Human Imagery in the Architectural Sculpture of the Northern Maya Lowlands

ESPACIOS MAYAS: REPRESENTACIONES, USOS, CREENCIAS

Alain Breton, Aurore Monod Becquelin y Mario Humberto Ruz editores

m .

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Centro de Estudios Mayas, IIFL, UNAM Centro Frances de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos

Mexico, 2003

HUMAN IMAGERY IN THE ARCHITECTURAL SCULPTURE OF THE NORTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS

Virginia E. Miller Department of Art History, University of Illinois-Chicago, IL

LIKE MANY OTHER CULTURES WORLDWIDE, THE contempcfrary Maya of Yucatan tend to anthropomorphize their dwellings: the door may be called the mouth, the ridgepole the head, the outer shell of upright posts the

bones or ribs, and the mainpost the foot or leg of the house (Wauchope 1938; Maas Collf, personal communication June 1997) (Figure 1). The thatched roof may be compared to human hair, the vines that tie the various parts together as tendons, and the animating force of the structure is likened to the human soul (Maas Colli 1997: 24). Even community crosses, themselves descendants of the ancient Maya world tree, are adorned in traditional woman's dress and rendered human (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993: 251-253).

Among the highland Maya, even more explicit comparisons are made between the human body and the house. The Tzeltal, for example, believe that soil and mud, the same materials employed to finish the walls of their homes, were used to create humans (Nash 1970: 13). Tzotzil families signal their occupancy of a new house by placing hair combings in the cracks

of the walls when they first occupy it (Vogt 1998: 25). Indeed, a whole ' series of actions may be required to animate the inanimate structure, en

compassing purifying, measuring, naming, assigning guardianship, trans,, lllittinf, ";rnimateness"i clothing, :rnci foF.ciine (Stross 1998: 37.-33). WhF.n '.'the house is dedicated, it acquires a soul or ch'ulel (Vogt 1998: 2 1).20 The ;ancestors may be considered to dwell in the house and are often venerated

ec Monaghan 2000: 30-31 for Maya conceptions of the house as a living thing.

209

HO!..H&CH£ Caballete

Espacios mayas: representaciones, usos, creencias

ti& BffL&HO Emparrtllado horizontal Larguero intennedio Horizontal beam Intermediate beam

Ridge H �� HUNQU!CH£ � Emparrillado vertical

Vertical beam

filW!Q Zacate (cublerta) Thatched coV!!r

� Crucetas Crossbeams

AK Amarres de bejuco Liana moorings

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Reed braid

OCOHHOV Armaz6n de horcones

secundarios Secundary support struts

.,

_,:: / ,, NOHOCOH Horcones principales Principal pitches

Apisonado de tierra blanca Packed wtiite earth

Varas verticales Vertical sticks

fl'tc L..UH Embarro Clay

Figure 1: Contemporary Maya house, drawing of components. From Berges 1998:43

within it on special altars (Gillespie 2000: 144-145). Although the dead are no longer buried under the house floor, their graves are often covered with boards or even a thatched roof and referred to as "the houses of the dead" (Vogt 1998: 28). In both rural and city cemeteries in Yucatan, the dead may rest beneath concrete replicas of Maya houses, or more fanciful structures: with the advent of Christianity, the house was forced to move to the cemetery in order to continue sheltering the dead (M. Miller 1998: 191).

While it is impossible for us to reconstruct the rituals and beliefs that surrounded the building and occupancy of ancient Maya perishable dwellings, the link between the human body and architecture was sometimes made quite explicit. Glyphically, for example, "house" (-oto:t) may be written as a platform marked with a "circl,e of severance", just as a limb depicted alone will be shown with exposed bone as it would be if cut off from the body. These are indicators that both body parts and houses are inalienable possessions (Houston and Taube 2000: note 8). Both architecture and sculpture may reflect the human-..form or display human attrib-

2 10

Human Imagery in the Architectural Sculpture of the Northern Maya Lowlands

utes. A Tikal graffito, for example, depicts an a n i mated temple with the roof as the head, the pyramid as the body and legs, and the srairs as loin· cloth (Figure 2). The roofs of Maya temples symbolize headdresses; the

�

Figure 2: Tikal, anthropomorphized temple, drawing of graffito of anthropomorphized temple. From Taube 1998: fig. 20a

two elements are sometimes conflated in representations of Maya lords on stelae and on small-scale models (Taube 1998: 464; Houston 1998: 338) (Figure 3). A Copan hieroglyphic stela was erected wearing a replica in stone of a thatched roof, perched on top like a hat (Schele and Mathews 1998: fig. 4.5). Most unusual is the masonry tower of Structure 1 at Nocuchich, a Chenes site, where ruler and building become one (Taube 1998: 466) (Figure 4).

It is generally in the northern lowlands where the human form is most closely integrated with architecture. Beginning in the late 8th century, a new form, the column, is introduced, holding up the lintels of doorways

2 1 1

Espacios mayas: representaciones, usos, creencias Human imagery in the Architectural Sculpture ·Jf the Northern Maya Lowlands

...

Figure 3: jaina, seated ballplayer wearing headdress as architectural superstructure. MNA, Mexico City. Photo by author Figure 4: Nocuchich, Structure 1, views of front and east si::Je. From Pollock 1970: fig. 53

212 213


and the roofbeams of increasingly larger interiors (Figure 5). Square piers may perform the same functions. Many columns are carved with human figures, some of them in low relief moving around the form, while others are more ste!a-like, with the frontal figure carved in high relief wrapping around the cylinder (Figure 6). Completely three-dimensional figures support stone altars or lintels on heads and flattened fists (Figures 7, 8). Nonfunctional human figures representing captives and nobles, some life-size, may be attached to roofcombs or facades (Figures 9, 10). The great open monster maws that form the doorways of Rfo Bee and Chenes-style buildings are hardly human, but certainly animate the structures they adorn and give concrete meaning to the conflation of "door" and "mouth" in modern Yucatec (Figure 9). Although it could be argued that this emphasis on architectural sculpture over free-standing monuments was an aesthetic choice, there is increasing evidence that it may have been at least in part a political one as well. In the Chenes-Rfo Bee area, for example, stelae are absent and hieroglyphic writing rare, leading Mary Miller (1999: 55) to suggest that the powerful nearby city of Calakmul may have forbidden the surrounding sites from erecting such monuments.

Given the relative lack of stelae in the northern area during the Late Classic, it is perhaps surprising that the first in situ dated monument illustrating a single Maya ruler occurs in the heart of Yucatan, at the cave at Loltun, dated to the 2nd century A.D. (Schele and Grube 1996). Why, then, does the stela cult of the southern lowlands not take hold in the northern area? One explanation is that the poorer quality of the local limestone discouraged the carving of stelae which deteriorated rapidly in the elements (M. Miller 1999: 136).21 Nevertheless, very eroded stelae abound at places on the outer fringes of the northern lowlands, such as Caba and Calakmul. Furthermore, there are Classic-style stela portraits and texts relating to the reign of Uxmal's last ruler, Lord Chaac, whose city may have dominated the Puuc region between ca. 850 and 925 (Dunning and Kowalski 1994: 90). But these are exceptions: northern stelae tend to favor narrative scenes with several participants, often divided among registers, and in any case, wall panels, piers and columns, jambs

21 See Coggins n.d. for a discussion of limestone in Yucatan.

214


Figure 5: Chichen ltza, North Colonnade, reconstruction drawing. From Proskouriakoff 1946

and lintels, most featuring pairs or groups of figures, predominate. The inescapable conclusion to be drawn regarding later monuments in the north is that the representation of a single, honored individual on a freestanding monument was generally discouraged. The lack of individual portraiture as well as types of reliefs chosen directly reflect the nature of rulership in parts of Yucatan during the Terminal Classic period and later. Colonial sources tell us that during the hegemony of Mayapan, and perhaps earlier, Yucatan was characterized by joint or confederate government known as multepal in which a council of nobles, rather than a single ruler, held power at each city (Schele and Freidel 1990: 3 61-362).22 Both legend and now epigraphy reveal that Chichfo Itza was ruled by a group of at least five individuals, some of whom may have been brothers 22 Other useful sources on the concept of mu/tepal :rnd the Postclassic government of Yucatan include Marcus 1993, Quezada 1993 and 1998, and Vargas 1996.

215


-- - --· ·-

Figure 6: Campeche, rollout of column in Worcester Museum.

Drawing courtesy of Larry Mills

216

Human Imagery in the Architectural SculpturE of the Northern Maya Lowlands

Figure 7: Chichen ltza, Temple of the Initial Series •:SC4), atlantean figures and lintel. Photo courtesy of Linda Grimm

(Schele and Mathews 1998: 197; Krochock n.d.: 148). But Chichfo is not the only site that experienced joint rule: there is now epigraphic, iconographical, and architectural evidence that Xcalumkfn may have also been under the control of some sort of council, perhaps as early as the mid 7th century (Grube 1994; Michelet n.d.). Oxkintok, too, may have been governed by different or alternating lineages before adopting the more traditional Classic Maya pattern of hereditary rde (Rivera 1996: 122). Other northern sites, with or without stelae, apparently continue to be governed by single leaders, among them Uxmal, Kabah and Ek Balam (Carrasco and Perez de Heredia 1996; Voss and Eberl 1999). Kabah, however, records its inscriptions in the style of the southern Maya lowlands on lintels and jambs while at the same time favoring multifigural compositions and registers, both features of northern Maya reliefs (Figure 1 1 ). It seems, then, that while many sites adopted the muitepal form of government or some version of it, others retained traditional rulershi

_p but still celebrat-

2 17


Figure 8: Chichen ltza, Upper Temple of the Jaguars reconstruction drawing of atlantean figures supporting altar. From Schele and Mathews 1998: fig. 6.38.88

Figure 9: Hochob, Structure 2, south elevation. Drawing courtesy of George A. Andrews

218


Figure 10: Kabah, Codz Pop (Structure 2C-6), detail three-dimensional figures on east facade. From Carrasco 1993-94: 75

ed their leaders in a new format. Furthermore, at Chichen Itza, at least, it can be documented that over time, public hieroglyphic writing was delib

erately abandoned almost entirely in favor of narrative iconography, largely incorporated into architecture (Krnchock n.d.: 43, 231, 234-235).

T hree types of architectural sculpture that are particularly prevalent in Terminal Classic Yucatan and relevant to the concept of the anthropomorphization of buildings will be examined here: the caryatid or atlantean (Fi

gures 7, 8), the door frame (including lintel and jambs) (Figure 12), and the

219


Figure 11: Kabah, Codz Pop (Structure 2C-6), drawing by Aubrey S. Trik of north jamb of doorway to Room 21. From Pollock 1980: fig. 373

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From Morris, Charlot and Morris 1931: pl. 40

221


bench (Figures 5, 13 ). For reasons of space, the most obvious of the forms, the columnar figure, which merges to some extent with the caryatid, is excluded from the discussion.23 All of these, I believe, are expressions not only of stylistic change in the northern lowlands, but also of political change.

Figure 13: Chichen ltza, Mercado, north face of dais in gallery, left side. From Ruppert 1943: fig. 23

The concept of the caryatid -a figure who supports something with head and/or hands- is widespread in the north and shared with Tula. Such functional figural sculpture is relatively rare in the southern lowlands, although crouching figures, particularly captives, may be represented serving as supports. Some of these are readily identifiable as pawahtunes or bacabs, particularly at Chichen Itza, but also at southern sites. Although such figures are usually viewed as supernatural world-bearers, subordinate lords or sajal occasionally appear in the guise of pawahtunes, physically as well as metaphorically supporting a ruler (Taube n.d.: 198; Stuart 1998b: 324). These include the well-known throne supports from Palenque's House E as well as an unprovenienced lintel on which Yaxchilan's ruler Shield Jaguar II and his local representative are supported by two lords (Houston 1998: 355-356; Noble 1998: fig. 7. 1 1). Schele and Mathews ( 1998: 243) have suggested that the differing costumes of the 15 atlanteans who once supported an altar in the Upper Temple of the Jaguars at Chichen Itza identify the figures as holding different offices. They argue that the word "bakab" can be translated as "representative"

23 See Mills 1985, de Pablo Aguilera 1993, and Mayer 1981 for discussions of such columns.

222


and that these figures might therefore be seen as office-holders of Chichen Itza's ruling council (Figure 8).

These bakab or pawahtun figures are also depicted in relief on doorjambs and supporting piers at Chichen Itza where they may hold their arms overhead as world-bearers (Figure 12).24 Other figures, dressed as warriors and bearing what seem to be name glyphs, support lintels and roofbeams throughout the site. Carved lintels and doorjambs are hardly unique to the northern lowlands -the carved wooden lintels of Tikal and the stone ones of Yaxchilan immediately come to mind- but they take on greater significance as bearers of images and information where stelae are uncommon. Many of the texts so far deciphered at Chichen Itza and other northern sites seem to refer to the dedication or ownership by individuals of a building, lintel, and possibly other architectural features such as doorways, columns, courtyards and ballcourts (Krochock n.d.; Grube 1994).

Alrhough permanence was surely sought by the preconquest builders of massive masonry buildings, the fact chat lintels, doorjambs, and roof supports were so often embellished wirh texts and/or images may make reference lo a very ancient and persistent tradition of preserving and reusing their wooden counterparts in vernacular architecrure.25 Sevenreemh -cen

tury wills i11 Yucatan rarely refer ro the house, bur rather ro doors, door frames, and beams, all left to heirs as symbols not onJy of permanence and value, but also as prized products of a carpenrer 's skills, in contrast to common house-building materials such as wattle and daub and palm leaves for roofing (Resrall 1997: 179, 1998: 147). The representation of such structures in miniature on the facades of srone build ings indicates that even the elite Maya remem bered that their temples and palaces grew out of rhe simple wattle-and-daub srrucrures on platforms first built by their ancestors (Figure 14). On occas ion the upper facade of a structure may even recreate thatching .in srone, as in Uxmal's House of the Birds.

24 For :i Lare Classic example showing pawahwns suppomng a roof, see drawing of unprovcnienced altar iJ1 Dallas Museum of Fine Art in Taube 1998: fig. 20e. 1.! Ar Chichen lrza, a linrcl with hieroglyphic writing was cur down and recarved co form

part of a serpent column (Krochock n.d.: 189-190).

223


Figure 14: Uxmal, Nunnery, South Building, detail of facade showing miniature Maya huts. Watercolor by Adela Breton. From Giles and Stewart 1989: pl. 39

224


The third type of architectural sculpture featuring human subjects is the carved bench or dais. Benches per se are ::10t unique to Yucatan: palace structures in the south were often constructed with built-in platforms, and a few examples of elaborately-carved thror:es are also extant. But the type of dais that appears at Chichen Itza is quite different: built in a variant of talud-tablero construction, its lower surface is generally carved with processions of marching figures (Figures 5, 13 ). In style and iconography, these benches prefigure (or at least parallel) similar ones at Tula and later at Tenochtitlan, while at the same time recalling the talud-tablero construction of Teotihuacan. Most often found in gallery and gallery-patio type buildings at the site, abutting interior walls, they may be long, low, and relatively narrow, or square, cut into and placed slightly higher than a surrounding plain bench. The latter type may have piers or columns set inside if the dais is within a colonnaded structure.

The figures represented on these benches are lords, even if they are joined together with ropes as they appear on the Mercado bench (Figure 13). In the case of the Mercado, they are almost certainly about to undergo autosacrifice: the nearby jamb figures, while armed and elaborately attired, have exposed genitals (cf. Schele ar:.d Mathews 1998: 229) (Figure 15). They also seem to be about to witness the death of two victims dressed as ballplayers. Most such benches at the site, however, represent processions of lords, although two exist which may show the taking or presenting of captives. At the Temple of tr_e Warriors complex, their costumes and accouterments are remarkably consistent: for example, many of the personages depicted on the Northwest and North colonnade benches appear in the same relative positions (Morris, Charlot, and Morris 1931: 335-340, pl. 124, fig. 257). In the absence of features that would identify the participants as supernaturals, and in the presence of what seem to be name glyphs on the Mercado bench, we must conclude that real individuals, or at least specific offices, are represented (Kristan-Graham n.d.). Elsewhere I have argued that au-::osacrifice took place in private or semiprivate spaces such as galleries, in contrast to the public sacrifice of captives (or at least the symbolism of such events) in more open spaces like the Great Ballcourt and the adjoining Tzompantli (V. Miller n.d.). However, the sheer size of enclosed space� at Chichen Itza, most notably

225

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., i: _,


•I

i;;.a:=::_:::.:� � : I • a :i :) 1: : � ': IL. .! ! . -·:.:,�_:1

Figure 15: Chichen ltza, Mercado, drawing of south, east, and north faces of west jamb. From Ruppert 1943: fig. 20d-f

in the Temple of the Warriors complex, argues in favor of a fairly large

number of participants for even the more private events (cf. Stone 1999).

The interior benches may have served as platforms for autosacrifice and

related rituals, the presentation of captives, or the display of war booty

(cf. Stone 1999: 315). Some figures depicted on carved piers at the site

may carry tribute, a suggestion also made for the fragmentary reliefs from

nearby X'telhu (Freidel 1986: 17; Robertson 1986).

W hatever the function of the benches, the images carved on them point

to two activities: ritual processions l ike those depicted, within or through

the long galleries in which they were housed, and the act of supporting the

objects or persons placed upon them . But unlike the single figures who

decorate throne legs in the southern lowlands, nobles still subordinate, at

least in name, to a paramount ruler, these largely anonymous lords (at

least to us) are the ruling class of Chichen ltza, who placed themselves, or

their own possessions, on these benches. And unlike stelae, which are gen-

226


erally placed outdoors and can be moved, t.1e benches are an integral part of the structure.

By shifting emphasis from free-standing sculptures to reliefs incorporated into architecture, from single portra:ts to group scenes, and from writing to images, the northern Maya may have been in a sense animating buildings meant to serve a relatively large elite rather than a single ruler and his family. Since single-figure sculptures representing important lords continue to be represented in Terminal Class:c contexts, albeit with few or no texts and often with aberrant features, the proposed shift from an absolute monarchy to councillor rule may hs.ve been gradual and uneven. By the Late Postclassic, however, there is almost no artistic record at all of either rulers or ruling elites. It is almost as if the Maya had come full circle back to the Preclassic and Early Classic, when large-scale deity images dominated monumental sculpture. Also, by the time of the conquest the peninsula had reverted to a system of government known as cuuchcabal, similar in some respects co the Classic period ?Oliticaf system.26 Instead of a confederation governing Yucatan, each province was again dominated by a single ruler, but strangely enough none seem to have returned to the impuls\ to portraiture of previous eras, instead portraying supernaturals, even when the stela form is used again as occurs at Mayapan where two gods are shown within a thatched temple or house (Pollock et al. 1962: fig. 12). Furthermore, Postclassic writing reco::ds religious rather than historical or political messages (Grube 1994: 341).

Despite the apparently shifting political organization of Yucatan over the centuries, it is undeniable that during the Terminal Classic the northern Maya deliberately turned away from the practice of erecting stelae and incorporated their political ideology and religious convictions into their public buildings. They transformed these buildings icto living entities, not only glyphically claiming parts of the structures as th�ir own, but also endowing them with human characteristics. The elite anci their supernatural patrons were transformed into the body, head, limbs and even the soul of their public monuments, no longer the domain of a single governor or ruling family, but a collective enterprise encompassing the whole community.

26 See note 22 for sources on cuuchcabal.

227


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