1 Ibn al-Nad m on the History of Qur’ nic Exegesis. 1 Dmitry Frolov At first sight the list of mufassir n given by Ibn al-Nad m leaves impression of a paratactic succession of names, put together at random, though in fact it is an example of a neat construction whose aim is to give a picture of the genesis and development of the Muslim exegetical tradition during the first three centuries of the Muslim Era. We have before us one of the earliest Muslim conceptions of the history of tafs r, which is definitely Shi‘ite in its outlook. 2 Ibn al-Nad m. Fihrist. 3 Chapter 1. 4 Paragraph 3. On the Qur’ n and Qur’ nic Sciences... 5 1 I wish to express my gratitude to the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences for giving me the opportunity to complete this article. I also thank my colleague Dr. Valery Polosin, the author of the monograph Fihrist Ibn an-Nadima kak kulturniy i istoricheskiy pamyatnik 10 veka (“The Fihrist by Ibn al-Nadim as a Historical and Cultural Monument of the 10th century”), Moscow,1989, who took the trouble of reading the first draft of the translation and commentary and made several significant suggestions. 2 The general information about the Shi‘ite views of Ibn al-Nad m is well known. 3 The translation was made from the following edition: Kit b al-Fihrist li 'l- Nad m. Ed. Re Tajaddod (Tahr n, 1971). The section on commentators is on pp. 36-37. I also checked the translation and the spelling of names with an excellent English version of the book made by Bayard Dodge: The Fihrist of al-Nad m. Vols. 1-2 (New York & London, 1970), where the relevant passage is on pp. 75-76. 4 This chapter (maq la) unlike the other nine chapters was left without a title by the author. It comprises three paragraphs (fann): 1) On different languages and systems of writing, including Arabic; 2) On scriptures previous to the Qur' n; 3) On the Qur’ n and Qur’ nic sciences. 5 Its original title runs as follows: f na‘t al-kit b alladh l ya’t hi 'l-b il min bayni yadayhi wa-l min khalfihi tanz lun min k min am d wa-asm ’ al- kutub al-mu annafa f ‘ul mihi wa-akhb r al-qurr ’ wa-asm ’ raw tibihim wa 'l- shaw dhdh min qir ’ tihim. [On the description of the Book which does not
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1
Ibn al-Nad m on the History of Qur’ nic Exegesis.1
Dmitry Frolov
At first sight the list of mufassir n given by Ibn al-Nad m leaves impression
of a paratactic succession of names, put together at random, though in fact it is an
example of a neat construction whose aim is to give a picture of the genesis and
development of the Muslim exegetical tradition during the first three centuries of
the Muslim Era. We have before us one of the earliest Muslim conceptions of the
history of tafs r, which is definitely Shi‘ite in its outlook.2
Ibn al-Nad m. Fihrist.3 Chapter 1.
4
Paragraph 3. On the Qur’ n and Qur’ nic Sciences...5
1I wish to express my gratitude to the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study
in the Humanities and Social Sciences for giving me the opportunity to complete
this article. I also thank my colleague Dr. Valery Polosin, the author of the
monograph Fihrist Ibn an-Nadima kak kulturniy i istoricheskiy pamyatnik 10 veka (“The Fihrist by Ibn al-Nadim as a Historical and Cultural Monument of the
10th century”), Moscow,1989, who took the trouble of reading the first draft of
the translation and commentary and made several significant suggestions.
2The general information about the Shi‘ite views of Ibn al-Nad m is well
known.
3The translation was made from the following edition: Kit b al-Fihrist li 'l-
Nad m. Ed. Re Tajaddod (Tahr n, 1971). The section on commentators is on
pp. 36-37. I also checked the translation and the spelling of names with an
excellent English version of the book made by Bayard Dodge: The Fihrist of
al-Nad m. Vols. 1-2 (New York & London, 1970), where the relevant passage is
on pp. 75-76.
4This chapter (maq la) unlike the other nine chapters was left without a title by
the author. It comprises three paragraphs (fann): 1) On different languages and
systems of writing, including Arabic; 2) On scriptures previous to the Qur' n; 3)
On the Qur’ n and Qur’ nic sciences.
5Its original title runs as follows: f na‘t al-kit b alladh l ya’t hi 'l-b il min
bayni yadayhi wa-l min khalfihi tanz lun min k min am d wa-asm ’ al-
kutub al-mu annafa f ‘ul mihi wa-akhb r al-qurr ’ wa-asm ’ raw tibihim wa 'l-
shaw dhdh min qir ’ tihim. [On the description of the Book which does not
2
The List of Books,
Composed on the Commentary of the Qur’ n.
1. The Book by al-B qir Mu ammad ibn ‘Al , be peace upon him, ibn
al- usayn ibn ‘Al , be peace upon him,6 which was transmitted from him by Ab
'l-J r d Ziy d ibn al-Mundhir,7 the leader of the Jarudite branch of
al-Zaydiyya, on whom we shall give information elsewhere.8
2. The Book by Ibn ‘Abb s,9 which was transmitted from him by Muj hid,
10
and from Muj hid by umayd ibn Qays,11
and by Warq ’,12
who also transmitted
contain anything invalid from before, nor can it be followed by another revelation
from the Wise Praiseworthy, and on the titles of books composed in its sciences
and on the stories of the Qur' nic readers and titles of their ranks and their
abnormal readings]. This variant given in the author's table of contents placed in
the preface slightly differs from the title in the text itself.
6 Al-B qir, great grandson of ‘Al ibn Ab lib, the 5th Shi‘ite im m, born in
Madina and died there in 114/732 or 118/736, an authority on ad th and tafs r.
7Ab 'l-J r d (d. after 150/767), the founder of the Jarudite sect, the radical
branch of al-Zaydiyya, lived in Kufa.
8On pаges 226-227 his name given as Ab 'l-Najm Ziy d ibn Mundhir
al-‘Abd . There Ibn al-Nad m cites two negative opinions about him of prominent
Shi‘ite authorities, one of them being Ja‘far, the son of al-B qir. It is interesting
that in the Fihrist's account of al-Zaydiyya we also find other names from the list:
Sufy n ibn ‘Uyayana (no. 13), Muq til ibn Sulaym n (no. 23).
9‘Abdall h ibn ‘Abb s (619-686), the Prophet's cousin, who carried titles abr
al-umma “the learned man of the Community” and tarjum n al-Qur’ n “the
interpreter of the Qur’ n”, is unanimously considered the founder of the
exegetical tradition in Islam and the shaykh of the Meccan school of tafs r.
10
Muj hid ibn Jabr al-Makk (642-722), lived and died in Kufa, one of the main
transmitters of the tafs r from Ibn ‘Abb s, was considered as relying too much on
ahl al-kit b (Jews and Christians).
11
umayd ibn Qays al-A‘raj al-Makk , Ab afw n (d. 130/748 or later, during
the reign of al-Saff ), the pupil of Muj hid in qir ’ t, tafs r and ad th. He was
the teacher of Ab ‘Amr ibn al-‘Al ’, one of the seven canonical readers (Basra)
3
from Muj hid by way of Ab Nujay .13
It was also transmitted by ‘ s ibn
Maym n,14
who took it from Ab Nujay , and the latter from Muj hid.
3. The Book of tafs r by Ibn Tha‘lab.15
4. The Book of tafs r by Ab amza al-Thum l , whose name was Th bit
ibn D n r, and kunya of D n r was Ab af h.16
Ab amza was among the
companions of ‘Al , be peace upon him. He was one of the talented and
trustworthy and he accompanied Ab Ja‘far.17
in the reading of the Qur’ n. He was ranked by Ibn al-Nad m among the Meccan
readers who had their own “reading”(p. 33).
12
Warq ’ ibn ‘Umar ibn Kulayb al-Yashkur (d. 161/778), mu addith, q ri’ and
mufassir from Kufa.
13
Meaning ‘Abdall h ibn Ab Nujay al-Makk (d. 109/728?), the son of Ab
Nujay , the transmitter of ad th from Muj hid. The son was specializing in tafs r
and was accused, unlike his father, of being a Mu‘tazilite and an advocat of free
will (qadar ).
14
‘ s ibn Maym n al-Makk , Ibn Sakhbara, transmitter of ad th from Muj hid
and Ab Nujay , probably a contemporary of Warq ’.
15
I have not been able to find any information about Ibn Tha‘lab so far. As a
matter of fact there is only one Tha‘lab known in the history of Arabic Culture,
Ab 'l-‘Abb s A mad ibn Ya y (d. 904), the famous Kufan grammarian, who
was also interested in Qur’ nic studies, but it seems unlikely that Ibn al-Nad m
was mentioning his son, as in this case he would be the only person of the 10th
century or the period after (!) abari included among figures of the 8th century. It
is highly probable that the name must be read Ibn Taghlib, which in Arabic script
could be achieved by a simple rearrangement of diacritical marks. If this is true
then the person referred to in the Fihrist is Ab n ibn Taghlib al-Bakr (d.
141/758) from Kufa, a companion of al-B qir and the author of an early pro-‘Alid
commentary to the Qur’' n, which was still popular in the 1st half of the 10th
century A.D., see also the Fihrist, p. 276.
16
Ab amza al-Thum l (d. 150/767), from Kufa, a member of the Imamite
branch of the Shi‘ites, transmitter of ad th and an authority on the science of
Qur’ n.
17
Ab Ja‘far is the kunya of al-B qir.
4
[5. The Book of tafs r by Mu ammad ibn ‘Al ibn Jinn ,18
which comprises
several parts].
6. The Book of tafs r, which was transmitted from Zayd ibn Aslam,19
written
in al-Sukkar 's handwriting.20
7. The Book of tafs r by M lik ibn Anas.21
8. The Book of tafs r by al-Sudd ,22
and we shall mention it afterwards.
9. The Book of tafs r by Ism ‘ l ibn Ab Ziy d.23
18
The only Ibn Jinn known in the history of the Caliphate is the famous
grammarian, but his name was neither Mu ammad nor ‘Al , and he died after Ibn
al-Nad m, in 1001 or 1002 A.D., and the Qur’ nic studies were not his field. This
title is included in the Fl gel text, but not in the Beatty MS. B. Dodge suggested
another reading of the name, Ibn J n , but that does make the identification any
easier. In a private communication to me Valeriy Polosin suggested that this item
might be a later interpolation. Here and elsewhere in the text square brackets are
used to indicate such a possibility mentioned by V. Polosin.
19
Zayd ibn Aslam (d. 136/753), faq h, mu addith and mufassir from Medina,
was favoured by the Umayyad caliph ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Az z (717-720). His
commentary on the Qur’ n was transmitted by his son ‘Abd al-Ra m n ibn Zayd,
who died during the reign of H r n al-Rash d (786-809). ‘Abd al-Ra m n is
mentioned elsewhere in the Fihrist (p. 281).
20
Ab Sa‘ d al- asan ibn al- usayn al-Sukkar (d. 275/888), from Basra, the
famous collector of old poetry.
21
M lik ibn Anas (93/712-179/795), the leading transmitter of ad th in
Medina and the founder of the Malikite school of Muslim law. The author of
al-Muwa a’, the first major collection of ad th.
22
Ism ‘ l ibn ‘Abd al-Ra m n al-Sudd (d. 128/745), a t bi‘ from the Hijaz,
lived in Kufa. He was an authority in the Qur’ nic sciences and the history of
early Islam and biography of the Prophet (al-siyar wa 'l-magh z ). He was also
known for his pro-‘Alid sympathies, but in the study of Qur’ n he was a pupil of
Ibn `Abb s.
23
The only Ism ‘ l who lived in the second half of the 8th century A.D. and had
a commentary on the Qur’ n, was, it seems, Ism ‘ l ibn Ibr h m ibn Miqsam
al-Asad from Basra, known as Ibn ‘Ulayya (110/728-193/809), but he was
5
10. The Book of tafs r by D wud ibn Ab Hind.24
11. The Book of tafs r by Ab Rawq.25
12. The Book of tafs r by Sayyid ibn D wud.26
13. The Book of tafs r by Sufy n ibn ‘Uyayna.27
14. The Book of tafs r by Nahshal,28
who transmitted it from al- a k ibn
definitely not Ibn Ab Ziy d. V. Polosin informed me that an attempt has been
made to identify him as a son of a Ab Ziy d Muslim al-Bazz r mentioned by
al- s , see Bayard, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 1018, but this does not make his personality
more definite. Ibn al-Nad m also metioned his book on al-n sikh wa 'l-mans kh
(p. 40). There is another possibility. In the generation of al-Sudd we find a
Shi‘ite authority from Kufa who was known as Ibn Ab Ziy d (d. 137/755). His
specialty was the science of ad th and he was one of the teachers of Sufy n ibn
‘Uyayna (No. 13). In the Qur’ nic studies he belonged to the school of Ibn
‘Abb s, being a pupil of Muj hid and ‘Ikrima. Only his name was Yaz d, see
Dhahabi, Siyar a‘l m al-nubal ’ (Beirut, 1992), vol. 6, p. 129-133. If our surmise
is correct, then two facts can account for confusion with his personal name. One
of the transmitters from Ibn Ab Ziy d was Ism ‘ l ibn Ab Kh lid (d. 140/759 or
145/764), who was also his relative, see op. cit., p. 176-178. That and the
immediate precedence of Ism ‘ l al-Sudd , who came from the same circle, can
explain why somebody – maybe it was the scribe – would write Ism ‘ l instead of
Yaz d. In any case this Ibn Ab Ziy d fits very well in the context.
24
D wud ibn Ab Hind (=ibn D n r) al-Qushayr al-Ba r (d. 139/756), a
transmitter of ad th from Basra and an authority on tafs r, who studied under
Ab 'l-‘Aliyya, Anas ibn M lik, ‘Ikrima and al-Sha‘b .
25
Ab Rawq ‘Aiyya ibn al- rith (d.105/723) from Kufa, a pupil of al- a k
ibn Muz im and ‘Ikrima in ad th and tafs r.
26
Other readings of the first name are Rash d (Fl gel), Sa‘id or Sanad (the
Beatty MS), or even San d (in an Algerian edition, as V. Polosin pointed out) and
the name of his father is written sometimes as D d. It seems that the person
mentioned is Sunayd ibn D wud (d. 841), or Ab ‘Al usayn ibn D wud, called
Sunayd, a transmitter of ad th and an author of tafs r.
27
Sufy n ibn ‘Uyayna (107/725-198/814), the second greatest teacher of the
Hijaz school of ad th after M lik ibn Anas. Ibn al-Nad m lists him among
Zaydite scholars (p. 226-227).
6
Muz im.29
15. The Book of tafs r by ‘Ikrima,30
who transmitted it from Ibn ‘Abb s.
16. The Book of tafs r by al- asan ibn Ab al- asan al-Ba r .31
17. The Book of tafs r by Ab Bakr al-A amm,32
who belonged to the
mutakallim n.
18. The Book of tafs r by Ab Kar ma Ya y ibn al-Muhallab.33
19. The Book of tafs r by Shayb n ibn ‘Abd al-Ra m n al-Na w .34
28
Nahshal ibn Sa‘ d ibn Ward n, Ab ‘Abdall h al-Khuras n al-Naysab r (d.
after 105/723), born in Basra but lived in Khurasan, mu addith and mufassir.
29
This is Ab 'l-Q sim al- a k ibn Muz im al-Balkh al-Khuras n (d.
105/723), a transmitter of ad th and tafs r going back to Ibn ‘Abb s, who lived
and died in Khuras n.
30
‘Ikrima ibn ‘Abdall h al-Barbar al-Madan (25/645-105/723), mawl of Ibn
‘Abb s, an authority in tafs r, ad th and history of early Islam, lived in the
Maghrib, where he became one of the founders of the tradition of the religious
science.
31
Al- asan al-Ba r (21/642-110/728), son of a mawl of Zayd ibn Th bit,
mu addith, q ri’ and mufassir, a great name in the history of Muslim theology as
the teacher of many Mu‘tazilite authorities, and in the history of Sufism.
32
Ab Bakr al-A amm, ‘Abd al-Ra m n ibn Kays n (d. ca. 225/840), a
Mu‘tazilite, contemporary of Ab 'l-Hudhayl al-‘All f. Ibn al-Nad m also
mentioned that he was blamed for his inclination towards ‘Al (p. 214).
33
Probably, an offspring of the famous Umayyad general al-Muhallab (d.
73/702), whose sons ruled in Khuras n from the reign of ‘Abd al-Malik onwards.
It could well be that the person mentioned is Ya y ibn al-Muhallab al-Bajl
whose kunya was Ab Kudayya or Ab Kudayna which is graphically very close
to Ab Kar ma. Though not a pupil of al- asan al-Ba r this Ab Kudayna was
from the same Basra circles, belonging to the school of Mu ammad ibn S r n (d.
729), which makes him a contemporary of the pupils of al- asan mentioned
before and after him.
34
Ab Mu‘ wiya Shayb n ibn ‘Abd al-Ra m n al-Tam m al-Na w (d.
164/780), q ri’, mu addith, grammarian, a pupil of al- asan al-Ba r , born in
Basra, who lived in Kufa and died in Baghdad.
7
20. The Book of tafs r by Sa‘ d ibn Bash r,35
who transmitted it from
Qat da.36
21. The Book of tafs r by Mu ammad ibn Thawr,37
who transmitted it from
Ma‘mar,38
who transmitted it from Qat da.
22. The Book of tafs r by Mu ammad ibn al-S ’ib al-Kalb .39
23. The Book of tafs r by Muq til ibn Sulaym n.40
24. The Book of tafs r by Ya‘q b al-Dawraq .41
25. The Book of tafs r by al- asan ibn W qid,42
[who is also the author of
35
Ab ‘Abd al-Ra m n Sa‘ d ibn Bash r (98/717-168/784), mu addith and
mufassir, who got his education in Basra and then returned to his native city,
Damascus, where he died.
36
Qat da ibn Di‘ ma (60/680-117/735), a religious scholar of diverse interests,
a pupil of al- asan al-Ba r , who shared views of the Mu‘tazilites about the
freedom of will.
37
Ab ‘Abdall h Mu ammad ibn Thawr al- an‘ n al-Yamani (d. 190/806),
mu addith, mufassir, faq h from San‘ ’.
38
Ma‘mar ibn R shid Ab ‘Urwa ibn Ab ‘Amr al-Azd al-Ba r (95/713-
153/770), an authority in religious tradition who went from Basra to Yemen and
was considered to be the first in the tradition of written scholarship there. Not to
be mistaken with the famous Mu‘tazilite theologian Ab ‘Ubayda Ma‘mar (or
Mu‘ammar) ibn al-Muthann (d. 209/824).
39
Mu ammad ibn al-S ’ib al-Kalb (d. 146/763), from Kufa, father of Hish m
al-Kalb , who belonged to the Shi‘ite sect of Sab‘ites. He was considered to be an
authority on tafs r and J hiliyya tribal history, but not ad th.
40
Ab 'l- asan Muq til ibn Sulaym n ibn Bishr al-Balkh (d. 150/767), an
authority on the Qur’ n and tafs r, lived in Basra and Baghdad. Ibn al-Nad m lists
him among the greatest Zaydite scholars (p. 226-227).
41
Ab Y suf Ya‘q b ibn Ibr h m al-Dawraq (166/782-252/866), the main
mu addith in Iraq in his time, who composed his own collection of ad th under
the title of al-Musnad.
42
The person mentioned is Ab ‘Al al- usayn ibn W qid al-Marwaz (d.
8
the book on al-n sikh wa 'l-mans kh]43
.
26. The Book of tafs r by Muq til ibn ayy n.44
27. The Book of tafs r by Sa‘ d ibn al-Jubayr.45
28. The Book of tafs r by Wak ‘ ibn al-Jarr .46
29. The Book of tafs r by Ab Raj ’ Mu ammad ibn Sayf.47
30. The Book of tafsir by Y suf al-Qa n.48
31. The Book of tafs r by Mu ammad ibn Ab Bakr al-Muqaddam .49
32. The Book of tafs r by Ab Bakr ibn Ab Shayba.50
33. The Book of tafs r by Hushaym ibn Bash r.51
159/775), q , mu addith and mufassir from Marw, an authority for Bukh r and
Muslim.
43
V. Polosin considers the text in square brackets a later interpolation.
44
Ab Bis m Muq til ibn ayy n al-Balkh al-Kharr z (d. 150/767), mufassir,
mu addith and historian from Khurasan, a Sunnite traditionalist. He was a
contemporary of Muq til ibn Sulaym n, for whom he is often mistaken.
45
Ab ‘Abdall h Sa‘ d ibn al-Jubayr (45/665-95/714), a scholar from Kufa,
who was a pupil of Ibn ‘Abb s. He was killed by al- ajj j for his participation in
the revolt against the Umayyad ‘Abd al-Malik.
46
Ab Sufy n Wak ‘ ibn al-Jarr al-Ru’ s (129/746-197/812), from Kufa, a
Zahirite, a teacher of A mad ibn anbal.
47
Ab Raj ’ Mu ammad ibn Sayf al-Azd al-Ba r (d. ca. 130/747), mu addith
from Basra, a pupil of al- asan al-Ba r .
48
Ab Ya‘q b Y suf ibn M s al-K f al-Qa n (d. 252/866) from Kufa, who
lived in Baghdad.
49
Ab ‘Abdall h Mu ammad ibn Ab Bakr al-Muqaddam (d. 234/849),
mu addith and mufassir from Basra.
50
‘Abdall h ibn Mu ammad ibn Ab Shayba Ibr h m ibn ‘Uthm n, Ab Bakr
(159/776-235/849), mu addith and mufassir from Kufa, a pupil of Wak ‘ ibn
al-Jarr , who lived and died in Baghdad.
9
34. The Book of tafs r by Ab Nu‘aym al-Fa l ibn Dukayn.52
35. The Book of tafs r by Ab Sa‘ d al-Ashajj.53
36. The Book Tafs r al- y alladh nazala f aqw m bi-a‘y nihim by
Hish m al-Kalb .54
37. The Book of tafs r by Ab Ja‘far al- abar .55
38. The Book of tafs r by Ibn Ab D wud al-Sijist n .56
39. The Book of tafs r by Ab Bakr ibn Ab 'l-Thalj.57
51
Hushaym ibn Bash r ibn Ab zim al-Sulam , Ab Mu‘ wiya (104/722-
183/799), head of the mu addith n in Baghdad, and a teacher of A mad ibn
anbal.
52
Ab Nu‘aym al-Fa l ibn Dukayn (130/748-219/834), mu addith from Kufa, a
teacher of Bukh r and Muslim, and a member of the Imamite sect of Shi‘ism.
53
‘Abdall h ibn Sa‘ d ibn usayn al-Kind , Ab Sa‘ d (or Ab Sa‘d) known as
al-Ashajj (d. 257/871), mu addith and mufassir from Kufa.
54
Hish m ibn Mu ammad al-Kalb (d. 204/819) from Kufa, an authority on the
history of the J hiliyya and early Islam, like his father with whom he shared his
Shi‘ite views, see above.
55
Ab Ja‘far Mu ammad ibn Jar r al- abar (224/839-310/923), one of the
greatest historians in Islam. His commentary on the Qur’ n, which summarizes
the previous exegetical tradition, was unanimously ranked first before all other
tafs rs.
56
Sulaym n ibn al-Ash‘ath, Ibn Ab D wud al-Sijist n (d. 316/929), mu addith
and mufassir, son of Ab D wud (d. 889), the author of one of the “Six books”.
Ibn Ab D wud is the author of the famous Kit b al-Ma if, an important source
for the history of the written text of the Qur’ n.
57
It could not be Bakr ibn Mu ammad ibn ‘Abdall h ibn Ism ‘ l al-Baghd di,
Ibn Ab 'l-Thalj (d. 257/870), mufassir from Baghdad, as all scholars mentioned
after abar lived later than he did. A possible candidate is Mu ammad ibn
A mad Ab Bakr al-K tib al-Baghd d , Ibn Ab 'l-Thalj (d. 325/927), a Shi‘ite
historian, mu addith and faq h, who wrote a treatise under the title Kit b m
nazala f ‘Ali min al-Qur’ n (“The Book on what was revealed in the Qur’ n
concerning ‘Al ”), but is not known as the author of a tafs r.
10
40. The Book by Ab ‘Al Mu ammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahh b al-Jubb ’ .58
41. The Book by Ab 'l-Q sim al-Balkh .59
42. The Book by Ab Muslim Mu ammad ibn Ba r al-I fah n .60
43. The Book by Ab Bakr ibn al-Ikhsh d,61
presenting an abridgement of
the book by Ab Ja‘far al- abar .
44. The Book al-Madkhal il tafs r al-Qur' n by Ibn al-Im m al-Ba r .62
[45.The Book of tafs r by Ab Bakr al-A amm.]63
Commentary
Let us begin the analysis of the list by stating that the historical construction
underlying it has two main parameters. The first is chronological. The list begins
with the scholars who lived in the first half of the 8th century and step by step,
58
Ab ‘Al Mu ammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahh b al-Jubb ' (235/849-303/916), one
of the leading Mu‘tazilites in Basra, a teacher of al-Ash‘ar .
59
‘Abdall h ibn A mad, Ab 'l-Q sim al-Ka‘b al-Balkh (d. 319/931), a
Mu‘tazilite and a pupil of Ab 'l- usayn al-Khayy .
60
Ab Muslim Mu ammad ibn Ba r al-I fah n (254/868-322/934), a
Mu‘tazilite. His tafs r was one of the main sources of Fakhr al-D n al-R z in his
commentary.
61
A mad ibn ‘Al , Ab Bakr ibn al-Ikhsh d, or al-Ikhsh dh (270/883-326/936),
a Mu‘tazilite from Baghdad.
62
Probably A mad ibn al-‘Abb s ibn ‘Ubaydall h, Ab Bakr al-Baghd d ,
known as Ibn al-Im m (d. 355/966), who lived in Khuras n and was an authority
on the Qur’ nic sciences. V. Polosin proposes another identification, based on the
text of Beatty MS, where the nisba is given as al-Mi ri – ‘Abd al-‘Az z ibn ‘Al
ibn A mad ibn Mu ammad ibn Is q ibn al-Faraj, Ab ‘Ad known as Ibn
al-Im m (d. 381/991), muqri’ and mu addith, but he lived after the date given in
the author's introduction to the Fihrist, which allows to surmise that the book was
completed in 377/987 or 378/988. This makes the first choice more probable.
63
This book was already mentioned above. V. Polosin considers this item to be
a later interpolation.
11
but with various set-backs, comes to the 10th century where it stops, which is no
surprise as Ibn al-Nad m himself died in 990 A.D. The earliest authority
mentioned is no. 2, Ibn ‘Abb s (d. 686), “the father of tafs r”, who marks the
starting point in every history of Muslim exegetics, and the latest one is no. 44,
Ibn al-Im m. Different possible identifications of this person (see Commentary)
offers us alternative dates for his death, either 966 or 991. In the latter case Ibn
al-Im m must have been alive when Fihrist was being composed and died after
Ibn al-Nad m, which actually makes the earlier date more probable. In other
words, Ibn al-Nad m covers period of about 300 years, or the whole historical
epoch available to his observation.
The second parameter, which complicates the chronological picture, has to
do with the division of scholars between four main regional centres or “schools”,
those of Hijaz (Mecca and Medina), and those of Iraq (Kufa and Basra). Schools
of tafsir in other regions – Syria, Yemen, Egypt, Iran, Maghrib and Central Asia –
are presented in the list as branching off from these four original centres.
Both parameters, chronological order and division into schools, were not Ibn
al-Nad m's invention, being very common in Arabic historical writings as an
integral part of the abaq t-composition, which after the 10th century was applied
to the history of Qur’ nic commentaries. The classical example of this approach
is Suy 's Itq n.64
But Ibn al-Nad m had in mind something different from the
abaq t presentation of the traditional type – an original conception disguised as a
common one, aiming at stressing the leading role of Shi‘ite scholars in the history
of Muslim exegetics.
64
Less known is the excellent presentation in: Badr al-D n al-Zarkash ,
al-Burh n f ‘ul m al-Qur’ n (Beirut, 1988), vol. 2, p. 147-216.
12
Table 1. Early Ma if and Schools of Qir ’ t and Tafs r.65
Ma if Qir ' t Tafs r
Medina Zayd
ibn Th bit (d.
674)
N fi‘
(d. 785)
Zayd
ibn Aslam
(d. 753)
Mecca Ibn Kath r
(d. 738)
Ibn ‘Abb s
(d. 688)
Damascus Ubayy
ibn Ka‘b
(d. 642)
Ibn ‘ mir
(d. 736)
Ubayy
ibn Ka‘b
Kufa Ibn Mas‘ d
(d. 653)
‘ im
(d. 774)
amza
(d. 773)
Kis ’
(d. 805)
Ibn Mas‘ d
Basra Ab M s
al-Ash‘ar
(d. 662)
Ab ‘Amr ibn
al-‘Al ’ (d. 771
or 776)
al- asan
al-Ba r
(d. 728)
The first step in the chosen direction was the elimination from the scene of
the “extra” centre (centres), whose existence could weaken the spell of the
resulting conceptual triad. It is well known that there were no less than five
centres of cultural and scholarly activity in the early centuries of Islam: Mecca
65
The names of the 7 canonical readers and their “geographical” distribution
are well known, and the data concerning authors of early codices and founders of
regional exegetical schools were checked with: Jal l al-D n al-Suy , Al-Itq n f
‘ul m al-Qur’ n (Cairo, 1978), vol. 2, p. 239-244; Zarkash 's Burh n (q.v.); and
Kit b al-Ma if by Ibn Ab D wud, see Materials for the History of the Text of
the Qur' n. The Old Codices. Ed. by Arthur Jeffery (Leiden, 1937).
13
and Medina, which should be treated separately, in Hijaz; Kufa and Basra, with
Baghdad joining them later, in Iraq; Damascus, to which Homs is sometimes
added, in Syria, see Table 1.
The school of Damascus, the capital of the Umayyad dynasty, could not
nave been younger than the schools of Iraq, but in Ibn al-Nad m's conception it
was relegated to a secondary position and placed among later regional schools,
which stemmed from the major centres. The first mentioned person from
Damascus, Sa‘ d ibn Bash r (d. 784), is put under no. 20, and it is stressed in the
text of Fihrist that he got his tafs r from the authority from Basra.
This procedure automatically eliminates from the list Ubayy ibn Ka‘b, the
companion from Medina, who was Mu ammad's secretary, who was mentioned
by abar as one of those who were writing down the Qur’ n during the life-time
of the Prophet, and who – last but not least – was included by Suy in the first
abaqa of commentators. This list of ten persons was repeated subsequently in a
lot of works on the history of tafs r and became the corner-stone of the traditional
picture.66
Inclusion of Ubayy in the list would mean too early a start for the
Damascene tradition.
The second step was the identification of the early schools with three basic
trends in the Muslim ideology of the first centuries of the Hijra. Thus, judging
from the names given in the list, the Hijaz was the centre of the orthodox
(Sunnite) tradition of tafs r, Kufa the centre of the Shi’ite school, and Basra the
centre of the rational Mu‘tazilite school. This picture is not without a basis,
though in fact the reality was much more complicated. Thus, for instance, the
above identification may have led to the absence in the list of the name of Ibn
Mas‘ d,67
as well as other Kufan scholars who were not sharing Shi‘ite views.
66
The other nine are the four Orthodox caliphs, Ibn Mas‘ d, Ibn ‘Abb s, Zayd
ibn Th bit, Ab M s al-Ash‘ar , and ‘Abdall h ibn al-Zubayr (d. 692).
67
Suy , speaking of early regional exegetical schools, expressly stated that
14
The third step was the rearrangement of the three schools so as to make the
Kufan (Shi‘ite) school the first in the list, contrary to the chronological order as
the oldest school seems to be that of Ibn ‘Abb s, and to relegate the Basran
school to the third position just to make it look younger than the first two. This
second goal may have led to the omission of Ab M s al-Ash‘ar who took part
in the making of the Basran school and lived a generation or two earlier than
al- asan al-Ba r .
The above reconstruction of the possible way in which Ibn al-Nad m may
have been working while compiling his list has the advantage of being able to
account for most of the “irregularities” and “inconsistencies” in the succession of
names and to present the list as having a composition just as ordered as that of the
picture of the history of the schools of qir ’ t.
It is possible to distinguish five compositional nuclei in the resulting picture:
Nucleus 1 (nos. 1-15). Here the number of persons who are unknown or
whose identification is a matter of conjecture is the largest (no. 2 – one of the
pupils of Ibn ‘Abb s; nos. 3; 5 (might be a later interpolation); 9; 12), while the
rest of the list comprises only two such items (nos.18 and 39). This complicates
the analysis and makes its results somewhat uncertain.
First comes the Kufan school, which is modelled as definitely Shi‘ite in its
orientation. Of the seven Kufan scholars only one (no. 11 - Ab Rawq) had no
connections with pro-‘Alid circles, all others (nos. 1 (2 persons); 3; 4; 8; 9) being
Shi‘ites. The list is opened by the school's reputed founder, the 5th Shi‘ite im m,
al-B qir (d. 736), whose three pupils were Ab 'l-J r d (d. 767), Ibn Taghlib (d.
758), and Ab amza al-Thum l (d. 767). Other Kufan persons – Ism ‘ l
Kufan mufassir n were “companions of Ibn Mas‘ d”. It could be added, that of
his “top ten” Suy , who takes into account only Sunnite tradition, traces back
real chains of transmitters only to three scholars, namely Ibn ‘Abb s, Ubayy, and
Ibn Mas‘ d, the last two being absent from Ibn al-Nad m's list.
15
al-Sudd (d. 745), Yaz d ibn Ab Ziy d (d. 755), and Ab Rawq (d. 723) –
whether they shared Shi‘ite views or not, belonged to the school of Ibn `Abb s in
the Qur’ nic studies, which might explain – as chronology could not – why they
are mentioned later than pupils of al-B qir. One of them, Ab Rawq, lived earlier
than al-B qir, which shows that apart from the tradition going back to Ibn Mas‘ d
Qur’ nic studies were also introduced to Kufa by pupils of Ibn ‘Abb s, and only
later were they taken up by Shi‘ite scholars, while Ibn al-Nad m tries to reverse
the chronological order.
The second school is Meccan. Surrounded by the pupils of al-B qir, the
tradition of Ibn ‘Abb s looks like a local phenomenon, whereas in reality it was
the oldest and most influential school of tafs r. We can deduce from the list the
actual spread of this school, as pupils of Ibn ‘Abb s carried his teaching to Kufa
(Muj hid and 3 scholars mentioned above), Basra (Ibn Ab Hind), Khurasan
(Nahshal and al- a k), Maghrib (‘Ikrima) in the time prior to the emergence of
the school of al-B qir. This fact though is camouflaged by skillful composition as
pupils of Ibn ‘Abb s are scattered over the list and do not form a compact group,
as they do in other histories of tafs r. It is also noteworthy that of the four main
transmitters of Ibn ‘Abb s's tafs r – ‘Al ibn Ab al a (d. 761),68
Muj hid (d.
722), ‘Ikrima (d. 723), Sa‘ d ibn al-Jubayr (d. 714) – the first was omitted
altogether, and the last was anachronistically put into the third nucleus, thus being
relegated to a secondary position, while Muj hid, who was treated with suspicion
by the orthodox circles as “relying too much on ahl al-kit b”, is made the central
figure in transmitting the commentary from Ibn ‘Abb s, being placed side by side
with him.
The third school is that of Medina – Zayd ibn Aslam (d. 753) and his pupil
the famous M lik ibn Anas (d. 795), the founder of the Malikite rite. The third
68
His version was very popular in Egypt and al-Andalus.
16
Medinese figure, Sufy n ibn ‘Uyayna (d. 814), who looks out of place among the
people who lived in the 1st half of the 8th century, seems to be included as a
Shi‘ite counterpart to M lik ibn Anas, the pillar of Muslim orthodoxy. It is
probable that such secondary figures as Ibn Taghlib and Yaz d ibn Ab Zuy d
were included in the list just to stress Sufy n's Zaydite background.
The general result of the compositional strategy is that Shi`ite scholarship
emerges as omnipresent, while orthodox (Sunnite) schools look like secondary
local events. Needless to say, this picture differs greatly from the accounts drawn
by Sunnite scholars up to Suy and it is very interesting as such.
Nucleus 2 (nos. 16-21). This group of authors is smaller in number but
much more homogeneous than the previous one, as it includes only al- asan
al-Ba r (d. 728) and his pupils. Thus it can be called the nucleus of the Basran
school which emerges at the same time as the schools already mentioned, with its
branches in Damascus (Sa‘ d ibn Bash r (d. 784)), and Yemen (Ma‘mar ibn
R shid (d. 770) and Mu ammad ibn Thawr (d. 806)). All the scholars belong to
the 8th century with the exception of a Mu‘tazilite authority, Ab Bakr al-A amm
(d.ca.840), who is mentioned twice in the list. His place immediately after
al- asan might be explained by Ibn al-Nad m's desire to establish from the start
the relation between the Basran school and Mu‘tazilism.
The first two nuclei also show Ibn al-Nad m's conception of relation
between the early schools of tafs r and later schools; the Maghrib and Khurasan
schools are presented as branches from the Meccan school, and Syria and Yemen
as offshoots of the Basran school.
Nucleus 3 (nos. 22-29). This nucleus has to do with a period, not with any
specific place. It comprises people who lived mostly in the middle and the 2nd
half of the 8th century, with two exceptions, the above-mentioned Sa‘ d ibn
al-Jubayr and Ya‘q b al-Dawraq (d. 866), the first representative of the Baghdad
tradition in the list, whose teacher was the above Sufy n ibn ‘Uyayna. This makes
17
Sufy n one of the key figures in the historical conception of Ibn al-Nad m as the
Shi‘ite intermediary between the Medinese and Baghdad schools of tafs r. The
Kufan-Shi‘ite domination continues. Four of the eight are from Kufa and at least
two of them are known as Shi‘ites (Mu ammad al-Kalb and Muq til ibn
Sulaym n).
Nucleus 4 (nos. 30-37). This comprises mostly people of the 9th century,
ending with the famous al- abar (d. 923), whose tafs r has been almost
unanimously considered by Muslim authorities of the classical period as being
unparalleled by any other work. In his commentary al- abar summarized all the
achievements of the early Muslim exegetical tradition, and Suy was right to
consider him a turning point in the history of tafs r, this view being now almost a
commonplace in Islamic studies. The only chronological anomaly is again
connected with Baghdad. Hushaym ibn Bash r (d. 799) is one of the predecessors
of Ya‘q b al-Dawraq , and it seems that changing places of those two scholars
would have seemed more logical, but the fact is that Hushaym, unlike Ya‘q b,
was a pupil of A mad ibn anbal with not a trace of sympathy towards the
Shi‘ite cause, and thus he was not fit to be the starting point in the development
of Baghdad tafs r. It is also worth mentioning that practically all the people
mentioned in the nuclei 3 and 4 are mu addith n as well as mufassir n.
Nucleus 5 (nos. 38-44). The scholars included belong to the 10th century
and represent the post- abar epoch, which was the formative period in the
history of “the science of tafs r” as the second constituent, after ‘ilm al-qir ' t, of
the Qur’ nic sciences as a special branch of Muslim tradition.69
And it is not by
chance that this group begins with Ibn Ab D w d, the author of Kit b
69
This topic has been dealt with in my article: D. Frolov, 'A Contribution to the
History of Classical Arabic Philology: the Making of the Qur’ nic Sciences' (in
Russian), Vestnik Moskovskogo universiteta, Series 13 (Vostokovedenie), 1987,
no. 3, p. 59-70.
18
al-Ma if, the only work of its kind which has survived till our times and which
is considered an important source on the history of the Qur’ nic text, and ends
with Ibn al-Im m, the author of one of the oldest, if not the oldest, Introduction
(Madkhal) to Qur’ nic exegesis. It is well known that the emergence of Madkhal
books in any branch of Muslim science testified to the fact that the discipline
concerned had become established in the system of formal education. We must
add that this nucleus is presented by the author as the zone of Mu‘tazilite tafs r, as
at least four of the seven belong to their circle.
To conclude this analysis I would like to make two final remarks. The first is
that, contrary to what is often said about Arabic medieval books, whether ‘ilm or
adab, no text is actually a chaos, though the order which governs its composition
and structure is sometimes hard to discover, as the basic principles are very
different from what we are accustomed to. The paragraph from Fihrist analysed
here is another confirmation of this thesis.
The second remark concerns the general context, which this study could fit
in. Since Theodor N ldeke's Geschichte des Qorans and till our time the Fihrist,
together with Suy 's Itq n, have been the main sources for the history of the
Qur’ nic sciences in the works of European scholars. Both sources are often seen
as parts of the same line of thought and as complementary to each other. If I am
correct in my analysis, than these very important books give alternative, not
complementary views of the subject and should be treated as such.
Wassenaar, April 1995.
[The article was published in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes