbiodiversity documentation. The draft rulescall for the preparation of PBRs. The Ministryof Environment and Forests has asked CESto develop a methodology for preparingPBRs (CES has been working on PBRs since1996). SBRs have been visualised as a majorinput into PBRs, and a group of teachers isactively working with CES to refine apractical methodology for use at schoollevel.

School Biodiversity Registers: Follow-Up and Off-Shoots


33

All India Radio Series: "Dhareya Siri" ("Richness of the Earth")Fourteen weekly interactive episodes in Kannada were broadcaston Karnataka state radio over 14 weeks, covering all six themesselected for the KBSAP.

Objective: • To raise awareness of biodiversity and create an understanding

of the importance of documenting and saving it. • To solicit information from the general public, to incorporate

into the KBSAP. • To achieve the above through entertaining, interactive

programmes.

Description: The programmes were based on a serial dramatisation, i.e. anongoing ‘radio play’ of two characters, a male and female namedRavi and Bhuvana, travelling through the state of Karnataka. Inthe play the characters encounter various people and situationsthat teach them about biodiversity and become a motive fordiscussing various issues related to biodiversity. Prior to thestudio recording of the dramatisation, the producers of the showtravelled to various parts of the state to conduct recordedinterviews with people at the grassroots, regarding biodiversity intheir immediate surroundings and their daily lives.

The voices of the people interviewed were subsequentlyincorporated into the dramatisation, which was later recorded in astudio using professional actors to play the two characters. Theseries was designed for interaction with listeners, with requests atthe end of each episode to send in information through letters.Each dramatised episode focussed on a theme, and was followedby an interview episode with experts talking about the theme ofthe previous episode.

The first episode introduced the KBSAP and its objectives. Thefinal episode was a live phone-in programme with a panel ofexperts present to answer questions from listeners.

Producing the Series: Details of the process of producing the programmes are as follows:Interview Locations: Field interview locations were identified withthe help of the coordinating agency. There was a focus on placesthat had some interesting ongoing activity, as well as places thatwere in remote areas. For the episode on crop varieties, forinstance, the producers travelled to an area where thedocumentation of minor millets was taking place; thedramatisation depicted the 2 characters travelling there while theharvesting is on, and interacting with various local people.

Locations were also chosen based on letters received in thecourse of the 14 weeks, since listeners had been requested to sendin location ideas for the programme to travel to. Many listenerswrote in, inviting the producers to visit their area. Thus a majorstrength of the production was its flexibility. Though the 14episodes were broadly planned in advance, the interview locationswere unplanned, with the producers having the freedom to pickup new leads and travel to different locations based on interviewsand letters.Conducting the Interviews: In some cases written intimation ofthe arrival of the recording team meant that 30-40 people hadgathered in one spot for interviews. In other cases the recordingteam had to wait all day to find people willing to be interviewed.Though several interviews were recorded, the selection back at thestudio retained only those interviews that had clarity in terms ofvoice and ideas. One of the challenges was going through thehours of interviews at the editing stage to find the appropriateinformation – a five-minute recording required the producers togo through 3-4 hours of tapes. When the exercise was repeated fora subsequent wildlife awareness radio series (see section below),the producers minimised this challenge by speaking to potentialinterviewees beforehand, to ascertain whether their voices shouldbe recorded or not, rather than recording every interview.

Local language or dialects of interviewees were retained in thefinal episodes to maintain authenticity, with the voice beingpartially superimposed with Kannada.

The producers were a husband and wife team, making it easier

Tool 02 All India Radio Series: “Dhareya Siri”


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for them to travel together. The presence of a female producerhelped in getting women to talk: "It is very difficult to makepeople talk, especially adivasi people. My being a lady was ofsignificance, especially to talk to the women there. They would beinside their huts, and would never come out. I would go insideand talk to them. I would tell them that I am also a woman, but Ihave come here at night to talk to you, why can’t you talk to me? Iwould challenge them, saying I thought tribal people are morecourageous, but you are sitting inside your huts and not evencoming out. Then they would talk."Dramatisation: The dramatisations were based on the interviewsrecorded around the state by the producers. In a studio setting,the interviews were woven into a narrative, with actors providingtheir voices for the characters of Ravi and Bhuvana. Informationabout a theme was provided through the two characters. Forexample, in an episode on medicinal plants the dramatisationdepicted Ravi and Bhuvana travelling through the Western Ghats.Bhuvana hurts herself, and Ravi uses a medicinal plant to heal thewound. In the process, he tells her about the properties of theplant and which part of the plant he used to cure her.

On their travels the two characters would meet different people.The characters would introduce the persons and ask them variousquestions. The answers would be the voices of local people, whichhad been pre-recorded during field visits by the producers. Thenarrative was maintained throughout, and direct interviews thatwere ‘outside’ the storyline were never included.

The experiences of the producers during their field visits oftenprovided inspiration for the dramatisation: "We developed[dramatic] situations where the interviews could be integrated intothe story. For example, to record the crop variety programme wehad gone to a village where harvesting was going on. We had ourdinner there and spent the night there. So the same thing wasintroduced into the [drama] script – where the characters havetheir dinner and sample different varieties of food, which showsthe crop variety available in the area."Interactive episodes: At the end of the episode a request was madefor listeners to send in any information they may have had. Forexample, in the medicinal plants episode described above, listenerswere told, "in your area you may also be using some plants likethis, or maybe your grandparents know of such plants. Please sendus a list of plants and the parts of the plants that are used, and tellus which language you are using for the names of the plants."Prizes were distributed for the 10 best letters per episode (though

sometimes more than 10 letters were chosen for prizes since theywere very good). The prize-winning letters were chosen on thebasis of the most original or interesting information.

Differences of opinion recorded during field visits were includedin the dramatisation, and used as a way of generating discussionand responses from listeners: "We would take negative as well aspositive views. For example regarding the rehabilitation of peopleliving in forest areas – some forest dwellers said that they shouldleave the forest for their well-being. Others would say, ‘we havebeen here for generations, why should we leave the forest, we havenot spoilt it’. So we would put both versions in the programme andask listeners what they felt. We had mixed answers – some peopleasked what would forest dwellers do if they left the forest? Othersfelt they should be provided with a city life."Final Phone-In: The 14th episode was a half-hour live programme.A panel of three experts was present to answer questions fromlisteners. The phones were ringing long after the panellists hadleft, and the conclusion was that at least a one-hour phone-in wasrequired for the culmination of such a series. The shortage oftime also meant that the panellists could provide very briefanswers to each question.

By the end, CES had registered 3674 people as participants in theseries (CES 2002).

Publicity: The episodes were publicised on radio 15 days before going on air,in a manner that would create curiosity in the listeners, with thetwo characters, Ravi and Bhuvana, introducing themselves andsaying that they were going on a tour of Karnataka.

Listener Response: The series was very popular and greatly added value to the KBSAPeffort, since radio reaches even remote areas that have noelectricity, and breaks the barrier of literacy. As per All IndiaRadio (AIR) statistics, the series was heard by 9.4 million (93.8lakh) listeners in total (Letter to CES from AIR Deputy Director,Annexure H, KBSAP).A total of 800 letters was received by AIR, some withphotographs. Letters were also received from remote areas of thestate. The letters were handed over to CES for the purpose ofinclusion in the KBSAP. Some letters had specific complaintsagainst government departments (e.g. complaints that the FD is


35

engaged in cutting too many trees). Such controversial aspectswere not included in the episodes, but the complaints werepassed on to the concerned department independently by AIR(this is normal procedure which happens with letters received forother programmes as well).

The Cost: The radio series cost the CES Rs.1,70,000 (US$ 3896). Such aradio series was possible only because CES had the resources tosponsor it, since the total budgetary allocation from the NBSAPwould not have been sufficient to do the radio series as well as theother KBSAP activities. Since the payment was for a ‘state hook-up’ it meant that the producers could record interviews all overthe state, and the programme could go on air all over the state aswell (without a state hook-up arrangement, the production andbroadcasting of the programme would have been restricted to justone AIR zone of the state of Karnataka).

Strengths:Timing of broadcasts: The series was broadcast at 7pm, a timewhen people are usually home and are free.Keeping it simple and attractive: Local folk music and songs thatexplained the rich diversity of the area were recorded during fieldinterviews and included in the dramatisations. Humour andemotion were created within the dramatic situations, to make thestory more attractive. Scientific jargon was avoided - the word‘biodiversity’ was not introduced immediately into theprogramme, particularly because in Kannada it translates into acomplicated word. This could have put off people, making themfeel that it was a technical science programme. Thus the conceptof biodiversity was introduced ‘gently’, within the story: "Whenthe characters first enter the Western Ghats area an ant bitesBhuvana. She sits under a tree and drinks some water. Then shelooks up and sees the number of twining plants on the tree, andthe insects moving around. When she lifts a stone she seestermites underneath. She says to Ravi, in such a small area thereare so many living organisms. Thus she introduces the concept bysaying that when there are a number of organisms in an area it iscalled biodiversity, and that biodiversity is a speciality of theWestern Ghats." At the end of each episode there was a recap ofimportant points.Interactive episodes: The interactivity of the series and offer ofprizes helped to keep listeners interested.

Flexibility: The series was not planned rigidly; the flexibility of theproducers in following new leads as and when letters came in,maximised new and interesting opportunities.Retaining authenticity: Incorporating the recorded voices ofgrassroots interviewees, and retaining local accents and dialects inthe episodes gave authenticity to the series.Inclusion of women’s voices: The presence of a woman on theteam of field interviewers helped to include women’s voices in theinterviews, as the interviewer could approach women directly intheir homes.State-wide coverage to remote areas: Radio breaks the barrier ofliteracy, and is heard even in remote areas where there is little orno electricity. The ability to broadcast the series across the state ofKarnataka was linked to the ability of the coordinating agency topay for this service.

Weaknesses:Information Management: The radio series was designed to solicitlarge numbers of responses, as inputs into the KBSAP. A crucialelement of such participatory initiatives is to have in place asystem of information management to manage and organise theresponses. The CES received almost 800 letters, some withphotographs, in response to the radio programmes. It took 6weeks simply to read and analyse all the letters, and try tosegregate them thematically. Being a large institution with theback-up of additional manpower and resources, CES managed toabsorb the load effectively, but this was nevertheless very difficult:"There were several hundred letters in response to the radiobroadcasts. To read through and digest them is not easy, unlessyou have a well worked out mechanism to do so. Maybe we didnot digest all the information in the letters as effectively as wecould have, because of the volume of letters." The process adoptedwas extracting information while reading through the letters, andmaking entries against an informal checklist or thematicclassification. Given the large volume of letters, a lesson learnedwas that it would have been better to conduct the exercise ofreading the letters periodically, as and when they arrived. Since allthe letters were collected and then read only at the end, thiscreated a large, concentrated workload.Short time for phone-in: The interest generated by the seriesmeant that the final phone-in episode was too short. The panel ofexperts was obliged to provide very brief answers, and manycallers could not be included in the episode.


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Requests for similar programmes: Whilethe series was ongoing, AIR (Bangalore)received a number of proposals from otherinstitutions asking for a similar series fortheir own purposes. One proposal wasfrom an NGO that wanted to create wildlifeawareness in the state. This proposal wastaken up soon after the end of the KBSAPseries, done in a similar dramatised formatwith 2 characters visiting national parksaround the state, over 13 episodes: "Weused different characters and voices. It wasalso more romantic than the KBSAP series.Some of it was recorded at night, with thesounds of the jungle. It included recordingsof adivasis, forest officials, rehabilitatedpeople, those who are waiting to berehabilitated, those who are not interestedin rehabilitation, etc." A research institutionrequested a series on medicinal plants inthe state, but with a dramatisation ofIndian epics that include the use ofmedicinal plants.Potential of science series: The seriescreated awareness within AIR regarding the

potential of science series: "We aredelighted by these [listener] statistics as atheme like biodiversity has interested somany millions of listeners. Generally forscience programmes the clientele expectedis small, as illiterates do not evince muchinterest in science programmes.Nevertheless this has truly been an uniqueexperience for us, as well as all age andcategory of listeners [who] have enjoyedlistening to the series." (Letter to CES fromAIR Deputy Director, Annexure H, KBSAP).AIR also realised that its scienceprogrammes can be successfully marketed:"We usually get sponsorships fromgovernment agencies like the Women’sWelfare Department. KBSAP was the firsttime we got a sponsorship where themoney was not coming directly from thegovernment. After that the wildlifeawareness series was the first time we gota sponsorship from an NGO." The KBSAPseries was also the first time that AIRBangalore had utilised a radio programmeas a way of collecting information and

utilising it, particularly from remote areas,as opposed to being only a means ofawareness and education.Series repeated for educational purposes:Due to the popularity of the KBSAP series,AIR repeated all the episodes in anEducation Branch programme, to generatemore awareness on biodiversity (thoughthe questions to listeners were deleted).This was done as a public service, withoutany further sponsorship from CES. (Theseries could also be profitably used if tapesof the programme were marketed aseducational tools for schools and privateuse. Unfortunately there is no processwithin AIR to do so.)Appreciation: The producer of the radioseries, Ms Sumangala Mummigatti, wasnamed "Woman Who Made the City Proud"by The Hindu, a national newspaper, forhelping develop environmental awareness.She was one of eight women selected forInternational Women’s Day in 2002.

All India Radio Series: Off-Shoots


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Two biodiversity festivals were held for the Uttar Kannada sub-state site process, which was completely independent of theKarnataka state process. To set out a context for these festivals, abrief summary of the Uttar Kannada process is as follows:

The Uttar Kannada coordinator was Dr Subhash Chandran of AVBaliga College, Kumta. The Uttar Kannada BSAP (UKBSAP) focusedmainly on the themes of forests, marine diversity and agriculture.

The process included: • Two biodiversity festivals held in Sirsi and Kumta• Thematic public meetings with a cross-section of stakeholders• An agricultural survey based on the distribution of 300

questionnaires to farmers in 11 talukas for sample factual datacollection (though there was no scope in this for elicitingfarmers’ opinions as inputs into the BSAP)

• Two case studies on the Aghanashini river• A literature survey by the coordinating agency to gather existing data

The experiences and lessons learned from the Kumta and Sirsifestivals have been consolidated here. Differences between thetwo festivals have been highlighted only where relevant.

Objectives:• To create awareness about local biodiversity and NBSAP among

the public.• To know how much agricultural biodiversity there is in the

district, by inviting people to bring local products to display atthe festival.

The festivals did not aim to get direct inputs for the BSAP at the venue.

Description (of the Kumta festival, except where specified):Lectures and slideshows by local resource persons (e.g.academics, NGOs): Topics included: a background to the NBSAP;biodiversity of the district; People’s Biodiversity Registers and theimportance of people’s participation; mango varieties and theimportance of conserving these. There was a discussion after eachlecture, though the objective of this was awareness-raising, rather

than generating inputs for the UKBSAP. A poster exhibitionexplaining the interdependence of different species was popularwith children, who could ask questions to volunteers manning the exhibition.Stalls for exhibition and sale: • Each stall was set up by a Village Forest Committee (VFC),

which brought its own products. Approximately 20 VFCs wereinvolved, with about 35 people in total manning the stalls.

• There were stalls on horticulture; pickle-making using forestproducts; chips; fish products; seed exchange and home gardenstall; aquarium and information stall set up by the FisheriesDepartment; varieties of mango and jackfruit brought by twoplant breeders. The Sirsi festival also had about 400 varieties ofrice on display, and a recipe stall for tasting traditional dishes.

• The stalls were arranged around a small courtyard adjoining ahall where the slideshows and lecture sessions could be attendedby everybody.

Grafting techniques: The 35 stallholders were shown graftingtechniques by a local farmer and by scientists from the IndianInstitute of Horticultural Research.

Strengths:Bringing to light the commercial potential of local products:The exhibit of agricultural products, ethnic foods and commercialplant products was appealing: "There is tremendous scope if wewant to promote something like ethnic foods of Uttar Kannada for different occasions, nutritional needs, illnesses. Ethnic foodfestivals can be a pull even for tourists. It is a way of attractingmore people to biodiversity".Developing pride in local produce and enthusing people toconserve the local diversity: People who displayed their varieties of mango, jackfruit, etc. were proud to get recognition through it,and were happy to explain and give information about it tovisitors at the festival.Raising awareness by creating a memorable occasion: Oneinterviewee compared the festival with attending a marriagecelebration – it is something that people are likely to remember

Tool 03 Biodiversity Festival


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for a long time. Neutral location: It was felt that the neutral locations of thefestivals was crucial. A location identified with any religion orpolitical party discourages a section of the community fromattending. Inauguration of the festivals by a political figure wasavoided.Showcasing success stories: A great crowd-puller was a group ofwomen from the Deccan Development Society (DDS) in AndhraPradesh (see Andhra Pradesh section), which has done a greatdeal of work in conserving traditional seed varieties. A festivalfacilitator noted, "Looking back now, I feel that success storiesshould be incorporated as part of the festival. That would givepeople a sense of belonging, more than pamphlets and stalls.Stalls only encourage people to appreciate the importance ofsomething. But if you want the feeling of ‘it is mine’, then youneed to show success stories like DDS. These women talked abouttheir seed bank and had pictorial posters. They had associates totranslate from Telugu to Kannada." The DDS women also sangsongs, making it an "active and dynamic" stall.Making linkages: Showcasing a range of local biodiversity in oneplace (normally seen only in scattered, day-to-day form) helpscreate linkages between resources, sources and consumption: "Itgenerated thoughts on how to conserve resources which peoplethink of as never-ending."

Weaknesses:Lost opportunity for discussion and input to UKBSAP: Gettingthe general visitors to give any inputs into UKBSAP may havebeen far too ambitious an aim, since members of the generalpublic were mainly interested in looking at the stalls and buyingthings. However, a more viable aim would have been to involvethe stallholders in a discussion about NBSAP and aboutbiodiversity conservation in general, since they were allstakeholders in the environment. Their inputs could have beenused in formulating the UKBSAP. The opportunity created by thefestival, in terms of bringing the different rural stallholderstogether, was lost in Sirsi. This was largely due to organisationalinexperience, as this was the first time such a festival had beenattempted. A discussion was then attempted at the Kumta festivalwhere a talk on NBSAP was organised. However, a lack ofconfidence among the villagers and townspeople in discussingsuch issues limited the discussion. A general discussion withoutorganising a strategy for build-up of context or capacity of

participants may thus be very limited.Insufficient advertising and poor turnout: The Sirsi festival drewonly 2000-3000 people. The turnout at the Kumta festival waseven poorer, with only 500-600 visitors. It is important to identifythe best local network of information and plug into it. There areseveral local newspapers in Uttar Kannada, and requesting write-ups in them would have ensured greater penetration ofinformation into rural areas. The local media was used onlysparsely, and some posters were put up. A poor publicitycampaign meant that a limited number of people knew about thefestivals. This was particularly a problem in Sirsi where hamletsare widely spread out and the population is not as dense as inother areas. In Kumta visitors to the festival were primarilygroups known to the organisers. With hindsight it was felt that tomaximise attendance, the Sirsi festival should have been linked toPadamutsava, a local annual (non-religious) festival, which drawsabout 30,000 people.Inappropriate advertising: It was felt by one festival organiser(Kumta festival) that it should not have been advertised as a‘biodiversity’ festival but as a consumer exhibition. The word‘biodiversity’ may have put people off.Inaccessible location and clashing dates: This was a problem inKumta where the location was far away from the bus stand. Thiswas aggravated by the fact that an entertainment programme wason at a place near the bus-stand. It was assumed that many peoplepreferred to attend the entertainment programme, which was alsoat a convenient location.Small town politics: A hurdle in most small towns would bedealing with infighting and local politics. To some extent thislimited the positive press publicity that the festivals could havereceived. Ensuring neutrality in organisation and location, andsimply being aware of the potential for politicking is one way ofminimising this problem, but perhaps this can never be entirelyavoided.Capacity of the organisers: This may seem an obvious point, but aword of caution is needed regarding choosing the festivalorganisers. Festival organisers need to have the capacity (orguidance) to organise a festival. An organisation may beexperienced and established in its normal work/projects, and besincere and hardworking. However this does not necessarilytranslate into the capacity to organise a festival with the attendantrequirements of publicity, press liaison, choosing a suitablelocation, etc. On the other hand, in the absence of guidance,


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learning from experience is probably the best way to buildcapacity for the future.Written medium for awareness about NBSAP: It is not clear howsuccessful the festival was in terms of raising awareness aboutNBSAP (as opposed to raising awareness about biodiversity, forwhich it was more clearly a success). One of the possible reasonssuggested was that though there was an NBSAP stall, withpamphlets giving information about NBSAP, people wouldnormally not like to read things in the context of a festival. Theywould prefer to look at things and buy things. It would seem thatthe main impact in a festive environment is achieved primarilythrough the audio and visual media.Lack of follow-up: There was no planned follow up to the festivals.Follow up is crucial in terms of maximising the initial impact ofan event, and ‘cashing in’ on its value in terms of awarenessraising. It seems evident that attracting people to a festival is onlythe first step in awareness-raising, and that this would onlypartially retain its value if not followed up by a strategy of furtherawareness-raising activity.

Seed Festival: The biodiversity festival inSirsi inspired a Seed Festival as part of agrassroots seed network (Malenadu HomeGarden and Seed Exchange Collective),involving 60 women from 5 villages aroundYellapur. The Seed Festival was a way ofmaking sure that the seed network wasworth pursuing further, and the success ofthe festival has provided the impetus tocontinue the network: "It was a thumpingsuccess, with 100 women from 7 villages,though we expected only 50 women. Theyall set up their seeds and forest produce asexhibits, and we had a competition to seewhich village had the most diverse, the

most nutritious and the most aestheticallypleasing exhibit. Then there was a talk onnutrition, family health and communityhealth. There was also an amazing seedexchange. A variety in one village is oftennot there in another, and people think ithas disappeared. The seed exchangeallowed them to discover that all thesevarieties still exist, and that they have tocontinue growing them, and that they havethe power to control seeds. This was adirect off-shoot of the NBSAP. If anythingis participatory, it is a process like this. Itmay not be cutting edge science, or a hugenetwork with huge results. But it is a small

thing which has started to make adifference in people’s lives." Capacity Building: Sneh Kunja, one of thekey NGOs involved in the UKBSAP, feltthat the process provided valuable capacitybuilding of the organisation: "We definitelybenefited as an organisation. Before, wehad isolated, scattered thoughts onbiodiversity issues. Now we have the wholepicture, and there is a vision. Through thisprocess, links with people have becomecloser and stronger. Therefore chances towork with other people on issues offorestry, etc., have opened up."

Off-Shoots of UKBSAP

Mango variety display in Uttar Kannada Festival


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KBSAP and UKBSAP:Implementation

As in many other states, the context in Karnataka isnot very conducive to participation in governmentenvironmental planning. As such the KBSAPprocess was a unique attempt in inviting such awide scale of participation. In terms ofimplementation of the KBSAP, there was a greatdeal of cynicism among interviewees regarding thestate government’s willingness to take account ofthe KBSAP recommendations: "The whole concernis very low in the government’s priorities. They arevery happy with the way they are doing things.Once a senior bureaucrat of the Government ofKarnataka gave me a half an hour talk on how, ifthere were no NGOs and no judiciary, life would beheavenly – and that it is these who botherbureaucrats and do not allow them to run thegovernment the way they wish. To him these werevery undesirable elements in society. That is notunusual. His articulating it was unusual, but that ismore or less the approach of most of thebureaucrats and many politicians too."

Nevertheless, the following initiatives haveemerged with a view to advocating theimplementation of KBSAP recommendations:• Most of the KBSAP recommendations wereincluded in the biodiversity section of theKarnataka State of the Environment Report, whichis a separate report to the state government (asopposed to the KBSAP which is a report to thecentral government). This was possible since theCES was in charge of preparing this biodiversitysection. A synergy was also achieved between theUKBSAP and the Karnataka State of theEnvironment Report, thus reinforcing the chancesof UKBSAP recommendations being implementedby the state government. A key facilitator felt thatthe UKBSAP process had a positive impact on thesubsequent State of the Environment Report

discussions because "people were alreadyawakened through UKBSAP, and they cameforward with more concrete and studiedrecommendations." Conversely, the UKBSAP tookadvantage of the opportunity by strengthening andfinalising its recommendations only after severalconsultative meetings had been held specifically forthe State of the Environment Report.

• The state government has agreed to allow theState Steering Committee (comprised mainly ofvarious department representatives and headed bythe Chief Secretary) to remain in place even thoughthe KBSAP process is officially complete.

• A meeting of 30-35 NGOs was called by CES afterthe completion of the KBSAP. The objective was tocreate awareness among NGOs about KBSAP, todiscuss its recommendations, and to get them tofollow up implementation in their own areas. Mostof these NGOs had not previously been involved inKBSAP.

• CES initiated a more detailed dialogue withvarious government departments, since theinclusion of officials within the KBSAP process wasrelatively low.

• In 10 districts (out of 29), CES held district levelmeetings in two phases, to discuss possibleoutcomes of the KBSAP, and to get feedback. Asummary of the main issues addressed by KBSAPwas distributed to district-level NGOs, officials andother interested individuals. In some districts amore formal district-level response to the KBSAPwas prepared, regarding district-level action thatneeds to be taken.

• Based on the KBSAP, CES brought out a series of40-50 page booklets on a variety of themes. Thesewere distributed to a number of schools and NGOsin Karnataka.


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• One of the four case studies (on Amanikere tank)helped to create awareness and an impetus for localaction among residents of the town of Tumkur,which is the location of the Tumkur Amanikeretank. A representative of the Wildlife Aware NatureClub, which conducted the case study, noted, "Thetank is full of sewage and water hyacinth. After thecase study we conducted a de-weeding programmewith thousands of members of the public involved.KBSAP helped because we got to know the exactstatus of the tank due to the case study. We alsobrought out a booklet on the tank and distributed itto the public. This brought about a major change inthe minds of the public in Tumkur."


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Maharashtra

Maharashtra state Maharashtra state has a context of vigorous socialactivism, with large numbers of NGOs, people’smovements and other institutions engaged inenvironmental and social activity. As one of themore prosperous states of India, its private andstate sectors have ample research facilities,scientific and technical knowledge and widespreaduse of information technology.

The coordinating agency chosen for the stateplan, YASHADA (Yashwant Rao Chavan Academyof Development Administration), reflected thesignificant resources available in the state. It islocated in Pune, an important centre of academicand NGO activity. A state-run academy,YASHADA’s Centre for Environment andDevelopment focuses on "training and researchprogrammes for officials and non-officials, andenables environmental audit and assessment fordistrict and municipal self-governments. TheCentre… collaborates closely with variousdepartments of the Government of Maharashtratowards recommendations on developmentadministration concerning environmental issues"(YASHADA 2001). From 1996 to 2001 the Centreconducted over 75 training programmes andworkshops, attended by almost 1500 stategovernment officials.

Given this context, there were high expectationsof the Maharashtra state process. In particular itwas felt that within the BSAP process, YASHADAcould provide a valuable interface betweengovernment officials and the non-governmentalsector since it has the capacity to reach out to both;and that it could work towards internalising theBSAP strategies within the administration, which

would be crucial to implementation. Indeed, theenthusiasm generated by the idea of the BSAPprocess was reflected in the first meeting called byYASHADA in Pune, which attracted about 50participants with representation from NGOs(including those working at rural grassroots level),academics, government officials and students.

It was therefore unexpected that the processturned out to be one of the most disappointingamong the NBSAP sites, in terms of participationand output. Several interviewees expressed surprisethat it had not turned out differently with such acapable organisation in charge. There is not a greatdeal to say about specific ‘tools of participation’ inthe case of Maharashtra; since the differentactivities that did occur were fragmented andsporadic, it is difficult to analyse them as part of astrategic process or to draw out useful transferabletools.

However one of the main reasons for choosing toinclude the state-level process in this handbook wasto examine why a process so full of potential turnedout to be disappointing. An examination of theprocess indicates interesting lessons with regard tomonitoring and accountability, the selection of thecoordinating agency, and follow-upcommunication.

Process Outline1. Meetings: Two large meetings were held in Pune,attended by about 50 NGOs, academics andofficials; seven smaller meetings were held forpeople who contributed more directly to the output.2. Thematic groups: Sixteen thematic groups werecreated from among a cross-section of the peoplewho attended the meetings. Coordinators for eachgroup were to write a report on each theme with


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inputs from group members.3. Workshops: Two workshops were conducted onFodder Security (in collaboration with Anthra, anational NGO) and on Plant Diversity. The fodderworkshop was attended by about 60 people,including officials, NGOs and farmers, and fourworking groups were formulated to givesuggestions for the BSAP. The plant diversityworkshop was attended by about 25 people andprimarily dealt with taxonomy. There was a lack offollow up with participants after both workshops. 4. Village-level data collection: A workshop washeld in Velha tehsil, Pune district, on village-levelenvironmental planning. It was attended by 22representatives from 6-7 villages, who were trainedto conduct a survey on biodiversity parameters andthe perspectives and wishes of stakeholders.Sixteen student volunteers from CYDA (Centre forYouth Development and Activities) also receivedtraining to conduct village-level surveys fordocumentation of indigenous knowledge onbiodiversity. 120 villages around the state werecovered. The information sought in thequestionnaire format was mainly factual, thoughvolunteers were instructed to also ask villagers forsuggestions on inputs to the BSAP. Some of theproblems encountered during this activity were: thestudy was limited by spending only 2-3 days in eachvillage which is too short a time for villagers to giveinformation to newcomers; many of the studentvolunteers did not have a science background andso had difficulty in understanding the concept ofbiodiversity information collection; it may havehelped to include anthropology or social sciencestudents because they would have known how toconduct surveys and interviews.

The survey information does not appear in thecollection of thematic papers that was put forwardas the Maharashtra BSAP. However, YASHADAused the survey information to prepare a ‘Citizens’Charter’ (an administrative manual), for villagelevel development. The Charter is produced as aGovernment of Maharashtra document. Based on

this Charter and internal discussions over twoyears, YASHADA produced a panchayat almanac orguidelines ("Mahasik Margdarshika") forenvironmental decision-making by panchayats. Thealmanac is part of the syllabus of Panchayat RajTraining Institutes that are coordinated byYASHADA. There are about 18 training institutesin Maharashtra attended by panchayat membersand village level development workers. Thecoordinating agency describes this as a directoutput of the NBSAP, since NBSAP resources wereutilised to create "a wider ripple effect". 5. Newsletters: A series of newsletters wasproduced to brief people on the Maharashtraprocess, in Marathi and English. 6. Website: A website was set up by thecoordinating agency especially for the Maharashtraprocess.7. State Steering Committee: A State SteeringCommittee of almost 100 people was set up, in anattempt to give representation to everyone and allmajor government departments. This wasirrelevant, and possibly an impediment, to theprocess since there was no clear-cut formulation ofwhat responsibilities the individuals in thiscommittee had.

WeaknessesLack of acceptance of the process requirements bythe coordinating agency: There was clearly adisparity in terms of what the NBSAP processrequired of the coordinating agency, and what thecoordinating agency felt was necessary to do.Firstly, the principle of launching a wide-rangingparticipatory process for creating a state plan wasnot really accepted by the coordinating agency. Itwas felt that since the thematic reports andrecommendations were to be written by expertswho already had years of experience in the subjectbased on participatory work, there was no need tohave more participatory processes for the sake of it:"[It is no use] to keep calling meetings on the sameissues. We know that the end recommendation is


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going to be, for example, that fodder diversityshould be encouraged." Each thematic reportwritten by an expert in the subject, was thus treatedas a thematic plan for the state. Secondly, it was feltthat the time and resources provided for theNBSAP did not match what was required from theprocess. Since the NBSAP funds were seen asinsufficient for the process requirements, thecoordinating agency used the opportunity tointernalise biodiversity concerns into its ongoingresearch and training programmes. Thus the focuswas on a form of implementation of biodiversityconcerns rather than on writing a plan. Given this basic clash of perspectives in terms ofhow to go about the planning process, the choice ofcoordinating agency was obviously not appropriate.It is not clear whether part of the problem mayhave been insufficient communication regardingwhat was expected of the process, prior toYASHADA accepting the role of coordinatingagency.Sporadic activities: Activities were fragmented andsporadic. Several proposed activities did not takeplace, such as a biodiversity festival in Latur,capacity building courses, Pune-based meetings onurban biodiversity and environmentalmanagement, and a series of 12 meetings aroundthe state. A year after the national process began,only two meetings had taken place for theMaharashtra state process. By this time many otherstates had moved forward substantially, and somehad even started framing the first drafts of theiraction plans.Poor follow-up and communication: Poor follow-upand communication with participants (and theTPCG) after the first one or two meetings createdconfusion, disinterest and eventually a loss ofmomentum. Poor communication meant that mostinitial participants were unfamiliar with the statusof the process (also making it difficult to getfeedback on most activities for the purpose of thisstudy). For example, none of the interviewees(including the TPCG) were aware of the initiatives

regarding the Citizens Charter or panchayatalmanac. Most were also not aware of the village-level data collection. Indeed, most people wouldhave difficulty identifying these particular activitiesas part of the NBSAP process, since the results didnot in any way reflect in the Maharashtra BSAPitself. Those participants who tried to follow upwith the coordinating agency for information wereusually unsuccessful. Others felt too external to theprocess to feel any interest or responsibility forfollowing up. However, there were hints thatpeople who had taken up responsibilities did not goabout the task more proactively, and waited for thecoordinating agency to take the lead, thus creatingdelays. It also seems apparent, however, that thecoordinating agency did not take sufficientinitiative in mobilising and holding the interest ofparticipants through regular communication andupdates. Unclear funding and institutional support: Thethematic reports were supposed to be based onworkshop consultations, but a lack of clarityregarding funding and institutional support fromthe coordinating agency created uncertainty andfrustration: "Meetings were to be called inYASHADA for each theme…but there was nochance to hold any such meeting because there wasno formal agreement to do so. How can a thematiccoordinator go around inviting people? …They [the coordinating agency] should have told thethematic coordinators that these are the funds atyour disposal, go ahead and co-ordinate themeeting and use the NBSAP letterhead." Monitoring and accountability – too little, too late:Eventually, a few months before the final deadlinefor the BSAP, a core group of people was formed toprepare a series of thematic papers which was thenput forward as the Maharashtra BSAP. Thesepapers were not based on participation orconsultation, but were academic exercises based onthe expertise of the writers. The impetus for doingso was an internal NBSAP evaluation mission bythe Ministry of Environment and Forests, headed


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by an official from New Delhi who called a meetingin YASHADA in April 2002, and suggested theabove recourse given the short time period left tillthe deadline. Most interviewees felt that thisevaluation was useful, but came far too late for theMaharashtra process: • "We were not looking for papers. We were

looking for meetings, strategies, discussion,engagement."

• In addition one interviewee felt that "theevaluation was of no use in particular because ithad no right to take any action" and could onlymake recommendations.

• However, it was widely felt that only suchofficially sanctioned monitoring could carry anyweight when monitoring a governmentinstitution.

• Some interviewees felt that one or two earliersuch missions from the Ministry of Environmentand Forests should have been undertaken. Thiswould have created a monitoring system that ranparallel to that of the TPCG, with the addedweight of being officially sanctioned visits.

Lack of accountability of the coordinating agency:The selection of YASHADA as the coordinatingagency was promising for various reasons, asdetailed above. However, it is a governmentorganisation and in the course of the NBSAPprocess, showed several characteristics that oftenmake government organisations frustrating to dealwith, such as unresponsiveness, the lack of apersonal touch to communication, and acentralised mode of functioning. • The type of agency affects the possibilities of

accountability: The Maharashtra experienceillustrates the need to refine the process ofcoordinating agency selection keeping in mindthat the type of agency will affect the possibilitiesof accountability. When a government institutionis disinterested in a process, there is very littlethat can be done by outsiders due to the frequentlack of accountability within government

institutions, or simply due to the slow workingsof the bureaucracy if accountability is to be madepossible through official channels.

• Funding is not always a lever: The TPCG had verylittle leverage to ensure the satisfactorycompletion of the process. NBSAP funding wasnegligible in the context of a large governmentinstitution, so action such as holding backfunding till certain activities were completedwould have made little difference. (Changing thecoordinating agency was not an option, as alreadyexplained).

• Arrangements within the coordinating agency areimportant: Some people were simply of theopinion that a government agency in general isthe wrong agency to handle such a process sincegovernment institutions usually have their ownagenda, are too bureaucratic and find it difficultto be self-critical. It is often difficult for agovernment agency to understand or mobiliseparticipation. However, much depends on thecapacity and interest of the individuals in charge.When the individuals in charge are interested ina process, a government agency can show highlevels of achievement because of the immensehuman resources and institutional back-up that itcommands (as demonstrated by the participatoryBSAP process conducted by the ForestDepartment in Sikkim). But even when theindividuals in charge are interested, they must beempowered to give their time and energy to aproject (e.g. by being freed from otherresponsibilities). A person working full-time on aproject would also be more obliged to produceresults. In the case of the Maharashtracoordinating agency, there was only one verybusy person in charge of NBSAP with manydemands on his time.


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Nagpur city sub-state siteNagpur is an interesting example because it wasthe only urban NBSAP site in the country. Themain objective for this study was to see whetherany specific tools or processes relevant to an urbancontext, had been developed or used there.

Nagpur is among the largest cities in India, witha population of 2.2 million. It has a distinctlycosmopolitan character due to its location on thecusp of the Marathi-speaking region and the Hindi-speaking belt, and the large number of migrants itattracts. Surprisingly for a large city, Nagpur retainslarge green spaces, while its cultural heritage in theform of temples, ghats and crematoriums isinterlinked with the variety of wetlands – tanks,rivers and lakes - in and around the city.Surrounding the city are significant areas ofagricultural and forest land. This natural capitaland increasing degradation of the wetlands havebeen an impetus to environmental groups inNagpur to push for the concept of an Eco-City, i.e. acity that would capitalise on its natural resourcesand promote the city as a centre for the serviceindustry (conference centres, trade and tourism)rather than a centre of traditional heavy industry.Nagpur has a range of active NGOs, many of whichwork on environmental issues such asenvironment education, tree planting, heritageconservation, tank protection and research.

The 74th Amendment to the Constitutionprovides for the participation of citizens at variouslevels in the urban planning process, mainlythrough People’s Committees. However theamendment has not been applied to Nagpur,despite protests by social activists. Currently theNagpur Municipal Corporation (NMC) and theNagpur Improvement Trust (NIT) are the bodiesthat deal with town planning, though there wereopportunities through the 1990s for some NGOs toparticipate in conservation committees establishedby the city administration. The first real jointventure between an NGO (Vidarbha Nature and

Human Science Centre) and the NMC, the Eco-cityconcept, fizzled out. Overall, interviewees for thisstudy were cynical about the willingness of the cityauthorities to address conservation concerns orwork with citizens for this.

Process OutlineThe coordinating agency was the NGO, VidarbhaNature and Human Science Centre (VNHS), madeup of professionals (e.g. architects, scientists) whowork part-time for VNHS. The organisation workson heritage conservation and scientificenvironmental research including data collection.The LAC, i.e. the core, working group, mainlyincluded volunteers from different professions whowere already linked with the coordinating agency. Akey limitation of the Nagpur process was that thesite was selected one year later than other sites.Thus the time constraint faced by almost all siteswas exacerbated in the case of Nagpur, limitingpossibilities within the process. The coordinatingagency also did not get the benefit of theorientation given by the TPCG to coordinatingagencies at the beginning of the process.

Prior to the Nagpur process there was nocomprehensive scientific checklist of the city’sbiodiversity. Therefore the process focussed ondesk-based research for compiling scientific dataand baseline information to underlie a general citystrategy. The strategy included a recommendationto create more specific plans in the proposed nextphase of planning, with wider stakeholderconsultation.

The participatory methods used were:1. Meetings:• Two formal seminars, with attendance from

NGOs, academics and the general public.• 5-6 informal meetings of a smaller core

group of NGOs.• A working group for scientific inputs met

once a week.• A women’s group of about five members had a


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discussion regarding their contributions andattitudes to biodiversity conservation.

• A group of 10-12 fishermen were invited for ameeting organised by the coordinating agency. Inaddition individual interviews were carried out bythe coordinating agency, with about 80 fishermen.Both activities were primarily for gathering factualinformation such as species availability.

2. Questionnaire: A questionnaire prepared by the coordinatingagency was circulated to various governmentdepartments to get written inputs.

3. School Projects and Competitions:As far as involvement of teachers and students isconcerned, the state of Karnataka has taken thelead in the national NBSAP process and itsexperience offers many lessons to draw on (seeTool 1 in Karnataka section for details). Theinitiative in Nagpur was comparatively modest,involving three schools and about 100 students: • The aim was to raise biodiversity awareness and

also to include the students’ suggestions in theBSAP. Eventually it was felt that the students’reports were not good enough to be included inthe final document, but the awareness-raisingcomponent seems to have been more successful.

• Teachers received information at a meetingregarding the NBSAP and guidelines about whatwas required of the student exercise.

• Students were invited to study a nearby water-body (e.g. tank) and write reports about how itcould be conserved, and how children could beinvolved in the conservation.

• Prizes were distributed for the best reports. • Other awareness-raising activities with children,

conducted by a local NGO, included a heritagewalk, greeting card-making session and a rakhi-making session using natural materials.

Key points made by interviewees regardingstudents’ and teachers’ involvement, were almost

identical to those made by teachers in Karnataka,mainly that teachers have very little spare time, soenvironmental activities need to be included withinofficial extra-curricular activities, and that it is amyth that students are only interested in watchingtelevision. It was felt that on the contrary studentstend to be very enthusiastic about such projects,while it is teachers who show a lack of initiative inplanning activities for their pupils. As inKarnataka, a weak point was insufficient guidanceto teachers before the exercise.

4. Individual Interviews:• Individual interviews were carried out with some

milkmen in villages on the fringes of the city,and also with fishermen.

• Morning walkers, especially elderly people, wereapproached by some LAC members for informalchats regarding their memories of Nagpur’senvironment in years gone by.

An interesting proposal, which was not reallycarried through, was interaction with people inrural and semi-rural areas around Nagpur toexamine how these areas have a bearing on theenvironmental context of the city (and vice-versa).

For the purposes of this handbook, the mainrelevance of Nagpur is in drawing out lessonsspecific to the urban context, and some broad (notnecessarily tool-specific) lessons on coordinatingagency capacity, the use of local resources, and theuse of extractive research methods. Thequestionnaire to government departments is alsoexamined. None of the other tools are of specialsignificance in the context of the NBSAP; similartools have been used more effectively in otherstates, and will therefore more profitably beexamined in the context of those states.


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Written Questionnaire forGovernment Departments

Objective: To get inputs for the Nagpur BSAP from governmentdepartments, in writing.

Method: A questionnaire was prepared by the coordinating agency. Thequestionnaire was sent to various government departments alongwith information on the NBSAP. The departments were requestedto send their written replies to the coordinating agency.

Output: The experience of trying to elicit government participationthrough written questionnaires was similar to Sikkim, in that itbrought forth almost no responses (see Tool 3 in Sikkim sectionfor details). In Nagpur, government input in the BSAP remainedabsent due to poor response to the questionnaire. (Officials didnot seem to have a sufficient presence at the two large meetingsorganised either). There was also the additional complication ofnot particularly smooth relations between environmental NGOsand the municipal authorities. At least two NGO representatives felt that the absence ofgovernment participation was a major lacuna in the process,because the government would be the main implementer of theplan. The municipal commissioner felt the same way: "Unless theadministration is involved, the plan will never be implemented. Sothere needs to be a collaboration between government and NGOs."It seems clear that a written questionnaire is not the right formatto use for official departmental inputs unless it is backed byofficial orders. If at all a questionnaire must be used, it needs tostick to requesting factual information.

Weaknesses: Lack of official orders to respond: Officials often do not respond ifthey have not received orders to do so. Some interviewees felt thata directive from the Ministry of Environment and Forests tovarious departments would be the only way to get full co-operation and inputs from government departments. Such adirective was never sent in any of the states.Hesitance at putting information in writing: If requested forinformation, officials often prefer not to put it in writing. InNagpur some officials were willing to part with factualinformation as long as it was informal and off the record.Format of the questionnaire: While officials hesitate at puttinginformation in writing, even fewer officials, if any, would bewilling to put their opinions into writing. One of the majorweaknesses of the questionnaire circulated to officials in Nagpurwas that it asked far too many broad, open-ended questions whichwould require a great deal of time to answer, and would alsoinvolve the personal opinion of the respondent:

E.g. "How serious are the Planning and Developmentauthorities regarding nature conservation issues? What is thelevel of their commitment?"

Some of the questions were even slightly provocative, which doesnot help to get officials to respond (the following question isdoubly unhelpful since it only invites a yes/no response):

E.g. "Is there sufficient transparency in the working of theauthorities?"

Tool 01 Questionnaires


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Nagpur Process: Lessons Learned

Challenges of Eliciting Participation in an Urban ContextThe use of urban-specific tools was absent. Alsoabsent was the expected inclusion of sectorsspecific to an urban context, such as slum dwellers,trade unions or residents’ associations spreadacross different social/ecological areas of the city(e.g. the concerns of residents in the old city ornear a heritage water-body, are different from thosein newly developed areas.)

Indeed, the urban context seemed to restrict thescope for general public participation, with someamount of cynicism about this especially since pastattempts at mobilising the public over specificissues have not been wholly successful.

Public apathy: The Nagpur BSAP states, "the largeproportion of migrant and resettled populationsnaturally has lesser attachment to the city, leadingto apathy regarding local development andmanagement issues. The task of changing themindset of the people and orienting / committingthem towards conservation is that much morechallenging" (VNHS 2002).

The report also notes: "Interaction with…unorganised citizens reveals a negative picture asfar as biodiversity conservation is concerned. Thecommon citizens and their groups, except ofcourse the committed NGOs, show very littleconcern for such issues."Analysing the cost-benefit ratio: An apparently highcost-benefit ratio was a central reason in notattempting to involve the general public in theNagpur process. It seemed that to get a successfulresponse a very large effort would have to be made,for which there was neither the time nor theresources. Preparing the ground for participation: In addition,it was felt that in the context of an apparently un-

sensitised public, organising a public meetingwould create hype without substance: "It isimportant for us to first understand the context –study and research are important aspects. It doesnot help to just go to the public. It is not enough tojust organise marches and leaflets. You need anenvironmental and legal study to back it up.Because the administration is thick-skinned aboutthings like marches."

Stakeholder consultation has therefore beenproposed in the BSAP as a next step. Though thisdoes not quite fit into the NBSAP stipulationregarding wide participation across sectors, it isarguably a very practical view that refrains fromlaunching into general public participation for thesake of it, when the context, time and resourcesmean that the effort is not likely to yield sufficientresults.

In some contexts, this restrained approach mayhave its own value – it may be preferable to divinginto a participatory process regardless of thecontext and resources available for achieving adesired result. In some senses, adequatepreparation for participation is as important asparticipatory activity itself. Finding Opportunities Within Constraints: On theother hand, there were perhaps some lostopportunities in terms of reaching out to somesectors – even if sectors such as industries orconsumer associations or slum dwellers may notbe particularly interested in issues of biodiversityconservation, consultation with such sectors couldhave at least recorded their perceptions regardingbiodiversity conservation, which could then havebeen a basis for a component on awareness raisingin the strategy and action plan.

This was done to some extent by initiating adiscussion on biodiversity conservation among awomen’s association, which concluded thatbiodiversity conservation needed to be on theagenda of the association. The discussion was,however, limited to only about five women.


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Inexperience of coordinating agency regarding participatory processes Observations about the Nagpur process must beseen in light of the fact that the Nagpur BSAPprocess was approached primarily as a report-making exercise which focussed on datacompilation, rather than an activist approach thataimed at wide consultation and people’smobilisation. This was a reflection of the capacityof the coordinating agency, which did not haveprevious experience in participatory processes.

For example, about 20 NGOs were consulted todiffering degrees but only 5-6 were activelyinvolved in the process. For most NGOsparticipation did not go beyond attending the twolarge meetings that were held. A wider consultationwas not achieved beyond these meetings, andtherefore ownership of the process among a widerbase was not really created. During interviewssome felt that NGO participation had beensufficient, while others felt that it was greatlylacking.

There were no non-environmental groupsinvolved, which was also a gap in terms of reachingout beyond the environmental sector to other urbansectors like slum dwellers or labour unions.

Capacity to deal with responses A question linked to the issue of ‘preparing theground for participation’, is whether the capacity ofthe coordinating agency is sufficient for managingthe level of participation that is solicited.Interestingly, the coordinating agency issued anewspaper appeal inviting people in Nagpur tocome forward and contribute to the plan. Manyqueries were received, but then the coordinatingagency realised that it did not have the capacity todeal with the responses that had been solicited, andtherefore the queries could not be followed up.

Soliciting participation is one thing, and beingable to strategically organise the respondents, isanother. Coordinating agencies need to be clearabout their capacity to handle respondents and

queries; the objectives and outreach of a call forparticipation need to be strategized accordingly.

An extractive methodology restricts ownership over a processConsultation with fishermen, milkmen and withthe general public (through the informal ‘chat’mode) was predominantly extractive, in terms ofeliciting (mainly factual) information withoutgiving very much back in terms of informationabout the NBSAP or follow-up after the writing ofthe plan. Clearly this restricts the scope of anyidentification with, or ownership of, the final plan– or even the process, for that matter. For example,the fisher representative who was interviewed washappy that fisher-folk had for the first time beenconsulted about their knowledge on fish speciesetc, but he had no idea about the NBSAP, and wassurprised to learn about it during the interview.

There was a clear sense of an opportunity lost:"At the meeting they only told us that they wantinformation. But I did not know what it was for.They did not ask us to plan solutions for ourproblems. They mainly wanted to know about thefish species, etc. There was no detailed discussionabout our problems. It would have been good ifthey had told us that the meeting is for making aplan. This would have given us a vision, and wewould have put forward our own plan, according toour own capabilities. But they stressed that theyonly want to collect information from us." It ispossible that information about NBSAP was given,but not clearly enough. There was no follow-upwith the fisher-folk after the meeting, and theinterviewee felt that the meeting had not benefitedthe fisher-folk at all.

Interestingly, the coordinating agency felt thatthere was no real need to extensively consult thefishermen at this stage because some members ofthe working group had worked in fisheries formany years and already knew the fisherfolks’problems. This was precisely the sort of top-downplanning that the NBSAP was trying to avoid – a


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greater orientation to the coordinating agency mayhave helped. On the other hand it must be kept inmind that Nagpur joined the process a year laterthan other agencies and therefore lost out on theintensive orientation given to all coordinatingagencies in Delhi.

Need to Identify and Use Local ResourcesIt is vital to survey and make use of locally availablehuman resources and networks in order tomaximise opportunities and almost certainlydiscover surprising possibilities:• An extractive approach can lead to lost

opportunities. Whereas the fisher-folk meetingcomprised of 10-12 people, the fisherrepresentative who was interviewed felt that hadhe been asked to mobilise people, he would havebrought 500 people to the meeting.

• Though the coordinating agency did not have thecapacity to handle a meeting of 500 people due tolack of experience in conducting such meetings,this could have been achieved by requestinganother NGO with grassroots experience toconduct the meeting.

• Similarly, though the coordinating agency did nothave the capacity to directly reach out to slumdwellers, it was possible to do so through otherNGOs that already work among, and have anetwork of, slum dwellers (e.g. Yuva RuralNagpur works in 105 slum areas in the city).Possibilities of involving other urban sectorsthrough existing bodies like trade unions,corporate body associations or public sectorinstitutions (many of which are involved in ‘citybeautification’ activities), were also not explored.

This is indicative of a wider observation across the various states studied; coordinating agenciesoften do not survey and make use of existinglocal human resources and networks to achievetheir aims.

• Though the coordinating agency limiteditself to involvement with three schools, theawareness raising extended to 20 schoolsand 600 students as an off-shoot of theoriginal effort. This was because a group ofteachers took it up as an independentinitiative, where the students were not toldexplicitly about the BSAP, but were givenexercises in planning for local conservation,similar to the exercises done for theNagpur BSAP.• One of the teachers involved in theNBSAP activities, Mr Kurzadkar, received a

Rashtriya Puraskar for Best Teacher (anational award) because of his work inenvironmental activities. The NBSAPactivities played a major role in this. He feltthat this was an inspiration for otherteachers and would encourage them towork on environmental activities as well. • Indeed, Mr Kurzadkar noted that he wasalready getting enquiries from otherschools about environmental activities:"Others have become interested in what wehave done, and they want to do the same.So our benefit is still ongoing. Our teachers

[i.e. those who were involved in NBSAP andother environmental activities] are invitedfor lectures or guidance – so they havebecome resource persons." • Nisarg Vidya Mandal, a teacher-basedenvironmental NGO, included NBSAP as atopic in their teachers’ workshops todiscuss their suggestions for the NagpurBSAP. About 20 teachers were involved inthis.

Off-Shoots of Nagpur Process


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Sikkim sate and Rathong ChuValley Sub-state siteThe coordinating agency for Sikkim was theForest Department (FD), but – unconventionally -a large bulk of the work was handed over to asmall grassroots NGO, the KhangchendzongaConservation Committee (KCC) based in Yuksam,in the Rathong Chu Valley, West Sikkim. Thevillage of Yuksam is the starting point for treksinto the Khangchendzonga National Park, andtourism is central to the village economy. KCC ismade up of members from the local villagecommunity and local stakeholders in tourism,and works to counter the negative impacts oftourism on the community’s natural and culturalheritage through activities such as awarenessraising, monitoring of natural resources, advocacyand local skill development programmes. The FDenvisioned the Sikkim process as primarilygrassroots-centric. Its collaboration with KCC wasa vital element in shaping the process atgrassroots level.

Unlike most other states, which had separatecoordinating agencies for the different sites withina state, the FD was the sole coordinating agency inSikkim for the state and sub-state site.Consequently, there were considerable overlapsbetween the Sikkim state process and the RathongChu Valley sub-state process. The methodologywas the same all over Sikkim; the Rathong ChuValley sub-state BSAP was completed first, andonly then, based on learning from the experience,was the process launched all over the state thushelping to refine the methods used. The onlyadditional element in the Sikkim state-levelprocess was the involvement of institutions and

government departments based in Gangtok, thestate capital. The findings from the state and sub-state site are therefore presented in a consolidatedform here.

These findings relate only to the process in Southand West Sikkim, unless specifically mentionedotherwise. The process differed to some extent inNorth and East Sikkim, though it was alsograssroots-centric there.

Process Summary1 Meetings:• Two state level meetings in Gangtok with

participation of various non-governmental andgovernmental sectors, including the Army.

• Thirty-nine public hearings in rural areas tocreate 39 Community Strategy and Action Plans(CSAP). To bring out gender-based interests inthe environment, one plan based on men’ssuggestions, and a separate one based onwomen’s suggestions was prepared at each publichearing. The two plans would then make up asingle CSAP. The inputs into the 39 CSAPs werethen tabulated and prioritised to produce a singleCSAP for the state.

2 Biodiversity Festivals:• Two biodiversity festivals in Yuksam (West

Sikkim) and Chungthang (North Sikkim)

3 Questionnaire:• Questionnaire circulated by the FD to various

government departments to elicit written, factualinformation regarding existing governmentschemes. This was supplemented by personalinterviews with key persons.

Sikkim


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4 Media Strategy:• A state-level media campaign, to raise awareness

of the process and solicit inputs, included callsfor participation through radio talks in sixlanguages, newspaper advertisements, cabletelevision advertisements and announcements onthe news on television.

In terms of the participatory methodology followedat grassroots level, the Sikkim process was one ofthe most successful in the country. It wassomewhat less successful in garnering support andparticipation from non-rural sectors. (Women’sparticipation was poor even in rural areas, whichwas the case almost all over India.) Given theNBSAP’s aim of including sectors which are mostmarginalized from policy planning, the ruralemphasis was laudable. However, ownership andcollaboration across different non-rural sectors wasnot achieved. To a large extent this was due to arelative neglect of the process at the level of thestate capital, Gangtok, where some key players hadonly a marginal involvement in the process. Inaddition, a poor response was elicited fromgovernment departments. This was unfortunate,since an innovative process had been envisioned bythe FD, of clubbing the community vision withgovernmental inputs to produce the state plan. Theprocess was expressed succinctly as a 2-step‘formula’ in the Sikkim BSAP:

1 FSAP + MSAP = CSAP

[i.e. Female SAP + Male SAP = CommunityStrategy and Action Plan]

2 CSAP + GSAP = SBSAP

[i.e. Community SAP + Government SAP = SikkimBiodiversity Strategy and Action Plan]

The idea was to club the aspirations of the peoplewith existing government schemes to achieve a

synergy between the two.Though the Sikkim BSAP was produced by

adhering to this formula, it was the CSAP (andwithin that the Male SAP) which was the moresuccessful component in terms of participation, forreasons discussed below. The most significantexclusions in the above formula are businessinterests (namely the tourism industry) and urban-based NGOs. This is also discussed below.


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Tool 01 Village Level Public Hearings

Objectives:To elicit grassroots-level inputs to draw up the CSAP. Village levelpublic hearings were the main method of gaining inputs from thegrassroots.

Description and output:• A total of 39 village level public hearings were conducted around

the state, spread across all 4 eco-regions (sub-tropical,temperate, alpine and trans-Himalayas) of the state.

• 39 CSAPs were produced (one at each public hearing). Thesewere used by the coordinating agency to prepare oneconsolidated CSAP for Sikkim.

• Six to seven villages were represented at each public hearing,covering one or two administrative units known as grampanchayats. The average number of people per hearing was 60-70, including about 15-20 women.

In most cases it was the first time that the villagers had done sucha participatory planning exercise. The fact that the FD wanted toinvolve the villagers in the SBSAP aroused some curiosity:“Normally the FD does not ask our views for any scheme. Wewere all curious about why the FD was asking us.” It was also thefirst time that public hearings had been conducted in such remotelocations of the state. Overall these hearings elicited very activeparticipation.

Villagers from Yuksam, Khecheopalri Lake and Bikmat wereinterviewed for this study. All the villagers who had attended apublic hearing felt that everyone had a good opportunity to speakat the meetings.

Method:Selection of Sites for Public Hearings:• In Rathong Chu Valley sub-state site all the villages were

covered, since the sub-state plan was meant to be more detailedthan the state level plan.

• In other regions in the state, a representative sample of villageswas selected by the coordinating agency, based on criteria suchas representation of ethnic diversity.

The Coordinating Team: The team that coordinated and facilitated the public hearings wasmade up of representatives from different institutions, some fromthe neighbouring state of West Bengal. The team includedmembers from the FD, KCC, Ashoka Trust for Research inEcology and Environment (Bagdogra, West Bengal), School forVocational Studies and Languages (Kalimpong, West Bengal),Society for Environment Education and Development (SEED)(Kurseong, West Bengal) and World Wide Fund for Nature(Sikkim unit). This group often trekked to remote villages toconduct public hearings.

Invitations to the Public Hearings:• In most villages the coordinating team went from house to

house to invite people. • Support was also sought from panchayats to inform people

about the meeting. • However, the very first meeting in West Sikkim had to be repeated

due to a poor turnout. The coordinating team had set up postersand charts in the village market area to publicise the meeting, butthis did not work. Local advisors later proved valuable, as the teamwas advised by some local people to inform the villagers at thedairy, where they gathered regularly to collect milk. It was alsosuggested that the dairy was the best place to invite women to themeeting since it is primarily women who collect milk.

• Vehicles were arranged by the FD to ensure that women fromfar-off villages could attend the meetings.

• In Karji village the team requested the help of the village schoolteachers to inform the community through the students.

Agenda and Proceedings at Public Hearings:• Charts and posters relating to biodiversity in Sikkim were used

at meetings by putting them up in advance. As people came infor the meeting the team would ensure that everyone saw andreceived an explanation about the charts before sitting down.The charts were used to generate discussion.

• A typical agenda was as follows, with variations as needed:


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1. Welcome speech, with an introduction on biodiversity2. An explanation of the aims and process of NBSAP.3. A discussion on the threats to biodiversity.4. Resource mapping and micro-planning using APPA and 4Dtools (explained below). 5. Nature games (explained below) would be played at pointswhen participants were bored or when some sort of ‘groupenergising’ mechanism was needed.6. At the end of the hearing a summary of the CSAP wasprinted out and handed over to the community.

• Language: Hearings were conducted in the relevant local language(Nepali in the South and West, and Bhutia in the North).

• Length of public hearing: One or two days.

Facilitators: • Meetings in South and West Sikkim were conducted by KCC,who had the advantage of having had a presence in much of thearea for 6-7 years and who had built up a capacity to conductparticipatory techniques such as APPA. The FD coordinatingofficer and staff were present primarily to organise logistics. Thiswas beneficial as people usually felt more at ease with villagersfrom Yuksam conducting the meeting, rather than FD officials. • As far as possible a local person was engaged to help conductthe meeting so that people felt free to speak their minds,particularly in areas where KCC was not known: “In APPA youteach some of the village people about the process, and thenthey go and collect the information for you, instead of anoutsider going there. That way you get the right information,but you require 3 to 7 days to do this. We had only 2 days. It isalmost impossible to cover all the issues in one meeting. If youdepend just on the community to bring up the issues, they mayforget something on that day. So it is good to have someonefrom that village itself to help conduct the public hearing and tohelp review the output as well. So as far as possible we got alocal person to help conduct the meeting.” A problem was thatthere was no time to do an orientation of local persons a fewdays in advance, so that a local person could take full charge ofconducting the meeting: “We were all mostly from outside. Itwould have been better for local people to have done themeetings, for much better social acceptance.”

Using the APPA Technique to Conduct Public Hearings APPA (Appreciative Participatory Planning and Action) is a

technique developed by The Mountain Institute (Nepal). It wasthe central tool used in the public hearings held in Sikkim, tocreate the CSAPs. For a guide to APPA see the Resource Kit forCommunity-Based Tourism for Conservation and Developmentproduced by The Mountain Institute, Nepal (2000), also availableat http://www.mountain.org.

Briefly, APPA focuses on discovering the strengths of acommunity, and building on those to empower communities toplan and manage conservation and development. It is a positiveapproach as opposed to one that focuses on identifying problemsand their solutions. For example, a problem and solution canconventionally be stated as: “She is an abandoned wife. She needseducation, loans and a profession”. In APPA this can be statedmore positively as: “This is Maya. She is a great cook and learnsquickly. She can teach cooking to lodge operators. She will benefitfrom training on how to teach” (The Mountain Institute 2000).

There are four steps in the APPA methodology, known as the4Ds: Discovery, Dream, Design and Delivery. These steps fittedneatly into the CSAP planning process: • Discovery: In the Discovery stage community members explored

the natural and man-made resources they possessed. A list ofresources was written down by a meeting facilitator. Thecommunity members were then asked to use this list andcollectively draw a Discovery Resource Map that located thevarious resources in respect to their relative positions.

• Dream: In the Dream stage community members discussedwhat dreams they had for their village, and what development orconservation activities could be taken up. Again, all commentswere noted down by a facilitator. Based on this, participantsmade a Dream Map, i.e. a vision of how their village should bein the future.

• Design: In the Design stage there was micro-planning anddrawing up of strategies and actions to realise the Dream.Villagers also drew up a comparative map, based on the previousmap, to show locations of future activities like footpathconstruction or afforestation.

• Delivery: The 4th stage, Delivery, depends to a large extent onthe future implementation of the Sikkim BSAP though someactivities could be carried out self-sufficiently by the community.

The maps were drawn on large chart paper, brown paper ornewspaper. The Discovery and Dream Maps of each village wereincluded in the individual village CSAPs.


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Nature GamesNature games were used as energizers at meetings, wheneverparticipants became a little lethargic. These were fairly successfulat biodiversity awareness raising and sensitising as well, and wereespecially popular with children. KCC was already skilled at usingthese games, many of which have been developed by the Centrefor Environment Education (CEE), Ahmedabad, an MoEF-supported institution with a mandate to promote environmentalawareness across the country (www.ceeindia.org). Some naturegame examples:Web of Life: This game is played in a circle. Each player receivesa role card naming an element in the ecosystem (e.g. sun, tree,monkey, seed). Players pass a ball of string to each other, basedon the relationships between the different elements, creating a‘web’ of string. The relationships between the different elementsare discussed. If one element is killed or polluted, all thepersons holding role cards of elements that are affected, droptheir strings, thus demonstrating how the entire ecosystem or‘web of life’ can be destroyed. (Bhutia et al 2002). The gameneeds very basic material, but is also available as a boxed setfrom CEE.Who Am I? : This game is most suitable for children. A picture ofa plant or animal is pinned on the back of a player. S/he then hasto find out what that plant or animal is, by asking questions to therest of the group, such as ‘Does it have a tail?’ or ‘Is it found inthe wild?’ The group can answer only ‘yes’, ‘no’ or ‘maybe’, till theplayer correctly identifies the plant or animal (Bhutia et al 2002).An Internet version of this game can be played atwww.kidsrgreen.com.

Gaining Women’s Participation: Gaining women’s participation was a learning process for the FDofficers, KCC and other team members, as initially no specialsteps were taken to involve women. It was observed that evenwhen they attended meetings they hardly spoke. Thus efforts werebegun to involve them:• Informing them through posters, etc. specifically at places where

women congregate – like the dairy co-operatives. • At meetings the team ensured that the best location was

reserved for women to sit together. E.g. if chairs were available,these were reserved for women. If there was a carpet, oneportion would be reserved for women.

• When women sat collectively there was a ‘good feeling’ and

they had more confidence to speak up. They could talkamongst themselves, and even if there was only one old ladywho spoke, the others would tell her their points and shewould speak out.

• Old or middle aged women were the ones who usually spoke up.The younger ones tended to only speak amongst themselves. Sothere was a special effort made to involve older women and tellthem that their presence was needed.

• With these measures, women’s participation did improve andbecome more vocal. In some meetings women did not speakmuch despite these measures. It turned out that a better way ofgaining their participation would be to have separate women’smeetings: “In Hee Patal most of the harm to biodiversity wasbeing caused by men. But when there is a local bully doingthese things, nobody likes to speak up. After the meeting thewomen were having snacks in a separate room and we started adiscussion with them. At that stage they told us the real issues,like excessive grazing in the forest – and they had far morecourageous and practical suggestions than the men.” While themen had given options like fencing the forest to reducegrazing, the women suggested eviction of graziers from theforest: “In meetings people hardly ever say that you shouldimplement the Forest Act or the Wild Life Protection Act. Theytry to find a middle way like fencing. But the women suggestedenforcement of law.”

• If women’s participation is seriously sought, events like separatewomen’s meetings need to be included in the time-frame orschedule, right from the beginning. The experience in Hee Patalshowed that a separate women’s discussion can bring forthvaluable results. A discussion with women during the field visitto Yuksam also made it clear that the women would have beenmore interested in attending the meeting if there had been aseparate one for them – because in a general meeting, it is thetradition that only the male head of the family will attend. Oneparticipant in this discussion said, “Whenever there is a meetingthey always tell me to tell my husband to come to the meeting.But no-one tells me to come!”

Strengths:Almost all village-level interviewees were satisfied with the waythe meetings had been conducted. Generating knowledge: “Each of us had knowledge ofconservation, but we had never collected it all together. The


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NBSAP gave us the opportunity to generate collectiveinformation”.The motivation of a dream: “In the meeting villagers gaveinformation individually, and a map was made of our DreamVillage. This was a big motivation, and we would like to continuebeing associated with the NBSAP. The 4D model was very easyand successful. Through this tool we could understand thefeelings of the villagers.”The involvement of KCC: “Apart from the tool, the person usingthe tool also makes a big difference. KCC already had a goodrapport with the villagers, so the villagers were free and frank. Sothe first strength was that KCC was at the forefront, and the FDwas there only to help out with logistics and some technicalpoints like forest laws.”Building on strengths instead of identifying weaknessesNeutral locations: The location of the meeting was decided inconsultation with panchayats, and it was usually held in a schoolor forest rest house. Personal residences were avoided as thatwould have brought up local politics.Use of local advisors: This proved useful for advice on how orwhere to invite people.Ice-breaking techniques: A helpful technique used in some of themeetings was the Snowball Technique. A ball was passed aroundand a person who was handed the ball was obliged to speak. Team composition: One of the factors that made the meetingssuccessful was the reaction of villagers to the composition of theteam that conducted the meetings: “Villagers participated becausescientists and officials from the DFO level (Divisional ForestOfficer) came – that created an effect. Because usually they onlysee a ranger or a forest guard, so they were overwhelmed by thepresence of high level people.” In Yuksam a men’s discussiongroup said that they were very curious to know what the FDofficials wanted to ask them. On the other hand, the presence ofhigh level officials can also work against a successful meeting, if itis not controlled to reasonable numbers. One team memberdescribed the experience in Yuksam saying that “too many bigofficials were there – this limited the time for discussion”.Clubbing meetings with other projects: At several locations theNBSAP public hearing was clubbed with other FD projects (e.g.the Integrated Wasteland Development Project for the Ministry ofRural Development) that also required a public hearing. Thissaved time as well as funds.

Weaknesses:Ownership over output: The most important gap in the Sikkimprocess is the fact that in the vast majority of cases, villagers donot possess copies of their own CSAPs - which of courseimpinges on the 'ownership' of the process, as well as possiblelocal-level initiatives for implementation. This is particularlysignificant given that many of the problems listed in the CSAPsdo not need a project or funding, but mainly require interventionby the community or the government for law enforcement. Asignificant part of the problem is that the villagers are not likely tofeel associated with the SBSAP, firstly because it is in English(only the executive summary is in the Nepali, Lepcha and Bhutialanguages) and secondly because it does not include theindividual CSAPs but only presents a consolidated version of allCSAPs (only the Rathong Chu sub-state plan includes the CSAPsof all the 7 individual villages since it covers a smaller area).Villagers are more likely to feel ownership not with regard to theSBSAP, but to their own CSAPs – which are not available tothem. At the end of each public hearing, the villagers were given asummarised print-out of their CSAP, but this was in Englishsince Nepali software was not available. Understanding NBSAP: This point was more of a challenge,rather than a weakness of the public hearings. Though in mostcases efforts were made to tell villagers that it was a purelyplanning exercise, this was often difficult for them tocomprehend. Interestingly it was difficult to explain to villagersthat they had a 'blank canvas' for planning, because peopleautomatically wanted to know what the 'scheme' was, and whatwas possible within the 'scheme', since they are used to planningwithin particular government schemes. Having explained thatthey had a blank canvas, it was then difficult to explain that it wasonly for planning, and not necessarily for immediateimplementation. Both these things were, understandably, alienconcepts - to plan for whatever one wishes, but then also to knowthat it is not for implementation: “The CSAPs raised a lot ofexpectations. Though we tried to explain to the villagers that thisis just a planning exercise that will maybe be implemented in thefuture, and that their aspirations will be documented for the firsttime – we still failed to convince them that it is only a planningexercise. They always felt that whatever they put in the CSAPwould eventually happen.”Empowerment linked to implementation and follow-up: Anysense of empowerment, arising from participatory planning, is


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likely to be short-lived if not followed by some form ofimplementation, either locally initiated or state-sponsored. It canlead to disillusionment with the process; for example, thisinterviewer was reproached by some villagers in Yuksam forcoming after two years to ask questions about the meeting!Everyone wanted to know about implementation, which in mostcases is still a question mark since the implementation phase wasnot built into the NBSAP process. The only leverage envisaged forimplementation was follow-up by the coordinating agency, orpublic pressure. Sure enough, one panchayat member from theKhecheopalri Lake community did the rounds of variousgovernment departments in Gangtok, armed with his CSAP anddemanding for it to be implemented - but no one was interested.In fact, there has been some implementation of the SBSAP inother locations – but most villagers and other interviewees werenot aware of this. This is part of an overall weakness ofinformation dissemination in the Sikkim process, as there doesnot seem to be any specific mechanism in place to ensure thatpeople are made aware of developments in implementation orother follow-up. Lack of institutional support or capacity building after publichearings: This is linked to the above point of lack of follow up.The FD coordinating officer in charge of the SBSAP is all tooaware of this shortcoming: “[In the SBSAP process] there was nocomponent of institution building or any support to villagers. Itwould have been good to have some seed money for givingvillagers some training to convert the action plan into projectproposal formats, because they are the ones who will eventuallyimplement the action plans. A two-day public hearing is notenough – even if we had given them their CSAPs in the locallanguage. We need some kind of continuous interaction withthem for at least 6 months to create project proposals. Withoutthis, it is difficult to get the CSAP funded. So we have stopped atthe stage where we have documented all the information.” OnlyNGOs like KCC, which have the capacity to take the CSAPs to thenext step in implementation, have produced tangible results interms of implementation.Length of meeting and length of stay in village: One day was oftenconsidered too short for planning. Though the village levelinteraction was very good with an informal atmosphere, with theteam eating and sleeping in the village, a greater household levelinteraction would have complemented the effort. While the APPAbrings out a group statement, an informal interaction and cross-

checking of points would have brought out any hidden issues orvoices of those who do not speak much at public hearings.Poor timing: The timing of the meetings sometimes excludedparticipation of some people. In Yuksam teachers and studentswere left out of the meeting because it was held on a weekday.Also, the meetings were held in the monsoon when the roads arebad and it is difficult for people to attend meetings. It would havebeen better to hold the meetings in November-December whenpeople have more leisure as the cardamom harvest is over.Insufficient prior information: A common complaint was that notenough information about the meeting was given, prior to themeeting, so that people could prepare themselves and know whatthe meeting was about before it began. This point came up in twoseparate group discussions with villagers: “The FD and KCC didnot give us enough information beforehand – they just came onthe day and conducted the meeting”; and “It would have beengood to get advance information so that we could have mentallyprepared ourselves for the meetings. Before the meeting peopleshould understand what is NBSAP - if more people know about itin advance, more will come.” Prior information would also belikely to initiate informal discussion among people before themeeting, perhaps leading to more crystallised thoughts orquestions at the meeting itself.Insufficient advance notice / advertising: Often people wereinformed about the meeting only a day in advance. This wasespecially so in remote villages. While most of the villagers inYuksam had no complaints about this (since the meeting was heldin Yuksam itself), the members of the Khecheopalri Holy LakeWelfare Committee (KHLWC), which had been requested togather people for the meeting in Khecheopalri, felt that itprevented them from gathering more participants: “We shouldhave gotten written information; they should tell us in advance forwhat purpose we are having the meeting, so that we could have[explained to people] and collected more participants that way. Toimprove participation of villages we have to speak to thembeforehand, give information 10 days before and convince themto come. The location of the meeting was convenient for all thevillages around. Recently we organised a health camp onmedicinal herbs. We had received the information one month inadvance, so we managed to get 2000 people together.” The onlyway KHLWC could invite people on short notice of a day was tosend various people to surrounding villages to invite the villagers.In the event, about 50 people came from 2-3 surrounding villages


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(Khecheopalri village, Tsocho village and Tingling village.). It wasalso felt that the KHLWC should have received some posters andbanners to make it easier to gather people. In Yuksam, severalinterviewees felt that there were too few villagers at the Yuksammeeting, about 80-100, and that more could have been gatheredhad there been advance notice given on this through some formof advertising.

In some places where sufficient advance notice was given, thisproved valuable in persuading people to attend the meetings. Forexample, in the villages in South Sikkim, where SPSS (SikkimParyavaran Samrakshan Sangh), a small, grassroots NGO, helpedto conduct meetings, people were initially not interested inattending since it was the first time such a planning exercise wasbeing done, and so they did not know what to expect. SPSSmembers countered this by: personally inviting people in villageswhere it already had a good reputation; distributing letters sayingthat the overall development of the village was going to bedecided, and that therefore it was important for people to attend;giving information to villagers in the form of a street play andsongs on conservation. This experience also supports the view ofthe KHLWC who felt that advance notice would have given moretime to persuade people to come, and would have ensured betterparticipation.

Meeting in Sikkim


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Tool 02 Biodiversity Festival

Objective: • To be a day-long celebration of local natural resources.• To raise awareness about the need to conserve cultural and

natural heritage.

Description and Method: One festival was held in Yuksam, and another in Chungthang inthe north of Sikkim. The following description refers to theYuksam festival, with some references to the Chungthang festivalwhere appropriate. 200-250 villagers from 7 villages, and sometourists, attended the Yuksam festival.

Invitations:• There was a verbal announcement about the festival at the

Sunday market in Yuksam where people from other villagesconverge as well.

• However, no other special efforts were made to invite people, sinceword gets around very quickly once preparation, such as putting upthe stage and practicing for cultural performances, begins.

• People from neighbouring villages came to know of the festivalthrough their children who were participating in the dancepractices.

The following elements made up the day-long festival.

Biodiversity ExhibitionThe objectives were:• Enabling people to visualise the ecosystem by looking atexamples of the biodiversity around them. • Disseminating some of the strategies and actions developed forthe Rathong Chu Valley BSAP in a visual manner. • Reflecting the cultural heritage and values by displayingtraditional equipment, handicrafts and skills, particularly for youngpeople who had never been exposed to some of these things.

The exhibition had the following displays:NTFP display: 28 local NTFP varieties and their uses were on

display. The uses were diverse, including medicine, food,horticulture and making paper. KCC members and FD staffcollected some of the NTFPs for display from the forest. Villagersalso contributed to the display.Seed display: A KCC member brought several local seed varietiesfor display, including peas, turnip and onion. Other villagers alsocontributed seeds.Models: Models were made from locally available material likemud, pebbles, plastic and cotton. All, except one model, measuredabout ıxı foot. The models were made using the model-buildingexperience of resource persons from SEED, and the localknowledge of KCC members. SEED members did the workvoluntarily, with only basic expenses, food and lodging providedby the coordinating agency: • Model of Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve: This was the largest

model at the exhibition, measuring 3x1 feet. It showed the sacredlandscape of the area with the trekking trail from Yuksam toDzongri. The landscape included important landmarks such ashuts and resting places, as well as small models of flora andfauna.

• Model of Khecheopalri Lake to demonstrate its degradation: Twomodels were displayed, one showing the present status of thelake, and another showing what would happen after 10 years ifthe status did not improve. In the model with few trees and a lotof garbage, the water was polluted. In the model with more treesand less garbage, visitors could see clear water. The School forVocational Studies and Languages (Kalimpong) contributed tothis model.

• Model showing the pollution of drinking water: This showed howupstream pollution affected the water quality downstream. Itwas a working model of a mountain with a plastic pipe runningthrough it to show that changes at the top, such as disturbancein the soil or plastic pollution, results in dirty water flowing tothe bottom through the pipe.

• Model showing the links between deforestation and landslides: Twotilted trays were displayed, one containing only soil and anothercontaining soil with grass planted in it. Water was poured into


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each tray to demonstrate that bare soil slips away while theplanted soil is secure due to the grass.

• Model of an energy-efficient, smokeless stove (chullah): This showedhow the stove uses firewood more efficiently, and how an outlet(chimney) for gases improves the availability of oxygen.

Charts on plastics, garbage disposal and food webs: The emphasiswas on pollution caused by plastics, and urged a strategy of‘Reduce, Replace and Reuse’. The food web chart was sourcedfrom the International Snow Leopard Trust. There were manysimple charts prepared by SEED and KCC, using chart paper andfelt-tip markers. The charts were complemented bydemonstrations by SEED members: • A demonstration showing how to use plastic bags to stuff pillows. • A demonstration on composting biodegradable waste, and

digging pits for non-biodegradable waste. (This was done as anaccompaniment to a garbage disposal chart that focused onsegregating garbage into biodegradable and non-biodegradablewaste.)

Handicrafts and Handlooms: Over 20 kinds of traditional bamboohandicrafts were displayed, along with handlooms such as theSikkimese Dragon Carpet and sheep wool blankets, contributedby local villagers. This was to discourage the use of synthetics andplastics. Traditional musical instruments were also displayed.Villagers were mobilised by KCC to contribute artefacts.Commitment Tree: A large sheet was displayed with the pictureof a tree on it, prepared by KCC members. Small pieces of paperand pens were provided. After going through all the stallsvisitors were asked to think of a wish, or make a personal pledgeto the environment, write it on a paper and stick it on the tree.The District Collector was also invited to make a pledge, and theteam felt pleased to get a specific commitment from him(reduction of unsustainable yak grazing). When initiallycontacted for supporting the festival, the Collector had notshown much interest, though he did attend on the day. Thus itwould seem that an interactive display such as the CommitmentTree and popular pressure could encourage an official ordecision-maker to enter into the spirit of the event and make aspecific public commitment, which can then be followed uplater by locals.

CSAP PresentationsThe objective was to advertise the achievements and results of theCSAPs. The planning for the Rathong Chu Valley CSAPs had

been completed by the time of the festival, and representativesfrom each CSAP village were asked to come and present theirCSAP to the audience. The original chart papers that had beenused for drawing maps were used for the presentations. In caseswhere a representative could not come, the CSAP was presentedon his behalf by someone from the coordinating team. In this wayall seven CSAPs of the Rathong Chu Valley sub-state site werepresented. In between each CSAP presentation there was acultural presentation (dance, skit, etc.) to keep the audience’sinterest alive. People gave more importance to the CSAPs becauseof the festival, which proved to be a good way of advertising theachievements of the process in each village to a large number ofpeople who were not aware of the process before. As a member ofthe coordinating team said, “Villagers from adjoining villagescould know about the action plans of their neighbours – so therewas a circulation of ideas.” There was a sense of pride among thevillagers who presented their CSAPs: “Four people went from ourvillage. I went to present our CSAP. I felt proud to present itthere. I would have been more proud if there had been morepeople from our village.”

Cultural ShowsVolunteers from the village set up a stage, using bamboo, plasticsheets and water pipes. Two schoolteachers took on theresponsibility of organising the cultural shows and also helpedwith scripting the plays. Rehearsals for the play and dances wenton till late at night. Adults from the village were persuaded byKCC to act in the skits.• Folksongs and Dances: The songs and dances were not exclusively

traditional, nor were they necessarily related to biodiversity. Themusic for dances included a contemporary Nepali song and aHindi film song, which were very popular at the time. Thisensured that the entertainment value of the presentation wasenhanced by not being rigid about sticking to old, traditionalsongs. The songs and dances were performed by villagechildren.

• ‘Puppet’ Show: This was performed by young children, whothemselves acted as puppets. Faces were painted on thestomachs of the children. The upper bodies of the children werecovered by a screen. Only the painted stomach and legs of eachchild were visible; the effect was of looking at a small man.The ‘small men’ acted out a short, comic skit. Like the songsand dances, this was done purely for entertainment.


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• Skit on a local pollution problem: The Tourism Department hasbuilt a toilet over a stream at Dzongri, for the benefit of theHimalayan Mountaineering Institute (HMI), a traininginstitute in Darjeeling, West Bengal. The people who drinkthat water downstream obviously have health problems. Theskit showed a HMI porter falling ill after drinking that water,and how a tourist tries to help him. This was a comical skitthat evoked a lot of laughter, and people could identify with itat once because despite protests to the Tourism Department,the toilet still exists. The skit once again advocated that thetoilet be destroyed and a complaint made to the FD and thepolice. It was felt that plays are an effective method ofadvocacy and disseminating information to people in the formof entertainment. The skit was devised impromptu by anATREE volunteer.

• Play on the Search for Shangrila, the Hidden Paradise: Religionplays an important role in Sikkim. Rathong Chu Valley waschosen as a sub-state site because of its importance as a sacredlandscape, and the value of this landscape was emphasisedthrough a play. Prior to the play there was an introductionregarding the NBSAP and the Rathong Chu Valley plan. Theplay depicted a true story about the search for Shangrila. Itrevolved around religion and conservation, and was in threeparts, resuming at intervals through the day. Like the skit onthe polluted stream, this play also had much local resonance asit enacted an event in the 1960s, within living memory ofseveral villagers: “People still talk of the place where life isimmortal and where one grain of rice can feed the wholepopulation of [Shangrila]” (Bhutia et al 2002). Many Yuksamresidents, including one coordinating team member’s father,and another team member’s grandfather, had been on theexpedition to hunt for the entrance to Shangrila led by a monkfrom Ladakh. After trekking into the area and spending severalmonths there, the monk did not succeed in opening thegateway to Shangrila. As the attempts to open the gatewaycontinued, an avalanche killed the monk and some of hisfollowers; it was said that a major cause of the failure was thelack of respect shown to the environment by the followers,who polluted the place and killed animals. The moral of thestory was that people need to conserve their cultural heritageand natural heritage, which are closely interlinked.The KCC member whose father had been on this trip,documented the information from his father. Three members

from KCC, ATREE and the FD prepared the script, which wasthen practiced in advance. Actors included children andvillagers, as well as KCC and ATREE members.

Presentation on Traditional Medicine by a Healer:A healer spoke about the dependence of traditional medicine onthe rich plant diversity, and pointed out that there was referenceto this richness in various religious mantras (verses).

Conservation Message by a MonkA monk spoke on biodiversity and how its loss was linked withnatural calamities. This was accompanied by a skit showing atravelling monk, and the environmental problems he encounterson his travels.

Video Filming the FestivalThis film was later shown on local cable TV, and has also provedto be extremely valuable process documentation. For the purposesof this research it proved useful in evoking the ‘feel’ of thefestival, which is not really possible to understand in interviews(especially since interviews were held through an interpreter). Apress release was also issued to local papers after the event.

In the north, in Chungthang, the biodiversity festival was clubbedwith an annual festival to reduce costs and take advantage of thelarge numbers of people who would anyway be there. The festivalwas greatly appreciated, and many people said it should have beenrepeated again the following year.

Strengths:Comments about the festival were overwhelmingly positive, withpeople saying they had learned a lot, especially from theexhibition displays and the CSAP presentations, and hadenjoyed the day. Following are some of the factors that made thefestival a success:

Creating pride in local products: Regarding the Chungthangfestival in North Sikkim, a facilitator commented, “The festivalbroadened their outlook from the daily humdrum because theysaw that you can display everyday things and get recognised for it.An important emphasis was getting across to the people thatdomestic biodiversity is as important as wild biodiversity. I thinkit did not strike people before that the everyday things in their


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gardens were also important. For the locals their small festivalreally got highlighted with officials present and video filming, etc.It should happen more frequently.” Personal explanations: Each stall had a person present to explainwhat the display was.Team work and village ownership: All the stalls and performanceswere organised by the Yuksam villagers in a spirit of team-work.There was minimal outside help, and not much money wasneeded to organise the festival. Villagers brought personalcontributions for the displays, with some help from the FD forcollecting NTFP specimens from the forest. Provision of transport for visitors: Transport was provided by theFD for villagers coming from far-off areas so that they could bringtheir display materials easily.Visual impact and creation of nostalgia: The display oftraditional items was especially appreciated since many of thethings are slowly disappearing from everyday life. Thismessage seemed to have reached young people very effectively,and also the crowd in general, as mentioned by an intervieweewho runs a local shop in the central bazaar area of the village:“After the programme people came from all the villages to myshop, and were discussing and commenting on the festival.They were all saying how important it is to preserve ourtraditions.”Personal efforts by ‘outsider’ organisers to integrate into localculture: Though the festival was organised by KCC members andother villagers, there were some outsiders involved, mostprominently the FD official in charge of the Sikkim BSAP.Though he is not Sikkimese, he made an effort to integrate bygiving his presentation in the local language. This was muchappreciated, even though his language was not perfect: “I feltinterested that the DFO (Divisional Forest Officer) tried to speakNepali, mixed with Hindi and English. We felt good that he triedto speak our language.”Entertainment value: The cultural entertainment was designedto attract visitors and hold their interest. Elements of theNBSAP (e.g. CSAP presentations) were included in between thevarious dances and skits, in an effort to hold the audience’sinterest.

Weaknesses: Lack of time for organisation: The festival was organised on veryshort notice of three days, which limited the time for preparation

and invitations to representatives to present the CSAPs. On theother hand a team spirit was created: “Even the models weremade in 3 days. Some people were making models, some werepracticing skits, some were practicing dances. We got help fromschoolteachers to write the play script. The teamwork was verygood. It was not a problem getting volunteers for the dances, butfor the skits we really had to convince them.”Insufficient advance notice: More advance notice would haveallowed a wider base of participation in preparing for the festival.For example the KHLWC felt that they could have been consultedin preparing the Khecheopalri Lake model, to add local knowledgeto the effort.Poor media coverage: A press release prior to the event may havehelped increase numbers and media coverage by invitingjournalists to cover it. This could not have been done on threedays’ notice, however. In terms of participation from local andneighbouring villages, though, facilitators felt that no invitationswere necessary: “When you have a cultural programme, the wordjust gets around when you start constructing a stage. There is noneed to work hard for inviting people!” Thus if the aim is to inviteonly people from neighbouring areas, it would seem that neitherinvitations nor a longer notice period are required.Timing: The timing of the festival could have been different toenhance the value of the individual village CSAPs, since theconsolidated CSAP for Rathong Chu Valley sub-state site had notyet been prepared. A coordinating team member noted, “TheCSAPs existed in rough format on chart papers. It would havebeen good to have the festival at a time when the draft document[i.e. the consolidated CSAP for Rathong Chu] had been preparedso that people could have discussed it, and received copies of it.”Also, timing the Yuksam festival with an existing annual festival,as was done in Chungthang, would have ensured greater turn-outof people. The KHLWC noted that there is an annual festival inMarch in their area (not far from Yuksam), and the biodiversityfestival could have been linked to that.Poor follow-up to festival: A point made during a men’s groupdiscussion in Yuksam was that the demonstrations on compostingetc. were very useful, but for it to have a more lasting impact,follow-up training sessions would be required. However, oneinterviewee mentioned that he had begun composting afterhearing about it at the festival. Follow-up to any activity enhancesits value, as was also clear from the complaints that there was nomeaningful follow-up to the public hearings (e.g. even the CSAP


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presentations at the festival were mainly for the benefit of visitorsto the festival, rather than the community who made the CSAP). Congestion: The festival space was congested and there were nobenches to sit, so people had to sit on the ground.Bad weather! : The visitor turnout was low due to heavy rains.About 400-450 people were expected, but only 200-250 came.

A Biodiversity Festival in Sikkim


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Tool 03 Questionnaires

Questionnaires to Government Departments

Objective:To elicit information about existing government schemes. Theaim was to club together the needs of the CSAP with thepossibilities within existing government schemes, as a practicalstep towards possible implementation of the CSAPs: “Since wewould not be getting specific funds for implementing the SBSAP,we needed to link it with some government programme. So wethought it would be better to identify some existing programmeswhich would meet the needs of the people so that we would notneed additional funds for SBSAP implementation. [Through thequestionnaires] we found out what are the existing governmentschemes and priority areas. If the government is putting a lot offunds into a particular sector, that means it is a governmentpriority. The priorities of the people came out in the CSAPs. So bycross-referring we could find out which schemes match thepriority of the people. So it was basically linking governmentschemes with the aspirations of people.”

Method:Questionnaires were circulated to most of the state governmentdepartments in the state capital, Gangtok, and also to officials inmany of the districts. The questionnaire was factual in scope – itdid not ask for suggestions regarding what should go into theSikkim strategy and action plan, but simply asked for factualinformation regarding existing government schemes in thedepartment. It focused on asking:1 What government schemes are currently being implemented by

the department?2 What are the approximate financial targets? 3 What needs are addressed by the schemes?4 What are the gaps within the schemes?The information gathered from the questionnaires was clubbedtogether and called the GSAP (Government Strategy and Action

Plan) - which was perhaps a misnomer, since the GSAP was notan action plan for the future, but a compilation of possibilitiesthat already existed within government schemes.

Response:The response to the questionnaire was extremely poor, and, asexplained in the next section (Tool 4), a state-level workshop wasutilised to get officials to fill in the questionnaires on the spot.

Weaknesses:The main weakness of this method was that it assumed thatofficials would have the time and interest to voluntarily fill out awritten questionnaire. Some of the lessons that emerged from theexperience were:• The government is lethargic, so involving its departments

requires special skills.• Official orders are needed to get a good response from officials.

If the Ministry of Environment and Forests had requested allother ministries to send directions to the concerneddepartments in the state government, then the departmentswould have been more co-operative.

• A coordinating officer in charge of NBSAP should have beenallocated within each department, because senior officers do nothave the time to get involved in such a process. Correspondencecould have been done directly with the coordinating officer whocould forward information from his department.

• The experience suggests that personal contact may be the bestway to engage with a government department: eventually thequestionnaires were completed by asking officials to fill themout at a state-level workshop.


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Tool 04 State Level Workshops

Objective:• To achieve a synthesis of the GSAP and the CSAP.• To provide a platform for village-level representatives to interactwith officials.

Method:• Two state level workshops were held in the state capital,

Gangtok, to which various government departments, urbanNGOs and other institutions were invited. There were also somerepresentatives from the rural communities that had preparedCSAPs.

• 1st workshop: Most of the first workshop was utilised for gettingthe questionnaires (discussed as Tool 3 above) filled up by thegovernment representatives, since most officials had notreturned the questionnaires earlier. The coordinating agencysubsequently used this information to write a GSAP. Theconsolidated CSAP for Sikkim was also presented at thisworkshop.

• 2nd workshop: At the second workshop the results of combiningthe CSAP and GSAP were presented. Feedback was sought onthe presentation, and the information was later used to write adraft SBSAP.

Weaknesses:Formal and intimidating setting: Unfortunately the workshops inGangtok did not serve the purpose of villagers interacting withgovernment officers. The workshops were formal affairs with thepresence of the forest minister and high-level officials, so villagerscould not participate in any meaningful way. This is a problemthat persistently comes up in workshops of such a nature; thoughthe intentions may be good, villagers who have often travelled forhours to attend a workshop end up being victims of tokenism.The setting of a formal conference hall and the presence ofofficials are usually too intimidating and unfamiliar for villagersto participate confidently. The language used excludes them sinceproceedings are often at least partially conducted in English, andtranslation facilities are not provided. Despite the best of

intentions this familiar story seems to have been repeated at leastto some extent at the two state level workshops in Gangtok.Insufficient prior information and follow-up information: Acommon complaint about the state-level workshops was the lackof sufficient information prior to the meeting, and a lack offollow-up afterwards. Representatives from urban NGOs inGangtok made the points that without sufficient priorinformation:• Commitment levels will remain low: “We need to know more

about [NBSAP’s] implications – we need to be briefed about it,what benefit it is going to have. Unless such communicationand clarification happens, the level of dedication andcommitment will be absent. This was very evident in the NBSAPprocess. They should have had some sort of introduction to saythat a big thing is happening, so please come and join in. Thiswould create more enthusiasm and spread of awareness. Weknew they were soliciting a lot of participation from everybody –but participation in what? What exactly am I supposed to do?This was not clear.”

• Directly impinges on the quality of inputs at the meeting: “Themeeting was called without really distributing an agenda – so atbest you can come out with knee-jerk reactions. Nobody cancome there really prepared.”

• Reduces the scope for wider participation and unexpected,interesting outcomes: “If we had prior information we couldhave sub-invited other stakeholders and said, look, this is anopportunity for you to really speak your mind.”


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Some General Lessons from the Sikkim process

Some overall gaps (not necessarily tool-specific) inthe Sikkim process were as follows:

Insufficient use of local resources and networksA significant gap in the Sikkim process was the low participation of urban NGOs and thetourism sector. This meant that the resourcesand networks of these sectors were lost to theSikkim process.Urban NGOs: Among the urban NGOs there was ageneral lack of enthusiasm about the NBSAP, to alarge extent because there was no ‘buzz’ createdaround it – for most, involvement in the NBSAPprocess was limited to participation in one or bothof the workshops held in Gangtok, with no follow-up after the meetings. Not surprisingly, there wasno sense of ownership and not much commitmenttowards the Sikkim plan. For example, one NGOthat was on the State Steering Committee hadinvolvement limited to the state workshops andknew very little about the status of the process.

Sikkim has relatively few NGOs, and its NGOmovement is fairly new. Very few NGOs areregistered and many operate as informal clubs orassociations in rural areas. In Gangtok there arejust a small number of NGOs who have thecapacity to lend their support or voice to anendeavour like the NBSAP. Though based inGangtok, at least 3 NGOs with some institutionalcapacity carry out work in rural areas; it would havebeen relevant to take these on board.

Firstly, the reach of NBSAP in rural areas couldhave been maximised by mobilising existing ruralnetworks of NGOs. An NGO representative felt,“[Urban] NGOs should have been involved in morethan giving their comments, having snacks andgoing home. A lot of the work could have beendone through NGOs in their own areas. You needto decentralise, with the government only as a

transparent facilitator.” For example the VoluntaryHealth Association of Sikkim (VHAS) regularlyworks with its own network of district level NGOs,and though it focuses on health, this also includesenvironmental education.

Secondly, urban NGOs have the potential to forma consolidated voice at the level of the state capital,as opposed to most rural NGOs which are scatteredall over the state and work mainly at a local level.Such a consolidated voice could have emerged if anownership of the process had developed amongthese groups. Urban NGOs would also be able tocontribute to a bird’s eye perspective on the state asa whole, offering perspectives on linkages andparallels across the state, as opposed to small, local,rural groups.

However, every FD interviewee felt that theinclusion of urban NGOs was irrelevant to theprocess, since it was most relevant to have aprocess at the rural grassroots level. Thus in asense the Sikkim process, though very successfulat a grassroots level, was perhaps needlesslynarrow and did not really attempt to create acollaboration or ownership across someimportant sectors.

At the time of the field visit for this study, CDs ofthe Sikkim BSAP were being circulated to variousNGOs in Gangtok, with the request to review thedocument and send in comments within 15 days.Being invited to one or two meetings, and thenbeing given a draft report for comments afterapproximately 2 years does constitute aparticipation of sorts, but it is not the kind ofparticipation that is very meaningful, or that willgenerate any ownership or strong support of theplan. This in turn could impinge on itsimplementation.Tour Operators: Tourism is central to theSikkimese economy. Sikkim gets more than200,000 tourists (including 12,000 foreigntourists) per year, and the numbers are growing(Government of Sikkim 2001). Tour operators arestakeholders in the natural environment, and


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constitute a major pressure on it as theyincreasingly take tourists to more and morepristine areas of natural beauty. In general,environmental consciousness is high and thetourism sector is cautious not to destroy thenatural environment that is the source of itsincome. The centrality of tourism in Sikkim isreflected in the fact that at least two key NGOsfocus on mitigating the adverse impacts oftourism on the environment: KCC and ECOSS(Ecotourism and Conservation Society of Sikkim).The TAAS (Travel Agents’ Association of Sikkim),with 34 member organisations, is committed to a‘Code of Conduct for Eco-tourism in Sikkim’,which is published for the benefit of tourists aswell as tour operators. In this context it wasunfortunate that the TAAS or other representativesof the tourism industry, were hardly involved inthe NBSAP process. The main input to the SBSAPregarding the tourist industry was given by theTourism Department.

Information DisseminationDistribution and packaging of information: Existinginformation needs to be distributed strategically forit to have sufficient value. NGOs receive and siftthrough a great deal of information in theirongoing work – in such a context informationneeds to be in a consolidated, user-friendly packageto have the desired effect. An urban NGOrepresentative noted, “When we got news ofNBSAP it was a bit vague. It did not come as aproper package. It was a poster here, a leaflet there.The literature was too fragmented to understandproperly. The information was coming in bits andpieces.” Need for information dissemination strategy: Ingeneral, information dissemination seems tohave been a weakness in the Sikkim process,whether it was information prior to a meeting orfollow-up to a meeting, or information about theimplementation status of the process. Often people did not feel that they were kept

informed. Prior intimation and follow-upinformation needs to be strategised and takeninto account when developing time-lines andallocating human and financial resources for aparticipatory process.Need for a personal touch/face-to-face contact: Animportant lesson that emerged is that there is nosubstitute for face-to-face contact, or the personaltouch, as a tool for communication. Informationsent on email or through letters has very little valuewhen it is not supplemented by regular meetingsor briefings: “Who is going to read huge reports onemail? It is very important to meet, and show factsand figures and visuals to see what is happening.”

Implementation of the Sikkim BSAP and Rathong Chu Valley BSAP

Eviction of NGO: Eviction of the HumanaInternational People to People NGO is an actionpoint in the Rathong Chu BSAP, and wasachieved through community action. In 2001 theHumana International People to People NGOacquired about 13 acres of land including 32buildings from the Rathong Chu Hydro-ElectricPower Colony in Yuksam, arousing suspicionsamong the local villagers because the sale was at avery low price. There was also aggravation due tothe fact that it had originally been the ancestralland of the villagers. There was a lack oftransparency in the workings of Humana; itsobjectives were unknown or ambiguous, andthere was little response when villagers tried tofind out information. There were some benefits interms of local employment when Humana starteda local school, but it also generated too muchpressure on the environment without enoughgains by the local community. KCC memberslobbied with the area MLA (Member of LegislativeAssembly) and other authorities; the issue


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snowballed and appeared in the press; villagersstopped cooperating with Humana. Eventually theNGO was pressured into leaving.Yak grazing: The reduction of yak grazing andphased eviction of yak graziers is a high priority inthe Rathong Chu BSAP. This is beingimplemented (as of April 2004) through theKhangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve (KBR)Programme, a joint project of the FD and TheMountain Institute, with KCC as a field partner.Yak grazing is being done in the KhangchendzongaNational Park on a commercial level, puttingenormous pressure on the environment. There are40 graziers who own 2,500 yaks, withapproximately 90% of the yaks being owned byaround 10% of the graziers. The KBR Programmehas so far held six consultations and three trainingprogrammes with the graziers to provide skills foralternative livelihoods, build an inventory of yaknumbers, record the views of the graziers, and finda solution to phase out yak grazing. This will be along-term initiative as it is not an easy issue toresolve. Forestry: A member of the Rathong Chu LAC, MsTshering Uden Bhutia, was elected uncontested asa Panchayat member and executive member of theYuksam JFM Committee. This has helped ininstitutionalising the role of the LAC members inthe decision-making process at village level.Following this, a micro-plan for Yuksam wasprepared under the South Territiorial ForestDevelopment Agency (FDA) through which someof the forestry objectives of the Rathong Chu BSAPare currently being implemented (as of April2004). The FDA is an afforestation and forestdevelopment programme of the FD and isimplemented by JFM Committees, which directlyreceive funds for this. Garbage management: Garbage managementwithin Khangchendzonga National Park is anaction point in the Rathong Chu BSAP.Implementation of this is underway by KCC,through a UNDP project (as of April 2004).

Tourism generates a great deal of garbage in andaround the national park. A Visitor InformationCentre is planned in Yuksam to facilitate cleanersurroundings. It is envisaged that the InformationCentre will generate revenue from tourists, part ofwhich can be used for annual garbage clean-upcamps. Construction of the Information Centre hasbegun, on land purchased for this purpose. TheInformation Centre will provide information totourists on the cultural and environmental valuesof the local community, and disseminate a Code ofConduct. There will be informative slide shows inthe evenings. Medicinal plants: The Sikkim BSAPrecommendations on medicinal plants wereincorporated into a Plan for Medicinal PlantsConservation and Sustainable Utilization, under aconsultative planning project for FRLHT(Foundation for Revitalisation of Local HealthTraditions). The micro-planning for the FRLHTproject was done by the Rathong Chu LAC.Implementation of this plan is due to begin in2005, funded by UNDP.Collaboration with the army: Efforts have begun tohave joint monitoring between the FD and thearmy to combat the stray dog problem near armycamps. Dogs congregate near the army mess forthe food and soon become semi-wild, attackingsome animals and even humans.Dissemination: Most of the Rathong Chu BSAPwas printed by KCC in a booklet titled“Khangchendzonga, The Sacred Mountain: ABiodiversity Handbook”. This is being distributedto various NGOs and government departments forawareness-raising, and was also distributed at theWorld Parks Congress in South Africa, in 2003.Implementation possibilities through panchayats:A development that offers possibilities forcommunities and panchayats to independently takeup their CSAPs for implementation, is thatpanchayats will directly receive Rs. 60-70 lakhs(US$ 137,488 – 160,403) per year from thegovernment, from 2004 onwards. (In 2003


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Capacity building of KCC: • Capacity building of KCC through theSBSAP experience helped it to get an eco-tourism micro-planning exercise for TheMountain Institute in Ladakh, which wascompleted in the summer of 2003. KCCwas also involved in conducting micro-planning for 16 Eco-DevelopmentCommittees for the South and WestWildlife FDA. Currently KCC is a partnerwith the FD in conducting micro-planningfor the West Territorial FDA in 36 villages.

Capacity building of FD staff: • After completing the SBSAP the FD wasassigned a project for FRLHT, to plan forthe utilisation and conservation of

medicinal plants through wide stakeholderconsultation (Sikkim was one of sevenstates to do this). The SBSAP processproved a strong base for the FRLHTprocess: "We already had a process in place– first we did consultation in the differenteco-regions, clubbed these together, madea GSAP, etc. We could also improve on theSBSAP process – in SBSAP 90% of oureffort went in conducting public hearings,because it was very new for us. So we hadvery little time left for analysing the outputsof the meetings. For FRLHT we ensuredthat part of the team was doing publichearings, and part of the team was focusedonly on writing and analysing the outputs.So the report for FRLHT is technically

much stronger." • In total about 40-50 FD staff wereinvolved in conducting or attending publichearings for the SBSAP, because at allpublic hearings the officers from that rangewere invited. Consequently, the officers whowere genuinely interested in the exercisealso learned about micro-planning: "In factat the last public hearing in Ribdi, the FDstaff did it on their own because they hadlearned from KCC." • The process created a strong network ofcontacts across the country for the FD,which, staff felt, would be of benefit in thefuture.

Off-Shoots of the Sikkim BSAP Process

panchayats received an initial Rs. 10 lakhs (US$22,915) on an experimental basis). Some of thismoney could be used for CSAP implementation ifthe community and panchayat wish. For example,the Khecheopalri panchayat president declared thathe would try to get the Khecheopalri CSAPimplemented through the panchayat funds.


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Andhra Pradesh stateThe coordinating agency for the Andhra Pradeshstate process was the Environmental ProtectionTraining and Research Institute (EPTRI), aninstitution set up by the state government toprovide training, research and consultancy servicesin the area of environment protection forindustries, regulatory bodies, government bodiesand non-governmental institutions.

Process OutlineThe Andhra Pradesh state-level process is similarto the Maharashtra state-level process in that it wasdisappointing in terms of process and output (seeMaharashtra section for details). Despite an initialenthusiasm from environmental NGOs andindividuals, the coordinating agency did not keepup the interest and the momentum, and theprocess fizzled out leaving a sense of frustrationamong many of the initial participants. The processessentially consisted of:• Three meetings in the state capital • One meeting in a nearby townThis was over the course of 2 years. The process didnot percolate down to a grassroots level, and did notsecure the active participation of a wide range ofactors. In terms of tools used to elicit participation,there is therefore not very much to say.

The main similarity with the Maharashtra stateprocess is the fact that both coordinating agencies(EPTRI and YASHADA) are governmentalinstitutions with a large institutional capacity interms of human and financial resources. The maindifference between the two is the fact that the mainweakness of the Maharashtra state process was thecoordinating agency’s lack of acceptance of the

process requirements, whereas it would be moreaccurate to say that in the Andhra Pradesh stateprocess the main weakness was a lack ofinstitutional capacity of the coordinating agency forundertaking a wide-ranging participatory process.Though orientation was given to coordinatingagencies at the beginning of the NBSAP process,this was perhaps insufficient for agencies withoutsufficient experience in participatory processes.State and local level orientation would haveenhanced the national orientation.

WeaknessesBureaucratic approach: • EPTRI did not have experience in conducting a

participatory process, and perhaps did notinternalise the meaning of wide-ranging,grassroots participation as defined by the TPCG.To a large extent EPTRI based its calls forparticipation on a series of letters and writtencommunications that seem to have been asincere effort, but were to a large extent perceivedby stakeholders as impersonal. A number ofinterviewees felt that the lack of a personal touchin terms of invitations and follow-up was aserious lacuna, creating the feeling of dealingwith a bureaucratic institution.

• Many interviewees felt alienated from the process.It was widely felt that in meetings the non-governmental invitees were marginalized, whilethe government officials present dominated theproceedings and seemed to talk to each otherover the heads of others present: "[The firstmeeting] was intimidatingly dominated by seniorgovernment people, who were talking to eachother, marginalizing people who were not used totalking to higher level people. There was the

Andhra Pradesh


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notion that biodiversity is a very technical subject.EPTRI did not consciously try to facilitateinclusion of voices… So that was the major flaw inthe state level process. People were invited, butnot heard properly." Another participantnoted:"Representatives from all sectorsparticipated, but it was definitely dominated bythe government [people]. They were not open tolistening to even the stronger NGOs who couldtalk."

• Participants felt that many things had been pre-decided without any discussion. For example,several invitees were appointed to the SSCwithout being consulted, creating surprise andannoyance. It was also felt that the methodologyof the planning process had been pre-decided,and that there was insufficient discussion withthe invitees regarding this.

• The three major meetings were centralised, heldat EPTRI in the state capital, Hyderabad (onlyone short meeting was held in another town,Tirupati, at a later stage).

Language: • The language used in the meetings was mainly

English, creating a barrier to participation forsome NGO representatives who are not fluent in English.

Loss of momentum: • The long time span between meetings (three

meetings over two years) meant that anyenthusiasm generated by the process soon fizzledout, as momentum was lost.

• Participants (even some of those on the SSC)often felt disinterested to follow up on theprocess due to the lack of momentum.

Lack of clear methodology: • Though responsibilities, like writing papers or

collecting information, were allocated to people atthe meetings, there was no clear methodologychalked out as to how to go about the tasks. It was

not necessarily clear as to what exactly people wereexpected to do. This was at least partly the reasonwhy some commitments were not kept byparticipants.

Perception of coordinating agency amongststakeholders:• The dynamics amongst local players, and the

perception of the coordinating agency amongstlocal players, are important factors to take intoaccount when choosing a coordinating agency.Several non-governmental interviewees felt thatEPTRI was the wrong choice because it does nothave a record of handling successful participatoryprocesses or links with local communities. Somepeople did not take the process seriously becauseof the institution heading the process, and othersdropped out very quickly due to the feeling that itwas going to be ‘just another’ governmentprocess.

• The feeling that the coordinating agency was notopen or approachable, created hesitation amongpeople in terms of voicing their concerns aboutthe process.

Lack of clear information about NBSAP: • It was felt that there was insufficient information

regarding the implications of participating in theNBSAP, and regarding the purpose of the NBSAP.An important aspect of disseminating clearinformation is that people and institutions need tobe able to clearly see the benefits of participatingin something. If there are monetary benefits, theseare easiest to communicate. The challenge is incommunicating non-monetary benefits, and forthis the implications of a process need to be fullyexplained, for people to know that it is worthwhileto contribute their time, expertise or experience.As one interviewee put it, "People did not reallyunderstand the importance of NBSAP, and whattheir stake in it was. How do I know thatparticipating in NBSAP is going to improvethings? Or is not participating going to have any


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negative impact?"• In particular, smaller NGOs and institutions that

are pressed for time and resources need toweigh the costs and benefits of participating in aprocess, and need to make careful decisionsabout how to make the most effective use oftheir time and resources. A process that seemsimpersonal, or which does not seem to haveclarity in terms of information or purpose, islikely to very quickly put off people who have toomany other things to do: "We get a hundreddaily emails. We respond only to certain emailswhich are personally addressed to us."

• People need to know how their information isgoing to be used, and for this a clearmethodology needs to be discussed: "People arenot innocent. If you ask for information frompeople, the next thing they ask is why you arethere, for what purpose… Otherwise you maytake the data and go away, and you may not beseen again."

• There were some press advertisements placed inthe newspaper by the coordinating agency, butthese were not very successful: many respondentsmisinterpreted the information and felt that theNBSAP was offering paid projects or jobs.

Lack of continuity among personnel: • A change in personnel in charge of NBSAP at the

coordinating agency contributed to a loss ofcontinuity in the process. This is difficult toguard against in any organisation when dealingwith a process over a few years; in a governmentinstitution though, it is almost inevitable due toroutine transfers of officials. This is an importantpoint to keep in mind, when selecting agovernmental institution as a coordinatingagency.

• The danger, as an interviewee put it, is that "thecommitment of the department is on paper – butthe soul of that commitment is taken away. Thenext person to take over that file may or may notbe that committed…. Of course, in government,

people have never been important. The systemdoes not rest on individuals."

Deccan sub-state site

The Deccan sub-state plan was confined specificallyto the Zaheerabad region in Medak district, andfocused only on agricultural biodiversity. This wasone of the most intensive participatory processesamong the NBSAP sites, in terms of grassrootsparticipation. It was co-ordinated by the NGO,Deccan Development Society (DDS), which is a 20year-old grassroots organisation working mainlywith Dalit women in 75 villages aroundZaheerabad. DDS has 5000 women members, andworks in the areas of local autonomousgovernance, food security, natural resourceenhancement, education and health. A primaryfocus is on community (especially women’s)participation in all activities.

The Deccan sub-state site was one of the fewNBSAP sites that prepared an entirely voluntaryplan, without accepting any funds from theNBSAP. The planning process was funded byChristian Aid (United Kingdom) and theInternational Development Research Centre(Canada).

Process Outline1. Mobile Biodiversity Festival: The Deccan sub-state plan is essentially based on intensivediscussions that took place during a 32-day mobilebiodiversity festival. The objective of the planprocess was "to view agricultural biodiversity fromthe perspectives of the local farmingcommunities… and to include farmers fromvarious cross-sections, focusing on women andpoorer sections of the farming communities" (DDS2001).2. Sectoral Meetings: In addition, a series ofmeetings was targeted towards different sectors(NGOs, FD officials, sarpanches, women andadivasi farmers, and scientists), enabling a wider


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cross-section of views to be heard. • Since the LAC consisted of people from different

sectors, each member undertook to organise ameeting for his or her own sector (e.g. the FDrepresentative organised a meeting of FDofficials).

• The sarpanches were from those villages not onthe route of the biodiversity festival, andbelonged to various political parties. Sarpanchesof villages on the festival route, participated inthe meetings held during the festival.

• Since there are no NGOs (apart from DDS)working in the villages visited by the festival, aseparate meeting between grassroots NGOs andfarmers in Medak district enabled the inclusionof views and lessons learned from a wider area.

• The FD meeting included just a few officials and

a large majority of farmers. This was anopportunity for farmers to interact with officials,rather than getting the views of FD officials forthe plan.

The biodiversity festival will be the focus of thissection, as there are valuable lessons to be drawnout of the experience.

Procession of women carrying traditional seeds at Deccan Mobile Biodiversity Festival


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Objectives:• To stimulate discussion and gain inputs from the grassroots for

the Deccan sub-state plan• To celebrate agricultural biodiversity and culture as

interdependent elements• To raise awareness about local agricultural biodiversity

Two main factors set this festival apart from the other biodiversityfestivals held for NBSAP:• It was a mobile festival, and therefore managed to reach

thousands of people at their doorsteps.• The festival was the main strategy for gaining inputs for

the plan, as opposed to using it simply as an awareness-raising tool.

Description and method:Inauguration of the Festival:• Villagers decorated the bullock carts and performed rituals toworship them (bullock worshipping is a local tradition).• Women from 75 villages had been invited by the coordinatingagency for the inauguration: "The women sang songs abouttraditional crops, the importance of the crops, and the type of soilthese crops flourish in. Each woman carried a small potcontaining the seeds of one of the traditional crops grown in hervillage. Several traditional crops surrounded the lamp that wasplaced at the front [of the inauguration site]" (DDS 2001).• An inaugural meeting was held to explain to farmers thepurpose of the festival and the importance of conservingtraditional crops, agricultural practices and food recipes.Representatives from different villages were requested by thecoordinating agency to mobilise as many people as possible intheir villages on arrival of the mobile festival.• About 400 people participated in the procession as it made itsway to its first village stop, accompanied by drumming and musicplayed by villagers.

Procession and Exhibition of Bullock Carts:All seed, food and decorative exhibits were prepared by DDS andvillage volunteers.• There were 10 bullock carts in total, each decorated with variouscrops and artwork depicting fertility and prosperity. • Six of the carts displayed about 75 varieties of traditional seedsfrom the Deccan region. Some hybrid seeds were also displayed toexplain the difference between traditional and non-traditionalseeds.• Two carts depicted rural rituals related to crop diversity.• Two carts displayed an exhibition of foods cooked usingtraditional crops. Some of the food preparations were distributedas samples during the procession and exhibition. (A small lessonlearned was that the food had to be protected from the villagechildren! : "The children really liked all these things and wereplucking the food from the carts. After the first 2-3 villages a smallmesh was made over the baskets to stop the children eating it all,because it was so tasty!")• The 10 carts split into two groups (after the inauguration), andseparately made their way through a joint total of 62 villages overa period of 32 days. • A DDS team of 60-80 travelled with the processions from startto finish. Within this team there was a core team of 15-20 keyorganisers. Key tasks of the team were: documentation of theproceedings; facilitating the village-level meetings; explainingexhibition displays to visitors; and organising and mobilisingpeople to attend the exhibition and meetings.• The 62 villages were selected because they all had a DDSpresence since several years. All-women groups of volunteers,known as DDS Sanghams, were already present in each village,and helped with logistics and other arrangements for the festival.• In each village the carts made a tour of the village roads withpeople singing and dancing along in celebration of crop diversity.People voluntarily broke coconuts as a sign of auspiciousness andworshipped the bullocks and carts. Several villages welcomed thecarts by washing the bullocks’ feet and performing aartis, a Hinduritual of worship.

Tool 01 Mobile Biodiversity Festival


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• At the end of the procession through the village, the cartsstopped at a central location for people to visit the exhibits. DDSteam members stood by to give explanations regarding the display. • In the evening, films on agricultural diversity that had been madeby village members of DDS, were screened as an awareness-raisinginitiative (the making of video films by village communitymembers is a normal DDS activity). The fact that these were madeby DDS members created curiosity among people. • The team accompanying the bullock carts ate and slept in thevillage before moving on to the next village on the following day.• It is estimated that about 50,000 people saw the exhibition. Itgenerated a great deal of enthusiasm, and often people who sawthe event in their own village would go to see it again if it wasmoving to a nearby village. People of the younger generation hadnever seen many of the seed varieties, making it a valuableeducational experience.

Meeting:• A shamiana (covered seating area) was constructed in each village,to hold about 500 people. The seating arrangement for everyonewas on the floor, with no particular space reserved for anyone.• After looking at the exhibits people were invited to settle downfor a discussion, which often lasted several hours. The meetingwas conducted by two or three DDS facilitators. The discussionbegan with an introduction by the leader of the DDS women’sgroup in the village. The discussion was specifically for thepurpose of getting inputs for the BSAP, and focused on four veryspecific questions. This was possible due to the exclusive focus onlooking at agricultural biodiversity from the perspective offarmers, and it brought forth focused discussions on strategiesand actions:Q.1: Is the traditional cropping system based on biodiversity,

which was practiced until about a decade ago, beneficial topeople, soil and animals in the region?

Q.2: If beneficial, what were the reasons that led to the gradualdecline in this cropping system?

Q.3: Can there be solutions to the problems that led to thisdecline? Is there a need for, and possibility of, reviving thissystem?

Q.4: If there is such a need, what roles and responsibilities arefarmers willing to take on, and what role do they expect thegovernment to perform? (DDS 2001)

• A team of 10-12 people was in charge of documentation. Points

raised by participants were recorded in writing by a group ofthese people. In addition all discussions were audio and videotaped. The audiotapes would be given to a group of transcribersthe same evening, who would transcribe the discussion ontocomputers. The transcription was then passed on to a third set ofpeople who would cull out the most important points in thetranscription. A report for each village was prepared by thecoordinating agency, based on these points. The aim was tofacilitate the creation of a report put together by the community:"Everybody else was just a tool or instrument in the hands of thecommunity to translate their vision into a report."• The individual village reports were later consolidated by thecoordinating agency, and formed the major chunk of the finalBSAP for the Deccan region.• All names of participants were noted down in a register. In eachvillage 300-350 (mostly small and marginal) farmers participatedin the meeting. In total, approximately 20,000 farmers from 62villages participated in the meetings. The extent of participationby large farmers or landowners is not clear. • During the meetings there were endorsements for villagers whohad continued growing traditional crops, with facilitators and DDSmembers announcing that what they were doing was very valuable. • At the end of each meeting the points raised were presentedback to the audience to review them and make any clarifications.• Though NGOs, FD officials and other outsiders were often invitedto the meetings they did not really participate in the discussions,which were entirely focused on getting inputs from villagers.The festival was covered widely by the local and national media.DDS had assigned the task of media outreach to specific staff.

Strengths:Essentially, the festival was a success because it managed to createa sense of ownership among villagers, by adhering to local customs ofcelebration or worship, and by celebrating local crop diversity. Akey facilitator commented:"Nothing that was available there, was something alien to their

[the villagers’] culture – it was all a very integral part of theirculture. Whether it was the seed, or the sound, or othermanifestations of culture like folk music and dances. Everythingwas a part of their culture, and it came as a package. So I thinkpeople were overwhelmed by that. It was not an imposedownership, it was an ownership that sprang from within."

Following are some of the key factors that created feelings of


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ownership: Conscious use of Language:The word ‘biodiversity’ was not used. The idea was to create afeeling of tradition and celebration, and not an environmentwhere technical terms were used. Thus the event was called"Festival of Traditional Crops" (in Telugu).

Celebrating and Creating Pride in the Local:The aim was to encourage people to view their crops assomething to celebrate, and not simply to discuss in a dry fashion.It was a village festival atmosphere where people came to enjoythe entertainment. Song and dance was an essential aspect of this.The songs were not necessarily about the environment. Most ofthe songs were traditional, and some were new which had beenadapted to the theme of crop diversity. However, the songsavoided ‘lecturing’ people about what they should or should notdo: "No song was a sloganeering song. It never told people togrow this, or do that. It was all about glorifying their own culture,cropping system and different crops. It was a kind of reminder topeople about what they have."

Emphasising the Emotions Invested in Traditional Crops: The intention of the organisers was to emphasise the cultural andemotional aspects of biodiversity: "We very strongly believed that the issue of biodiversity should be

taken up with the attitude where it is not a technical, scientific,intellectual, emotion-less process which should be dissected andanalysed. We truly believe, in DDS, that biodiversity is integral topeople’s culture, and it is a very emotional thing for people torelate to their soil and crops, which have so much of a part toplay in their culture. So we felt that biodiversity should becelebrated, and in the process of celebration we should also keepon reminding ourselves that this is so central to us…. So it is likea reminder to the community… which brings people together,which opens a cultural space for them, and through that there isa lot of horizontal transaction between them."

Indeed, seeing the rich variety of traditional crops broughtforth strong emotions in many people, and some were moved to tears:"In Devarampalli village an old woman came and looked at all the

different seeds and broke down. She said, this is what I wantedto see on my farm, and what I lost several years ago because mychildren do not want to grow these crops anymore. Today I have

seen this once again, and now my life is complete. If I dietomorrow I will have no regrets."

And: "In some villages people went into a trance, and became a vehicle

for the local devi (goddess) to curse farmers who had switched tochemical-based farming, and to express happiness at the returnof old seeds."

This may not necessarily be a positive feature since a trance couldpossibly frighten people into following a particular course ofaction or discourage them from expressing dissenting opinions.However the point to note here is that biodiversity can bring forthstrong emotional reactions in people, and so it is relevant for abiodiversity festival to address the emotional aspects ofbiodiversity conservation.

Providing a Wider Vision of Local Biodiversity, to StimulateDiscussion:On a field or farm a farmer may grow up to 10 or 12 types ofcrops. A larger vision of the total wealth of the community’sagricultural diversity is likely to be absent. All the crops displayedin the same place created "a visually rich matrix… there was avisual availability of the richness of their culture and traditions." Itwas felt that after seeing the display of agricultural diversity, "theirminds had been ennobled and mellowed by all the things thatthey had seen… So when they sat down [for a discussion] at theend, they would start thinking differently." Thus the festival andexhibits were used as a tool to stimulate thought and discussion.Of course, the festival was also a form of persuasion towards aparticular kind of view, since it was a strong endorsement oftraditional cropping.

Creation of Ritual:The ritualistic worshipping and honouring of the crops andbullock carts lent a sense of ownership to the event because thefestival was allowed to be subsumed and shaped by localtraditions of ritual and worship. (Since then, the biodiversityfestival has been held every year; so it would probably be equallytrue to say that local traditions have been changed and shaped bythe arrival of the biodiversity festival as a new annual event – newtraditions have been created.)

Avoiding Alien Materials or Tools: The national Call for Participation brochure (see Tool 2 in


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‘National Media Campaign’ section for description of brochure)was not distributed at the festival, and nor were NBSAP postersdisplayed – it was felt that this would add an alien element tothe occasion, which would clash with the celebration of thelocal. Local advertising for the festival took the form of singlesheet pamphlets of the kind that are normally used to advertiselocal cinema shows. None of the activities were overtly related toNBSAP, though the purpose of NBSAP and having thediscussions was explained to people at meetings.

Explanations by Villagers with First-hand Experience: Volunteers at the exhibition, who were explaining the benefits of traditional crops, were themselves farmers who were growingtraditional crops.

Timing:The festival was at a time of year when many different ears ofcrops were available for display.

Follow-up, Review and Empowerment:DDS has the institutional capacity to ensure that the follow-up tothe festival meetings and discussions was thorough and wellplanned. This sort of follow-up is a key factor in building on anyfeelings of empowerment created by the meetings themselves.Following the preparation of the Deccan BSAP, the strategy andactions were culled out and produced in Telugu by the coordinatingagency. This was presented to the LAC members to get a finalendorsement from them. After that, several thousand copies of theTelugu version were printed. The following year there was anotherDDS biodiversity festival, which was used as an opportunity todistribute the Telugu copies to participating villages. At thissubsequent festival the Deccan BSAP was also read out andpresented as the outcome of the previous year’s festival, andfeedback was solicited: "[We told people] that this contains what yousaid, and if there is something that you do not agree with, you cantell us because the national plan is now being finalised. For eachpoint we would ask, do you agree or not, and there was a voice vote.We had to go back and report to people about what we had done.We did not want them to feel that we are wasting their time."

Existing Capacity and Previous Experience of Coordinating Agency: The Deccan mobile biodiversity festival was an extremelysuccessful tool in incorporating inputs into the BSAP from

thousands of farmers across dozens of villages. To understandthis success more fully, it needs to be seen in the context of thepast work and existing infrastructure of DDS. The Deccaninitiative had some natural advantages which were mostly notpresent at other NBSAP festival sites, and which played a largerole in contributing to the success of the mobile festival:Focused area and subject: The plan was confined to a relativelysmall area and focussed on a very specific subject (onlyagricultural biodiversity). This contributed to the intensity that theprocess was able to achieve. Previous experience: DDS had organised a similar festivalpreviously, though the NBSAP event was the first time a mobilefestival had been organised. By the time the NBSAP festivaloccurred, it was felt that "it was already accepted by thecommunity as their own." The festival has since turned into anannual DDS event.Network of volunteers: The festival moved only through thosevillages that have a DDS presence and DDS members. Thus, therewas a ready network of volunteers to facilitate the logistics of thefestival across 62 villages and to decentralise the workload. A festivalorganiser pointed out that even though the festival was held only invillages with a DDS presence, "everybody worked day and night" –and that it would be too huge a task to do it in other villages.Foothold for community mobilisation: DDS has been working inthese villages for a number of years with marginal womenfarmers, with a focus on traditional crop diversity and communityparticipation. It therefore had an existing foothold to mobilisecommunity participation (especially marginal women farmers’participation) in the villages. In addition, there already existed inthe villages, community members who had coherent or articulateviews on crop diversity due to interactions with, and exposure to,DDS. Presumably these villagers would have at least partly shapedthe discussions in the festival meetings.

Weaknesses:Exclusion of non-Dalit women: Dalit women are often the mostmarginalized members in a village community, which is whyDDS has been focusing on working with them for the past 20years. Due to this background of interaction with DDS, Dalitwomen were a relatively empowered group in the festivalmeetings. However, higher caste women could not participatemuch: "Due to the cultural practices and a kind of culture that has been


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produced because of the existence there of DDS, most of thewomen who came to the meetings were from Dalit households.Non-Dalit women ventured to the meeting only if they were[DDS] Sangham members. Otherwise middle and upper castewomen do not come out and participate in such formalmeetings. That was a drawback… we do not know how to tacklethat."planning."

Implementation of the Deccan BSAPThe district collector sent official circulars to some studenthostels asking them to include millet, a traditional crop, intheir canteen menus. A pilot project was scheduled tobegin for one hostel and one school to be suppliedtraditional grains through DDS. DDS will implement thispilot project.

In general, any implementation undertaken by the DDSmay be difficult to differentiate from its ongoing work,since a major focus of the organisation is the promotion ofagricultural biodiversity.

The main off-shoot of the Deccan processwas that it provided an opportunity forlocal action and activism. Indeed, most ofthe village-level interviewees put far moreemphasis on this aspect of the process,than on the production of the BSAP itself:Platform for negotiations: The festivalmeetings provided an opportunity forvillagers to do an agricultural and socialanalysis of their own village. The meetingsoften created a space for negotiationsbetween different groups, to work towardschanging cropping patterns: "Sometimesthere would be very open negotiationsbetween the groups there. For example,landlords would say, we would still like togrow foxtail millet, but people do not cometo harvest it because they want moremoney, and so they go elsewhere. Somewomen would reply, ‘times have changed,

why do you always expect outside labour tocome and work, why doesn’t your ownfamily harvest it, why do you put the blameon us?’ Sometimes challenges were thrownup – some people would tell the landlords,‘if you grow foxtail millet, we will harvest itfor 25% less wages than for other kinds ofcrops.’ "Documentation for future generations:Village-level interviewees emphasised theimportance of documenting their views andknowledge on traditional crops in theBSAP, as a means of passing on theirknowledge to future generations. Overall,the plan itself seemed to be of secondaryimportance to many villagers. Encouragement of activism: The NBSAPfestival, as well as the on-going series ofbiodiversity festivals by the DDS, throws upchallenges for DDS activists and

encourages activism: "We have to strugglea lot to keep our promises. If we talk aboutsomething this year, in the next festival weshould be able to say that, we have donethis, we have lobbied with the government,or we have gotten such and such responsefrom them. Otherwise we will be dismissedby people, they will say we only come andpreach, we do not do anything." Encouragement for coordinating agency:Since the outcome of the meetings wasoverwhelmingly in favour of traditionalcrops, the DDS, which is strongly in favourof traditional crops, has been encouragedin its ongoing activities. As a DDS memberput it, "The NBSAP process has been veryimportant for DDS, because we had neverinteracted on such a large scale with peoplewho are not from DDS – we did not know[previously] what they were thinking."

Off-Shoots of the Deccan sub-state process

Decorating the bullock carts for Deccan Mobile Biodiversity Festival


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North Coastal Andhra sub-state siteThe North Coastal Andhra sub-state site focussedon the two districts of Srikakulam andVizianagram. This sub-state process is interestingfirstly in terms of the impact it had on small NGOsin terms of capacity building. Tools and resourcesproduced by the TPCG assumed great importancein a context of scarce information and facilitation,and were used more extensively than at other sitesstudied. Secondly, this site illustrates the resultsachieved by intensive personal follow-up andnetworking by the coordinating agency. Thirdly, theNBSAP produced some interesting off-shoots, fromsmall acts of personal inspiration (e.g. treeplanting), to developments with wider implicationssuch as opportunities for networking between far-flung stakeholders.

The North Coastal Andhra process was focussedon grassroots concerns, as evident in its series ofvillage meetings and interactions with adivasinetworks. The coordinating agency was GrameenaPunarnirmana Kendra (GPK), a small grassrootsNGO based in Kurupam village, with only one full-time staff member and several volunteers. GPKworks within the local community onenvironmental and development issues.

Process Outline1 LAC meetings were held every week for twomonths, and then once every three to six months.There were also informal interactions among LACmembers in between. LAC members were finalisedonly after the first few meetings and discussions, toensure that only persons really interested and seriousabout the process were included. The LAC includedNGOs, academics and adivasi representatives.2 5 themes were chosen as a focus for the BSAP:adivasi livelihoods; medicinal plants and traditionalhealers; district-level biodiversity education;livelihoods of fisher folk; and micro-level planningfor the twin villages of Kurupam and Sivanapetta,

on the forest periphery.3 The co-ordinator contacted various NGOs andscientific experts for informal and formal meetings.Often, this was done by requesting some time (inadvance) to talk about NBSAP at an ongoing meeting.4 Village level meetings and workshops at varioussites were organised by the coordinating agency: • Village level consultations:

a More than 10 consultations in 10 differentvillages

b More than seven meetings were held only forconsulting with Van Suraksha Samiti (VSS)members in different villages.

c Informal discussions with various village-levelstakeholders (e.g. panchayat representatives,healers, students).

• Four large workshops:a Two-day adivasi workshopb Workshop for 50 primary school teachers of

Kurupam villagec Food and Nutrition Workshop for 30 activists

from self-help youth groups comprising mainlyof adivasis. It was organised by two villageyouth groups. This workshop was conductedon the same lines as the two-day AdivasiWorkshop (described below).

d Two-day adivasi review workshop, to fine-tuneissues and recommendations that had arisenduring the course of the various consultations.

• Sectoral consultations:a Consultations over 10 days for micro-planning

for twin villages of Kurupam and Sivanapetta.b Meeting of traditional healers to discuss issues

related to medicinal plants, access and benefitsharing.

c NGO meeting with 40 participants.

A wide range of grassroots sectors were involved inthe meetings and consultations, including women,farmers, adivasis, youth activists, local self-government leaders, traditional healers, cattlebreeders, vegetable growers and forest user groups.


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Objective:To elicit village level views for inputs into the BSAP.

Description and Method:• More than 10 village level consultations were held, with about 50people attending each. • The focus was relatively narrow in scope, since discussions relatedto issues in and around the village where the meeting was held. • Each meeting was in a different ‘type’ of area (e.g. marine, VSS,adivasi), to be able to cover the various topics selected for the plan. • Villagers were invited personally by the LAC member in chargeof that area; there were no written invitations. The LAC memberalso took the help of any community action groups present in avillage to mobilise people to participate. • At least two LAC members were in charge of facilitating eachmeeting. Often other LAC members would also attend.• The meeting agenda was usually as follows:

1. The facilitator would tell participants about the NBSAP process.

2. The facilitator would ask about trends in the village regardingthe environment. Some pre-prepared points were put beforethe participants as a stimulus for discussion (e.g. the need to protect traditional seed varieties; the need tocollect benefits from the environment without harming it).

3. The current situation would be discussed.4. Strategies and actions would be discussed.5. The meeting was concluded by again talking about the

value of biodiversity.

• A questionnaire was developed by the LAC for village levelmeetings, as a tool for the facilitators to guide discussions atmeetings (two separate questionnaires were also developed foruse at meetings with NGOs and teachers): • Questionnaires were prepared after one or two meetings withthe relevant sector. For example, the first VSS meeting was inGoidi village. Informal questions were developed at this meeting,on the basis of which a formal questionnaire was prepared to

guide discussions at subsequent VSS meetings.• In some cases participants at meetings would take a copy of thequestionnaire to collect information independently, and returnwritten answers to the coordinating agency. For example, someVSS members took copies of the questionnaire, prepared answersat their own VSS meetings, and returned the questionnaire inwritten form. Some adivasi network members also did this. • Having a questionnaire simplified the process of conducting themeetings, especially at village-level, since the facilitators wouldfirst tell participants about NBSAP, and then directly launch intodiscussing each question. A facilitator noted, "It was important tohave a written questionnaire because we should also be clearabout what questions to ask, and what not to ask. We did not askpeople to write answers – they are mostly illiterate. Thequestionnaire was more for guiding us, so that we did not deviatefrom the main focus. It was a guide to the facilitator."• The co-ordinator later returned to some of the villages forinformal follow-up discussions with villagers.

Strengths and Weaknesses: See strengths and weaknesses of Tool 2.

Tool 01 Village Level Consultations


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Tool 02 Adivasi and Review workshops

Objective: Unlike the 10 village-level consultations, which had a relativelynarrow purview, two large workshops were conducted to getinputs for the whole region.

Description and Method: • Prior to the workshop the leaders of some adivasi networks and

some LAC members had a small meeting on how to conduct theworkshop.

• About 100 people attended the two-day adivasi workshop, heldover two days in Boddamanaguda village. The people whoattended this workshop were members of Adivasi networks, andso were more informed about various issues than many of theparticipants in other village-level consultations; this reflected inthe discussions.

• The location was chosen due to the presence of an adivasinetwork in the village, which helped to facilitate the workshop.

• The meeting was held in a mango plantation. • Blank NBSAP posters were used by facilitators for listing key

points (see Tool 3 in "National Media Campaign" section fordetails on posters).

• Participants split into smaller groups for discussions, and thenreported the outcome to the larger gathering.

• About 6 months after this workshop, another two-day workshopwas held with the same participants, to review and refine theoutput of the first workshop. However the number at the reviewworkshop increased to 200, since the original participants hadmanaged to mobilise more villagers in the intervening months.People were very interested and excited about participatingbecause they had not attended such a meeting before.

• The review workshop format was the same as the previousworkshop, with participants splitting up into 10 groups. Eachgroup was requested to discuss one topic that had beenidentified by the LAC on the basis of information collected inprevious consultations. The 10 topics were: cottage industries;seed storage; honey; improvement of development schemes;marketing of agricultural products; pickles, powders, cosmetics

and mats; oilseeds, leaf plates, bamboo and wood; forestdestruction; village-level planning; working of governmentalsupport institutions.

Strengths of Village Level Consultations and Adivasi Workshops:The strengths and weaknesses of the village level consultationsand adivasi workshops have been clubbed together, since most ofthe observations are common to the different meetings. Thesuccess of the meetings was reflected in a comment by an adivasinetwork member: "People were so involved in the meeting, theydid not care about the time or going for meals. The main focuswas discussing issues."

Use of adivasi dialect: When appropriate, meetings wereconducted in the relevant adivasi dialect. The use of dialect alsoaddresses the gender balance in participation, since many womendo not know Telugu (the official state language) or often feel morecomfortable expressing themselves in their own dialect.Use of familiar songs: In every meeting participants wererequired to sing songs, (a) initially to break the ice; (b) to breakthe monotony, once meetings were in full swing; and (c) to createa spirit of enthusiasm. Regarding the songs, a key facilitatornoted, "You will not find a government official doing this sort ofthing when he goes and talks to a VSS. But if you interact with[adivasis], you have to interact with them on their own terms.These kinds of tools can undo hierarchies."Equitable seating arrangements and communal activities: Inmeetings, everyone sat in a circle on the floor to encourageequitable participation: "This has a direct bearing on your modeof interaction, and what gets said. We would also make it a pointto all sit and eat there. Communal activities helped." Theemphasis on equity was also reflected in the Adivasi ReviewWorkshop, where non-Adivasis and panchayat leaders wereexpected to participate on equal terms with the Adivasis. Afacilitator noted, "Non-Adivasis and panchayat leaders were alsoinvited, and they realised that they were among an empoweredcrowd who could talk. They had to sit on the floor and eat with


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everyone else – normally they may have expected to sit separately.You could tell also that they [felt that they] had to addresseveryone else as equals. For example, everyone was put intosubject groups. All the panchayat leaders were put into one groupto talk about the matter of PRIs – but when they came back toreport [to the full gathering], they had to report just like any othergroup, and answer questions. The lesson learned is that therepresentatives of our bureaucracy need to be sensitised in how toget [marginal] voices into the mainstream. We need an attitudinalshift within the bureaucracy."Eliciting views from less vociferous people: The facilitators would"constantly point to people sitting at the back to elicit their views,and politely ask a very vociferous person to stop and givesomeone else a chance to talk. The vociferous person wouldusually be some leader or elder, and people automatically expectthem to talk. But now, the way they [i.e. some adivasi groups]hold meetings has changed, partly due to the way our NBSAPmeetings were conducted." Small group discussions: An adivasi network member noted,"Small group discussions in meetings are good. People are notwilling to talk in a big group, but can talk in smaller groups."Mixing people for group discussions: In at least one largeworkshop participants were each given a number. They then hadto join the group discussion which had been allocated thatnumber. This was done firstly to mix people, and secondly tomake the splitting up into groups easier to organise, given thelarge number of people.Facilitation by local networks: The BSAP co-ordinators took thehelp of local networks to facilitate meetings, which created afeeling of local ownership of the process. During a groupdiscussion with members of the Todu adivasi network, it emergedthat "A plus point was that local networks organised the meeting.This gives ownership. Earlier [i.e. prior to NBSAP] some outsidershad come and conducted meetings and talked to people, andpeople listened. Now the local networks are talking to local people,and we are deciding ourselves what to do."Using existing networks to issue invitations and to use localdialects: Invitations were through word of mouth. This was madeeasier because of the existence of adivasi networks. Contactpersons (already known to the coordinators) from differentvillages and networks were given information about NBSAP orallyand in writing, in Telugu. These contact persons usually knewTelugu as well as their own adivasi dialect (e.g. Savara), and were

able to go back to their villages and mobilise people in the dialect.LAC members also visited various villages to mobilise people.Through the networks, the LAC came to know that many villagerswanted a meeting in their own village. In contrast, since there wasno formal healers’ network at the time, the healer on the LAC hadrequested 8-10 days just to invite healers to the Healers’Workshop (described below), because he had to travel on foot forover a week, to invite healers from various villages.Review workshop increased interest: A positive factor of theadivasi review workshop was that it increased people’s interest inthe BSAP, and created higher levels of satisfaction at participatingin finalising the BSAP.Photographs for future use: The meetings were oftenphotographed. The objective was to be able to use the photos toexplain the process to other people. These photos were used at theadivasi festival (discussed below) later, to explain the NBSAPprocess to people.

Weaknesses of Village Level Consultations and Adivasi Workshops:PRA exercises would have helped to structure the discussion atvillage level consultations: A key facilitator noted, "It would havebeen better to do PRA exercises before the meeting, like sometrend analysis or social mapping – so that after that, discussionswould have been more rich, and more concrete decisions couldhave been reached. The way we did it, was with no particularprocess, though we used a participatory methodology andconducted the meeting with the help of local facilitators."Understanding NBSAP: It was difficult to explain to villagers thattheir suggestions would go into a governmental document, butwould not necessarily be implemented: "The villagers definitelyfelt very positive about the process. But there was always anexpectation of implementation, in spite of us telling them that weare not promising this." Similar to what emerged in interviewswith villagers in the Deccan sub-state process, the villagers weremore interested in the discussion and action, rather than adocument that could theoretically lead to results : "They were notthinking that what they had said would go into a document. Theywanted to know that it would be done."


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Objectives: • To create a model of micro-level planning so that the

methodology could be adapted in other villages in the future• To elicit grassroots, sector-wise inputs for the BSAP.

Description and method: • Consultations were held over 10 days for micro-planning for the

twin villages of Kurupam and Sivanapetta. • The coordinating agency took the support of local villagers and a

local NGO to mobilise people to participate in this. • A sectoral approach was taken: various sectors and stakeholder

groups were identified though informal discussions among localvillagers and LAC members.

• The coordinating agency requested one or two individuals fromeach sector to mobilise people in their own sectors to participatein the sectoral meetings.

• Representatives from two NGOs in the vicinity also heard about theinitiative and voluntarily arrived to participate in the discussions.

• Each day over 10 days, a different sector was consulted, e.g. 1 dayfor farmers; 1 day for milk producers; 1 day for vegetablegrowers; 1 day for youth; etc.

• Consultations took place on the basis of pre-preparedquestionnaires that the facilitator used to guide the discussions.

• Minutes of each meeting were recorded by facilitators, and thenused to make the micro-plan. Initially facilitators experienceddifficulties in noting down all the points – later this becameeasier when two people were appointed for writing minutes.

Strengths of micro-planning exercise:Using a flexible approach to include diverse sectors: Differentsectors had to be convinced to participate in different ways, asthey all had their own questions or hesitations. The coordinatorsused a flexible approach depending on the sector they weretalking to:• Personally addressing communication gaps (How the Farmers

were convinced to attend): "While trying to mobilise peoplethere were some problems in communicating. For example,

some farmers said, ‘there are no rains at the moment, so whyare we gathering?’ So I would personally go and convince thosepeople, that it is not about the rains or about the present, but itis for future Though only one meeting had been planned withfarmers, they demanded another one, so a second meeting washeld with them.

• Arousing curiosity (How the Milk Producers were convincedto attend): "Milk producers are tied to their buffaloes. They haveno time to meet. In the morning they go to the fields, and in theevening they are busy because the cattle come back home. In theevenings milk is collected, fodder is given to cattle, and cookingbegins at home. They are busy and tired the whole day. So wewent to their area and sat down on the road – with noarrangements – we just went and sat in the middle of the cowdung. They all gathered to see why we were sitting there, andthen the discussion started."

• Catering to expectations and interests (How the Young Peoplewere convinced to attend): "The youngsters were expecting [totalk about] more modern things. They could not directlyunderstand a discussion on biodiversity. So we started talkingabout cosmetic practices, and what cosmetics they are using –then we started talking about henna and turmeric [i.e. traditionalcosmetics], and then we gradually started talking about otherbiodiversity issues."

An empowering experience for women: Young women showed agreat deal of enthusiasm for the micro-planning exercise. Anattempt to interview some of the young women did not succeed asthey were too shy to speak much, but a key facilitator felt that itcreated a sense of empowerment for them: "From their late teensto their early twenties they are at home doing housework – withno channel to do anything else. To get voices like that to speak –was great. They would come at the shortest notice. We sententhusiastic girls to each street to gather girls for the ‘YoungLadies’ Meeting’. They discussed the pros and cons of solar powerfor cooking; the problems and solutions of garbage disposal; whatcosmetics people use and how the packaging affects theenvironment. And we came up with some solutions. The girls

Tool 03 Micro-Planning for two villages


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said we can separate the garbage, but the collection has to beorganised by the panchayat. This point was then tied up with ameeting of the vegetable growers, who said that they alreadyhave a space for composting so the organic garbage can bebrought there… Now we need to follow up on all this, but whenthe discussions happened, it was an amazing, empoweringexperience [for the young women] to realise that they can talkabout what they should tell the panchayat, for example. Even thesole woman panchayat member felt empowered because of this."

• After the 10-day process, two village women were inspired to demonstrate recycling of paper. They collected newspaper anddemonstrated how to grind the paper and make papier-machebowls. About 20 people attended the demonstration.• Vegetable growers took the discussions seriously. A facilitator

recounted an incident that occurred some time after the micro-planning exercise: "I once told the vegetable growers that thecolour of their vegetables was too dim. They retorted, ‘you told us not to use chemicals!’ So there was a good response tothe micro-plans."

Off-shoots of the Micro-Planning exercise

1. Farmer’s name and village2. How many years have you been doing

agricultural work?3. What crops are you growing?4. What is the seed storage pattern?5. Are you conserving traditional seed

varieties?6. Do you know any other person who

conserves traditional seed varieties?Please give their names.

7. Is there any cultural system fordeveloping agricultural biodiversity?

8. What biodiversity-related conservationactivities are you doing in the area?

9. Are there any other farmers doingbiodiversity-related conservationactivities in the area?

10. What are the plants and animalspresent in the area, which were notfound here in the past?

11. What were the plants and animals in thearea that are not found here anymore?

12. How many years ago did they exist inthis area?

13. Is the water sufficient for agriculture?What is the source of water?

14. Is there any effect of commercial crops,like banana, cotton, etc., on thetraditional cropping system?

15. What plants and animals were usedtraditionally?

The questionnaire was used orally in agroup discussion with farmers. Based onthis information there was a discussion todevelop action points and strategies.

Questionnaire used for discussion with farmers during micro-planning


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Objective: • To identify biodiversity issues specific to traditional healers.• To get healers’ inputs for the BSAP.

Description:• The effort was initiated by a famous healer of the area who

expressed interest to the coordinating agency, in having aseparate healers’ meeting. He brought 3-4 other healers with him to Kurupam, for an initial discussion with the co-ordinator.

• A women’s self-help group from Angarada volunteered tosupport the meeting by providing food.

• This was the first-ever meeting of traditional healers ofVizianagaram district, attended by about 40 healers.

• Various issues common to all the healers were identified at the meeting, such as the need for legal recognition, the need for medicinal plant nurseries and the difficulties indocumenting information.

• Each person came forward to give his recommendations, whichwere recorded in the meeting minutes by a facilitator.

Strengths:Confidence building: It was overall a successful meeting, andtwo healers said that this was because gathering together gavethem confidence: "Before this we were doing our serviceindividually. Now we have regular meetings for healers".Healers interviewed felt that the BSAP was relevant because it isimportant for their recommendations to go into a governmentsponsored plan in order for healers to get recognition as agroup: "As traditional healers, we do not have medicalcertificates. Sometimes we are afraid to practice in case anyoneaccuses us of false practice. But as one group, we are moreconfident now to serve the people." Sufficient information about NBSAP: The Telugu Call forParticipation (CFP) brochure (see Tool 2 in ‘National MediaCampaign’ section for description of brochure) was distributed atthe meeting, and was felt by the healers to be useful for

understanding the NBSAP, and for understanding differentaspects of the environment.

Weaknesses: Insufficient funding support: Given that the meeting disruptedthe daily work of the healers, it was felt by some of the healersinterviewed that funding support would have helped to increaseparticipation: "Our routine work was disturbed due to themeeting. Some funds would be useful for this. Those withoutmoney may not always be able to attend such meetings." Limited discussions: Discussion was initially limited, since thiswas the first time such a meeting was taking place. Discussionsimproved with subsequent (non-BSAP) healers’ meetings. Shortage of time: The healers could gather only for 5 hours, whichwas insufficient for satisfactory discussions. Communicationproblems, due to the differences in dialects, added to the timeconstraints. Points that had been raised could not be reviewedsatisfactorily at the end of the meeting. A facilitator noted thatfunds for equipment like tape-recorders to document verbalinformation could counter shortage of time since healers do nothave much time to spare for discussions.

Tool 04 Sectoral meeting for healers


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Implementation of the NorthCoastal Andhra BSAP

Festival: Incorporating biodiversity issues intotraditional events. One of the recommendations of the North CoastalAndhra BSAP was to incorporate discussions andexhibitions on biodiversity, into traditional adivasifestivals and events. This recommendation wasbased on consultations with five adivasi networksover a series of meetings. In 2002, the localcommunities and adivasi networks who had madethis recommendation voluntarily arranged toimplement it in Neradivalasa village of theAngarada Hill region of the Eastern Ghats, inKurupam mandal, with guidance from thecoordinating agency.

Every year the local people worship a stoneknown as Angarada Devata (Angarada God). Abiodiversity exhibition was linked to this festival,and there were also discussions on naturalresources, and their control and management.Apart from being an example of implementationof the BSAP, the discussions were used as a wayof refining the BSAP further: "We had the BSAPdraft, and GPK used the discussions tocorroborate and double-check the views in the BSAP. So it was an ‘unofficial’ part of thereview process."

Participation:• Villagers, local leaders, teachers, youth and the

press attended the event. • Four hundred people attended on the first day,

and six hundred on the second, from differentvillages.

• There were more women participants than men.Women who had attended earlier BSAP meetingswere more vocal in the discussion, evenvolunteering to write and read out their groupdiscussion reports.

The Event Included:• Adivasi dances • An impromptu theatre workshop for about 50children with animal sounds and gaits taught by abystander from a nearby village • An animal story by a village school teacher• An exhibition of photographs of the BSAPprocess • Adivasi art display using natural colours (thenatural colours were displayed in coconut shells, atthe foot of panels of paintings) • Exhibition of medicinal plants, other NTFP andtraditional seeds, all labelled. For the medicinalplants exhibition, an academic NGO (the BotanicalSociety) helped to classify 14 general and chronicdiseases, and plants were displayed for eachdisease. There were also demonstrations by healersto show people how to make medicines from theplants. • Forest Department representatives distributedover 1000 free saplings.• There were no large cooking pots to cook forhundreds of people, so the festival organisers gaveeach household in the village some rice andvegetables, and requested them to cook it. In the end all the cooked food was collected andeaten by everyone.• At night the participants discussed the villagehistory of Neradivalasa village: "We talked abouthow it was 50 years ago. In the discussion it cameup that trees, water, land and cattle were moreavailable then. Now it is all degraded, and there issuffering due to this. So then we decided to changethings, and took some decisions."

Strengths of the FestivalA strong point of the festival was the sense of localownership:• Since the discussions had been incorporated intoa traditional festival, there was a sense of localownership over the initiative. • Microphones had been arranged, but it wasdecided not to use them, in order to retain a


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traditional atmosphere. Locally available resourcesand materials were used at the event: "No printedmaterial was used. Only oral explanations weregiven. We used only natural dyes for banners. Weused mango leaves for decoration, not colouredpaper. We used water and cow dung for cleaningthe place." No outside funding support wasreceived, except for video and photography, whichwere paid for by the coordinating agency.• The organisation of the event was a communalactivity. Each household contributed some thing orsome labour. The most telling comment aboutownership came from an adivasi network member:"In the whole festival, no-one could identify onemain person in charge. Everyone had their ownresponsibility and they did it. This was a good point."

Healers’ NetworkBased on agreement at the Healers’ Meeting, aHealers’ Network was begun around February2003 and meets approximately twice a month. Thenetwork is facilitated by an LAC member, who isalso a healer. As of April 2003 it had 120 members.A healer described the network as a "growingplant", which was securing more and moreparticipation. The main aim, as explained by ahealer, was "to form a network for developing andgrowing herbs, and making them available in thearea, because many medicinal plants havedisappeared. We are also thinking about watersources because this is essential for conservingmedicinal plants. We also need co-operation amonghealers for treatment – if one healer is not able totreat someone, he can get help from another healer.We can also give training to each other in thenetwork."

At the time of the interviews, two trainingsessions had already taken place in two villages.The training included issues like behaviouralchange (e.g. do not drink alcohol before treatingpatients) and conservation (e.g. conserve plantsnear the village for emergency use, and collectplants for general use far away from the village).

Strengths of North Coastal Andhra process

Coordinating agency linksThe coordinating agency, GPK, is well known inthe area and is known to work with localcommunities. It has good links and relations withgrassroots and NGO networks. Relations withgovernment officials are also good since GPK hasparticipated in many government programmes inthe past. These links helped GPK to achieve fairlybroad participation in the BSAP process, and alsohelped to access information from governmentdepartments.

Use of existing networks and piggy-backing on ongoing meetings The existence of NGO and adivasi networks in thearea was a great advantage. A major strength of theBSAP process was to make use of these networksto reach out to a large number of people, especiallyin remote areas: "Networks always provide goodinformation and participation; we can cover alarger area through a network. So the BSAP wasable to get good micro-level information from thesenetworks, from remote areas." • There are 4 major adivasi networks in the area,

and these were used to reach out to adivasipeople at village level. The adivasi networks inturn were often linked to various village self-helpgroups. Three of the networks went on to play acentral role in organising the implementation ofthe Angarada festival and discussions in 2002(described above).

• The Tanimyeem adivasi network had regularweekly meetings on conserving NTFP, and thepresident of the network used some of thesemeetings to talk about NBSAP.

• Sri Seva Samakhya is a network of 35 NGOs inSrikakulam district, and has monthly meetings.The BSAP coordinator attended one of themeetings to do a presentation on the NBSAP and


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get feedback and inputs for the plan. (Three orfour NGOs came forward to participate activelythereafter.)

• Similarly, the Botanical Society was approached tospare some time in their regular meeting, for theBSAP coordinator to introduce the NBSAP toscientists and academics.

Personal networking and follow-up after LAC meetings In the first two months the LAC met every Sunday,thus ensuring regular follow-up and upkeep ofmomentum. (Thereafter the LAC met every threeto six months.) The co-ordinator’s personalcommitment and consistent networking ensuredthat all LAC members were kept in the loop: "Ipersonally went to each LAC member who couldnot attend an LAC meeting, and had an individualmeeting to brief the person and give him therelevant papers." Another interviewee remarkedthat this greatly limited any drop-outs from theprocess, and that the personal networking by theco-ordinator was a major strength of the process: "Ithink the credit goes to Raju. He would gopersonally to contact people. That is the strongestpoint here. Normally we try to invite all the peoplefor a discussion, and record it. At best we send acopy of the proceedings to members who are notable to attend. But Raju would visit them andexplain what is happening. So at the next meetingthat person would come – he would definitely notbe a permanent drop-out. Because of the personalinteraction and effort, there were hardly anypermanent drop-outs."

A personal mission! The co-ordinator’s commitment to the BSAPprocess took on the form of a personal mission: "Idecided that every day I would make at least oneperson aware of NBSAP in my leisure time, forexample while waiting for the bus. I managed to dothis for some months… I found that people werevery interested to participate. Even if they could not

participate because they were in a different area,they would be interested [to listen]." Thiscommitment was also reflected in the co-ordinator’sefforts at intensive personal networking.

Location of LAC meetings LAC meetings were held at Srikakulam as well asVizianagaram to make the location convenient forall members. Initially meetings were held in arented room in Vizianagaram. Then one LACmember pointed out that meetings should be heldin a public place so that people should not feel it isa private meeting, but should feel free to walk in.Thereafter a decision was taken to hold meetings ingovernment buildings or in a college building.

Local translations with the help of local writers The Telugu CFP brochure produced by the TPCGwas supplemented with a local adaptationconsisting of two photocopied pages, based on theinformation in the CFP. One of the reasons wasthat the language in the CFP brochure was toodifficult for everyone to relate to, and the CFP’sliteral translation of the word ‘biodiversity’ intoTelugu was too complicated: "‘Biodiversity’ is adifficult word, there is no easy local word. Even thepress people were trying to find a simpler way ofputting it across. We asked some writers for adviceon how to put the concept across. They came upwith a simple sentence and some bullet pointswhich we used at meetings – and it worked better."The local adaptation was also more specific toNorth Coastal Andhra, and included informationfrom local NGOs and activists. However, both CFPversions were valued, as they would appeal todifferent people. For example, the centrally-produced CFP was valuable because it gavecredibility to the effort, due to its relatively highproduction values and aesthetics. The CFPs weredistributed during meetings, and often peoplewould come up to LAC members after the meetingto discuss it.


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Weaknesses of the NorthCoastal Andhra process

Insufficient Guidance to Coordinating AgencyThe coordinating agency experienced a great dealof difficulty in understanding the requirements ofthe NBSAP and launching the sub-state processconfidently, due to a lack of experience.Understanding the extensive TPCG Guidelines (seeTool 10 in "National Media Campaign" section for adescription) was a difficulty since they were inEnglish: "A main gap was not understanding themeaning of biodiversity. It was also difficult toselect a focus and relate it to our area – not only interms of our interest and knowledge, but accordingto the needs of the area. Because everything isbiodiversity. Our capacity of understanding was agap. We overcame this gap through a lot ofdiscussion." In this light, some interviewees feltthat more information and guidance from theTPCG would have helped, such as: organising alocal workshop; providing more detailedinformation about the processes at other sites;providing for more LAC members to attend thenational level workshops and orientation (see Tool11 in "National Media Campaign" section for adescription); and more site visits by the relevantTPCG member. On the other hand there was alsothe feeling among at least two interviewees, thatcapacity building was perhaps enhanced becausethe LAC members were forced to work hard atunderstanding the process: "Maybe it is better welearned slowly on our own!"


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Off-Shoots and Impacts of the North Coastal Andhra ProcessCapacity Building: One of the most significant impacts ofNBSAP was capacity building. This wasparticularly voiced by small, local NGOsthat usually have very limited access toinformation, resources and facilitation.Adivasi network representatives also feltthat the NBSAP had led to increasedawareness and capacity building. In one ofthe group discussions held for this study,representatives of three different networkswere asked to estimate how importantNBSAP was, as a percentage of theirnormal, ongoing activities. For the EmnabaAdivasi Network NBSAP had 50% relevancein terms of their normal activities. For theTodu Adivasi Network it was also 50% andfor the Angarada Adivasi Mahila Samstha(an adivasi women’s network) it was 60%.These are just rough estimates, articulatedon the spur of the moment, but they givesome indication of the importance that theNBSAP activities assumed for thesenetworks. Some of the off-shoots andimpacts noted by representatives of smallgrassroots NGOs and representatives ofadivasi networks were as follows:• Development of holistic approach tobiodiversity and the environment, asopposed to compartmentalised approach:An NGO representative said, "We have nowunderstood [environment] in an integratedmanner. Earlier we tried to work in asectoral way, like only soil conservation oronly forestry. Now, the impact of NBSAP is,that we are integrating all conservationpractices, like forest conservation, livestock,human resources and traditional practices.This integration concept came [to us] dueto the concept of biodiversityconservation… In our network [Sri Seva

Samakhya, a network of 35 NGOs inSrikakulam district] discussions this hasbecome an agenda point. Earlier we used totalk about environment. Now we are talkingof biodiversity."• Building up of networks and relationsacross sectors: New links were forgedamong NGOs, between NGOs andacademics/scientists, and between differentadivasi networks - especially since the LACwas selected to include representatives fromdifferent sectors. A grassroots NGOrepresentative said, "One of the mainadvantages has been that NBSAP gave usthe chance to discuss many things with lotsof other groups. Some of these groups weknew before, some we got to know throughthe process… Links with other people for aparticular purpose, made the linksstronger." Coordinating agency links weredeveloped with people from other NBSAPsites, by interacting with other co-ordinatorsat the national workshops in Delhi. Adivasinetwork representatives found that theNBSAP opened up opportunities for themto interact with other networks, travel toother villages and meet officials.• Generation of eco-friendly ideas andpractices: A facilitator of the North Coastalprocess said, "Earlier we used to usebanners painted with market colours. Nowwe use banners coloured with turmeric andnatural dyes. Earlier [at meetings] we used togive out mementoes made of wood or brass,now we are more interested in giving thingslike baskets of grass or fruits." An adivasinetwork representative said, "Five years agowe would go far off to get timber. So westarted thinking that we need to grow timberplantations in our area. This [increased]awareness came about due to NBSAP. We

were already doing plantation in 5 acres, andafter NBSAP we did 5 more acres."• Fine-tuning thinking on relevant issues:Two NGO representatives raised this point,saying, "NBSAP enabled us to identify gapsin development schemes, and to developthinking on policy and advocacy", and:"Now the understanding of the issues anddifferent dimensions has given us a focuson where to concentrate and what [issues]to take up."• Grassroots capacity building onparticipatory techniques: Representatives ofat least two adivasi networks felt thatexposure to NBSAP activities had improvedtheir skills at organising and conductingworkshops.• Empowerment: An adivasi networkrepresentative felt that after NBSAP theirempowerment increased due to awarenessand other activities.

Small Activities Inspired by the NBSAP: A healer planted 10 trees after reading theCFP brochure and attending the healers’meeting; in Tolunguda village, villagersplanted a traditional chilli variety and beganconserving some forest patches ("Theywere interested in forest conservation evenbefore, but now their ideas have beenstrongly developed because of NBSAP."); inNeradivalasa village, villagers collectedjackfruit seeds and planted them voluntarilyin the area; in Kurupam village, vegetablegrowers began protecting old seed varieties– subsequently a meeting of 25 vegetablegrowers was conducted by GPK.


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Tools and StrategiesA national media campaign was developed tocommunicate the message of NBSAP nationally byusing various media. The state and sub-state siteswere encouraged to draw on the media aims, toolsand strategies developed at a national level, butwere free to develop independent media strategies.For example, the national media campaign had aninsignificant presence on the radio, while one ofthe flagship successes of the Karnataka stateprocess was its series of interactive radioprogrammes.

The key way in which the national mediacampaign differed from media use at state and sub-state levels was that the former aimed to create apresence and momentum at a national level, whilethe latter’s scope was limited to the area for whichthe local BSAP was being prepared.

This section deals only with the national mediacampaign, and the tools and strategies ofcommunication developed for the national level, bythe TPCG.

Aims of the National Media Campaign:• The primary aim was to raise awareness about theNBSAP process at a national level, in order toattract people to participate and give their ideas andpractical assistance to the process.• The secondary aim was to raise awareness aboutthe meaning of biodiversity and implications ofbiodiversity conservation. • The ultimate purpose of disseminating the abovemessages, was to generate support for theconservation and sustainable use of biodiversity,and equity in decision-making processes related tobiodiversity (Kothari 2002).

The above messages were to be disseminated to aswide a range of citizens as possible.

Functioning of the National Media Campaign:• The TPCG appointed a Media Campaign Manager(MCM) to develop and execute the national mediacampaign. He worked on a part-time basis andreported to the TPCG. (There were three MCMs insuccession).• In addition some of the TPCG membersvoluntarily contributed their ideas and time tomany of the media campaign activities.

Principle Tools and Strategies of the National Media Campaign:Discussion of the media tools is divided into:1. Media campaign products (e.g. brochures,

posters)2. Media outreach activities (e.g. print articles,

website)3. Media for communication with coordinating

agencies (e.g. newsletters, compendium ofguidelines)

Some of the activities described below (especiallycommunication with coordinating agencies) werenot ‘officially’ part of the national media campaignor within the purview of the MCM, but have beenincluded here by virtue of being national levelcommunication and outreach strategies that weredeveloped at the TPCG level, with some overlapswith the national media campaign in terms of useand objective.

National media campaign


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Media campaign products

Tool 01: NBSAP LogoObjective:To build up brand identification for NBSAP, and a rapid ‘recallvalue’.

Description: The logo was developed by the TPCG and MCM early on in theprocess, and was used on all NBSAP products (e.g. brochures,posters, newsletters). It was used in much the same way thatcorporate brand logos are used for conceptual and materialidentification of a product. The logo was designed to reflect theNBSAP’s notion of biodiversity, and thus depicted a simple scenewithin the outline of a leaf, showing a plant, a bullock, a fish anda house to show the interdependence of humans, flora and fauna,and the interdependence of marine, terrestrial and agriculturalecosystems.

There was one example in North Coastal Andhra of the logobeing used by an adivasi network to explain the meaning of theterm biodiversity, to an adivasi gathering.

Tool 02: Call for Participation (CFP) brochure

Objective:To inform people about the NBSAP process, and invite participation.

Description: This was the flagship tool of the national media campaign, andthe single most important method used to reach out to people. • The CFP was an attractively designed 4-page colour brochurethat gave information about the value of biodiversity and thegoals/scope of the NBSAP process. • It ended with an invitation for people to contact the TPCG ifinterested in participating. • The last page of the CFP was a ‘cut-out’ coupon for people to filland send in. The coupon indicated five options for participation(organising local meetings; holding an inter-departmentalmeeting; sending in existing information or documents;contributing new written material; co-ordinating the preparationof an action plan in the respondent’s region). A sixth option wasany other mode of participation that could be suggested by therespondent. Potential participants could tick-mark the relevantoption and send it to the address of the NBSAP administrativeagency (BCIL, New Delhi) indicated on the brochure. (However,state and sub-state coordinating agencies often stamped theirown address on the brochure so that responses could be sentdirectly to them).• The CFP was printed in 19 languages (17 languages producedby the TPCG at a central level, and two languages produced bythe coordinating agencies in Assam and Meghalaya). In addition,several coordinating agencies independently revised and adaptedthe CFP to suit local contexts, for example in North CoastalAndhra where a simple, two-page, photocopied, locally adaptedversion was produced.


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Distribution of CFP brochures:Thousands of CFP brochures were printed. The CFP wasdesigned for random distribution to as many people as possible.The idea was to use it to reach the maximum number of people inas many forums as possible. The CFP brochure was distributed inthe following ways:• CFPs were sent in bulk to coordinating agencies, which distributed

it in their areas. Coordinating agencies were supplied with extracopies as needed. (The TPCG did not keep track of where and howthe coordinating agency distributed the brochures).

• TPCG members distributed CFPs at any meetings they went to,even if the meeting was not directly related to NBSAP.

• CFPs were distributed in large numbers at NBSAP events likebiodiversity festivals and public hearings.

• CFPs were posted to NGOs selected by the TPCG, based on theNGO Directory of WWF-India (World Wide Fund for Nature-India), and to key people in the government (e.g. in the FD)selected on the basis of discussions between the TPCG andMinistry of Environment and Forests.

Response to CFP brochures:Approximately 224 people in total contacted the TCPG and BCILas a response to the CFP brochure. (The actual figure may beslightly higher, as many respondents did not say what media theywere responding to) (Kohli & Bhatt 2002). Many more responseswould have been sent directly to coordinating agencies. Thecoordinating agencies had been requested to track responses sentdirectly to them, and inform the TPCG about this, but this kind oftracking did not happen very regularly.

Managing the responses to CFP brochures: Responses that arrived at BCIL were forwarded to the TPCG. OneTPCG member was delegated the task of handling the responses.The response was forwarded to the relevant coordinating agency(sometimes to multiple coordinating agencies, in case ofoverlapping interests), and a copy of this correspondence was alsosent to the respondent. Thereafter it was up to the coordinating

agency to follow-up by contacting the respondent and organisinghis/her participation in the process. It is not clear to what extentcoordinating agencies managed to follow-up with respondents, butas per the analysis by the TPCG, the follow-up by coordinatingagencies was overall weak. However, there were also instances ofrespondents going on to play significant roles in the NBSAP, suchas joining a state working group (e.g. Assam and Manipur) andtaking on the preparation of an action plan (e.g. Aravallis eco-region and Simlipal (Orissa) sub-state site) (Kohli & Bhatt 2002).

Strengths: Multiple use: CFPs could be used for multiple purposes – theywere used for general biodiversity awareness raising, and not justfor eliciting participation.Translations: The CFP brochure had a wide reach across thecountry as it was translated into 19 languages.Well designed: Several interviewees felt this was a very useful tool,well designed for wide distribution, and which concisely explainedwhat the NBSAP was all about.

Weaknesses: Translations: The CFP was originally written in English. TheTPCG spent a large amount of time refining the CFP and tryingto find appropriate translators: "[The translations] had to be donein a lay person’s language – so we needed to find translators whowere not so technical, but who could understand the text andtranslate it into very simple language. This was quite a challenge."Still, in some cases the translation of the CFPs to regionallanguages proved to be a weakness. Interviewees in AndhraPradesh and Karnataka felt that the translations were too literaland the language used too difficult; it could not be easilyunderstood by laypersons: "People need simple, practical write-ups, in simple language, with a local flavour – and not generalprescriptions or theory of it from Delhi. They would not have thetime or patience to understand it." This was partly a reason whythe CFP was not used much in Karnataka. GPK in North CoastalAndhra rewrote the CFP in more suitable Telugu, with references



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to the local context, and distributed it as two photocopied sheets.Here, the value of producing the attractive brochure on qualitypaper was clearly lost. An interviewee in Karnataka felt that tocounter this problem the writing of the CFP in differentlanguages should have been decentralised to the states. A TPCGmember felt that the problem could have been solved byrequesting a wider range of people from different backgrounds toread the translations before finalising them. Ambiguity regarding availability of funds: The CFP brochure did notstate explicitly that the suggested activities were to be done voluntarily.Several respondents thought that the NBSAP was offering funding toconduct the activities, and many of these dropped out when it wasclarified that there was no funding available. Distribution of CFPs: One TPCG member felt that thedistribution of CFPs was not good enough: "In terms of the effortthat went into designing the CFP brochure, I don’t think we putin that much effort into targeting its distribution. Distributionwas left largely to the coordinating agencies. It was a much-valueddocument. Any place you took it, people grabbed it. But that waspassive – one was not making the effort to see where and how itshould be distributed. And finally the quantum of response wasnot that great… in a country as large as India, there should havebeen a few thousand responses." The total number of responsesto the TPCG was 653, of which only about 224 were a response tothe CFP brochure (as opposed to other forms of invitingparticipation).Impersonal to some: An interviewee in Maharashtra felt that theCFP brochure was not inviting to a layperson: "I probablywouldn’t have participated because of the CFP brochure. It wasn’tintimidating – but maybe not personal enough. It gave theimpression of a large and impersonal process."


Call for participation brochures translatedinto different Indian languages


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Tool 03: Posters:Printed postersThis was a poster-version of the CFP brochure. It wasbased on the information in the CFP brochure andincluded details of how to contact the TPCG forparticipating in the NBSAP process. Two Hindi andtwo English posters were sent to each coordinatingagency.

Weakness:It was printed only in Hindi and English, and so had alimited reach.

Blank ‘branded’ posters This innovation grew out of the need to produceposters for a multi-lingual country. Since it was notpossible to produce posters in so many languages, ablank poster was prepared, containing only the NBSAPlogo. The poster could then be used to write on, in anylanguage. 5 blank posters were sent to eachcoordinating agency, though not all used them.Coordinating agencies often used them at meetings,for writing points like strategies and actions.

Strengths: • A TPCG member said, "The fact that people were

going to make the poster their own, by writing on it,would be an integrative process."

• The blank posters catered to the flexibility that wasbuilt into the NBSAP process: "NBSAP would be aplatform for people to present what they wanted [on theposters]. Nowhere was it dictated that x is the ideal wayin which it should be presented. You could modify it."

• In the states studied, these seemed to be more popularthan the printed posters, due to their adaptabilityacross languages.

Roll-up poster panels This was a set of four large, vertical paper panels,designed to be easily rolled-up and inserted into a hardtube for transportation. Since these were expensive toproduce, only TPCG members received them; eachmember was given one set for use at meetings andworkshops. The text of the panels was based on thecontent of the CFP brochure.

Strengths: • The panels were easy to transport, since TPCG

members needed to travel extensively with them. ATPCG member felt that "they were a great hit. A lot ofcoordinating agencies wanted sets, which we could notprovide…. Feedback on these panels was very positive,people really did want them because they were verycomprehensively done. They came in plastic rods ateach end to roll up, and all in a hard tube – you couldcarry it on a bus or a train, it was so easy to carry. Theywere well made, laminated, and very handy."

• The panels could be used to create a presence even atmeetings that were not directly related to NBSAP, orwere collaborations with NBSAP: "The roll-up panelswere used especially to make the NBSAP presence feltat collaborative events with other agencies – becauseNBSAP rode a lot on others’ events."

Weakness:The panels were produced only in English, and so hadlimited reach in terms of its text.

Cloth bannersThese were handmade, using natural material like juteand cotton cloth, and projected the NBSAP logo andtitle. They were not distributed to coordinating agencies,but, like the roll-up panels, were usually carried byTPCG members attending an event.



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Tool 04: Wall calendar Objective:To be a method of keeping the NBSAP visibility high, since acalendar would be in use all year. The calendar was also envisagedas a way of breaking the communication barrier across sectors,since it could be equally well displayed in a school, corporateoffice or NGO, for example.

Description: A single-sheet, poster-style calendar was produced. Eachcoordinating agency was to receive 10 calendars. The TPCG alsogave away large numbers to the general public at NBSAP eventsand to many CFP respondents. The calendar had a shortdescription of the NBSAP process with an invitation for people tocontact the TPCG to get involved.

Weaknesses: • Unfortunately production was delayed for bureaucratic reasonsand the calendar was produced only six months into the year,thus reducing the lifespan of the product. With hindsight theTPCG felt that the delay could have been overcome by producinga mid-year to mid-year calendar. • Many interviewees in the four states were not aware of thecalendar. A reason may have been low numbers of calendars sentto coordinating agencies (e.g. North Coastal Andhra received 4-6calendars). Among the people who had seen the calendar, reactions rangedfrom the feeling that it was a superfluous product ("it issuperfluous, such things do not make a difference" and "there isno shortage of calendars for people") to the feeling that it was veryimportant for keeping NBSAP in the public eye ("A calendar is nota small thing, it is a big thing because it is used all year round.Everyday you see NBSAP when you want to check the date.")

An interesting observation by a TPCG member was that thematerial used to make the posters communicated in differentways to urban and rural audiences: "For the cities we went in forthings that were textured and had a handmade look about them,and which are ethnic looking. But at a village level, people preferthings that are machine-made, and that offers a look of credibilityand quality to them…. Our logo itself looked very organic, but onthe poster it is computer-generated with good printing and paperquality. We tried to make it a fairly swish product so that the glossvalue of the product would lend the communication somecredibility."

The overall response to the posters (especially the printed ones)was very lukewarm among interviewees in the four states, whichwas in sharp contrast to the enthusiasm of most of the TPCGinterviewees regarding the posters. Posters were more valued inSikkim and North Coastal Andhra; at all the other sitesinterviewees either seemed to feel that they did not add muchvalue to the process, or did not remember them which, in somecases, was because the coordinating agency had not thought itnecessary to use them much.

Calendar produced for NBSAP with logo


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Tool 05: WebsiteObjectives:• To be a method for coordinating agencies to share information

and know what is happening at other NBSAP sites• To promote transparency of information, and be a site where all

NBSAP documents (e.g. meeting minutes, draft BSAPs, meetingannouncements) and information could be accessed by anyone

• To be a call for participation (there were some responses frompeople after they looked at the website)

• To contribute towards creating a network of NBSAPcoordinating agencies and other participants

• To be a way for people outside India to access information aboutthe NBSAP

The website was promoted in the following ways:• It was mentioned in a reprint of the CFP brochure• It was mentioned in each Newsletter (Tool 12 below)• It was mentioned whenever the TPCG replied to a respondent• Some NGOs, institutions and coordinating agencies were

persuaded by the TPCG to provide a link to the NBSAP websiteon their own websites

• Word of mouth

The website operated well for 18 months, handled by a TPCGmember who would co-ordinate it with the SustainableDevelopment Networking Programme (SDNP). (SDNP was partof the Environmental Information System (ENVIS) set up by thegovernment to facilitate the exchange of environmentalinformation across India). It then ran into bureaucraticdifficulties when the SDNP had some funding problems. Thewebsite was not being paid for by the TPCG, and was thereforesidelined. There was a lull in operations and the website neverpicked up again. A fairly small minority of interviewees used thewebsite; among these, the responses ranged from lukewarm tovery positive.

Strengths: Promoting a transparent NBSAP network: In principle theNBSAP was conceived as a transparent process, and the websitehelped to put this notion into practice. A TPCG member felt that,"the transparency helped in getting the whole concept of the[NBSAP] network going, and strengthening the network.Everything went on the website, including meeting minutes.Every coordinating agency did feel that they were free to ask forwhatever information they wanted. I don’t think anyone was everdenied any information. The website really helped in buildingtrust among partners – and the sense of a network, the sense thatit was not just 74 agencies working in isolation. Anyone couldaccess the website, not just the coordinating agencies." Easy access to bulky documents and information updates: Someof the state reports and documents were very bulky, and thewebsite proved to be an easy way to make them easily accessibleacross the country and outside India.

Weaknesses:Underestimating resources needed: The TPCG did not hire anexternal group to work on the website; the hosting of the websiteby SDNP was free, with a TPCG member converting thedocuments to html format. This impinged on the time of theTPCG member concerned, as well as on the services receivedfrom SDNP during the later phase of difficulties. A TPCGmember felt, "with hindsight, we should have just given it out toan external agency – we had the money, we could have easily doneit. Because then it is clear you are paying for a service."

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Tool 08: Print articlesPrint sources (excluding the Folio – described below) elicited 38(5.82%) responses received by the TPCG. The Folio elicited 79(12.09%) responses.

FolioObjective:Awareness raising on biodiversity and NBSAP among thegeneral public.

Description:The Folio was a regular magazine supplement to the Englishlanguage, national daily newspaper, The Hindu. One edition ofthe Folio was dedicated to the theme of biodiversity, compiledand edited by some TPCG members on a voluntary basis. It wentout to 700,000 readers. The Folio included a range of articles onbiodiversity written by various authors (most connected to theNBSAP in one way or another). There was also a short piece onthe NBSAP with a request for interested persons to contact theTPCG for participation in the process. The Folio went out to avery select audience, namely the readers of The Hindu, which isperceived as a ‘serious’ and rather dry newspaper (as comparedto most other English language dailies). In addition BCIL boughtup 1000 extra copies to distribute to coordinating agencies. Eachcoordinating agency received 5-10 copies.

Strengths: Among the people who had read the Folio, the responses werepositive: "It brought NBSAP into the mainstream, because themagazine itself has an air of quality. It is not read by too manypeople, but among the people who read newspaper magazines, ithas a certain credibility. It is well brought out, well researched,has leading people writing in it. It dealt with a certain targetaudience, and it dealt with them well." The Call for ParticipationAnalysis by the TPCG states, "There was a sudden increase inresponses requesting participation after the release of the Hindu

Tool 06: Television spots Objective:Awareness-raising about NBSAP and biodiversity issues.

Description:Two national television programmes featured short segments on

NBSAP. One of these was on state television a day before abiodiversity festival was held in Delhi; the timing of this wastherefore appropriate. It featured a 15-minute interview with aTPCG member. Following this, a TPCG member made a briefappearance on NDTV (an English language pay news channel).News channels were requested to cover NBSAP related eventsbut this was limited. Overall, the national media campaign wasnot really able to exploit television as a medium for nationalcommunication.

Tool 07: Radio spots Objective: Awareness-raising about NBSAP and biodiversity issues.

Description: Two radio programmes featured the NBSAP process with TPCGmembers appearing on the programme to answer questions onbiodiversity from callers. As was the case for television, NBSAPhad an insignificant presence on radio at a national level. Themost successful use of radio occurred at state level, in Karnataka(see Tool 2 in Karnataka section for details).



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Folio. In the short span of a few months there were 79 responses[to the Folio] contributing about 12.09% of the total… responses"(Kohli & Bhatt 2002). Though many interviewees had not seenthe Folio, among those who had seen it there was nearunanimous agreement that it was a valuable source ofinformation regarding biodiversity. In North Coastal Andhra,extensive use was made of this tool – each LAC member wasgiven a copy, and it was also used to facilitate grassroots levelmeetings: "It had attractive photos and was good for personalknowledge as well as to use the text and photos for meetings. Inadivasi areas the photo of the Kovil tree (gumcurria tree) was verypopular because they could identify the tree in their own village."

Chandamama and VasudhaObjective: To raise biodiversity awareness among children.

Description:Chandamama is a popular children’s monthly magazinepublished in 12 Indian languages. It is targeted at the age group6-16, though a third of the readers are adults. It has a wide reach,and goes beyond the metropolitan areas into districts and towns. From 2002 to 2004, the English language edition (which has areadership of approximately 400,000) carried a series of 24stories under the playful title, "NBSaaaanp" accompanied by anillustration of a snake (Saanp is ‘snake’ in Hindi). The storieswere related to various aspects of biodiversity, often based on realevents and initiatives around the country. This was an unplannedaddition to the national media campaign, since the Chandamamaeditors approached the TPCG after seeing the Folio. TheChandamama initiative took off because members of Kalpavrikshand the TPCG agreed to write the series of stories on a voluntarybasis. Encouraged by the initiative, Chandamama also brought out aspecial 16-page biodiversity supplement entitled "Vasudha"(‘bountiful earth’), which was produced in all 12 languages (andhad a readership of approximately 1,200,000). Vasudha began by

introducing the concept of biodiversity and then went on to shortarticles on different themes related to biodiversity, based on reallife issues. There were also activities like a quiz, and ‘Spot theDifference’ between a polluted and non-polluted scene. ‘Mosaic ofLife’ was a picture spread in Warli art style, showing humans’relationship to nature. Readers were asked to interpret the pictureand send in an essay to win a prize.

Strengths: Teachers and parents were especially appreciative of the NBSaanpstories, while children gave a more enthusiastic response toVasudha, probably because Vasudha was interactive as opposed tothe series of stories. After the collaboration with NBSAP ended, an off-shoot of theinitiative was that each English edition of Chandamama carried a‘Vasudha page’ which included environmental information,practical tips on what children can do for the environment, andeco-friendly activities (e.g. how to make a cloth bag; how to re-useenvelopes; recipes using lesser-known millets). The activitiesproved to be very popular, with children writing letters inresponse to it. For example, one reader contributed an activity ofher own, on how to make paintbrushes out of grass. Not many interviewees apart from the TPCG were aware of thisinitiative, which is not surprising considering that the targetaudience was children. Among the few who had seen some of thestories, reactions were uniformly positive.

Weakness: A problem was that the target age group of the magazine is verybroad. This meant that the information had to be reasonablydiluted to ensure that it would not be inaccessible to the youngestreaders. A narrower target age group could ensure the use ofmore focused themes and vocabulary. An interviewee fromChandamama felt, "A target is very important, to be able to hit itbetter. But this is difficult to do in a general readership of 6-16years. A series with a different target group at a time would bebetter."


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Media Fellows Objective:Awareness-raising on biodiversity and NBSAP among the generalpublic.

Description:In the last year of the NBSAP process, four journalists werenamed "media fellows" by the TPCG. They were commissioned towrite and publish articles in English and Hindi, on NBSAP andbiodiversity. They received a fellowship to travel wherever theychose. The article could be on any aspect of biodiversity, as long asit was ‘pegged’ to NBSAP. For example, a media fellow couldwrite about an NBSAP biodiversity festival, but then also includegeneral issues of seed variety, the public distribution system, andso on. About 25 articles were written by the Media Fellows indifferent publications.

Strengths: The initiative was a reliable way of producing a sustained streamof print articles (as opposed to, for example, relying onpersuading journalists from different publications to write anarticle).

Weaknesses:Unfortunately this initiative was thought of too late in the process

to make a significant contribution to the national mediacampaign. Also, the languages of the articles were limited toEnglish and Hindi.

Two Media WorkshopsObjective:To sensitise journalists to take up issues related to biodiversity.

Description:One workshop was for senior journalists and the other foryounger, upcoming journalists. The workshops aimed to createinterest in the NBSAP by linking it to topical issues. Thus the

first workshop focussed on Bt cotton, genetically modifiedproducts and patents, since these topics were very much in thenews at the time. Following this a few journalists wrote articles,usually focusing on a topical issue and mentioning NBSAP as an‘add-on’.

Other articlesVarious TPCG members took it upon themselves to write NBSAP-related articles for various publications, throughout the process.


Chandamama magazine - special biodiversity supplement


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Tool 09: Collaborative workshopsObjective: To get inputs and ideas for the NBSAP from a wide range ofstakeholders who may not necessarily be directly involved with theNBSAP process.

Description:There were three thematic national workshops, which werecollaborations between NBSAP and other organisations (AdivasiNational Workshop in Delhi, Prajateerpu (a "citizens’ jury" onfood and farming) in Andhra Pradesh, and Human-WildlifeConflict in Bangalore, Karnataka). The results of the workshopswere integrated into the national plan. Of these the AdivasiNational Workshop is interesting to take note of, because it wasan example of sectoral targeting of adivasi organisations at anational level.

Strengths: By creating a formal collaboration with the All-India CoordinatingForum of the Adivasi/Indigenous Peoples for the adivasiworkshop, and incorporating the statement issued by theworkshop into the national plan, the NBSAP created a parallelprocess of bringing adivasi voices into the NBSAP. Even if adivasiconcerns had been left out of some state plans (for whateverreasons), this collaboration ensured that their concerns wereincluded at a national level. For example, a TPCG member feltthat some crucial adivasi voices had been left out of the stateprocess in Nagaland. The collaborative workshop ensured that atleast broad adviasi concerns, if not region-specific ones, wereincluded in the NBSAP.

Other National Communication Strategies included• Meeting for donors and aid agencies to appraise them of thepossibilities of funding the implementation of BSAPs• NBSAP CD-Rom distributed to coordinating agencies (andanyone else who was interested), containing all the NBSAP

material available.• Advertisements in the press inviting participation in the NBSAPprocess.

The following tools were central to communicating (exclusively)with coordinating agencies, i.e. they were designed for internalcommunication within the NBSAP network, as opposed to themedia products and outreach activities which were designed forwide public communication. Though these tools were notofficially part of the national media campaign, they have beenincluded here by virtue of being national level communicationtools, and because in practice they sometimes overlapped with themedia campaign in terms of use and application (this wasespecially the case with the newsletter, Tool 10 below).



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Tool 10: Newsletters Objective:To create an information exchange network of NBSAPcoordinating agencies.

Description:Every 2-3 months, two TPCG members compiled a newsletterbased on information sent by coordinating agencies andTPCG members. The newsletter contained NBSAP news fromall over the country, including announcements forforthcoming meetings, activity updates and general messagesfrom the TPCG to all the coordinating agencies. Each editionhad to be sent to the MoEF for approval before printing(though there were never any objections from the MoEFabout the content). 5-10 copies were sent to eachcoordinating agency, though not all chose to distribute itbeyond a few people who were directly working on theprocess along with the coordinating agency. In North CoastalAndhra the coordinating agency photocopied the newslettersfor a slightly wider distribution.

Strengths: Information exchange: There was near unanimous agreementamong interviewees that the newsletter was an extremely valuabletool for coordinating agencies to keep up-to-date on NBSAPprogress at other sites around the country.Sustaining the NBSAP network: A TPCG member noted, "It wasa way of sustaining the NBSAP network – of letting coordinatingagencies know what the others are doing." Multiple uses: After it was no longer relevant to use the CFPbrochure to invite participation, the newsletter was used as a wayof letting people know about NBSAP – for example, all CFPrespondents received copies of the newsletters. Eventually thenewsletters also proved to be valuable process documentation,since they had tracked the NBSAP for over two years.

Weakness: Language: The main weakness of the newsletter was that it wasproduced only in English; even CFP respondents who hadresponded in another language, received the newsletter in English.

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Tool 11: Compendium of Guidelines and Concept Papers

Objective:To provide guidelines for preparing BSAPs, and explanations ofkey concepts to coordinating agencies.

Description:The compendium was probably the most importantcommunication tool used by the TPCG to communicate withcoordinating agencies. It was written by the TPCG and othervolunteers, and distributed to all coordinating agencies at thebeginning of the NBSAP process. It was a useful source ofinformation for coordinating agencies who joined the NBSAPprocess late and therefore missed out on the orientation sessionsheld at the beginning. The compendium covered just about everyaspect of the NBSAP process including: Guidelines and suggestions for BSAP processes (e.g. Processoutline; NBSAP site maps; guidelines for ensuring widespreadparticipation; media campaign strategy proposal; biodiversityfestivals proposal; guidelines for process documentation;suggested formats for writing BSAPs) Cross-cutting theme papers, which discussed various issues beingaddressed by NBSAP (e.g. why biodiversity should be conserved;integrating biodiversity into sectoral planning; integrating gendersensitivity into biodiversity conservation and the NBSAP process) Thematic notes, which discussed the thematic foci of NBSAP (e.g.health and biodiversity; natural aquatic eco-systems; wildbiodiversity; domesticated biodiversity) Listing and Contacts (contact details of all coordinating agenciesand TPCG members) (MoEF 2000)

Strengths: Interviewees repeatedly mentioned that this was a very useful andcomprehensive document to guide the process at various levelsfrom conceptualisation to writing the BSAPs. Over the course of

the process it was also used extensively for reference within theTPCG. In some cases it continues to be of use beyond the NBSAPprocess. For example, a small, grassroots NGO representative inNorth Coastal Andhra said, "In rural areas we have no access toinformation… Before NBSAP we had no idea how to identify andaddress environmental issues. The guidelines really helped field-based activity. A lot of information was there, like how manypeople are working on environmental aspects, who is an expert inwhich field, how to document and gather information frompeople. So the guidelines are a very useful tool for social activists."



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Tool 12: National and Regional Workshops

Objectives: To initially provide orientation and guidance to coordinatingagencies, and subsequently to discuss updates and progress of theNBSAP process.

Description:Three national workshops and five regional workshops wereorganised exclusively for coordinating agencies. The nationalworkshops were held in the capital city, New Delhi. The regionalworkshops were held at five locations in different regions aroundthe country, for the coordinating agencies in that region. In thelast two national workshops there was limited time forcoordinating agencies to speak about their processes, so anexhibition was set up by the MCM, where people could displayinformation about their sites as an additional method of sharinginformation. Co-ordinators handed over the display material tothe MCM as and when they arrived, and the display was set upwhile the workshop was on. The displays could be viewed duringbreaks in the workshop. The regional meetings were smaller andmore informal, and had no exhibitions or displays.

Strengths: Democratic functioning: Anyone who wanted to speak waswelcome to do so. Networking: The workshops were valuable opportunities forcoordinating agencies to network with each other, particularly forthose belonging to the same region since it was an opportunityfor common regional concerns and solutions to emerge. Theregional workshops were especially important for this, as well asthe national workshop activity of breaking up into regional groupsfor detailed discussions: "By the final national workshop, thecentral and western eco-regions had been interacting for overthree years. And they announced at the final workshop that theyare going to have a network of people – in the Maharashtra,

Vidarbha, Nagpur, Gujarat, Kutchh, Aravallis, Aravari andRajasthan sites – to take on issues together and support oneanother. So that was a clear output of the western regionalworkshop and interactions."Based on needs of participants: The regional workshops were aresult of demands by coordinating agencies at the second nationalworkshop: "At the mid-term [second] workshop people realisedthat certain aspects [of the process] like empowerment and equityreally needed to improve. So to have localised, regional levelmeetings to see what specific approaches can be developed to dealwith this, was very useful."Provided valuable guidance: There was unanimous agreementamong coordinating agencies that the workshops were extremelyvaluable in providing encouragement, learning from progress atother sites, as well as practical guidance in terms of methodology. Created momentum and enthusiasm among coordinatingagencies: The workshops provided a sense of enthusiasm amongcoordinating agencies: "There was a feeling of understanding thatyou were not the only one who had done or not done something.It was a very positive thing of enthusing each other. It dispelledthe cynicism that it [NBSAP] cannot happen." Anotherinterviewee said, "Without the workshops we would have lost themotivation to work. It inspired us to go ahead and complete thetask."

Weaknesses:Time limitations: There were long working hours and fatiguelevels were high. Due to this the number of people participatingin the workshops fluctuated during the day.Limited scope for innovations: Despite a feeling within the TPCGthat the workshops needed to be done differently and creatively,there was not much scope to do so due to time and otherconstraints: "They were very structured, like any other workshopbecause of the budget and the need for organising logistics. Wewanted to innovate a lot, but there was no time, energy orresources to do so. It could have been not in an auditorium with apodium – and the whole structure that comes with that, having a



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plenary, breaking up into groups, etc. But because the agendawas so vast, we could not get into things like role-play, orinnovative, non-formal methodologies. Also in terms of thepeople who came – expecting high-level FD officials to get downto those methodologies was not something we could risk at thatpoint. There was just too much to get through. The most onecould innovate was in terms of the gifts – we did not givebouquets. But we could have innovated on the food – when youare talking about biodiversity, why not eat biodiverse food andlearn from each other’s foods? But in the regional workshops weinsisted that we would have regional food."



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Responses to National Media CampaignIt is very difficult to gauge the impact of the mediacampaign especially since there was no mechanismto track impacts, apart from keeping a track ofthose people who wrote in or responded directly tothe TPCG. Responses were received by the TPCGfrom all over India, by fax, email and post. Threeyears into the process (i.e. by end-2002), the TPCGhad received 653 responses seeking participation inthe NBSAP, arguably a small number compared tothe number of national media products andactivities. However, these responses were onlythose that were sent directly to the TPCG as aresponse to the national media campaign, and donot reflect the responses sent directly tocoordinating agencies (e.g. many CFP brochureresponses were sent directly to coordinatingagencies). Of course, they also do not reflect theimpacts in terms of the awareness-raising objectiveof the media campaign.

Thus, among the TPCG, the perceived impactswere to a large extent based on speculation orestimates. As a TPCG member put it, referring tothe CFP brochure, "we sometimes think somethingwill reach [out to people], but actually we have noidea. We thought we did our best – we put in therelevant issues, we requested people to participate,we did it in several languages and tried to makesure it goes to as many people as possible. Butwhether it actually went to as many people aspossible, did it reach in the way it should havereached - I am not in a position to say."

Challenges of the NationalMedia CampaignMuch of the national media campaign strategyseems to have been developed intuitively, given theabsence of a sustained team of experienced mediaspecialists. Given the sophisticated and intensivemedia use prevalent in India today (advertising,

cinema, print, radio, television, internet),particularly in urban and semi-urban areas, makinga presence felt at the national level is no easy task.Most interviewees across the four states felt thatthere was insufficient media coverage of theNBSAP (which was, of course, also a reflection ofmedia outreach by the local coordinating agencies).

The principle failure of the national mediacampaign was that it failed to secure a significant,sustained presence in the national media, and togenerate a momentum in the media. NBSAP didnot become a mass movement at the national level,though it did manage to achieve a great deal ofvibrancy at various state and sub-state sites. At anational level there were significant pockets ofactivity, such as the appointment of media fellows,or much-appreciated initiatives like the Folio; butthese did not seem to spread horizontally or createa strategic momentum. They seemed to remain at ageneral and diffuse level.

Two key challenges faced by the national mediacampaign were firstly, priorities of the mainstreammedia, and secondly, a general unfamiliarity withthe concept of participation.

Priorities of the mainstream mediaA key challenge lay in the priorities of themainstream print and electronic media, which didnot necessarily coincide with giving space to theNBSAP. The NBSAP was not one event whichcreated a ‘newsworthy’ splash, but a series ofevents over time. This made it difficult to keep themainstream media interested: "The electronicmedia was not very forthcoming because NBSAPwas not an event – which is what TV and radiowant. NBSAP was recurring events... It was not apriority for the mainstream media… The responsewas not encouraging. The Hindu [newspaper] andFrontline [magazine] were very responsive and gavegood coverage. The other papers were not thatinterested."

A TPCG member made the interesting point thatthe mainstream media tends to be not only ‘event-


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centric’, but also tends to favour ‘personality-centric’ coverage. The fact that the NBSAP was notpromoted as a personality-centric process, given thedemocratic ideology of the process, may have alsohindered the press coverage: "Ashish Kothari[TPCG co-ordinator] was not lionised – which wasa successful thing, because all the people got theirdue and NBSAP proved to be a very democraticmovement. But this is no good for the media! Themedia fascination for an event and a personalitymakes it difficult." Movements or processes inIndia that have projected a personality as a ‘leader’have often indeed been successful in retainingmedia interest; the mainstream media often reportson the actions of the personality as a ‘peg’ onwhich to base the reportage of the movement. It isdebatable as to whether a personality-centricapproach would have been ideologically desirablein the context of the NBSAP; but purely in terms ofa strategy to capture media interest a personality-centric projection could perhaps be a usefulcomponent of a media strategy.

On the other hand, NBSAP was a process thatdid create some visually interesting events andphoto opportunities, and potentially newsworthy‘stories’. Many of the available media opportunitiesand options could not be maximised due toweaknesses within the media campaign strategy, asdiscussed below.

Unfamiliarity with concepts of participation and biodiversityAnother challenge, as noted by a TPCG member,was an unfamiliarity with this type of participatoryprocess and the concept of biodiversity, which mayhave led to a relatively low number of responses tothe national call for participation: "Indian citizensare not used to calls for participation. Secondly, it ison biodiversity, and people still have weird notionsabout it, it is definitely seen as a specialists’ sector."A similar comment from a key co-ordinator inSikkim is also relevant, though it referred to theSikkim state-level media campaign, which included

calls for participation through radio talks in sixlanguages, newspaper advertisements, cabletelevision advertisements and announcements onthe news on television: "All this did not give anyresponse. We did a lot with the media, we wentoverboard with it. But though people listen, wehave not cultivated the habit of responding. Peoplewould say that we heard the talk, but it did notstrike them to respond."

There can be no definitive analysis of thenational media campaign in this study. However,some of the strengths and weaknesses thatemerged were as follows.

Strengths of the NationalMedia campaignCredibility:A package of well-produced products givescredibility to a process. Several TPCG members feltthat the products were likely to lend a feeling ofcredibility and importance to the process: "Thecalendar [for example] creates a snowballing effectin the minds of people. It becomes part of acollective consciousness, it becomesinstitutionalised – which is important, given thatNBSAP was a fairly loose network of people andorganisations. It gives NBSAP a formality. The logohas the same function." An interviewee in NorthCoastal Andhra stressed that particularly in a ruralor semi-rural context, a product from ‘outside’ hasa different kind of credibility compared to a locallyproduced tool: "The advantage of [products like]Chandamama and Folio is that people feel someadditional credibility is given to biodiversity andNBSAP. It is not the same thing as seeing a CFPbrochure which has been printed by GPK [thecoordinating agency]…Biddaka Ballamma, anadivasi person, read his name in the NBSAPnewsletter [in connection with him talking aboutadivasi culture and plant protection]. He does notknow English, but he took the newsletter to hisvillage and his teacher read it for him. He was very


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happy to see his name in an English paper fromDelhi, because an outside person, who knowsEnglish, has written his name. This made him verysatisfied. This has a different importance than a localnewsletter. And is a greater encouragement that hiswords and name have reached all over India."

Opportunism and Flexibility:The TPCG had a flexible and opportunisticapproach to the media campaign. Unexpectedopportunities like the Folio and Chandamama weretaken advantage of, as and when they came up.

Language: The multiple-language component of the mediacampaign was a clearly thought out aspect from thebeginning. Though multiple language use couldnot be extended to all media products due toresource constraints, the CFP brochure wasproduced in several regional languages, and therewas scope for regional language use on the blankposters. The encouragement of independent mediacampaigns at state and sub-state level was toensure high use of local languages – though thiswas achieved only to the extent that state and sub-state media campaigns were successful.

A ‘buffet’ of Tools to Pick and Choose From: Most coordinating agencies made selective use ofthe national tools and products, depending on thecontext. In the biodiversity festival for the Deccanprocess (see Tool 1 in Deccan section for details)there was a deliberate avoidance of any externallyproduced material in order to retain an authentic,local flavour to the event. It was a strength of thenational media campaign that coordinatingagencies were free to use all or none of the toolsdeveloped by the TPCG.

Increased Value and Multiple uses in Resource-poor Contexts:In general, where the coordinating agency had lowaccess to information and resources, greater value

was attached to the media products, and more usemade of them, sometimes beyond the NBSAPprocess. For the North Coastal Andhra process,extensive use was made of products such as theNewsletter, Folio and CFP brochure since thecoordinating agency usually lacks access to suchresources. The Sikkim FD made use of the Folio asa resource that stretched beyond the requirementsof NBSAP: "The Folio was used to train our staff,and we gave it to all the people who helped us toconduct public hearings and to key resourcepersons who helped us." Similarly, a smallgrassroots NGO in North Coastal Andhra used theCFP brochure as a training resource for its localNGO network, to understand the concept ofbiodiversity to help make biodiversity registers in14 villages in Srikakulam district. A grassrootsNGO working in Cudappah, Andhra Pradesh,distributed 400 CFP brochures with the primaryaim of creating awareness about biodiversity andnational planning at grassroots level. In contrast,the Karnataka state process made far less use ofsuch material since the coordinating agency hasregular access to a range of information resources.Most interviewees in Karnataka had not seen (orcould not remember) even the CFP brochure.Clearly, the context and existing resources of thecoordinating agencies reflect on how much valuesuch tools add to (and beyond) a process.

Weaknesses of the NationalMedia campaignDistribution of Products:There were examples of products reaching sitesrather late. Posters reached Sikkim and Karnatakalate (in the latter case this led to low usage of posters);newsletters sometimes arrived late in North CoastalAndhra; the calendar was 6 months late across allsites, and did not reach Sikkim at all (none of theSikkim interviewees were aware of it); Karnatakareceived Kannada CFP brochures late becauseinitially Hindi ones had been mistakenly sent.


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There seemed to be some weaknesses in thestrategy for dissemination of products. A TPCGmember felt, "The distribution [of products] leftsomething to be desired. It was just that one didnot quite recognise the importance of thedissemination strategy. While it is important toproduce a product, it is equally – if not more –important to have a dissemination strategydesigned well in advance. Because that also helpsyou to fine-tune your products to some extent, ifyou know whom you are targeting, how you willdistribute it, and what kind of follow-up action youhave in mind. And also [a dissemination strategy]helps you to maximise the use of the product.Definitely it should all have gotten off the shelvespretty quickly. There was no point in things sittingon people’s shelves. They had to go out, and go outquickly. And that distribution had to be targeted;there had to be certain events around which manyof these things could have been distributed."

However, there did not seem to be any problemsregarding numbers distributed of each product.When there was a shortfall of materials like theCFP brochure or newsletters, either coordinatingagencies requested additional copies from theTPCG, or else were quite happy with photocopyingthe material themselves.

Follow-up to Outreach Activities: Various TPCG members acknowledged that therewas insufficient systematic follow-up to nationalmedia campaign outreach activities (mainlytelevision, radio and print), often resulting inrelatively isolated pockets of activity and one-offevents – described by a TPCG member as "severalflashes in the pan, which created a bit of a stir".The most systematically sustained initiative was theseries of children’s stories in Chandamama overtwo years. The appointment of media fellowsgenerated a consistent series of articles, but theidea of having media fellows emerged a little late inthe process. A weakness of having pockets ofactivity and one-off events is that people may easily

forget the message, when there is no sustainedfollow-up to ensure a higher recall value. Incontrast, media communication with coordinatingagencies was unanimously acknowledged to beregular and systematic.

Communication from Coordinating Agencies:Coordinating agencies were requested to let theTPCG know well in advance when an NBSAP eventwas to take place, so that media coverage could beorganised. However, coordinating agencies oftendid not do so, often because their events were notplanned well in advance.

Insufficient Sectoral Targeting:A key problem seems to have been a lack ofsufficient sectoral targeting by the national mediacampaign; and confusion between therequirements of sectoral targeting and the need fora democratically homogenous message across thecountry. The national media campaign wanted toreach out to people across dozens of languages,ethnic groups, social strata and occupations –sectors as diverse as hunter-gatherers, farmers,rural and urban students, housewives, computeranalysts, armed forces personnel, industrialists andpoliticians. Though some of the tools spokespecifically to certain sectors (the Folio for anEnglish-speaking, middle-class readership; theNational Adivasi Workshop for adivasis), thesectorally oriented initiatives tended to beopportunistic rather than strategic. Sectoraltargeting was not a central element of the nationalmedia campaign. A TPCG member closely involvedwith the Media Campaign felt, "On the one hand,we were telling ourselves that we want each andevery citizen of India to participate. On the otherhand, the messaging itself was not sufficientlyformulated. What were we seeking from citydwellers, for example?… So the homogenisation ofthis national mass campaign was – I would noteven call it ambitious – it was wrong. When youhave this kind of homogenisation, you do not get


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your targets in place… For some of theconstituencies we had to figure out whether theyhad anything concrete to contribute to the planningprocess at all. There was, to begin with, a veryinclusive attitude, that everyone has something tosay and it affects everybody’s life. But there wereseveral constituencies who by definition would notcare at all. How does biodiversity affect students inDelhi? I am sure it does, but we have to figure outhow…. What NBSAP ended up doing was to screamout loud that NBSAP exists, and that it is a nationallevel plan. And that is it. So people already pluggedinto the environment scenario would respond out oftheir self-interest. But our approach was just not thekind to produce a mass phenomenon…. Ourcommunication was – ‘look at NBSAP, and look atbiodiversity which is an all-envelopingphenomenon’ That was our big selling point… noweven though that is a big statement by itself, I don’tthink it makes a lot of sense [to many people]… Soour identification of constituencies, and targeting ofmessages, was not well worked out."

A key factor in this was the inexperience ofhandling a national media campaign, and the hugeworkload of the TPCG in what was even otherwisea very ambitious process. As another TPCGmember put it, "We could have been morenuanced in seeking participation from women andother sectors. But with hindsight, it was too new.The scale at which we were trying to do things wasalready a huge workload. So we did not have thespace to think about whether the corporate sector[for example] would respond to something like theCFP brochure. If we had thought about it, wewould probably have realised that the corporatesector would not respond to something like theCFP brochure."

The Flagship Tool Excluded Non-literate People: This is linked to the above point of sectoraltargeting. Since television and radio outreach didnot take off at the national level, a gap in thenational media campaign was that its flagship

communication tool – the CFP brochure - excludednon-literate people (i.e. about 47.79% of citizens)(1991 figure, www.censusindia.net). A TPCGmember commented, "The most obviousshortcoming is that the largest constituency you aretrying to reach, does not know how to read it. Thatis a big problem. Because the CFP brochure wasthe single largest highlight of the media campaign.So there was an imbalance there that needed to beremedied. The CFP could have been translated intoother [non-print] mediums… Maybe it needed to befollowed up by a guy on a cycle going around witha loudspeaker in villages." In some cases thisproblem was partially overcome; for example inNorth Coastal Andhra the CFP brochure was oftenread out and explained at village level meetings.

Underestimation of Human and Financial Resources: The human and financial resources required forthe national media campaign seem to have beenvastly underestimated. The strategies for the mediacampaign were perhaps not adequately wovenaround the available resources; the initial mediacampaign strategy was very ambitious incomparison to the available resources, envisaging agreat deal more than the activities and level ofintensity which eventually materialised.

It was perhaps the human resource requirementsthat were underestimated more than the overallfinancial resources; thus, the MCM was a relativelylow-paid, part-time consultant, constrained interms of time, energy and resources: "The MCMwas a consultant to NBSAP, and he was free to bedoing other things. It was not a full-time job. Soyou were creating a situation whereby the time andenergy devoted to such an important aspect of thewhole process, was bound to be challenged byother commitments… there was too much workand too little investment in terms of energy andtime… if these were our objectives, we ought tohave gone about it differently… For us to haveimagined that one MCM would actually be able to


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run this national campaign, was a colossal myth."Indeed, many TPCG members found that theyneeded to give a great deal of their time voluntarily,to help with the media campaign; this was extratime that had not been envisaged. Unluckily, thesituation was exacerbated by the lack of continuityin the post of the MCM, with three individualsbeing appointed in succession over the course ofthe NBSAP process.

The fees allocated for the MCM meant that it wasnot possible to hire very experienced mediaspecialists, which impinged on the formulation andexecution of the national media campaign. Giventhat media is big business in India, most specialistscharge very high fees; paying such fees is relativelyalien to the environmental sector. However, it isworth considering the fact that in engaging a personfrom a different sector (e.g. media sector), it can benecessary to consider the internal dynamics andrequirements of that sector. If a media specialist isindeed required, either the requisite funds have tobe made available, or the scale of ambition has to besignificantly toned down: "When you have a pre-decided sum of money, then what becomesimportant is identification of your humanresources. And your financial resources need to beenough to empower the human resource".

Lack of Work Plan and Time Line for MCM: The TPCG regularly drew up elaborate work plansand time lines for each TPCG member, to enablemembers to plan their work and to collectively keepa track of what had been accomplished. Thissystem worked very well. However this was notdone for the MCM, which partly impinged on theprogress of the media campaign.

Ambiguities in the Strategy for Achieving Objectives of the Media Campaign: While the aims of the media campaign were clearlylaid out, there was some ambiguity in the strategiesto be used to achieve the dual aims of (1) creatingawareness about NBSAP for gaining active inputs

for the plans; and (2) creating general awarenessabout biodiversity.

There seem to have been some underlyingassumptions about cause-and-effect, which may ormay not have been valid. These were not explicitlystated in any of the media strategy documents, butoften came through during interviews. Inparticular, there seemed to be assumptions that:a. General awareness-raising on biodiversity would

lead to inputs for NBSAP: Creating awarenessabout biodiversity was also seen as a precursor togetting inputs: "To raise awareness about NBSAP,we had to raise awareness about biodiversity. Sowe had to tell people about biodiversity, and tellthem we want your inputs." Here there was apotential contradiction, because the aim was tosimultaneously educate people about biodiversity– which is very different from reminding peopleabout their biodiversity, which is what the Deccanbiodiversity festival did - while also asking fortheir inputs on biodiversity conservation.

And:b. General awareness-raising on biodiversity and

NBSAP would lead to support forimplementation of the NBSAP: As a TPCGmember put it, "The idea behind the use ofvarious tools at various levels was also the raisingof awareness – where even if people don’t giveyou inputs into the plan itself, they couldprobably give inputs into the implementation. Itwas a slightly longer-term idea – that goes for allthe tools, like biodiversity festivals, etc… Thewhole idea of raising awareness was that peoplecould get involved at some point of time."However, implementation was in the unforeseen,unplanned future, thus creating an unknowntimeline in terms of making use of any mediabuild-up. At state and sub-state level it waspossible to create some small pockets of activityand implementation arising out of localawareness-raising; however this kind ofimplementation did not happen at the nationallevel or due to the national media campaign.


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Stalls in Delhi Biodiversity Festival

Such assumptions about the effects of the mediacampaign may perhaps have reflected on thethrust of the media campaign, to some extent.

Some TPCG members expressed doubts atsome of the strategies used, wondering, withhindsight, what end they served. At least twoTPCG members, who were centrally involved inthe media campaign, felt that ‘what media andfor what purpose’ remained unresolvedquestions till the end.


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Some lessons learnedKey lessons drawn out of the NBSAP experienceare summarised here. Many of these lessons havecome up in preceding sections, and are presentedhere in a consolidated form. This section wouldtherefore be useful for all readers, whether theyhave looked at all or only some of the previoussections.

1. OwnershipMany of the lessons learned from the NBSAPexperience have been to do with creating a feelingof ownership among participants. People need toidentify with, and feel ownership over, a process inorder to participate meaningfully and value theoutput. In different contexts, different things arelikely to create ownership or alienation: the type ofcoordinating agency selected, the kinds of resourcematerials or decorations used in a biodiversityfestival, the opportunity for teamwork, the use ofdialects, are all elements that can create or dispelfeelings of ownership. Many of the ‘lessonslearned’ below are related to the issue of generatingownership over the process and the product. Interms of implementation of the BSAPs, this wascrucial; since there was no in-built mechanism orguarantee of implementation, the idea was thatownership over the process would create a pressureor momentum for implementation by stakeholders.

2. Complementary Cluster of ToolsStrategic complementarity within the cluster of toolsutilised, is valuable in order to reach a cross-sectionof stakeholders.

The Karnataka state process is an excellentexample of a process that utilised a complementary

cluster of tools to reach across various socialsectors, and to get inputs at a number of differentlevels in the process, from grassroots datacollection, to reviewing the final KarnatakaBiodiversity Strategy and Action Plan.

The tools used for the KBSAP complementedeach other in the sense that together they targeted arange of sectors: experts wrote the commissionedpapers; NGOs prepared the case studies andparticipated in the thematic meetings; students andteachers were involved in preparing SchoolBiodiversity Registers; general public opinion wassolicited through the radio programmes andnewspaper articles; and direct local communityinput was solicited through the School BiodiversityRegisters and the case studies. The thematicmeetings invited various sectors, includinggovernment officials, for discussion.

3. Coordinating Agency SelectionA key aspect that impinged heavily on the NBSAPprocess in the various states was the selection ofcoordinating agencies (see ‘Methodology of NBSAPProcess’ in the Introduction, for details oncoordinating agency selection). This is notsurprising, given that the process was a verydecentralised one with independent decision-making by coordinating agencies. The TPCG wentthrough a detailed process of identifyingappropriate agencies. The criteria for selection werethat the agency should be:• Relatively independent;• Not seen to be on any one side of the spectrum

between conservation and livelihoods;• Acceptable to governmental and non-

governmental organisations.This was a difficult set of criteria to meet for

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every selection, but the TPCG tried to find areasonable balance within it.

There were two main bureaucratic requirements inthe procedure of appointing coordinating agencies:• All state-level coordinating agencies had to beapproved by the state government (but this was notrequired for sub-state level agencies). In most casesthe agency suggested by the TPCG was approved,but in some cases the state government choseanother agency. This requirement was notnecessarily a weakness, since it meant that the stategovernment assumed official ownership of theprocess, with the Ministry of Environment andForests corresponding directly with the stategovernment regarding coordinating agencyselection. In some cases the coordinating agenciesrecommended by the TPCG itself did not operatesatisfactorily (e.g. EPTRI in Andhra Pradesh andYASHADA in Maharashtra). • Once a state-level coordinating agency had beenappointed it could not be changed, regardless of thequality of the process (again, this was not the casefor sub-state coordinating agencies). This was asignificant constraint, since it affected thepossibilities of ensuring accountability ofcoordinating agencies.

The following lessons emerged regarding selectionof coordinating agencies:

Government or NGO?:Some interviewees were of the opinion that agovernment agency in general is the wrong agencyto handle a wide-ranging, participatory process likeNBSAP – it was felt that government institutionsusually have their own agenda, are too bureaucraticand find it difficult to be self-critical. It is oftendifficult for a government agency to understand ormobilise participation. However, though theexperience with EPTRI (Andhra Pradesh) andYASHADA (Maharashtra) supports this view, acompletely different picture emerged in Sikkim

where the Forest Department conducted one of themost participatory NBSAP processes. Some factorsto keep in mind when selecting a governmentalcoordinating agency are as follows: Who is in charge?: Much depends on the capacityand interest of the individuals in charge. As is sooften the case, when the right individuals are incharge, a government agency can show high levelsof achievement because of the immense humanresources and institutional back-up that itcommands. Low accountability: The flip side is that when agovernment institution is disinterested in aprocess, there is very little that can be done byoutsiders due to the frequent lack of accountabilitywithin government institutions, or simply due tothe slow workings of the bureaucracy ifaccountability is to be made possible throughofficial channels. Non-governmental organisationsand institutions are usually (not always) moreapproachable in terms of informality and opennessto ‘outside’ ideas; at any rate they are moreconcerned about maintaining a certain image ofefficacy and responsibility. Funds are not likely tobe a lever for accountability of a governmentorganisation, unless perhaps it is a very large sumin relation to the institutional resources of thegovernment organisation. NBSAP funding wasnegligible in the context of large (especiallygovernmental) institutions, and so holding backfunds to ensure accountability would have madelittle difference to such agencies. Such action couldperhaps have made a difference in the context ofsmaller, non-governmental institutions that tend tobe dependent on even relatively small amounts offunding. Thus, coordinating agencies need to beselected keeping in mind that the type of agencywill affect the possibilities of accountability.Lack of continuity among personnel: A change inpersonnel in charge of NBSAP at EPTRI (AndhraPradesh) contributed to a loss of continuity in theprocess. This is difficult to guard against in anyorganisation when dealing with a process over a


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few years; in a government institution though, it isalmost inevitable due to routine transfers ofofficials. Arrangements within the agency: Arrangementswithin a coordinating agency are significant – inmost cases the NBSAP was one of several things aco-ordinator was doing. A full-time person on thejob would be more obliged to produce results, ifrelieved of other responsibilities. A TPCG membernoted that particularly within governmentinstitutions, internal arrangements can often createconstraints: "One conclusion which can be deducedis that a government institution requires muchmore attention, care or time to perform as well as,say, an NGO. That could either be because ingovernment they are all oriented to one kind ofthinking; or it could be that the systems aredifficult – where you have one official in charge,and he has three bosses, and has to do otherthings, and is not in control of his or her own time– so there could be all kinds of constraints whichNGOs may not have. On the other hand,governments have greater resources."

Pre-existing Financial, Institutional and HumanResources:The pre-existing financial, institutional and humanresources of coordinating agencies reflectedsignificantly on the processes across the four states.The capacity of the CES (Karnataka) in terms of itsinstitutional resources, as well as its sterlingreputation within the state, greatly contributed tothe success of the KBSAP process. Its series ofradio programmes, which was one of the flagshipsuccesses of not only the Karnataka process but ofNBSAP as a whole, was possible only because theCES had the resources to sponsor it independently;it would not have been possible to do it (in additionto all the other Karnataka process activities) byrelying solely on the budgetary allocation fromNBSAP. CES’ resources also reflect on its capacityto follow up implementation or createopportunities for off-shoots to develop (e.g.

inclusion of KBSAP recommendations in theKarnataka State of the Environment Report;creating awareness among NGOs for taking upimplementation of KBSAP recommendations;further development of School Biodiversity Registerguidelines for teachers).

In Sikkim the FD had the advantage of beingable to maximise NBSAP resources due to itsexisting programmes and infrastructure. ClubbingNBSAP meetings along with ongoing projects thatalso required grassroots meetings (e.g. meetingsfor the Integrated Wasteland Development Project,Ministry of Rural Development) saved time as wellas funds.

The Deccan sub-state plan was done without anyrecourse to NBSAP funds. A significant factor inthe success of the mobile biodiversity festival, wasthe fact that DDS had a ready network ofvolunteers across 62 villages, and an existingfoothold for community mobilisation.

In all these cases, the existing resources of thecoordinating agency were important factors in thesuccess achieved. Coordinating agencies withoutthis kind of infrastructural back-up (e.g. in UttarKannada, Nagpur, North Coastal Andhra) had moremodest processes, and fewer possibilities ofdeveloping follow-up activities. They were also farmore pressed for time and funds.

Differing Levels of Experience:Previous experience of conducting participatoryprocesses differed significantly across coordinatingagencies. In some cases there were gaps inexperience that could not be filled with theresources (time, human power, funds) available tothe TPCG. In Nagpur the coordinating agency didnot have the capacity or experience to drawparticipation across different sectors, and ittherefore tended to concentrate more on compilinga scientific database rather than on consultativeplanning. EPTRI (Andhra Pradesh) also did nothave a strong background in participatory planningand took a rather bureaucratic approach to inviting


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participation. In North Coastal Andhra even thoughthe coordinating agency was deeply involved withlocal communities, limited previous experiencecreated difficulties in launching the processconfidently, with some key persons feeling thatthey needed more information and guidance fromthe TPCG. A TPCG member felt that "thoughorientation was given to coordinating agencies atthe beginning of the NBSAP process, this wasperhaps insufficient for agencies without sufficientexperience in participatory processes."

The point to make here is that the choice ofcoordinating agency needs to reflect the resourcesavailable to make that choice a viable one – interms of being able to provide sufficient orientationand guidance to counter gaps in the capacity of thecoordinating agency.

Perception of Coordinating Agency AmongstStakeholders: The perception of the coordinating agency amongstlocal stakeholders affects the extent to which thecoordinating agency can get people on board aprocess. Therefore it seems important to take intoaccount local dynamics among stakeholders whenchoosing a coordinating agency.

For example, some non-governmentalinterviewees in Andhra Pradesh felt that EPTRIwas the wrong choice of coordinating agencybecause it did not have a record of handlingsuccessful participatory processes or links withlocal communities. Consequently, some people didnot take the process seriously because of theinstitution heading the process, and others droppedout very quickly due to the feeling that it was goingto be ‘just another’ government process. In Sikkimthere were widely differing reactions to theselection of the FD as coordinating agency; urbanNGOs generally felt it was a mistake to appoint abureaucratic organisation, while at the grassrootsthere seemed to be no complaints (which also, ofcourse, reflects the fact that greater effort was putinto the grassroots process). At sites where

interviewees were overall more positive about thecoordinating agency, this reflected on theirkeenness to be part of the process. For example, forthe Uttar Kannada and Karnataka processes it waswidely felt that the coordinating agency selectionwas good because both agencies were seen as‘neutral’ and well networked amongst keystakeholders. GPK in North Coastal Andhra wasalso seen as a good choice among intervieweessince it has good links with grassroots and NGOnetworks as well as with government officials.These links helped GPK to achieve fairly broadparticipation in its BSAP process.

In short it seemed important for stakeholdersand potential participants to have the perceptionthat the coordinating agency was:• Neutral• Well networked with key players in

different sectors• Capable of conducting a participatory process

4. Urban ChallengesEliciting participation in an urban context throwsup very specific challenges. In Nagpur the urbancontext seemed to restrict the scope for generalpublic participation, with some amount of cynicismabout this especially since past attempts atmobilising the public over specific issues had notbeen wholly successful.

In New Delhi, a biodiversity festival wasorganised by the TPCG, targeted at an urbanaudience. The aim was to raise awareness aboutNBSAP and biodiversity. It was also intended to bea demonstration or example of what could be donewithin a biodiversity festival. The Delhi festival willnot be described in detail, since the tools used werenot significantly different from those alreadydescribed for other festivals. In brief, a NatureBazaar is organised every year in New Delhi byDastkar, an organisation that aims to ensure thesurvival of traditional crafts. In 2001 the TPCGcollaborated in this event, and included an NBSAPbiodiversity festival within the Nature Bazaar.


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Among the media used were street theatre,displays of regional biodiversity produce, and arock concert by Indian Ocean (a well-known rockband) who performed with a large NBSAP logodisplayed in the background. A TPCG membergave a slide show on NBSAP and biodiversity to therock show audience, prior to the concert.

In terms of urban challenges, there is thequestion of how much of an impact such an eventcould make, on a public already jaded by similarevents. This is particularly the case since theNature Bazaar is held every year, and since theconcerns of the NBSAP festival within that werenot very extraordinary to the already ongoing event.A TPCG member noted, "The environment of amela (festival) is not uncommon to Dilli Haat (thevenue) or to Nature Bazaar. In retrospect, I don’tthink many people care about or think about whyNature Bazaar was started and why it is going on[every year]… people just come there to have fun.People were attracted to the NBSAP stalls, therewas a lot of crowd, lots of people saw our streetplays. But I am not so sure whether biodiversity –and less so NBSAP – created any dent. And a large

factor in that is that the public is in Delhi – it doesnot pertain to them, or affect them in any obviousway... There was also the Indian Ocean show forNBSAP. There was a big party and everyoneenjoyed themselves – and went home. I thinkpeople knew and remembered that it was forNBSAP, but beyond that they couldn’t care.….NBSAP’s presence was felt, but we did not know towhat end… In an urban centre it was a ratherremote proposition for housewives or office-goersor students to actually be able to connect to thenotion of biodiversity and how it did or did notaffect their daily lives. " Another TPCG memberfelt that an event like the Delhi festival wouldprobably succeed in reaching out to the ‘alreadyconverted’, rather than raising any significantamount of awareness among the general public.

A key weakness was that the festival remained aone-off event in the context of Delhi; there was nofollow up to ‘cash in’ on any awareness creation,mainly because the local BSAP process did not pickup the lead to organise more such urban-centricevents.

Some of the challenges of eliciting participationin an urban context are: Apathy about environmental issues: Unorganisedurban citizens tend to be relatively unconcernedabout conservation and environmental issues.Since migrant and resettled populations may havelesser attachment to a city, the task of orientingpeople towards urban biodiversity conservationmay be even more challenging in this sector.Preparing the ground for participation: Due toapathy, in order to get a successful response a verylarge effort would have to be made, with acorrespondingly greater amount of time andresources. In a context where the ground has notbeen prepared for meaningful participation, arestrained approach may have its own value – itmay be preferable to immediately launching into aparticipatory exercise regardless of the context,time and resources available for achieving a desiredresult. In some senses, adequate preparation forStreet Play in Delhi Biodiversity Festival


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participation is as important as participatoryactivity itself. Some interviewees (e.g. in Nagpur)felt that a small effort may perhaps be misdirectedenergy in a context where the ground has not beenprepared for participation, and where the effort istherefore not likely to pay off proportionately. Onthe other hand, others felt that even though aneffort may be a drop in the ocean, it is necessaryand of value. Hype Vs. Substance: Using participatory tools inthe context of a relatively un-sensitised public canlead to hype without substance. This was stronglyfelt by key interviewees in Nagpur: "It does nothelp to just go to the public. It is not enough to justorganise marches and leaflets". Similarly thoughthe Delhi biodiversity festival created a splash, itsimpact in an urban context is debatable,particularly given that it had no strategic follow-upin the context of the city.Challenges of using media: The challenges ofusing media in an urban (or even semi-urban)setting are huge; it is easy for a message to be lostor forgotten in the flood of media images andsounds that urbanites are almost constantlyexposed to. Effective use of media for targeting theurban sector is likely to require considerableresources.

5. The Challenge of Information ManagementMany of the NBSAP tools were designed to solicitlarge numbers of responses. A crucial element ofsuch participatory initiatives is to have in place asystem of information management to manage andorganise the responses.

In Nagpur an advertisement issued in thenewspaper by the coordinating agency generatedresponses, but the coordinating agency did nothave the capacity to organise the respondents inany meaningful way; therefore the responses couldnot be followed up. The CFP brochure invitedhundreds of people to respond. While theresponses were ably handled at the central TPCGlevel, it is not clear whether all the coordinating

agencies were satisfactorily able to follow-up theCFP responses that were forwarded to them, interms of allocating sufficient time and resourcesfor this, or simply in terms of strategising how toorganise the people who responded.

In Karnataka the coordinating agency wasoverwhelmed by the responses to its radioprogrammes and newspaper articles (it receivedabout 800 letters), but being a large institution itwas able to organise the resources and manpowerto deal with the responses effectively. The task wasnevertheless very difficult, and it was acknowledgedby the coordinating agency that the informationreceived may not have been digested and utilised aseffectively as if there had been a well worked-outmechanism to do so. Another lesson learned inKarnataka was that it would have been better toconduct the exercise of reading the lettersperiodically, as and when they arrived. Since all theletters were collected and then read only at the end,this created a large, concentrated workload.

Soliciting participation is one thing, and beingable to strategically organise the respondents, isanother. Coordinating agencies need to be clearabout their capacity to handle respondents andqueries; the objectives and outreach of a call forparticipation need to be strategized accordingly.

6. Information DisseminationBuild Up and Follow Up. Two common complaintsacross the sites studied were: • Insufficient prior information (e.g. circulating an

agenda or objectives, prior to a stakeholders’meeting)

• Insufficient follow-up information afterwards (e.g.updates on further activity or implementation)

In particular, the need for follow-up informationusually seems to be under-estimated. This wasespecially the case for the Maharashtra, AndhraPradesh and Sikkim state processes, and Nagpurand Rathong Chu sub-state processes. Oftenparticipants did not take the initiative to follow upwith coordinating agencies either. Dissemination of


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follow-up information needs to be marked out inthe timeframe or work plan of a coordinatingagency as a separate activity, requiring theallocation of time, resources and responsibility.

The Personal Touch:It seems that there is no substitute for face-to-facecontact, or the personal touch, as a tool forcommunication. This emerged in interviews acrossall four states. Information and updates sent onemail or through letter have less value when notsupplemented by telephone calls, regular meetingsor briefings. In some cases, invitations through ageneral email or letter, without personalcommunication, even caused offence or irritation.The most successful example of personalcommunication was in North Coastal Andhrawhere the coordinator made it a point to personallymeet any LAC members who had not attended ameeting, to give them an update. This ensured asustained interest from most LAC members.

Prior Information:Negative outcomes of insufficient priorinformation:Commitment levels remain low: People need toknow the implications of being involved in aprocess; they need to be able to clearly see thebenefits of participating in something. If there aremonetary benefits, these are easiest tocommunicate. The challenge is in communicatingnon-monetary benefits, and for this theimplications of a process need to be fully explained,for people to know that it is worthwhile tocontribute their time, expertise or experience. Thisis particularly important when targeting smallerNGOs and institutes - these usually tend to bepressed for time and resources, and therefore needto make careful decisions about how to make themost effective use of their time and resources byweighing the costs and benefits of participating ina process. A process which does not seem to haveclarity in terms of information or purpose, is likely

to very quickly put off people who have too manyother things to do.Quality of inputs at a meeting is directly affected: Ifa meeting is called without distributing an agendabeforehand, people are likely to come out withknee-jerk reactions rather than coming mentallyprepared for what they are going to say.Scope for wider participation and unexpected,interesting outcomes is reduced: In Sikkim, forexample, an NGO representative felt that withbetter prior information he would have taken theinitiative to independently invite other stakeholdersto the state-level workshop.

Follow-up Information:Sufficient follow-up information is needed for:Maximising impacts: Follow up is crucial in termsof maximising the initial impact of a festival ormeeting, and ‘cashing in’ on its value by keepingpeople interested and involved. For example, itseems evident that attracting people to a biodiversityfestival is only the first step in biodiversityawareness-raising, and that the event would onlypartially retain its value if not followed up by astrategy of further awareness-raising activity. Creating feelings of empowerment and ownershipover output: In Sikkim most villagers and otherinterviewees were not aware of the fact that therehad already been some implementation of theSikkim BSAP; the long information gap and thefeeling that ‘nothing was happening’ had createdsome amount of disillusionment. There was nospecific mechanism in place to ensure that peoplewere made aware of developments inimplementation. People did not feel they were‘informed’. Another example of insufficient follow-up was that villagers were not given copies of theirown village-level plans (CSAPs) in their ownlanguage. This would clearly impinge onownership of the output, and any possibilities oflocal level initiative to implement the CSAPs.

In contrast, after the Deccan process, thecoordinating agency (DDS) used its institutional


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capacity to ensure that follow-up to the mobilebiodiversity festival meetings was thorough andwell planned, which is a key factor in building onany feelings of empowerment created by themeetings themselves. The DDS biodiversity festivalin the following year was used as an opportunity todistribute thousands of Telugu summaries of theBSAP to participating villages; the plan was alsoread out and presented as the outcome of theprevious year’s festival, and feedback was solicited.As a DDS member put it, "We had to go back andreport to people about what we had done. We didnot want them to feel that we are wasting theirtime." Similarly in Karnataka, 5000 Kannadacopies of the KBSAP summary were printed byCES, the coordinating agency, and sent out to allparticipants and respondents, including schools.

7. Maximising Locally Available ResourcesIt is vital to survey and make use of locally availablehuman resources and networks in order tomaximise opportunities. An observation across thestates studied was that coordinating agencies oftendo not make use of existing networks and humanresources to achieve their aims. For example:In Nagpur, the meeting organised for fisher-folkcomprised of 10-12 participants. The fisherrepresentative interviewed felt that had he beenasked to mobilise people, he would have brought500 people to the meeting. Though thecoordinating agency did not have the capacity tohandle a meeting of 500 people due to lack ofexperience in conducting such meetings, this couldhave been achieved by requesting another NGOwith grassroots experience to conduct the meeting.Similarly, though the coordinating agency did nothave the capacity to directly reach out to certainurban sectors like slum dwellers, it would havebeen possible to do so through other NGOs thatalready work among, and have a network of, slumdwellers in the city.In Sikkim networks like the Voluntary HealthAssociation of Sikkim’s network of district level

NGOs, or the Travel Agents’ Association of Sikkimnetwork could have been a vehicle for NBSAP tospread further at the grassroots and to reach out tothe tourism sector, but this opportunity was nottapped. Urban NGOs also have the potential toform a consolidated voice at the level of the statecapital, as opposed to most rural NGOs which arescattered all over the state and work mainly at alocal level, but urban NGOs were involved onlymarginally in the Sikkim process.In Uttar Kannada the network of the District Arecaand Spice Growers’ Association, with 600members across Uttar Kannada, was not tapped asa formal body for getting inputs for the UKBSAP.Areca and spice growing is an importantoccupation in the district, with implications for thestate of the environment.

Conversely, there were some examples ofsuccessfully utilising existing resources:• North Coastal Andhra maximised resources bymaking good use of existing NGO and adivasinetworks and by piggy-backing on ongoingmeetings. Mobilising networks made it possible tocover larger areas and to get valuable micro-levelinformation from remote areas.• In Sikkim the FD found that it could maximiseresources by clubbing NBSAP meetings with othergovernment programmes that also requiredgrassroots meetings.• In Uttar Kannada the resources of the AgricultureDepartment were tapped for conducting anagricultural survey among farmers.

8. The Media ChallengeGiven the sophisticated and intensive media useprevalent in India today (advertising, cinema, print,radio, television, internet), particularly in urbanand semi-urban areas, making a presence felt at thenational level is no easy task. Some challenges ofthe NBSAP national media campaign were:

Priorities of the mainstream media: The priorities


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of the mainstream print and electronic media, didnot necessarily coincide with giving space to theNBSAP. The mainstream media tends to be event-centric; but the NBSAP was not one event thatcreated a ‘newsworthy’ splash, it was a series ofevents over time. This made it difficult to keep themainstream media interested. The mainstreammedia also tends to favour ‘personality-centric’coverage. It is debatable as to whether apersonality-centric approach would have beenideologically desirable in the context of the NBSAP;but purely in terms of a strategy to capture mediainterest, a personality-centric projection couldperhaps be a useful component of a media strategy. Unfamiliarity with concepts of participation andbiodiversity: Indian citizens are not used to calls forparticipation. Unfamiliarity with this type ofparticipatory process and the concept ofbiodiversity may have led to a relatively lownumber of responses to various media initiatives.Of course there were also examples that elicitedsignificant responses such as the series of radioprogrammes in Karnataka, where a key strategy foreliciting responses was offering prizes for the bestletters.

Some lessons learned from the experience of theNBSAP national media campaign were as follows:

Credibility: A package of well-produced mediaproducts (e.g. brochures, posters) gives credibilityto a process, giving it an institutional formality.Credibility is also achieved through collaborationswith established organisations or publications (e.g.the Folio magazine produced by The Hindunational newspaper). In a rural context a productfrom ‘outside’ has greater credibility andimportance compared to a locally produced tool. Opportunism and flexibility: Leaving space forflexibility within a media strategy ensures thatcreative use is made of unexpected opportunities.The TPCG had a flexible and opportunisticapproach to the media campaign. Thus,

opportunities like the Folio and Chandamama weretaken advantage of, as and when they came up.Language: In a multi-cultural, multi-lingual contextthe issue of addressing people across languagesneeds to be a central component of a mediastrategy. A strength of the national mediacampaign was that its multiple-languagecomponent was a clearly thought-out aspect fromthe beginning. Innovations like the blank ‘branded’posters increased the scope for local language use.Decentralisation and encouragement ofindependent media campaigns at state and sub-state level was to ensure high use of locallanguages – though this was achieved only to theextent that state and sub-state media campaignswere successful.A ‘buffet’ of tools to pick and choose from: It ismost likely that all tools will not be suitable to allcontexts. Most coordinating agencies madeselective use of the media tools and products,depending on the requirements of the context. Inthe biodiversity festival for the Deccan processthere was a deliberate avoidance of any externallyproduced material in order to retain an authentic,local flavour to the event. It was a strength of theprocess that coordinating agencies were free to useall or none of the media tools developed by theTPCG.Increased value and multiple uses in resource-poorcontexts: The context and existing resources of thecoordinating agencies reflected on how much valuemedia tools added to (and beyond) a process. Ingeneral, where the coordinating agency had lowaccess to information and resources, greater valuewas attached to the media products, and more usemade of them, sometimes beyond the NBSAPprocess. The North Coastal Andhra process madeextensive use of media campaign products, such asthe newsletters, since the coordinating agencyusually lacks access to such resources. Anothergrassroots NGO in North Coastal Andhra used theCFP brochure as a training resource for its localNGO network. In Sikkim the FD used the Folio to


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train staff. In contrast, the Karnataka state processmade far less use of such material since thecoordinating agency has regular access to a rangeof other information tools and resources. Distribution of products: A distribution anddissemination strategy helps fine-tune productsand maximise use by reaching out to targetaudiences in good time. Products and informationneed to be distributed strategically for them to havesufficient value; stakeholders like NGOs oftenreceive and sift through a great deal of informationin their ongoing work, and in such a contextinformation needs to be in a consolidated, user-friendly package to have the desired effect.Fragmented information, arriving in bits andpieces, will not have the same effect. Creatingevents (e.g. festivals) around distribution can be aneffective method of dissemination. Follow-Up: Lack of a systematic follow-up of mediainitiatives can result in relatively isolated pockets ofactivity and one-off events. A problem with havingpockets of activity and one-off events is that peoplemay easily forget the message of the activities. Asustained follow-up can ensure a higher recallvalue. The potential value of an activity is likely tobe decreased by standing alone, rather than as partof a strategic media package with follow-up.Sectoral targeting: A media strategy should includesectoral targeting to ensure the appropriate use ofmedia for different social sectors. Key problems inthe NBSAP national media campaign were: • Insufficient identification of constituencies and

insufficient targeting of messages towardsspecific sectors. The few sectorally-orientedinitiatives tended to be opportunistic rather thanstrategic.

• Confusion between the requirements of sectoraltargeting and the need for a democraticallyhomogenous message across the country.

Financial and human resources: Considerableresources (e.g for hiring experienced mediaspecialists) are needed for a national mediacampaign to make an impact, particularly in urban

and semi-urban areas. The financial and humanresources required for the national mediacampaign seem to have been vastlyunderestimated.

9. Work Ethics: Who is Using the Tools?Why did the NBSAP process take the shape that itdid? Much of it had to do with the nature of the 25year-old NGO, Kalpavriksh, which coordinated theeffort. The work ethic of Kalpavriksh includes someof the following key points:Voluntarism and collective activities: For manyyears all work was done on a voluntary basis.Members are still expected to volunteer time forcollective activities that are outside their paidprojects. Minimal and equitable pay: Salaries are kept to aminimum, and are perhaps among the lowestamongst urban NGOs. Non-hierarchical structure: There is an attempt tomaintain equity through collective decision-making, transparency and a non-hierarchicalstructure.Working on a shoestring budget: Work is done onminimal budgets. Project funding and officefacilities reflect the low budget operations.Staying small: There is a concern that anexpanding organisation would find it difficult toretain a non-hierarchical structure with a stress onlow budgets and voluntarism.

Underlying this work ethic is the belief that asimpler lifestyle is most harmonious with ecologicalsustainability. The NBSAP is by far the largestproject handled by Kalpavriksh in terms of resourcesand scale, and the practicalities of managing a time-bound, nation-wide project have often impinged onits ideals of staying small and simple.

The main point to emphasise for the purposes ofthis handbook is that the work ethic of theorganisation greatly influenced the way the NBSAPprocess was conceptualised and carried out. Whatwas expected of the coordinating agencies and ofthe process was shaped to a large extent by this


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work ethic. Only a strong philosophy of working ona minimal budget and contributing voluntary timecould have envisaged Rs.4 crore (US$ 916,588)spread out over about 71 coordinating agenciesacross the country, leaving no more thanapproximately Rs. 4-5 lakhs (US$ 9166 – US$11,457) per state site and Rs.50,000 - 1 lakh (US$1146 – US$ 2291) per sub-state site – peanutscompared to any national planning process - forcompleting a 2-3 year participatory planningprocess. Compared to the scale of the TPCG’sambition, the resources available were very small.Coordinating agencies were requested to treat thefunds as seed money, and extend it as much aspossible through their own resources. Selection ofTPCG members also reflected the expectation ofvoluntary work – many members contributed farmore time and effort than they had originally beencontracted to do. The initial agreement of eachindividual doing a week’s work per month for twoyears, for relatively low fees, turned (for manypeople) into an almost daily involvement for threeyears for no extra remuneration.

The reason for pointing out the above is toemphasise that many of the tools and designelements to elicit participation were developed andused in the context of a very specific work ethic. Anumber of interviewees mentioned that the ‘spirit’of the process was in its approach of voluntarism.An interviewee in North Coastal Andhra felt, "With[more] money, many people who are interested inthe funds would come and contribute their skills –but after the money was over, they would disappear.But with less money, people with commitment,who understand it is a voluntary programme, willparticipate and will be there even after the planningis over. So that is more sustainable. With moremoney, the plan would turn into a project. After themoney was over, the plan also would be over andwould be shown as an output of the project. Butnow we are looking at it as a continuing process."About 70% of the North Coastal Andhra processwas funded by local groups or individuals, e.g. in

the form of food, voluntary work or personal travelcosts. Of course, there were also coordinatingagencies that did not necessarily subscribe to thisapproach. However, at least a few TPCG membersfelt that the NBSAP process managed to challengethe assumption that huge amounts of money areneeded for such a process, and felt that itdemonstrated what is possible to achieve withlimited resources. A lesson clearly illustrated by theNBSAP experience is that tools, on their own meanvery little. The success or failure of tools dependson the users, and how the tools are developed andused within the constraints of available resources.No amount of sophisticated tools could have lent tothe process the dynamism and creativity that itacquired at so many sites by virtue of some of theabove philosophies.

Conversely, it is equally true to say that in theface of practical realities, some of thesephilosophies proved far too idealistic and short-sighted, often creating stressful situations andimpacting on the process, by trying to stretchresources (time, funds, human resources) to theirlimits. The most obvious example of this was thehiring of a part-time Media Campaign Managerinstead of a full-time person, which had an adverseimpact on the national media campaign. Relyingon free hosting of the NBSAP website was a factorin the mid-way collapse of the initiative. In UttarKannada a shortage of manpower meant that thecoordinating agency could not do justice to thenational media tools (newsletters, calendar, etc.) interms of disseminating them, as there were simplytoo many other things to do. There was also notenough time or human power to develop a strategiclocal media campaign in Uttar Kannada. Aninternal evaluation report of the NBSAP noted thatthere was a lack of resources for some key activitiessuch as reaching out through expensive media liketelevision advertisements; publishing the state andsub-state BSAPs; and organising more orientationfor coordinating agencies (Kothari et al 2002).


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10. Capacity BuildingOne of the most consistent trends across the fourstates was the positive impact NBSAP had in termsof capacity building in sectors as diverse asacademics, NGOs, adivasi networks andgovernment institutions. This trend is a strongargument for a decentralised planning process thatmobilises people to innovate and experiment, andpresents opportunities for learning andnetworking. The benefits of capacity building wereparticularly stressed by small, grassroots NGOs inNorth Coastal Andhra, who usually have verylimited access to information, resources andfacilitation.

The main capacity-building benefits named byinterviewees were:• Networking• Exposure to new information and

resource materials• Consolidation and fine-tuning of thoughts

A few examples are summarised here:

Capacity Building of Teachers:There was a strong sense among teachers inKarnataka that the SBR exercise had contributedgreatly to their experience and knowledge,particularly due to the exposure to fieldwork andthe interactions with local people. Most teacherswere initially apprehensive about the SBR exercise;they felt that they would not be able to handle itand that the students would not be serious aboutthe work. Not only did they gain confidence by theend of the process, they also realised that theirperceptions about their students were not true.Teachers in Nagpur voiced almost identicalopinions.

Capacity building of NGOs: • BGVS, a small academic NGO, was recruited to

provide resource persons for the SBR exercise inKarnataka. BGVS representatives felt that the

capacity of the organisation had greatly expandeddue to being involved in the SBR exercise, byproviding exposure to experts, resource materialsand field-based learning.

• WANC in Karnataka gained the opportunity toupdate and consolidate some of its own data onAmanikhere and Bhadra Tiger Reserve in theprocess of preparing case studies for the KBSAP.The KBSAP process also provided exposure tothe working of different governmentdepartments. The NGO meeting at the end of theprocess provided networking opportunities forWANC.

• Sneh Kunja, one of the key participants in theUttar Kannada BSAP, felt that the processprovided valuable capacity building for theorganisation by consolidating thoughts onbiodiversity issues, creating a ‘vision’ to worktowards, and enhancing networking by providingthe opportunity to work with other people.

• The NBSAP process was the first time thatmembers of VNHS, the coordinating agency inNagpur, were exposed to participatory processes,and they felt it was a valuable learningopportunity.

• The experience gained by KCC through itsinvolvement in the intensive participatory processin Sikkim, helped it to get micro-planningassignments with The Mountain Institute inLadakh and with the FD.

Capacity Building of FD Staff:• The FD in Sikkim was assigned a project for

FRLHT, to plan for the utilisation andconservation of medicinal plants through widestakeholder consultation. The NBSAP processproved a strong base for the FRLHT process; asimilar format, with improvements, was used.

• In total about 40-50 FD staff were involved inconducting or attending village-level publichearings in Sikkim. Range-level officers whowere genuinely interested in the exercise learnedabout micro-planning, and the last public hearing


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in Ribdi was conducted by FD staff who hadlearned from the previous meetings.

• The process created a strong network of contactsacross the country for the FD in Sikkim, which,staff felt, would be of benefit in the future.

• Learning how to involve women in grassrootsevents contributed to the capacity building of FDstaff in Sikkim.

Capacity Building of Adivasi Networks: Adivasi network representatives in North CoastalAndhra felt that the NBSAP process had led toincreased awareness and capacity building. NBSAPhad become an important component of theirongoing work. Some of the capacity buildingimpacts named by representatives of adivasinetworks and representatives of small grassrootsNGOs in North Coastal Andhra were as follows:• Development of holistic approach to biodiversity

and the environment, as opposed tocompartmentalised approach

• Building up of networks and relations acrosssectors

• Generation of new eco-friendly ideas andpractices

• Fine-tuning thinking on relevant issues, such asidentifying gaps in development schemes anddeveloping thinking on advocacy

• Representatives of at least two adivasi networksfelt that exposure to NBSAP activities hadimproved their skills at organising andconducting workshops and participatorytechniques.

11. Understanding NBSAP and EmpowermentAt a grassroots level it often (not always) proveddifficult to explain to villagers what exactly theNBSAP was all about. The formation of sub-stateand state plans, which would all feed into anational plan, were intangible and abstractconcepts that were difficult to communicate topeople within the space of a meeting or two. Insome cases, even villagers who were fairly central

to the process, such as some LAC members in theDeccan sub-state process, did not seem totally sureof the implications or workings of the NBSAPprocess. Feedback in Uttar Kannada also indicatedthat understanding of a process like NBSAP wouldtake more than one or two grassroots-levelmeetings.

Within the concept of the NBSAP it was difficultto explain that the plans would not necessarily beimplemented in the near future (or at all).

For example, during the village-level planning inSikkim, efforts were made to tell villagers that itwas a purely planning exercise, but this was oftendifficult for them to comprehend. It also wasdifficult to explain to villagers that they had a 'blankcanvas' for planning, because people automaticallywanted to know what the 'scheme' was, and whatwas possible within the 'scheme', since they areused to planning within particular governmentschemes. Having explained that they had a blankcanvas, it was then difficult to explain that it wasonly for planning, and not necessarily forimmediate implementation. Both these thingswere, understandably, alien concepts - to plan forwhatever one wishes, but then also to know that itis not for implementation. Similarly, in NorthCoastal Andhra it was difficult to explain tovillagers that their suggestions would go into agovernmental document, but would not necessarilybe implemented.

In both cases the planning process raisedexpectations, and there is clearly a danger ofunfulfilled expectations leading to disillusionment.(It must be said here that the TPCG was well awareof this potential danger at an early stage in theprocess, though it is not clear what specificstrategies were adopted to avoid it).

The difficulty, at grassroots level, ofcommunicating the purpose of creating a planningdocument was at least partly reflected in the factthat several villagers (North Coastal Andhra,Deccan) placed more importance on discussions atBSAP meetings, on what could be practically


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accomplished, and on impacts such asdocumenting knowledge for future generations,rather than the fact that their recommendationswould be included in an official planningdocument.

Since the NBSAP process was as important asthe product, empowerment through participationwas clearly a desirable outcome. Assuming that anintegral component of empowerment is forparticipants to understand the implications of theprocess that they are participating in, then how tocommunicate this information needs to bestrategised. This is especially important forcommunicating relatively abstract concepts such asthe movement of information from sub-state tonational level; tools like maps and flow-charts couldprove useful in explaining such concepts. A TPCGmember noted, "Such tools were not there. Withhindsight, that could have been done. It may be anurban bias. We assume that people know what is‘India’ or ‘government’. But for some people Delhiis a different country, or just a vague idea."

The need for time to explain and understand isclearly an important factor; the pace at which theNBSAP was designed for completion was a strongreflection of the urban pace of life whereinformation can fly back and forth on email andfax, and multiple knowledge resources are at handfor facilitating research and personalunderstanding. It is very difficult to translate thatpace of work into a rural or semi-rural context, interms of formulation, understanding, andacceptance. To give a perspective to this: twentyyears ago, when there was no email in India, andtelecommunications in general were more difficulteven in urban, developed areas, it is highlydoubtful whether a process like this could havebeen conceived at the same pace and with the sameambition in terms of the time frame available. Anactivist in Uttar Kannada made an interestingobservation regarding this: "The rate at whichthings are happening now, especially in the cities,is much higher…. I think this is very important in

the planning [of the NBSAP process]. The urban-rural divide is so strong… for people in the villages,it is not possible to cram six lifetimes worth ofexperience into one. That way, NBSAP was veryambitious."

12. Dissenting OpinionsIn the overall NBSAP process there have been keyindividuals who have chosen to stay outside theprocess – or peripheral to the process - because ofdifferences in ideology and approach to the issue ofbiodiversity conservation. Others have attempted tobe involved in the process only to find that theirviews were often marginalized because they did notfit in with the ideological framework of the NBSAP.Some have felt that the process was not radicalenough in terms of advocating social change;others have felt that it was too radical an approachto conservation; some felt that the methodology ofputting together the state and national plans wasdeeply flawed. An interesting point made by two orthree interviewees in different states, was thatpeople with serious differences of opinion mightfeel it unnecessary to voice their objections toostrongly while making a general plan. It was feltthat a real picture of dissenting opinions is morelikely to come to light at the implementation stage,or when planning a specific project that is going tobe implemented.

Does participation mean that all voices arerecorded? The TPCG guidelines to coordinatingagencies recommended the recording of allperspectives in the event of conflicting views. In aperfect world, participation would mean that allvoices are recorded and acknowledged, whether ornot the authors of the BSAP take all views intoaccount while framing strategies andrecommendations. In practice, this does notnecessarily happen; dissenting views are not alwaysincluded. Tools to elicit views from different sectorsare a crucial part of participatory planning. Butequally crucial is what happens to the views thatare collected; how the information is recorded,


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edited, and consolidated is directly linked to thepossibilities of views getting marginalized at thesevarious stages.

In the context of the NBSAP, it was crucial toinclude (or at least acknowledge) all voices, sincestrategies and action plans may be framed butcannot be smoothly implemented in the face ofconflicting groups. Indeed, the TPCGrecommended that in the case of conflictingopinions, the BSAP could include a strategy fortrying to resolve the conflict or trying to have adialogue between conflicting parties.

Though serious differences of opinion wereapparently relatively few, it is significant (thoughnot surprising) that they are there. From the pointof view of an analysis of the NBSAP process, it isrelevant to examine what could be the factors thatmarginalize views within a process that aims sofundamentally to be as inclusive as possible:

Biases and Beliefs:Firstly, in a scenario of decentralisation, there is thequestion of personal biases and beliefs. TPCGguidelines to record and include all dissentingviews were recommendations, not stipulations.Coordinating agencies made independent decisionsabout how to conduct their processes.

Difficulties of Monitoring:Secondly, it is not possible to monitor what viewsget included and what views get left out, from thecentre. Even at the state level, it would be verydifficult for a state coordinating agency to monitorwhat views are recorded and which are not, wherethe coordinating agency has chosen to decentralisethe state process. For example, in the case of aparticipatory field study being commissioned bythe coordinating agency to another NGO, it is notpossible to fully monitor whether all views at fieldlevel have been taken on board equitably. In termsof decentralisation - especially the way the NBSAPenvisaged it, and the way it was taken on by somestates such as Karnataka, which decentralised

operations to the grassroots level - the challenge ofadequate monitoring can perhaps never really beovercome.

To some extent, participatory review processesmay help to ensure that most opinions areincluded. For example, the KBSAP thematicmeetings were called to review information thathad already been collected in previous phases ofthe Karnataka process. The Deccan process’ village-level meetings ended with a recap of points toensure nothing had been left out; North CoastalAndhra followed a similar method at the end ofvillage-level meetings. Several interviewees acrossthe four states mentioned that BSAPs should beupdated and reviewed periodically, so that they arenot static, one-time documents. The use of theAngarada festival to further fine-tune the NorthCoastal Andhra BSAP, is a good example of how aBSAP can be an ongoing initiative by integrating itinto regular events, and revisiting it for review,discussion and updating. In Sikkim thecoordinating agency circulated CDs of the SBSAPto NGOs and officials for comments beforefinalisation of the report. The national plan(NBSAP) was also circulated by the TPCG forcomments from key people, before finalisation.

Pre-Determined Product?One interviewee felt that the entire NBSAP exercisehad a pre-conceived ideological framework that wasbiased too much in favour of livelihoods at the costof wildlife conservation, and biased too much infavour of strategies based on participatory inputs atthe cost of strategies based on scientific input.There was a particular concern that people wereinvited to give inputs that were then not taken intoaccount due to pre-conceived ideas of what shouldbe in the plan. This was seen as a form of co-option, and is probably a reaction to pastconsultative processes as much as a reactionspecifically to the NBSAP process: "I have veryserious reservations about the ideology thatunderlies [this process]. I see this project as one


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manifestation of the current dominant approach toconservation worldwide, which is not very sciencedriven. It is driven more by good wishes…Theparticipation of divergent views does not mean athing, because the end product is already fixed inthe minds of those who are designing thesedocuments. The rest becomes a kind of window-dressing…. I realised that they want you there, evenif you are a vehement critic. They want you to sayyour spiel, and then they will go on doing whateverthey want to do. The participatory nature itselfbecomes the driving force rather than the quality ofthe participation…"

Bias Against Certain Sectors (e.g. corporate houses): In the case of Karnataka,the thematic focus on medicinal plants meant thatpharmaceutical company representatives wereinvited to be part of the discussions. Similar to theabove point, it was strongly felt that the views ofthe pharmaceutical industry were heard, but weremarginalized and not taken seriously enough(however a commissioned paper on medicinalplants that included the concerns of thepharmaceutical industry was included in anannexure to the KBSAP). During meetings therewas a feeling that a strong bias against corporatehouses created a blanket response to all corporateinterests without differentiating those who hadlegitimate concerns which were also in line withconservation: "When I started to speak 5-10 otherpeople would want to shut me up, as if I am froman enemy camp… The gathering was basically pro-conservation, not pro-utilisation. I also sent it inwriting that the minutes are being prepared in avery biased manner and that what I am saying, isnot being included. …. So KBSAP was in a wayparticipatory, but they still did what they had pre-decided. So our participation was no use …. Thereis a pre-conceived bias against industry… whenpeople think about industry they think of Daburand Himalaya Drug Company [which have turnoverin millions of rupees] – not about smaller

industries…."Thus it was felt by some people that the NBSAP

was a pre-determined product with a pre-determined ideology, despite its participatory toolsand techniques. A TPCG member admitted thatthere may be a bias against industrial houses: "Yes,it may be that there is a bias against industry.There is not much experience in handling industry[among environmentalists]. Also there is a dangerof getting overwhelmed – industry does representan economic force but its track record in terms ofbiodiversity is not so good – so there is a fear ofgetting overwhelmed by the powerful."

It should also be noted that there was not a verypositive response from corporate houses whenefforts were made by the TPCG to begin adialogue, by contacting corporate associations withletters and offers of personal meetings.Subsequently, the effort was not sustained by theTPCG partly because members were too busy withan already large workload. There was no one TPCGmember specifically in charge of following up withthe corporate sector, though there were membersspecifically assigned to follow up with the ‘armedforces’ and ‘politician’ sectors. As another TPCGmember noted, "I think there was a semi-consciousstand we took – that environment is marginalizedto begin with, and industry calls the shots. So is itmore our concern to get those voices who aremarginalized, or spend our energies on gettingvoices who anyway call the shots? So we decided toconcentrate on the former. It was a trade-off wedecided to make… Of course industry alsodismisses environmentalists. We made an effortthat was not proportionate to the level ofalienation… I [also] think there was a latent feelingin us [the TPCG] that in trying too hard tocollaborate, we would be selling out. We had a‘building bridges’ orientation with reference to theState, but we didn’t have it with reference toindustry."

This is not to say that all TPCG members were ofthe same opinion; at least one TPCG interviewee


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felt that there was scepticism about the corporatesector among some members, but not within theTPCG as a whole.

Involving corporate houses would most likelyneed a separate strategy and special skills. Forexample, a TPCG member who had tried initiatingcontact with corporate associations felt that thekind of language and incentives being used by theNBSAP was not something that would interestindustry, and that the mode of communicationwould need to be modified in order to find acommon ground of engagement. A crucial gap wasthat the Ministry of Environment and Forests didnot take the initiative to write directly to corporatehouses or associations, which could have elicited amore positive response.

Taking the Middle Path:The NBSAP was envisaged partly as an exercise inbuilding bridges, by virtue of getting on board aswide a range of opinions as possible. However, thisapproach necessarily entails walking a middle path,at least to some extent. For example, the TPCG hadto negotiate with the Ministry of Environment andForests for the inclusion of a few of itsrecommendations in the national plan. A TPCGmember noted, "We wanted to recommend thatGenetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) shouldnot be allowed, but the Ministry could not acceptthis because they had already cleared Bt cotton forcultivation. So we negotiated, and came up withrecommending a moratorium on further clearancestill there was a long-term study and publicinvolvement in the issue…."

The NBSAP cannot be a revolutionary documentbecause it is a Government of India initiative. Itcannot be a bureaucratic perspective because it is aconsultative process with numerous NGOs andlocal communities on board. Its bottom-line isconservation and livelihoods; but it can be neithertotally pro-conservation nor totally pro-livelihoods,and therefore has the potential to alienate a sectionof conservationists as well as a section of human

rights activists. In a word, the NBSAP, because ofits very nature, is likely to exclude (or drawcriticism from) some of the people at extreme endsof the spectrum of opinion on conservation andlivelihoods, central governance and people’s self-governance – either by marginalizing theiropinions, or by alienating certain groups who thensimply choose to exclude themselves.

13. Under-represented SectorsSome key sectors were left out or significantly under-represented in the NBSAP process, most notablywomen, politicians, the armed forces and industry.Some of the possible reasons for the under-representation of industry have already been outlinedabove in the section on ‘Dissenting Opinions’. Thesectors addressed in this section were under-represented due to various factors not related toideological divisions or dissenting opinions.

Women:Despite the fact that the TPCG was conscious ofthe need to ensure women’s participation in theNBSAP process, women’s overall involvementremained very limited. The TPCG had to rely onthe coordinating agencies to integrate gendersensitivity into their processes. Thus guidelineswere issued to coordinating agencies on ensuringwomen’s participation in the process andintegrating gender issues in the plans. In addition,all the regional workshops included a segment ongender sensitivity.

These efforts proved insufficient; an analysis ofthe gender balance across the state, sub-state site,eco-regional and thematic co-ordinating groupsshowed that only about 7% of the groups’ memberswere female. (The actual figure may be slightlyhigher since the gender of 28% of the groupmembers was not known to the TPCG). Women’sparticipation was much stronger within the TPCG,with 40% women members (Kothari et al 2002).Mainly it was coordinating agencies that werealready interested in gender issues, such as the


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DDS (Deccan sub-state, Andhra Pradesh), thatshowed high levels of female participation. TheForest Department coordinators in Sikkim wereinterested in the issue and learned how to involvewomen in village-level meetings, during theprocess itself. However, in many other coordinatingagencies it proved very difficult to break throughmindsets, especially where government agencieswere in charge.

A TPCG member commented, "We realised, thatin a three-year process it is extremely difficult tobreak what has happened over the last few hundredyears. The gender analysis and recommendationsregarding gender in the BSAPs was better, but theprocesses remained very weak in terms of gender. Iam not sure what we could have done differently.We just have to chip away at it slowly."

Politicians:The TPCG approached several politicians forinformal briefings on the NBSAP. There weresome stray instances of politicians showing aninterest in the NBSAP, but by and large this sectorwas absent from the process. For instance, aMember of Parliament (MP) approached the TPCGfor a meeting and agreed to call a meeting of MPsfrom all the sub-state sites. This did not happen,though the TPCG tried to follow up. A suggestionfor interaction was made by the TPCG to theParliamentary Committee for the BiologicalDiversity Act, but nothing came of this either.

The main gap seemed to be that the Ministry ofEnvironment and Forests did not take muchinitiative to involve politicians, though this wassuggested by the TPCG (e.g. one suggestion wasthat the Minister of Environment and Forests couldcall a meeting of other ministers on the issue). ATPCG member felt, "We couldn’t follow it upbeyond a point. The Ministry not taking it up is aserious gap. Someone at that high level has to takeit up, otherwise why would politicians listen to us?"

Army:The non-inclusion of the army at a national levelwas due to special circumstances, since armyrepresentatives had shown considerable interest inbeing involved in the NBSAP process. This couldhave been valuable since there is an army presencein many sensitive areas that are rich in biodiversity.However, talks of doing a biodiversity sub-planspecific to the army were stalled due to a defenceemergency. The Sikkim process did manage toorganise interaction with the army, which wasespecially relevant for preparing strategies forNorth Sikkim.

Key Lessons:Two key lessons emerge from the experience ofleft-out sectors, as outlined by a TPCG member:• To identify in advance the sectors which have a

high potential of being left out; and then putspecific TPCG members in charge of followingup those sectors. This did happen in the NBSAPprocess, but not intensively enough.

• To insist from the beginning that the Ministry ofEnvironment and Forests take greater ownershipof the process, in terms of eliciting participationfrom formal sectors like political bodies, thearmed forces and corporate bodies. These sectorsare more likely to respond positively ifapproached by the Ministry directly.


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School Biodiversity Registers(For details see: Tool 1 in Karnataka section)

Strengths:Education: SBRs were a very successful way toeducate students who found it far more interestingto learn in a practical environment rather thanwithin a classroom. A key aspect was that studentswere not forced to take on the activity, butencouraged to come forward voluntarily. Capacity building of teachers: There was a strongsense that the SBR exercise had contributed greatlyto the experience and knowledge of teachers,particularly due to the exposure to fieldwork andthe interactions with local people. Due to theenthusiasm it generated among students, the SBRexercise often created a special bond betweenteachers and students.Capacity building of an NGO: BGVS, an NGOrecruited to provide resource persons for the SBRexercise, benefited from capacity building due tobeing involved in the exercise. Village involvement and ownership: Villagers oftenfelt pleased with the SBR activity because thestudents were busy doing something productiveeven after school hours, instead of playing orwatching television. Like the teachers, othervillagers’ perceptions about what students wereinterested in, or what they could do, changed. Theexercise created general interest within the village,sometimes turning into a village level activity.Data collection: In a context of scarce humanresources for research activity, the informationgathered through SBRs was seen as a valuablecontribution to data collection, even though theywere not comprehensive surveys.

Weaknesses:Limitations of data collected: The SBR exercise wasnot spread through the year, so the data collectedmissed out some seasons. There are also obviouslimitations in a data-collection exercise conductedas a school project, as opposed to one conducted byprofessionals or scientists. The SBR exercise as amethod of data collection needs to be used as acomplement to existing scientific data and analysis.Time Constraints: Teachers have many demandson their time especially since they are oftenrequired for duties other than teaching, such asmanning polling booths. A more extensive studycould have been prepared if teachers had beenofficially deputed for the exercise, or if the exercisehad been incorporated into the curriculum, withthe attendant back-up of more teachers andresources available. Lack of official support: There was often lack ofofficial support for teachers, with authoritiesviewing SBRs as an extraneous activity. This hadmainly to do with set notions of what schooleducation should entail. Prize distribution for thebest SBRs proved to be of help in countering someof the scepticism within schools. Insufficient training: Insufficient guidance toteachers was a significant weakness, particularlywith regard to species identification to counter theconfusion often caused by generic local names.There was a need for more extensive supportmaterial as well as practical, field-level training.

Biodiversity Festivals(For details see: Tool 3 in Karnataka section; Tool 2 inSikkim section; Tool 1 in Deccan sub-state section;and "Implementation of the North Coastal Andhra

Summary of key tools


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BSAP" in the North Coastal Andhra sub-state section)A successful biodiversity festival can achieve at

least some of the following things:• Bringing to light the commercial potential of local

products• Developing pride in local produce and enthusing

people to conserve the local diversity• Creation of nostalgia at increasingly rare forms of

biodiversity and traditional culture• Raising conservation awareness by creating a

memorable occasion • Showcasing a range of local biodiversity in one

place (normally seen only in scattered, day-to-dayform), thus helping to create linkages betweenresources, sources and consumption.

Successful Practices and Possible PitfallsBased on the experience of the biodiversity festivalsdescribed in the preceding sections, following aresome best practices and possible pitfalls inorganising a biodiversity festival in a rural or semi-rural area (the requirements of an urban festivalare likely to be very different)

Successful practices:Politically neutral: A location identified with anyreligion or political party discourages a section ofthe community from attending. Inauguration of afestival by a political figure may also have this effect.Showcasing success stories of biodiversityconservation, especially by inviting theconservationists and people with first handexperience to present their own work andachievements.Using ongoing festivals and events as a platformfor a biodiversity festival to maximise attendance,save funds and create a feeling of local ownership.Personal explanations: Volunteers at each stall ordisplay to give explanations to visitors about thedisplay.Local teamwork: In a village or small town setting,minimal ‘outside’ help, and encouragement ofcommunal organisation, can create local ownership

and a spirit of team work. Personal efforts by ‘outsider’ organisers to integrateinto the local culture, for example by attempting tospeak the local language (even imperfectly!) whilegiving a presentation.Provision of transport for villagers coming fromfar-off areas.Creating an entertaining atmosphere to attractvisitors and hold their interest (e.g. culturalperformances). Creating an atmosphere of celebration, forbiodiversity to be celebrated and enjoyed;acknowledging that biodiversity often has emotionsand cultural traditions invested in it, and need notbe discussed only in a dry, scientific and use-oriented way.Follow-Up: Appropriate follow-up activity soon afterthe festival to cash in on the momentum andawareness created.Avoiding technical terms: It may not always beappropriate to use the word ‘biodiversity’, whichcan sound technical and alienating even whentranslated into the local language. An appropriateword or phrase in the local language may be moreuseful to advertise and describe the festival (e.g.festival of traditional crops).Avoiding alien materials or tools: In some ruralcontexts it may be appropriate to avoid using any‘outside’ materials like posters and pamphlets. Thiscan help the festival to blend in as much aspossible with traditional local celebrations, and cancontribute to a sense of local ownership.Interactive displays can encourage visitors to enterinto the spirit of the event. This can also be usefulfor engaging with officials or decision-makers. Forexample, in the Yuksam festival in Sikkim, theDistrict Collector was persuaded to contribute awritten pledge to an interactive display ("TheCommitment Tree"), where he pledged to reduceunsustainable yak grazing. An interactive displayand popular pressure could thus encourage anofficial or politician to enter into the spirit of theevent and make a specific public commitment,


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which can then be followed up later by local people.Possible pitfalls:Insufficient advertising: It is important to identifythe best local network of information and plug intoit. Insufficient advance notice to potential visitors andparticipants, and limited time for preparation.Inaccessible location (e.g. far away from a busstand) and dates clashing with other local events.Small town politics can hinder organisation andlocal support for the event.Capacity of the organisers: Festival organisers needto have the capacity (or guidance) to organise afestival. An organisation may be experienced andestablished in its normal work/projects, and besincere and hardworking. However this does notnecessarily translate into the capacity to organise afestival with the attendant requirements ofpublicity, press liaison, choosing a suitable location,etc. Reading material is off-putting: People may not liketo read pamphlets and brochures in the context of afestival. They would probably prefer to look atthings and buy things. The main impact in afestive environment is probably achieved throughvisual media (e.g. exhibitions, slide shows, songsand dances).Congestion of people within space available; lack ofsufficient seating arrangementsWrong season: An outdoor festival needs to takeaccount of the season to avoid disruption due tobad weather. Seasons (e.g. harvest time) will alsodetermine the number of visitors in agriculturalareas.

Village Level Meetings (For details see: Tool 1 in Sikkim section; Tool 1 inDeccan sub-state section; and Tools 1, 2, 3 and 4 inNorth Coastal Andhra sub-state section)

Strengths:Invitations:• The presence of higher level officials can

encourage people to attend a meeting, especiallyif they usually interact only with lower rankingofficials. However, too large an official presencecan be a hindrance by bringing a formality to theproceedings, and can restrict time for discussion.

• Using existing networks (e.g. adivasi or villageyouth networks) to issue invitations is anefficient way of spreading the word, especially toremote areas.

Location:• Neutral locations, such as a school or forest rest

house, are better than using personal residencesin order to avoid local politics.

Facilitation:• The presence of a local NGO or local network

representative on the team of facilitatorsencourages villagers to express themselves morefrankly.

• Use of local advisors is helpful to advise on howand where to invite people.

• A written questionnaire can be a helpful tool forfacilitators to guide discussions and keep themfocussed. In the case of a series of meetings, thefirst one or two meetings can be used as a basefor developing the questionnaire.

Conducting the Meeting:• Ice-Breaking techniques help people open up, and

encourage them to talk.• Use of familiar songs (a) to break the ice; (b) to

break the monotony, once meetings are in fullswing; and (c) to create a spirit of enthusiasm.

• Equitable seating and eating arrangements, suchas everyone sitting in a circle on the floor. Thishas a direct bearing on the mode of interaction.

• Eliciting views from less vociferous people, andencouraging equitable participation by, forexample, constantly pointing to people sitting atthe back to elicit their views, and politely askingvery talkative persons to stop and give someoneelse a chance to speak. The vociferous person


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would usually be a leader or elder, and peopleautomatically expect them to talk.

• Breaking up a large meeting into smaller groupdiscussions, which then come back and report tothe larger gathering, encourages people to talk aseveryone is not willing to speak out in a largegroup.

• Mixing people for group discussions: This can bedone for example by giving each participant anumber; the participant then has to join thegroup discussion that has been allocated thatnumber.

Including Specific SectorsWomen’s Participation: If women’s participation isseriously sought, a strategy needs to be worked outin advance, e.g. events like separate women’smeetings need to be included in the time-frame orschedule, right from the beginning. Somesuccessful practices that emerged from Sikkimwith regard to gaining women’s participation atvillage level:• Information dissemination (e.g. through posters)

specifically at places where women congregate,like at dairy co-operatives.

• Ensuring that the best location at meetings isreserved for women to sit together. E.g. if chairswere available, these were reserved for women. Ifthere was a carpet, one portion would be reservedfor women.

• Sitting collectively created a ‘good feeling’ andmore confidence to speak up. Women could talkamongst themselves, and even if there was onlyone old lady who spoke, the others would tell hertheir points and she would speak out.

• Old women or middle-aged women usually speakup more. So there was a special effort made toinvolve older women and tell them that theirpresence was needed.

• Separate women’s meetings. • Using a flexible approach to include diverse

sectors: Different sectors may need to beconvinced to participate in different ways, as they

all may have their own hesitations or constraints.• Coordinators personally addressing

communication gaps can help to convince peopleof the need to attend.

• Arousing curiosity by doing something unusual(e.g. in North Coastal Andhra the coordinatingteam went and sat in the middle of the road,without any seating arrangements, near the milkproducers to arouse their curiosity. The milkproducers gathered to see what was happening,and the meeting was begun.)

• Catering to expectations and interests (e.g. inNorth Coastal Andhra youngsters found itdifficult to relate to the subject of biodiversity. Sothe meeting began by discussing cosmetics use,and went on to naturally occurring cosmetics andother biodiversity issues. A separate meeting foryoung women discussed issues relevant to theirdaily lives, such as the use of solar power forcooking).

Empowerment:• Consolidation of collective knowledge (e.g. on

conservation), which is usually dispersed withinthe community

• The motivation of a dream: This was especiallythe case in Sikkim, where the APPAmethodology was used with its techniques ofgenerating a ‘Dream’ Map for the village, andbuilding on strengths instead of only identifyingweaknesses.

• Confidence building: Gathering together can be aconfidence building measure, especially formembers of a sector that is normally dispersed,such as traditional healers dispersed acrossvillages.

Weaknesses:Lack of follow-up information after a meeting leadsto people feeling uninformed and frustrated.Poor timing: Meeting timings need to consider theconvenience of all relevant stakeholders (e.g. aweekday morning excludes teachers and students;


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monsoon timing can mean that people find itdifficult to attend because of bad roads).Insufficient prior information means that peoplecannot prepare themselves mentally before themeeting. Prior information would also be likely toinitiate informal discussion among people beforethe meeting, perhaps leading to more crystallisedthoughts or questions at the meeting itself.Insufficient advance notice / advertising, preventsmore people (especially from remote villages) fromgathering at meetings. Insufficient funding support: Since meetingsdisrupt daily work, especially for people travellingfrom other villages, some funding support to coverthe loss of a day’s work can ensure that thosewithout sufficient money are not left out ofmeetings. In such cases it is possible that a smallamount of funding could go a long way.Participation fatigue: This point is more achallenge for the future, rather than a weaknesswithin the NBSAP. In some areas of Sikkim itseems that excessive participatory activities mayhave led to ‘participation fatigue’. Almost everyvillage interviewee in Sikkim said that the NBSAPmeetings were the first time they had beeninvolved in village-level planning, with some peopleemphasising that it was the first time the FD hadasked for their opinions. Since then, however, theNBSAP has emerged as just one component in ageneral trend towards participatory planning. Forexample in Yuksam (which comprises five villages),there were at least nine village meetings in 2003alone: KCC has regular meetings thrice a year withall the villagers; the Joint Forest ManagementCommittee, of which all villagers are members, hadalready had three meetings that year by the time ofthe field visit for this study; and the Panchayat hadalso held three Gram Sabhas by the time of thefield visit. Prior to 2003 the Sikkim Biodiversityand Ecotourism Project (a collaboration betweenfour non-governmental institutions, aiming toconserve biodiversity and generate income througheco-tourism) had held several meetings over a

period of three years. Yuksam is perhaps anexceptional case in having so many meetings in asingle year, but it is mandatory now for manygovernment schemes to include a participatoryexercise.Though it would be reasonable to assume thatthere was a feeling of empowerment generatedamong villagers at being consulted regarding theirown development, it should be noted that therecurrently seems to be an overdose of participationin some areas (though this was not the case whenthe NBSAP meetings took place - the momentumof participatory planning picked up a little later.) Asparticipation becomes more and more of abuzzword, this is relevant to keep in mind forparticipatory planning in the future. An additional problem, as noted by an FD officialin Sikkim, is that many PRAs are not focussed,dealing with general wishes of the community evenif the department concerned does not have themandate to fulfil all the wishes (E.g. a demand forwater-pipes in a PRA done by the FD is not likelyto yield any result). This can lead to repetitive PRAexercises as well as a sense of disappointmentwhen all wishes are not addressed. On the otherhand, as an FD official noted, "after so many PRAs,villagers are more confident to say what they want.At least now they know what is going to happen –before, the department used to do things and thepeople didn’t know anything."

In the case of a formal workshop in, say a statecapital, a common weakness is:• Formal and intimidating setting for ruralparticipants: The setting of a formal conference halland the presence of officials are usually toointimidating and unfamiliar for villagers toparticipate confidently. The language used excludesthem since proceedings are often at least partiallyconducted in English, and translation facilities arenot provided. This is a problem that persistentlycomes up in workshops of such a nature; though theintentions may be good, villagers who have often


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travelled for hours to attend a workshop end upbeing victims of tokenism. This applies not only toparticipants like farmers and herders, but also thosewho may be more educated, such as village schoolteachers or small, grassroots NGO representatives.(For details see: Tool 4 in Sikkim section; and"Weaknesses" in Andhra Pradesh state section.)

All India Radio Series(For details see: Tool 2 in Karnataka section)

Strengths:Timing of BroadcastsThe series was broadcast at 7pm, a time whenpeople are usually home and are free.

Retaining AuthenticityIncorporating voices of grassroots interviewees,and retaining local accents and dialects in theepisodes gave authenticity to the series.

Keeping it Simple and AttractiveLocal folk music and songs that explained the richdiversity of the area were recorded during fieldinterviews and included in the dramatisations.Humour and emotion were created within thedramatic situations, to make the story moreattractive. Scientific jargon was avoided - the word‘biodiversity’ was not introduced immediately intothe programme, particularly because in Kannada ittranslates into a complicated word. This could haveput off people, making them feel that it was atechnical science programme. At the end of eachepisode there was a recap of important points.

Interactive EpisodesThe interactivity of the series and offer of prizeshelped to keep listeners interested.

FlexibilityThe series was not planned rigidly; the flexibility ofthe producers in following new leads as and when

letters came in, maximised new and interestingopportunities.

Inclusion of Women’s VoicesThe presence of a woman on the team of fieldinterviewers helped to include women’s voices inthe interviews, as the interviewer could approachwomen directly in their homes.

State-wide Coverage Including Remote AreasRadio breaks the barrier of literacy, and is heard evenin remote areas where there is little or no electricity.The broadcasting of the series across the entire stateof Karnataka was possible due to the ability of thecoordinating agency to pay for this service.

Weaknesses:Information ManagementLetters received by All India Radio were not passedon to the coordinating agency till the end of theseries. This created a concentrated workload at theend, of sifting through hundreds of letters.

Short Time for Phone-inThe interest generated by the series meant that the final phone-in episode was too short. The panelof experts was obliged to provide very briefanswers, and many callers could not be included in the episode.

Tools and Strategies for Involving Government OfficialsThe following lessons and strategies emerged fromattempting to involve government officials in theNBSAP process, in the four states:Government departments tend to be lethargic, sospecial skills are required for engaging withdepartments.Sikkim and Nagpur experimented with usingwritten questionnaires to elicit inputs fromgovernment officials (for details see Tool 1 inNagpur sub-state section and Tool 3 in Sikkim


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section). In both cases the attempt was largelyunsuccessful. This was partially dealt with inSikkim, where officials were subsequently invitedto a workshop where they were requested to fill outthe questionnaires on the spot. Regarding the useof written questionnaires as a participatory tool:• If requested for information, officials often prefer

not to put it in writing. In Nagpur some officialswere willing to part with factual information onlyas long as it was informal and off the record. Itseems clear that a written questionnaire is notthe right format to use for official departmentalinputs unless it is backed by official orders.

• If at all a questionnaire must be used, it needs torequest factual information, and not the personalopinion of the official.

• Questionnaires need to avoid provocativequestions as well as broad, open-ended questionsthat would take a long time to answer.

Personal contact may be the most appropriate wayto engage with a government department.Invitations to meetings (especially invitations fromgovernmental institutions like the FD or EPTRI) orpersonal networking by the coordinating agency,seemed to be a relatively effective means of gettingofficials on board.Official directives are the best way to ensure inputsfrom government officials. Officials often do nothave the time to cater to requests if they have notreceived orders to do so. In Sikkim as well asNagpur, the feeling was that a directive from theMinistry of Environment and Forests to variousdepartments would be the only way to get full co-operation and inputs from governmentdepartments. Such a directive was never sent inany of the states.Senior officers in government departments usuallydo not have the time to get involved in processeslike the NBSAP. Requesting for a coordinatingofficer to be appointed within a department tohandle all matters / queries related to theparticipatory process would systematiseengagement with the department.


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A concluding note: What Next?

The official acceptance and implementation of theNBSAP (i.e. the national plan, not the state andsub-state plans) now depends on approval by thecabinet. In a separate development, the cabinetmandated the Ministry of Environment and Forests(MoEF) to prepare a National Environment Policy.The MoEF delegated the task to TERI (The EnergyResearch Institute – formerly Tata Energy ResearchInstitute). The MoEF then decided that theapproval of the NBSAP would have to wait till theNational Environment Policy is prepared, in orderto avoid any contradictions between the two; theNBSAP would need to be in harmony with theNational Environment Policy since the latter wouldbe the more overarching document.

These requirements were put to the TPCG afterthe NBSAP had been prepared, raising concernsabout how long the NBSAP would need to wait forapproval, and whether there would be significantchanges made to it. It was not clear whether anyTPCG members would be involved in anyredrafting that might be required. As of March2005, the status of the NBSAP remains unclear.

There is clearly a contradiction between theoriginal basis of preparing the NBSAP, i.e. giving itto an NGO to make a participatory ‘people’s plan’,and the new requirement to have it officially vettedto ensure it is in harmony with a separate NationalEnvironment Policy to be prepared by the MoEF. (Itmay be worth referring back to Arnstein’s typologyof participation outlined in the Introduction, andconsidering whether the TPCG has moved from‘partnership’ in "Degrees of Citizen Power", to anyof the categories within "Degrees of Tokenism").

In a context of uncertainty over the fate of theNBSAP, the TPCG’s consistent emphasis, that theprocess of putting the plan together was as

important as the final product, assumes even moreimportance, and emerges as the principle strengthof the NBSAP process. States and sub-state sitespossess independent plans that do not needapproval by the central or state governments. Manyof these plans have a support base – in differingdegrees - among stakeholders, built up during theprocess of preparing the plans. Governmentdepartments and other agencies (e.g. donors,NGOs, local communities) are free to take up partsof the plans for implementation if they see fit.There are already various examples of local-levelimplementation of BSAP recommendations. Themany off-shoots created during the process interms of new networks, awareness raising, capacitybuilding and empowerment, are valuable impacts.

Many local and state-level processes that havebeen put into motion by the NBSAP have thepotential to develop independent momentumtowards achieving at least some of the goals ofbiodiversity conservation that are within the plans’recommendations. These various momentums donot necessarily depend on the official approval ofthe national plan to gain pace and develop further.It is in this sense that the NBSAP process was aform of activism, as much as it was the puttingtogether of a formal national plan.


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Acronyms

4D: Discovery, Dream, Design and Delivery.AIR: All India RadioAPPA: Appreciative Participatory Planning and ActionBCIL: Biotech Consortium India LtdBGVS: Bharatiya Gyan Vigyan SansthaBSAP: Biodiversity Strategy and Action PlanCBD: Convention on Biological DiversityCEE: Centre for Environment EducationCES: Centre for Ecological SciencesCFP: Call for ParticipationCSAP: Community Strategy and Action PlanCYDA: Centre for Youth Development and ActivitiesDDS: Deccan Development SocietyDFO: Divisional Forest OfficerECOSS: Ecotourism and Conservation Society of SikkimENVIS: Environmental Information SystemEPTRI: Environmental Protection Training

and Research InstituteFD: Forest DepartmentFDA: Forest Development AgencyFRLHT: Foundation for Revitalisation

of Local Health TraditionsFSAP: Female Strategy and Action PlanGPK: Grameen Punnarnirmana KendraGoI: Government of IndiaGSAP: Government Strategy and Action PlanJFM: Joint Forest ManagementKBR: Khangchendzonga Biosphere ReserveKBSAP: Karnataka Biodiversity Strategy and Action PlanKCC: Khangchendzonga Conservation CommitteeKHLWC: Khecheopalri Holy Lake Welfare Committee

LAC: Local Advisory CommitteeMCM: Media Campaign ManagerMoEF: Ministry of Environment and ForestsMSAP: Male Strategy and Action PlanNBSAP: National Biodiversity Strategy and Action PlanNGO: Non-Governmental OrganisationNIT: Nagpur Improvement TrustNMC: Nagpur Municipal CorporationNTFP: non-timber forest producePBR: People’s Biodiversity RegisterPESA: Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996PRA: Participatory Rural AppraisalPRI: Panchayati Raj InstitutionSBR: School Biodiversity RegisterSBSAP: Sikkim Biodiversity Strategy and Action PlanSDNP: Sustainable Development Networking ProgrammeSEED: Society for Environment

Education and DevelopmentSPSS: Sikkim Paryavaran Samrakshan SanghSSC: State Steering CommitteeTAAS: Travel Agents’ Association of SikkimTPCG: Technical and Policy Core GroupUKBSAP: Uttar Kannada Biodiversity

Strategy and Action PlanUNDP: United Nations Development Programme VFC: Village Forest CommitteeVHAS: Voluntary Health Association of SikkimVNHS: Vidarbha Nature and Human Science CentreVSS: Van Suraksha SamitiWANC: Wildlife Aware Nature Club WWF: World Wide Fund for NatureYASHADA: Yashwant Rao Chavan Academy of Development

Administration

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Glossary

Adivasi: indigenous person (used interchangeably with‘tribal’)

Dalit: the lowest social group according to the Hindu castesystem

Ghat: a flight of steps to water; a riverbank (not to beconfused with the use of the word in ‘Western Ghats’).

Gram Sabha: body / assembly comprising all adult voters ina village

Kannada: official state language of KarnatakaMandal: administrative area for revenuePanchayat: village council made up of elected

representativesParticipatory Rural Appraisal: A participatory method used

for gathering and analysing information on communityresources and needs. Typical techniques include groupdiscussions, transect walks, mapping, time-lines andtrend analysis, and diagrams using locally availablematerials.

Rakhi: a decorative bracelet given by women to theirbrothers on the occasion of the Rakhi festival

Sarpanch: elected head of a panchayatTaluka: an administrative areaTelugu: official state language of Andhra PradeshTribal: indigenous person (used interchangeably with

‘adivasi’)Van Suraksha Samiti: forest protection groupWarli: an adivasi community in Maharashtra

ConversionsUS$1 = Rupees 43.64 (on 9 April 2004)Rupees 1 lakh = Rupees 100,000Rupees 1 crore = Rupees 10,000,000

List of interviewees

Technical and Policy Core Group (TPCG):

1. TPCG Coordinator: Ashish Kothari, KalpavrikshEnvironmental Action Group, Pune.

2. Bansuri Taneja, member, Kalpavriksh EnvironmentalAction Group, New Delhi

3. Bina Thomas, member, Kalpavriksh EnvironmentalAction Group, Pune

4. Darshan Shankar, Foundation for Revitalisation of LocalHealth Traditions (FRLHT), Bangalore

5. Dr. PC Bhattacharjee, Zoology Department, GuwahatiUniversity, Guwahati, Assam

6. Dr. Vibha Ahuja, Biotech Consortium India Ltd, NewDelhi

7. Gam Shimray, All India Coordinating Forum for Adivasi/ Indigenous Peoples, New Delhi

8. Kanchi Kohli, counterpart to TPCG coordinator; member,Kalpavriksh Environmental Action Group, New Delhi

9. Oroon Das (Media Campaign Manager), independentmedia consultant, New Delhi

10. PV Satheesh, Director, Deccan Development Society,Hyderabad

11. Ravi Chellam, UNDP, New Delhi (ex-Wildlife Institute ofIndia, Dehra Dun)

12. Seema Bhatt, Biodiversity consultant, New Delhi13. Sujatha Padmanabhan, member, Kalpavriksh

Environmental Action Group, Pune14. V. Shruti Devi, Advocate and legal consultant, New Delhi15. Vagesh Jha (Media Campaign Manager),

Communicators’ Cooperative Limited, New Delhi.

NB: The Media Campaign Managers were not technically part ofthe TPCG. However they have been included here since, like theTPCG, they had a national mandate. Within the report they havebeen referred to as TPCG members.


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Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF)

16. DD Verma, National Project Director ofNBSAP, Ministry of Environment and Forests,New Delhi.

17. JR Bhatt, Additional Director, Ministry ofEnvironment and Forests, New Delhi.

Andhra Pradesh State Plan:

18. Coordinating Agency: Shri Baquer,Environment Protection Training and ResearchInstitute (EPTRI), Hyderabad

19. Coordinating Agency: Smt Umamaheshwari,Joint Director (Technical), EnvironmentProtection Training and Research Institute(EPTRI), Hyderabad

20. A. Ravindra, Watershed Support Services andActivities Network (WASSAN), Secunderabad.

21. BN Chetty, Jana Vikas Society, Kurnool.22. Dr D. Surya Kumari, Centre for People’s

Forestry (CWS), Secunderabad23. Dr Rajamani, ex-Secretary, Ministry of

Environment and Forests, retired, Hyderabad. 24. Goparaju Sudha, Andhra Pradesh Rural

Livelihoods Network, Hyderabad25. K. Nageswar Reddy, People’s Action in

Development (PAID), Cuddapah.26. Sagari Ramdas, Anthra, Hyderabad27. Satya Srinivas, Andra Pradesh NGO Committee

on Joint Forest Management, Hyderabad28. Shri Devullu, Samatha, Vishakapatnam29. Shri Joginaidu, Sharada Valley Development

Samiti (SVDS), Vishakapatnam.30. Shri Mukherjee, ex-Principle Chief Conservator

of Forests, Forest Department, Hyderabad31. Siva Rama Krishna, Sakthi, Hyderabad

32. Smt Bhanu, Samatha, Hyderabad33. Suresh Jones, Foundation for Ecological

Security, Madanapalle34. VR Sowmithri, Andra Pradesh NGO

Committee on Joint Forest Management,Hyderabad

Deccan Plan:

35. Coordinating Agency: Suresh Reddy, DeccanDevelopment Society, Hyderabad

36. Baliah, Deccan Development Society, Pastapurvillage

37. Basavaraj Patil, farmer, Mamidigi village;member, Deccan Development Society

38. Chandramma, permaculture teacher; member,Deccan Development Society

39. Chilachandramma, member, DeccanDevelopment Society

40. Chinnamma, health worker, Chhaalki village;member, Deccan Development Society

41. Dr Venkat, ex-Permaculture Association42. Gangwar Anjamma, seed keeper; member,

Deccan Development Society 43. Jagannath Reddy, Joint Director, Deccan

Development Society44. Jayappa, coordinator, Deccan Development

Society45. KS Gopal, Centre for Environment Concerns,

Hyderabad46. Laxmamma, seed keeper; Deccan Development

Society sangham supervisor47. Miriyampur Saramma, Sangham policy group

member, Deccan Development Society48. Mogullana, farmer; member, Deccan

Development Society49. Premachandra Reddy, District Collector, Medak


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district.50. Punnama, agricultural labourer, Zaheerabad;

member, Deccan Development Society51. Pushpalamma, health worker; member, Deccan

Development Society52. Santhammama, Sangham policy group

member, Deccan Development Society53. Santoshamma, health worker, Basantapur

village; member, Deccan Development Society54. Sarmamma, member, Deccan Development

Society55. Satyamma, Chhaalki village; member, Deccan

Development Society56. Sharnappa, Deccan Development Society,

Pastapur

North Coastal Andhra Plan:

57. Coordinating Agency: K. Sanyasir Raju,Grameena Punarnirmana Kendra, Kurupam.

58. A. Mukeshwaram, secretary, Emnaba tribalnetwork

59. A. Padmavathi, member, Angarada AdivasiMahila Sanstha

60. A. Rajesh, member, Emnaba tribal network61. Adameshwar Rao, president, Tanimyeem tribal

network62. B. Pornayya, member, Emnaba tribal network63. B. Prabhakar Rao, Nehru Yuvak Kendra64. B. Purnamma, member, Angarada Adivasi

Mahila Sanstha65. B. Trenadarao, member, Todu tribal network,

Gungurada village66. BHV Ramamurthy, teacher, Kurupam67. Biddika Anandrao, healer68. Biddikar Bhaskar, member, Emnaba tribal

network

69. BVA Rama Rao Naidu, Botanical Society,Srikakulam.

70. K. Lingaraj, member, Todu tribal network,Kaikitada village

71. MRG Naidu, Deputy Executive Engineer, ITDA,Warangal.

72. N. Mohanrao, president, Todu tribal network,Karitada village

73. SV Ramanna, District Youth Coordinator,Nehru Yuvak Kendra

74. Sanyasir Rao, ARTS (NGO), Srikakulam andKurupam districts.

75. Shankar Reddy, Janachetana, Palakonda village,Srikakulam district.

76. Shri Ramamurthy, healer77. Shri Sowmayya, healer78. T. Chakrapani, member, Todu tribal network,

Gisirada village79. T. Narayana, member, Angarada Adivasi Mahila

Sanstha80. Uday Barum, member, Todu tribal network,

Keringi village81. V. Krishnarao, healer82. VV Ramanna, Secretary and Project Director,

Association for Rural Development and ActionResearch (ARDAR), Vizianagaram

Sikkim State plan:

83. Coordinating agency: Sandeep Tambe,Divisional Forest Officer, Forest Department,Gangtok.

84. Coordinating agency: Usha Lachungpa, Wildliferesearcher, Forest Department, Gangtok.

85. AS Chauhan, Botanical Survey of India,Gangtok.

86. BB Rai, Voluntary Health Association of


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Sikkim, Gangtok.87. Chukie Tobden, Concerned Citizens of Sikkim,

Gangtok.88. DT Lepcha, Minister of Forests, Mines and

Geology, Sikkim. Gangtok.89. Gokul Rai, Sikkim Paryavaran Samrakshan

Sangh, Bikmat.90. JR Subba, Director Horticulture, Government

of Sikkim, Gangtok91. KC Pradhan, ex-Secretary, Forest Department;

Sikkim Development Foundation, Gangtok.92. Lodav Chugyal, Sikkim Development

Foundation, Gangtok.93. ML Arrawatia, Chief Conservator of Forests,

Forest Department, Gangtok.94. Neem Bahadur Chhetri, Sikkim Paryavaran

Samrakshan Sangh, Bikmat.95. PC Rai, Voluntary Health Association of

Sikkim, Gangtok.96. PD Rai, Member of the State Planning

Commission; Ecotourism and ConservationSociety of Sikkim; Chairman, Sikkim IndustrialDevelopment and Investment Corp. Ltd.,Gangtok.

97. Pema Namgyal, Concerned Citizens of Sikkim,Gangtok.

98. Renzino Lepcha, Executive Secretary,Ecotourism and Conservation Society of Sikkim(ECOSS), Gangtok.

99. Satish Bardewa, General Secretary, TravelAgents’ Association of Sikkim, Gangtok.

100. SBS Badauria, Conservator of Forests, ForestDepartment, Gangtok.

Rathong Chu Valley Plan:

101. BB Gurung, Mansabong

102. Birhang Subba, Ting ting.103. BM Subba, vice-president JFMC; ex-Forest

Guard, Yuksam104. Chamkyong Bhutia, Yuksam105. Chewang Bhutia, Khangchendzonga

Conservation Committee, Yuksam106. Domo Tshering Bhutia, Yuksam107. Guyabso Bhutia, Secretary, Khecheopalri Holy

Lake Welfare Committee, Khecheopalri.108. KB Gurung, Tsong109. Kesher Khatiwoda, Yuksam110. Khengzang Bhutia, home stay entrepreneur;

pack animal owner, Yuksam111. Lozema Subba, student, Yuksam112. Nakul Chhetri, ICIMOD, Kathmandu. (ex-

member, Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecologyand Environment, West Bengal)

113. Nima Lhamu Bhutia, teacher, Yuksam114. Pema Bhutia, Khangchendzonga Conservation

Committee, Yuksam115. Pema Rinzong Bhutia, Khecheopalri Holy Lake

Welfare Committee, Khecheopalri.116. Pema Wongda Bhutia, Lama, Yuksam117. Pradeep Kumar, Divisional Forest Officer

(Land Use and Environment), ForestDepartment, West Gyalshing

118. Sarita Gurung, student, Yuksam119. Shuva Pardhan, Yuksam120. Sonam Wangda Bhutia, Treasurer,

Khecheopalri Holy Lake Welfare Committee,Khecheopalri.

121. ST Bhutia, contractor, Yuksam122. T. Uden Bhutia, Panchayat member;

Khangchendzonga Conservation Committee,Yuksam

123. Teng Hang Limboo, Panchayat President,Khecheopalri


152

124. Tsetan Norbu, Yuksam

Maharashtra State plan:

125. Coordinating agency: Bharat Bhushan, YashwantraoChavan Academy of Development Administration(YASHADA), Pune.

126. Erach Bharucha, Bharati Vidyapeeth Institute ofEnvironment Education and Research (BVIEER), Pune.

127. Kapil Ramesh Sahasrabuddhe, Research and Action inNatural Wealth Administration (RANWA), Pune.

128. Kaustubh Moghe, Kalpavriksh Environmental ActionGroup, Pune

129. Mahesh Shindikar, Agarkar Research Institute, Pune.130. Nitya Ghotge, Anthra, Pune.131. Prakash Gole, Ecological Society, Pune132. Sanjeev Ghotge, Centre for Applied Systems and

Development (CASAD), Pune133. Sanjiv Nalavade, Department of Geography, Fergusson

College, Pune.134. Sanskriti Menon, Centre for Environment Education,

Pune135. Sujit Patwardhan, Parisar, Pune.136. Vijay Paranjape, Gomukh, Pune.

Nagpur plan:

137. Coordinating agency: Pradyumna Sahasrabhojanee,Vidarbha Nature and Human Science Centre, Nagpur

138. Coordinating agency: Ramesh Ladkhedkar, VidarbhaNature and Human Science Centre, Nagpur

139. Anil Pimplapure, Dentist and ornithologist, Nagpur140. Arun Dolke, Vidarbha Nature and Human Science

Centre, Nagpur141. Avantika Chitnavis, Vidarbha Heritage Society, Nagpur142. Damayanti S. Pandharipande, Nagpur Mahila Manch,

Nagpur

143. Datta Patil, Yuva Rural, Nagpur144. Dilip Gode, Vidarbha Nature Conservation Society,

Nagpur145. Dr Kalantri, Agriculture Department, Punjabrao Krishi

Vidyapeeth, Nagpur146. Dr Savarkar, Zoology Department, Nagpur University,

Nagpur147. Gopal Thosar, Vasundhara; Hon. Wildlife Warden,

Nagpur.148. Manu Srivastav, Municipal Commissioner, Nagpur149. Nalini Nisal, Nagpur Mahila Manch, Nagpur150. Nitin Zatkar, Vanrai, Nagpur151. Prakash Gandhi, Senior Environmental Engineer,

Western Coalfields Ltd; Hon. Secretary, Vikalp, Nagpur.152. Ram Gavande, Surajya Pratishthan, Nagpur153. Shri Bhrushundi, ex-Deputy Director of Fisheries,

Nagpur154. Shri Kurzadkar, school teacher; Nisarg Seva Sangh,

Nagpur155. Sridhar Babulalji Gaur, fisherman and small fish trader,

Nagpur156. Sushma Dilip Pankule, Nagpur Mahila Manch, Nagpur157. Vijay Ghoghe, Nisarg Vidya Mandal, Nagpur

Karnataka State plan:

158. Coordinating agency: Prof. Madhav Gadgil, Centre forEcological Sciences (CES), Bangalore

159. Amit Agarwal, Natural Remedies, Bangalore.160. BV Gundappa, teacher, Government Pre-University

College, Nagarvalli, Tumkur district.161. Dr Chandrashekhariah, Society for Advancement of

Aquaculture, Bangalore162. Dr H. Sudarshan, Hon. Sec., Vivekananda Girijana

Kalyan Kendra (VGKK); President, Karuna Trust,Bangalore.

163. Dr Sathya Narayan Bhat, Professor, Government


153

Ayurveda Medical College, Bangalore.164. E. Basavaraju, Bharatiya Gyan Vigyan Sanstha (BGVS),

Bangalore165. Gladwin Joseph, Director, Ashoka Trust for Research in

Ecology and Environment (ATREE), Bangalore166. GN Shrikantiah, Deputy Conservator of Forests, Forest

Department, Tumkur.167. Guru Prasad, Wildlife Aware Nature Club, Tumkur168. Harish Bhat, Centre for Ecological Sciences, Bangalore169. MH Swaminathan, ex-Chief Conservator of Forests;

Director General EMPRI, Bangalore170. N. Indiramma, teacher, Government Pre-University

College, Chikkanayakanahalli, Tumkur district.171. Ranjan Rao Yerdoor, Nagarika Seva Trust, Bangalore172. S. Karthikeyan, Sr. Education Officer, World Wide Fund

for Nature – India (WWF), Bangalore.173. Shri Ramakrishnappa, teacher, Government Pre-

University College, Venkatapura, Tumkur district.174. Shri Vajramuni, Bharatiya Gyan Vigyan Sanstha

(BGVS), Bangalore175. Shri Yathiraju, principal, Kalidasa Junior College,

Tumkur; president, Tumkur Science Centre.176. SK Chakrabarti, Principal Chief Conservator of Forests,

Forest Department, Bangalore.177. Sudarsanam Sridhar, Institute for Natural Resources

Conservation, Education, Research and Training(INCERT), Bangalore.

178. Sumangala Mummigatti, Transmission Executive(Science Reporting), All India Radio (AIR), Bangalore

179. Suresh Heblikar, Eco-Watch Centre for Promotion ofEnvironment and Research, Bangalore.

180. Ulhas Karanth, Wildlife First, Bangalore181. Vanaja Ramprasad, Green Foundation, Bangalore.

Uttar Kannada plan:

182. Coordinating agency: Dr MD Subhash Chandran, AV

Baliga College, Kumta.183. Ananth Hegde, Viksha Laksha Andolan; General

Secretary, District Environment Committee, Ashisarvillage, Sirsi.

184. Dr GG Sambamurthy, ayurvedic doctor, SameekshaAyurvedalaya, Sirsi

185. Dr GS Savithri, ayurvedic doctor, SameekshaAyurvedalaya, Sirsi

186. GD Hegde, District Areca and Spice GrowersAssociation, Onikeri village, Bengle, Sirsi.

187. Ibrahim Uperkar, Fisher leader, Taluka levelFisherworkers’ Union, Gudkaagal village, Kumta.

188. Mohini Pujari, Tribal Environmental and EducationalDevelopment Trust, Yellapur

189. MR Hegde, Sneh Kunja Trust, Kassarkod village,Honnavar

190. Pandurang Hegde, Parisara Samrakshana Kendra,Sirsi.

191. Prabhakar Bhat, Centre for Ecological Sciences, fieldstation, Sirsi.

192. R Vasudev, College of Forestry, Sirsi.193. Sadanand Holangadde, President, District level

Traditional and Mechanised Fisher Union, Holangaddevillage, Kumta.

194. SG Hegde, plant breeder, Deoragaddhe village,Hulekal.

195. Sunita Rao, Kalpavriksh Environmental Action Group,Karkolli village, Hullekal.

196. VN Nayak, Department of Marine Sciences, Karwar.

Other Interviewees:

197. Shri Ramakrishna, Consultant Editor, ChandamamaMagazine, Chennai.

198. Sumathi Sudhakar, former Editorial Associate,Chandamama Magazine, Chennai.


154

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Addresses of Coordinating Agencies

TPCG Coordinator:

Ashish Kothari, Kalpavriksh, 5 Shri Dutta Krupa Apts, 908 Deccan Gymkhana, Pune - 411 004, Maharashtra. Tel/Fax: 020-25654239 Email: [email protected]

Andhra Pradesh State:

Environmental Protection Training and Research Institute (EPTRI),Gachi Bowli,Hyderabad, Andhra PradeshTel: 040-23000489Email: [email protected]

North Coastal Andhra sub-state site:

K. Sanyasir Raju,Grameen Punnarnirmana Kendram (GPK),5-174, Palace Road,Kurupam - 535524,Vizianagaram District,Andhra PradeshTel: 08963-225146 (R); 225749 (O)

Deccan sub-state site:

PV Satheesh,Deccan Development Society (DDS),A6 Meera Apartments,Bashirbagh,Hyderabad – 500 029Andhra PradeshTel: 040-27764577Email: [email protected]

Karnataka State:

Madhav Gadgil,Centre for Ecological Sciences,Indian Institute of Science,Bangalore - 560 012KarnatakaTel/Fax: 080-23601453Email: [email protected]

Uttar Kannada sub-state site:

Subhash Chandran,Department of Botany,Dr AV Baliga College,Kumta – 581 343Uttar Kannada KarnatakaTel: 08386-223142Email: [email protected]


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Maharashtra State:

Bharat Bhushan,Yashwantrao Academy of Development Administration (YASHADA)Baner Road,PuneMaharashtraTel: 020-25650784Email: [email protected]

Nagpur sub-state site:

Pradyumna Sahasrabhojanee,Vidarbha Nature and Human Science Centre (VNHS),498 Old Ramdas Peth,Near Landra Park,Nagpur – 10MaharashtraTel: 0712-2529240

Sikkim State and Rathong Chu Valley sub-state site:

Sandeep Tambe (DFO) and Usha LachungpaState Forest Department,Deorali,Gangtok, Sikkim

Sikkim Field Partner:

Pema Bhutia and Chewang Bhutia,Khangchendzonga Conservation Committee (KCC)Yuksam,West Sikkim – 737 113SikkimTel: 03595-241211 (O); 241212 (R)Email: [email protected]


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