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Design History Society
Review: [untitled]Author(s): Tag GronbergSource: Journal of
Design History, Vol. 2, No. 4 (1989), pp. 302-307Published by:
Oxford University Press on behalf of Design History SocietyStable
URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1315670Accessed: 03/11/2010
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exploration-via a historical example- of the contradictions he
has had to negotiate as an 'artist' working within the context of
big business and the mass media.
Tucker has been called 'a parable' and 'a fable'. One critic
writes: 'Something awful happened to America between 1948 and 1988.
And the tale of Preston Tucker is an illustration'. What hap- pened
is that the USA lost its lead in terms of technological and
business innovation and in terms of its domina- tion of world
markets. Countries such as Germany, Italy, and Japan showed that
they too could invent and design new products that would appeal to
American and European consumers. The reason for America's decline,
according to Coppola, is that the spirit of enterprise and
creativity was smothered by the develop- ment of a corporate,
bureaucratic system. His film is, therefore, on the one hand
nostalgic-a celebration of the 1940s, when America was all
powerful-and on the other hand contemporary, a warning to today's
Americans that they should value and encourage their inventors and
creators, otherwise the American dream will never be realized.
Major American movies are generally distributed glob- ally. Coppola
and Lucas do not seem to have considered that the nationalistic
message of Tucker might not be wel- comed by people outside the
USA. After all, citizens of other countries usually want their own
businesses and indus- tries to thrive and this, in present circum-
stances, requires them to defeat foreign competition including that
of America.
Coppola has remarked that Tucker is 'a political film', an
'agit-prop film'. He does not use these terms, of course, in any
left-wing, revolutionary sense. Coppola is critical of capitalism
but not because he wants to replace it with socialism. He is
critical of the corporate or monopoly form of capitalism because he
seeks a return to an earlier, entre- preneurial form of capitalism.
It is prob- ably inconceivable to Coppola that some people might
even question the funda- mental assumption of the film-'more and
more privately owned cars made in assembly line plants is a good
thing'- that they might prefer instead efficient and cheap public
transport systems. There could be no greater contrast in
attitude toward cars than in the way the left-wing, European
director Jean-Luc Godard represents them in the famous extended
traffic jam/crash sequence in Weekend (1967).
However, to be fair to Coppola, he does envisage a philanthropic
role for the creative energy he hopes to release: 'I want to say:
creative America; all of you who have creative yearnings and
aspirations-let us double our invent- iveness and our so-called
Yankee ingenuity to create an economy that is able to uplift our
continent-to end the division that allows America to live in one
world and Haiti in another-and pay for it with talent which is
some- thing that America has a lot of'.4 Those who are aware of the
actual relations of wealth, power and domination between the
advanced countries of the world and the developing countries, will
no doubt regard Coppola's ideas as politic- ally naive. Tucker can
be enjoyed as a fascinating film about American indus- trial design
and its celebration of creativity can also be welcomed, but
non-Americans and socialist Americans will find its political
message highly dubious. The contention that creativity and
innovation cannot flourish in a corporate environment is itself
debat- able: the Japanese appear to have had no problem in this
respect. JOHN A. WALKER Middlesex Polytechnic
Notes 1 John Tucker quoted in M. Lewis, 'Tor-
pedoed', YOU magazine, 18 December 1988, pp. 62-6.
2 Coppola quoted in B. Lewis, 'Coppola's coup', Films &
Filming, (410) November- December 1988, pp. 6-8.
3 D. W, 'Too much too soon', On four wheels: the encyclopedia of
motoring, Orbis Publishing, 1975, pp. 2385-6.
4 B. Lewis, op. cit.
Book Reviews II Futurismo e la Moda ENRICO CRISPOLTI. Marsilio,
Venice, 1988. 183 pp., plus 277 pp. b&w and col. illus. 35,000
lire, paper. ISBN 88 7693 035 3.
To what extent did Italian Futurist design succeed in producing
a 'modern- ity' expressive of national identity? Certainly, the
Futurists consistently evinced a brash confidence in human ability
to control the environment. The Futurists aimed to redesign the
world and, in 1915, Giacomo Balla and For- tunato Depero published
their Rico- struzione futurista dell'universo (Futurist
reconstruction of the universe) in Milan declaring: 'we Futurists
... seek to ... reconstruct the universe by making it more joyful,
in other words by an integral re-creation'. Architecture, inter-
ior design, textiles, clothes, children's toys, graphic design, the
theatre, photo- graphy, and cinema, food-as well as painting,
sculpture, literature, and music-all formed part of the Futurist
project for which Filippo Tommaso Marinetti and other Futurists
produced the relevant manifestos. Case d'arte (such as that opened
by Depero in 1920 in Rovereto) selling Futurist design were
established in a number of Italian cities. Recent exhibitions on
Futurism, such as 'Futurismo e Futurismi' organ- ized as part of
the 1986 Venice Biennale have included some design work. But the
huge scale and international remit of this exhibition (over
fourteen countries were represented) and its joint sponsor- ship by
the Fiat-funded Agnelli Founda- tion and United Technologies seem
to have militated against a catalogue which effectively addressed
historical issues in any detail. Thus the catalogue Futurismo e
Futurismi largely ignored questions concerning the relationship of
Futurism to, for example, Italian inter- ventionist movements at
the time of World War I-or to Fascism, which has recently been the
subject of extensive research and rethinking by Italian his-
torians.
In Britain, on the other hand, the major exhibitions of Futurist
work (such as the 1972/3 'Futurismo 1909-1919') have tended to
foreground the 'fine
302 Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design
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arts'-painting, sculpture, and architec- ture, along with
theatre and music. And the Italian-curated 'Balla' exhibition which
toured Britain in 1987, while it did exhibit some of Balla's
furniture and other of his designs, focused mainly on the artist's
painting and sculpture. This historiographical emphasis on
painting, sculpture, and architecture is, of course, part of the
modernist legacy of post- World War II art history, which prior-
itizes easel painting and positions 'design' as an ancillary
activity, unprob- lematically reflecting the significant
innovations taking place in 'fine art'. Such histories have
regularly been produced and. reproduced, with sub- titles such as
'art into life' or 'from easel to machine'. The implication is thus
inevitably that some mysterious process exists whereby 'fine' or
'high' art filters down or 'influences' design. Design historians
will be all too familiar with such modernist and art historically
led design histories. Quite how, historic- ally, the categories
'art' and 'design' come to be constructed as they are, or why
interactions between 'art' and 'design' take place when, and in the
form they do, are questions too often left largely unanswered. For
these reasons we must welcome II Futurismo e la Moda which presents
much useful material for those historians interested in
problematizing the historical relation- ship between 'fine arts'
and 'design'.
Unusually, for an English-speaking readership grown accustomed
to the metamorphosis of exhibition catalogues into book, II
Futurismo e la Moda started life as a lavishly illustrated book by
Enrico Crispolti (also published by Marsilio Editori, in 1986, as
II Futurismo e la moda. Balla e gli altri). This was subsequently
revised and expanded to form the catalogue accompanying the
exhibition of the same name held at the Padiglione d'Arte
Contemporanea in Milan (February-May 1988). The ex- hibition,
curated by Crispolti, was ambitious, focusing not only on Futurist
attitudes to dress and fashion as revealed in numerous manifestos
and surviving garments, but also on Futurist design for textiles
and theatre costume. Many garments and costumes which no longer
survive were reconstructed for the show by the Milanese
couturier
Emanuel Zoo (who also sponsored the catalogue). The exhibition
organizers are to be congratulated on avoiding the pitfall of so
many fashion exhibits: the creation of spectacle for its own sake,
often degenerating into a-historical and sexist window display.
Although attractively designed and laid out, a considerable amount
of thought- provoking documentary information was interspersed
throughout the exhibi- tion thereby ensuring that the visitor was
not lulled into an unquestioning attitude of letting exhibits
'speak for themselves'.
One of the principal themes to emerge from the exhibition
concerned the role of dress and fashion in the construction of
identity: whether of nation, party, or gender. The relation- ship
of dress to politics (in the broadest sense of the term) is thus
one of the central preoccupations of II Futurismo e la Moda. In
this respect, the exhibition and the catalogue were able to draw on
extensive recent work (mostly Italian) by historians on both
Futurism and Italian Fascism. The involvement of the Italian
Futurists with Fascism seems to have constituted an embarrassment
for art historians, and (until recently at least) the whole
question of Futurism and politics has been avoided. It is revealing
how many earlier studies on Futurism defined their scope as either
the period up to World War I (for example, Marianne W. Martin's
import- ant Futurist Art and Theory 1909-1915 of 1968, reprinted in
1978) or to the end of the war (the 'Futurismo 1909-1919'
exhibition mentioned above) thus avoiding any real confrontation of
the Futurist involvement with Fascism from 1919 onwards. (Marianne
Martin in her introduction mentions il secondo futur- ismo, the
term applied to Futurism's development after World War I, and the
problems-at that date-of studying work so closely associated with
Fasc- ism.) This historically artificial truncat- ing of Futurism
has sometimes been articulated and justified in modernist formalist
terms: that the movement 'ran out of steam' after the war, partly
due to the death of a number of the artists in combat. Such
approaches, which either ignore or oversimplify questions of
production and meaning, have had
unfortunate consequences for our understanding of Italian
Futurism. On the one hand, the blanket condemnation of Futurist
writings and work as 'fascist' has tended to obscure the complex
development both of the relationship of Futurism to Fascism, as
well as of Italian Fascism itself. Equally, the unwilling- ness to
examine more precisely the circumstances of a work's production
often results in formalist analyses which do nothing to enhance our
knowledge concerning the historically specific nature of the
meanings constructed for that work.
A vivid instance of the shifting meanings of one form of dress
can be found in the Futurist 'Interventionist Men's Suit' of 1914.
The design for the suit first appeared (in three different
variations) as illustrations in Balla's manifesto on men's
clothing, which was published in Paris on 20 May 1914 as Le
Vetement Masculin Futuriste: Manifeste. The line drawing on the
cover page of the manifesto shows a fairly conven- tionally cut
grey suit with asymmetrical lapels and abstract black designs on
the body, arms and legs; a caption describes red and blue
decorations and a green vest. The manifesto condemns modern urban
dress, which it dismisses as dull, colourless, and gloomy and calls
for Futurist clothes which will be (amongst other things) joyful
(in colour), asym- metrical, expendable, and hygienic. Individual
outfits are to be enhanced and varied, according to personal
inclination, by attaching scented, brightly coloured textile
decorations called modifiants. In the 198os, all this may seem
fairly innocuous, but Cris- polti argues that, for Balla and the
Futurists, designs for clothing were conceived less as reform than
as ideo- logical provocation. As in other Futurist manifestos, the
Futurist demand was for revolution rather than reform, and this is
expressed in the style of the mani- festos which are invariably
written (whoever the author), in an aggressive and hectoring tone.
Balla's experience in designing for theatrical performance- by 1914
he had already designed a number of bizarre costumes (including a
boat-hat for himself) to be worn at Futurist poetry
readings-undoubtedly affected his choice of urban dress as the
Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design History
Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00 303
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IL VESTITO ANTINEUTRA Manifesto futurista
Glorifichiamo Ia guerra, ola Igiene del mondo.
MARINETTL fr MaiJuSto dd AWMrlmfe - 20 bbratmo 10W)
Viva Asinari df Brnezzol MARINMTTt.
(r' &rs ata fwrwa - T afro fir-aot itoa, rW I o 1910)
L'umanitb si vesLt sempre di qulete, di panu rw, di eautela o
d'Indeeilone, portb sempre il lutto, o it piviale, o ii mantello.
II corpo dell'uomo fiL sempre diminuito da fuilmature e da tinte
noutre; avvitito dal nero, soffocato da cinture, impriginnato aa
panneggiamenti.
Fioo ad oggi gli uomini usarono abiti di co- lor! e forme
statiche, cio.{ drappeggiati, solenni, gravi, incomodi e
sacerdotali. Erano espressioni di timidezza, di malinconia e di
eQlavittl, negazione della vita muscolare, che soffocava in un
passatismo anti-igienico di stoffe troppo pesanti e di mezze tinte
tediose, effeminate o decadenti. Tonalita e ritmi di pace deso-
lante, fumeraria e deprimente.
001 vof.llmno abollres 1. - Tutte Ie in neutre, * carine ,,
sbia-
dite, fantasia, semioscure e' umilianti. 2. - Tutte le tinte e
le foggie pedanti, pro-
fessorall e teutoniche. I disegni a righe, a quadretti, a
puntini diplomatlel.
3. - I vestit da lutto, nemmeno adatti pe i beccbini, Le morti
eroiche non devono essere complante, ma ricordate con vestiti
rossi.
4. - L'equilibrio medloxrita, il cosidetto buon gusto e la
cosidetta armonia di tinte e di forme, che frenano gli entusiasmi e
rallen- tano ii passo.
. -- La aimmetria nel taglio, le linee eta- tlebh, che stancano,
deprimono, contristano, le- gano i muscoli; I'uniformith di goffi
rivolti e tutte le cincischiature. I bottoi inutili. I col-
leUi e. i polasii inamidadi. Noi faturisti vogliamo liberare la
nosra razma
da ogni neutrfllt, dall'indecisione paurosa e quietita, dal
peaimismo negatore e dall'inerzia
e Vftfto blanco - romo - verb porbt bet pAi bro htftuwtia
CBaJUAI b i"ll ?*h.ouh zlonit bhie Furtmted coi I proIwioofi
AmbcONM ,ie n, trIll"ti l*Uerit h Reoa(i - ? M *I; b 194M
1 Giacomo Balla, Interventionist Suit, from II vestito
antineutrale: Manifesto futurista, 11 September 1914
304 Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design
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subject for a manifesto. The sense in which the Futurists
conceived of the city as an extension of theatrical space is
confirmed by their consistent use of urban spaces as platforms from
which to harangue passers-by and to declaim their manifestos.
Many studies of Futurism ignore the fact that this manifesto
appeared in at least three different versions. The significantly
retitled II Vestito Anti- neutrale: Manifesto futurista (Anti-
neutral clothing: Futurist manifesto) appeared on 11 September
1914. As Giovanni Lista has pointed out, in his 1982 study of
Balla, the changes in the Italian version of the manifesto were
made by Marinetti, who set about trans- forming Balla's manifesto
of men's clothing into a strident demand for Italian intervention
on the side of Britain and France (against Germany and Austria) in
World War I. On the title- page he inserted the now notorious line
from his first Futurist manifesto (g909): 'let us glorify war, the
world's only hygiene'. Balla's original manifesto had continued a
late nineteenth-century (and Symbolist) preoccupation with the
excitement of the dynamic and collect- ive spaces of the modern
city: men's suits were to form a facet of the constantly shifting,
brilliantly coloured kaleidoscopic spectacle of the Futurist city.
For Marinetti, however, the Inter- ventionist Suit (now described
as being in the colours of the Italian flag-white, red and green)
was a means of stimulat- ing the warrior soul of Italian male youth
[1]. Colours are no longer con- demned for being merely dark and
gloomy, but as 'neutral', and Futurist clothes, it is claimed, are
to be aggres- sive, and enhanced with 'warlike' modi- ficante.
Wearing the Interventionist Suit, the Italian man would thus become
a living tricolour on the streets, a physical call to arms.
Quite how many versions of the Interventionist Suit were
actually made up, or worn, is impossible to ascertain. In any case,
it seems that Marinetti conceived of the wearing of interven-
tionist clothes as more strategic than universal. For example, in a
1915 version of the manifesto, he enthusi- astically described an
interventionist demonstration at Rome University
where Francesco Cangiullo had worn the tricolour Futurist
clothing, citing this as a challenge to the pacifism of the
traditional intellectual. Other Futur- ist artists were to produce
visual calls for Italian intervention-Carlo Carra's collage,
Interventionist Demonstration of 1914, for example. But it is
indicative of the ambiguous status of fashion and dress within
modern society that the September manifesto should have been
vehemently attacked by Giuseppe Prez- zolini, who felt that to make
a statement on such a serious subject as interven- tionism through
a suit was merely frivolous 'buffoonery', in poor taste.
Whereas Balla came frequently to wear the clothing he had
designed himself and appears to have enjoyed posing-and being
photographed-in the Futurist interior of his own home, as part of a
complete Futurist ensemble, Marinetti seems always to have adopted
a sober, conventional taste in his appearance. Marinetti disparaged
what he felt to be the bourgeois myth of the bohemian artist, and
on the whole eschewed the wearing of outrageous or conspicuous
dress. Photographs of Marinetti reading at Futurist serate show him
wearing evening dress; he claimed, however, that he adopted evening
dress not out of any respect for establishment formality but in
tribute to the cafe-concert-to him the epitome of urban
spectacle.
It is, of course, significant that both Balla's and Marinetti's
version of the 1914 manifesto (the first of a number of Futurist
manifestos to address them- selves to fashion and dress) should
have been for men's clothes. In the case of Balla, this may well
have been provoked by the fact that urban men's fashion seemed more
unchanging and uniform; the French version of the manifesto
promised a subsequent manifesto for women's dress, but this never
appeared (despite Balla's evident interest in women's clothing
during the 1920s). For Marinetti, however, it was only men who
could take on the important task of interventionist provocation,
and the warlike aggression he desired for modern Italian men was to
be accom- panied by 'contempt for women'.
Futurist misogyny (like Futurism's connections with Fascism) has
become
another established cliche which, while broadly accurate, often
obscures more about the historical workings of patri- archy and
sexism than it reveals. Marinetti's numerous manifestos, it is
true, abound with disparaging remarks about women. In Contro
l'amore e il parla- mentarismo (Against love and parlia-
mentarianism) he speaks of women as 'a symbol of the earth we ought
to abandon', and advocates instead an adulation of the
technological glories of the airplane, looking forward to the day
when it will be possible for men to autogenerate mechanical sons.
In the same essay, however, Marinetti calls for support of the
suffragette movement and in other contexts advocates reforms such
as equal pay for men and women. Whatever the anarchic and often
sar- donic motivation for Marinetti's appar- ently more advanced
views on the rights of women, the contradictory nature of such
statements should alert us to the complexities of Futurist
ideology.
This is particularly true in any attempt to formulate 'a
Futurist' stance on women's dress. Marinetti had long fulminated on
the decadent nature of women's love for adornment and fashion, and,
in March 1919, he published Contro ii lusso femminile (Against
feminine luxury). This was an expansion of ideas he had already
sketched out in his 1913 essay Dis- truzione della
sintassi-Immaginazione senza fili-Parole in liberta (Destruction of
syntax-Imagination without strings-Words in freedom), in which he
lamented the fact that modern woman had come to desire luxury more
than love, that a visit to a great dress- maker had become the
substitute for an amorous rendezvous with an adored young man. 'The
woman finds all the mystery of love in the selection of an amazing
ensemble, the latest model, which her friends still do not have.'
Marinetti concluded the 1919 essay with a shrill denunciation of
the state of post- war Italy in which-he claimed-an obsessive
desire for women's (and particularly Parisian) luxury goods was all
part and parcel of mounting prostitu- tion, pederasty, and
infertility. This attitude was to find echoes in Fascist policy,
which often represented women's preoccupation with elegance
Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design History
Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00 305
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306 Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 40 1989 The Design
History Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00
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(in particular a concern with slender- ness and fashion) as
undesirable, because it was considered detrimental to woman's
fecundity and role as mother. It was even suggested that 'slovenly'
women were more fertile.
The years 1918-19 marked a crucial period in the alliance of
Furturism and Fascism. Marinetti's decision to rework his earlier
ideas on luxury in 1919 may have been partly triggered as a
response to the increasingly important ideological roles assigned
to women, and to femin- inity, in Italy during the war as well as
in the Fascist era. But whereas for Marinetti women were the weak
spot- the Achilles heel-of the national well- being,
representations of supposed feminine vanity (in the context of the
modern city this of course connoted the woman as consumer) could be
deployed to construct calls for patriotism as much as condemnations
of a decadent and 'effeminate' society. In an issue of L'Italia
Futurista (July 1916), for ex- ample, a headline had demanded that
'Italian women scent the entire world with Italian perfumes: use
Italian per- fumes made by Italian manufacturers from Italian
flowers'. And Marinetti's ideas on women's fashion did not
constitute the only Futurist view. In February 1920 Volt (Vincenzo
Fani) published the Manifesto della moda femminile futurista
(Futurist manifesto of women's fashion) in Roma Futurista. Unlike
Balla's 1914 manifesto, it was not a call to revolutionize clothes,
nor did it include illustrations as suggestions for women's dress.
Rather, this was a paean of praise for women's fashion as a fashion
system, which was described unequivocally as a paradigm of Futur-
ism itself: 'Women's fashion has always been more or less Futurist.
Fashion, feminine equivalent of Futurism.' It was the excitement,
the inventiveness and the quick-changing nature of women's fashion
which Volt cited as his justifica- tion for claiming such
significance for fashion. Ratifications of the importance of
women's dress were also to occur at government level, as when, for
ex- ample, during the 1930S the Fascist regime activated the
creation of Italian fashion houses following the sanctions against
Italy during the Ethiopian war.
Struggles over the representation of
the modern 'fashionable' Italian woman thus occurred both within
Futurism and Fascism, with the result that at this period the woman
consumer could (in different contexts) function either as a model
of patriotism or as the sign of a society in decay. Although there
has recently been considerable research into the mobilization of
concepts of feminin- ity (particularly in relation to maternity)
within Fascism, more work is needed concerning the development of
Fascist ideas concerning the design and con- sumption of dress.
Crispolti reproduces both the May and September versions of the
1914 manifesto, the Manifesto della moda fem- minile futurista,
along with subsequent manifestos such as the Manifesto per la
trasformazione dell'abigliamento maschile, 1932 (The transformation
of Menswear), Manifesto futurista sulla cravatta italiano, 1933
(the Futurist manifesto of the Italian tie), and the Manifesto
Futurista del cappello italiano, 1933 (the Futurist manifesto of
the Italian hat) as well as introducing the work of Ernesto
Thayaht, the inventor, in 1919, of a one- piece garment for men (as
well as a version for women) called the tuta [2]. Thayaht,
Crispolti claims, was the only Futurist to have any real contacts
with the world of fashion production, work- ing for a brief period
during the early 1920S for Madeleine Vionnet in Paris. Later,
Thayaht was recruited as a designer for the Italian Fascists.
II Futurismo e la Moda records, even though there is not always
space to expand on, many of the issues raised in the exhibition and
Italian Furturist work in dress and theatre is contrasted to con-
temporary developments in France, Russia, England, and Germany.
Nearly all the exhibits are catalogued (complete with
bibliographical and exhibition references) and most are
illustrated. There is, in addition, a series of bio- graphies which
includes figures (such as Thayaht) who were not documented in the
catalogue accompanying the block- buster 'Futurismo e Futurismi'
exhibi- tion at the Palazzo Grassi. The term moda in the title of
the catalogue had ended up as something of a catch-all: it seems to
apply indiscriminately to costume (for the theatre), dress (as in
Balla's suits and women's dresses) and
to fashion itself (as in Volt's manifesto). The question remains
as to whether Futurist dress design ever transcended its overtly
theatrical and provocative roles to become part of more widely worn
fashion. Nevertheless, the pub- lication will be useful both to
readers who were unable to visit the exhibition as well as to those
who wish to pursue further some of the questions raised by the
show. It would be interesting to know, for example, what type of
clien- tele purchased the garments, textiles, and interior design
objects on sale at the Furturist case d'arte around Italy, as well
as how such Futurist designs related to contemporary
production.
II Futurismo e la Moda will un- doubtedly stimulate
reconsideration of Italian design during the First World War and
inter-war period, as well as of the function of fashion, dress and
costume as spectacle and communica- tion. TAG GRONBERG
Central/Saint Martin's The London Institute
Hablando de Diseiio ANDRt RICARD. Punt de Vista, Barcelona,
1987. 232 pp., 6 illus. 1.250 pts. Temes de Disseny, no. 2 Servei
de Publicacions Elisava & Generalitat de Catalunya Departament
de Cultura, Barcelona, 1988. 122 pp., i6 illus. 1.650 pts. Eina:
Vint Anys d'Avantguardia, 1967-1987 Eina and Generalitat de
Catalunya Departament de Cultura, Barcelona, 1987. 50 pp., 76
illus., 46 col. pls. 7.500 pts. Iniciaci6 a la Historia del Disseny
Industrial ISABEL CAMPI I VALLS Col.lecci6 Massana and Edicions 62,
Barcelona, 1987. 214 pp., 153 illus. 2.500 pts.
It is common knowledge that Spain's current design boom is
undergoing questioning, analysis and even attack from its very own
roots, the designers themselves. For over twenty years, the few
active industrial designers
Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design History
Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00 307
Article Contentsp. 302p. 303p. 304p. 305p. 306p. 307
Issue Table of ContentsJournal of Design History, Vol. 2, No. 4
(1989), pp. 243-316Front MatterThe School of Design in Victorian
Dublin [pp. 243-256]'The Noblesse of the Banks': Craft Hierarchies,
Gender Divisions, and the Roles of Women Paintresses and Designers
in the British Pottery Industry 1890-1939 [pp. 257-273]Re-Reading
"The Corporate Personality" [pp. 275-292]Archives and
CollectionsThe Archive of Art and Design [pp. 293-297]
ReviewsReview: untitled [pp. 299-302]
Book ReviewsReview: untitled [pp. 302-307]Review: untitled [pp.
307-310]Review: untitled [pp. 310-311]Review: untitled [pp.
311-313]Review: untitled [pp. 313-314]Review: untitled [pp.
314-315]Review: untitled [p. 315]
Books Received [pp. 315-316]Back Matter