-
aCaDeMICIan YoRDan IVanoV ReGIonal HIsToRICal MUseUM –
KYUsTenDIl
neoPHIT RIlsKY soUTHWesT UnIVeRsITY of blaGoeVGRaD, faCUlTY of
laW anD HIsToRY
bUlGaRIan MUseUM CHaMbeR assoCIaTIon (bMC)
HPaKΛeoYΣ ΣΩTHPoΣ ΘaΣIΩn
РЕГИОНАЛЕНИСТОРИЧЕСКИ МУЗЕЙ АКАДЕМИКЙОРДАНИВАНОВ КЮСТЕНДИЛ
ЮГОЗАПАДЕНУНИВЕРСИТЕТ НЕОФИТ РИЛСКИ БЛАГОЕВГРАД ПРАВНО
ИСТОРИЧЕСКИ
ФАКУЛТЕТ
СДРУЖЕНИЕ БЪЛГАРСКА МУЗЕЙНА КАМАРА БМК
Λ Σ ΣΩ Σ Θ Σ Ω
Изследвания в чест на Иля Прокопов
от приятелите и учениците му по случай
неговата годишнина
Съставители:
ЕВГЕНИПАУНОВ и СВЕТОСЛАВАФИЛИПОВА
СОФИЯ
studia in honorem Iliae Prokopov sexagenario ab amicis et
discipulis
dedicata
Ediderunt:
evgeni Paunov et svetoslava filipova
TIRnoVIMMXII
-
© Individual authors, 2012 © Evgeni Paunov and Svetoslava
Filipova – editors, 2012© Faber Publishers, 2012
ISBN 978-954-400-717-1
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or
reproduced by any means (graphic, elec-tronic, or mechanical,
including photocopying, recording, taping, or any other information
stor-age retrieval system) for re-distribution without prior
permission in writing from the publisher or the editors, except in
the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and/or
reviews.
ColleCTIon of ЕssaYs In HonoURof IlYa PRoKoPoV•Compiled and
edited by:Evgeni Paunov, Svetoslava Filipova•Translation of
abstracts:Evgeni Paunov, Diana Doncheva, Miroslava Taskova•Layout
of coin plates: Simeon Prokopov, Silviya Georgieva
•Layout and graphic design: Silviya GeorgievaCover design: Neyko
Genchev•Format: 60/84/8Printer’s sheets: 57•Designed and printed
by:fabeR Publishers – Veliko Turnovo, �ulgaria+359 62 600 650
www.faber-bg.com
Editor’s note: The views and ideas expressed in this volume of
contributions are exclusively those of the authors.
-
СъДъРжанИЕ | Table of ConTenTs
І. Обща част | General section
Поздравителна листа | Tabula gratulatoria
.......................................................... 15
Списък на публикациите на Иля Прокопов | �ibliography to Date
................18
Няколко думи за Илята | Few Words for Ilya
....................................................... 30
Academic CV of Ilya Prokopov
................................................................................
34
Избрани фотографии | Some Photographs
......................................................... 36
ІІ. научна част | Contributions
а. нумизматика | numismatics
Alexandros R. A. Tzamalis. The Kneeling �ull Type from the
“Thraco-Macedonian” Region
.................................................................
39
Александрос Тзамалис. Монетният тип приклекнал бик от
„трако-македонския“ регион
.................................................................
58
Петър Делев. За тегловните стандарти на тежките сребърни монети
на дероните
.......................................................................................61
Peter Delev. On the Weight Standards of the Heavy Silver Coinage
of the Derrones
...............................................................................................
72
Vyacheslav K. Peshekhonov, Nina A. Frolova. Silver Coins of
Abdera and Maroneia of the 6th–4th Century �C in the Collection of
the State Historical Museum in Moscow: An Updated View
...................................... 73
Вячеслав Пешехонов, Нина Фролова. Сребърните монети на Абдера от
VІ–ІV в. пр. н.е. и Маронея от колекцията на Държавния исторически
музей (Москва) в светлината на новите изследвания .....80
Маргарита Андонова. Тасос и „силеновата“ монетна серия VІ–ІV в.
пр. Хр.
...............................................................................................
85
Margarita Andonova. The Island of Thasos and the Coinage of the
Silenus Type, 6th – 4th Century �C
..............................................................................
93
Ставри Топалов. Непубликуван тип среднономинална бронзова монета
„силен и нимфа – вдлъбнат квадрат, разделен на четири“
.................... 95
Stavri Topalov. Unpublished Type of “Silenos and Nymph /
Quandripartite Incuse Square” �ronze Coin of Middle Denomination
..............................105
-
8 Съдържание / Contents
Eftimija Pavlovska. А Сoin Hoard of the Paionian King Lycceios
........................107
Евтимия Павловска. Монетно съкровище с тетрадрахми на пеонския
цар Ликей
..............................................................................
116
Методи Манов. Монетосеченето на тракийското племе дентелети –
нови наблюдения
..........................................................................................121
Metodi Manov. The Coinage of the Thracian Tribe of Denthelaetae
– New Observations
.........................................................................................
135
Yannis Stoyas. Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and
MELSA
..................................................................................
143
Янис Стояс. Две особени тракийски монетосечения: DANTHLHTVN и
MELSA
..............................................................................
174
Michael H. Crawford. Coins with GRU: the Abbé �ertrand Capmartin
de Chaupy and the Early Study of the Coinages of Italy
.............................187
Майкъл Х. Кроуфърд. Монетите с надпис GRU: абат Бертран
Капмартен дьо Шопи и най-ранните изследвания на монетосеченията в
Италия ............................................194
Constantin A. Marinescu, Cathаrine C. Lorber. The “�lack Sea”
Tetradrachm Hoard
.......................................................................................197
Константин Маринеску, Катрин Лорбър. Нова находка с тетрадрахми
от района на Черно море
................................................. 242
Иван Карайотов. Постумните сребърни и златни монети на Месамбрия
и Одесос през ІІІ–І в. пр. Хр.
............................................261
Ivan Karayotov. Les monnaies posthumes d’argent et d’or de
Messambria et Odessos aux IIIe – Ier s. av. J.-C.
...............................................................280
Sophia Kremydi. The �ronze Coins of
Lychnidоs................................................. 287
София Кремиди. Бронзовото монетосечене на Лихнид
.................................296
Nikola Šeldarov. А Hoard of �ronze Coins of Philip V and Perseus
from the Area of Gevgelija, Republic of Macedonia
...................................299
Никола Шелдаров. Колективна находка с бронзови монети на Филип V
и Персей от района на Гевгели, Република Македония
....................... 305
François de Callataÿ. A Tetradrachm with the Legend QRAKWN
Overstruck on an Athenian Stephanephoros Tetradrachm of
APELLIKWN-GORGIAS (88/87 �C) and its Consequences for the Thasian
Type Coinage .............. 307
Франсоа дьо Калатай. Тетрадрахма с надпис QRAKWN препечатана
върху атинска тетрадрахма на APELLIKWN-GORGIAS (88/87 г.) и
последствията за монетосеченето от тасоски тип
.............................. 321
-
9Съдържание / Contents
David MacDonald. ΗΡΑΚΛΕΟΥΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΘΡΑΚΩΝ Tetradrachm: Die Links
and Dating
....................................................................................323
Дейвид Макдоналд. Тетрадрахмите ΗΡΑΚΛΕΟΥΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΘΡΑΚΩΝ: връзки
на монетните печати и датировка ............................
336
Yannis Touratsoglou. Coins of the Macedonian Cities in the FHW
(Foundation of the Hellenic World) Collection
..........................................341
Янис Турацоглу. Монети на македонските градове в колекцията на
фондация на елинския свят (FHW), Атина
........................................361
Dubravka Ujes-Morgan. 1st Century �C Drachms of Apollonia and
Dyrrhachium in the Territory of the Scordisci. A Prologue to the
Roman Conquest of the �alkans
..........................................................................................................
367
Дубравка Уйес-Морган. Драхмите на Аполония и Дирахион от І век
пр. Хр. на територията на скордиските: пролог към римското
завоевание на Балканите
...........................................................................
387
Phillip Davis, Evgeni Paunov. Imitations of Republican Denarii
from Moesia and Thrace
..............................................................................389
Филип Дейвис, Евгени Паунов. Имитации на републикански денари от
Мизия и Тракия
........................................................................406
Мариана Минкова. Монетна находка от II–I век пр. Хр. от село
Найденово, община Братя Даскалови, Старозагорска област
..............415
Mariana Minkova. A 2nd – 1st Century �C Coin Hoard from the
Village of Naydenovo, Municipality of �ratya Daskalovi, Stara
Zagora District ...... 425
Sotir Ivanov. Circulation of �ronze Coins of Thessalonica from
the 2nd Century �C to the 1st Century �C in the Territory of
Southwest �ulgaria ................431
Сотир Иванов. Циркулация на бронзовите монети на Тесалоника от
II в. пр. Хр. до края на I в. пр. Хр. на територията на Югозападна
България ....441
Евгени Паунов. Монети и монетна циркулация в Кабиле и неговия
хинтерланд, ~100 г. пр. Хр. – 98/117 г. сл. Хр.
............................................ 443
Evgeni Paunov. Coins and Coin Circulation in Kabyle and its
Hinterland, ca. 100 �C – AD 98/117
...................................................................................481
Петър Бънов. Контрамаркирани римски бронзови монети от І в. от
музея в Плевен
.......................................................................................489
Peter Banov. 1st AD Century Roman Countermarked �ronze Coins
from the Museum in Pleven (Central North �ulgaria)
.............................. 502
-
10
Virgil Mihailescu-Bîrliba. Roman Coins at the Free Tribes
Outside Province of
Dacia............................................................................
507
Въргил Михайлеску-Бърлиба. Римски монети при „свободните“
племена извън провинция Дакия
.............................................................512
Светослава Филипова. Провинциални бронзови монети от разкопките
в махала „Арбанас“, Радомир (област Перник) ............. 513
Svetoslava Filipova. Roman Provincial Coins from the Excavations
in the Arbanas Quarter of Radomir, District of Pernik
.............................. 534
Диляна Ботева. Нумизматични данни за крепостната стена на Улпия
Сердика при Марк Аврелий: въпроси и нови възможности?
..............................................................................................
539
Dilyana Boteva. Numismatic Evidence about Ulpia Serdica’s
Fortiication wall under Marcus Aurelius: Questions and New
Possibilities?................546
Мариaна Славова. Монетни находки от град Меричлери (средата на
II – края на IV вeк)
..................................................................
547
Mariana Slavova. Coin Finds from the Town of Merichleri (Mid–2nd
– late 4th Century AD)
...................................................................561
Радослав Гущераклиев. Бронзови монети от района на римско селище
в землището на село Владиня, Ловешко
.................................... 565
Radoslav Gushterakliev. �ronze Coins from a Roman Settlement
near Vladinya, Region of Lovech
................................................................580
Георги Дзанев. Колективна находка на антониниани от Абритус
.................581
Georgi Dzanev. A Hoard of Roman Antoniniani from Abritus
........................... 592
Katerini Liampi. Grave Hoard of Late Roman Period from the Site
Ellinika at Kopani, Ioannina/2008
............................................................................599
Катерини Лиампи. Късноримска монетна находка от некропола
„Елиника“ при Копани, град Янина
.........................................................613
Алена Тенчова. Съкровище с ранновизантийски монети от с. Дюлино,
община Бяла
........................................................................619
Alena Tenchova. Ein Schatzfund mit frühbyzantinischen Münzen von
Dulino, gemeinde von �jala
..................................................................
632
Dochka Vladimirova-Aladzhova. Lid for Theriac Drug Jars from
Melnik (Southwest �ulgaria)
.....................................................................................641
Дочка Владимирова-Аладжова. Похлупаче на териак от Мелник
...............648
Съдържание / Contents
-
11
Иван Йорданов. Печат на неизвестен стратег от Тракия и Йоанопол
(70–80-те г. на Х век)
..............................................................651
Ivan Yordanov. A Seal of Unknown �yzantine Strategos of Thrake
and Johanopolis Dating from 970–980s AD
..............................656
Б. Стара история и археология | ancient History and
archaeology
Веселина Вандова. Неолитни гробове при с. Крум, Димитровградско
(разкопки 2011 г.)
..........................................................................................
657
Veselina Vandova. Neolithic �urials near the Village of Krum,
Dimitrovgrad District (Campaign
2010)......................................................666
Diana Doncheva. The Northern “Journey” of Late �ronze Age Copper
Ingots ....671
Диана Дончева. Северният „път“ на медните слитъци през късната
бронзова епоха
...........................................................................................
705
Калин Порожанов. Одриските царе Котис І (383/2–360/359 г. пр.
Хр.) и Керсеблепт (359–341 г.) – владетели на Боспора и Хелеспонта
.......... 715
Kalin Porozhanov. The Odrysian Kings Kotys I (383/2 – 360/59 �C)
and Kersebleptes (359–341 �C) as Rulers of �osphorus and Hellespont
.. 727
Александър Порталски. Дионисий Византийски – ценен извор за
географията и историята на Босфора в древността
.......................... 729
Alexander Portalsky. Dionysius of �yzantium – a Valuable Ancient
Source for the History and Geography of �osporus
................................... 740
Марио Иванов. Социална и културна принадлежност в провинция
Тракия според надгробните паметници
..........................743
Mario Ivanov. Social and Cultural Identity in Province of Thrace
according to the Grave
Monuments............................................ 757
Иво Топалилов. Νικοπόλις ή περὶ Αἷμον или Nicopolis ad Istrum
.....................761
Ivo Topalilov. Νικοπόλις ἡ περὶ Αἷμον or Nicopolis ad Istrum
............................. 767
Владимир Найденов, Нарцис Торбов. Римски и късноантични лампи от
колекцията на Регионалния Исторически музей в Плевен
............769
Vladimir Naydenov, Narcis Torbov. Roman and Late Antique Lamps
from the Collection of Regional Historical Museum in Pleven
.................784
Съдържание / Contents
-
12
Теодора Ковачева. Римски теракоти от Улпия Ескус
.....................................791
Theodora Kovacheva. Roman Terracottae from Ulpia Oescus
.............................801
Юниян Мешеков. Трако-римски коли от гр. Трън – проблеми на
конструкцията и реконструкцията
.....................................................807
Yunian Meshekov. Thraco-Roman Carriages from the Town of Tran:
Problems of the Constriction and Reconstruction
......................................814
Мария Камишева. Непубликувани паметници от светилището при с.
Кирилово, Старозагорскo
..............................................................
827
Maria Kamisheva. Unpublished Monuments from the Sanctuary of
Thracian Horseman near the Village of Kirilovo, Stara Zagora
District .................... 832
Василка Паунова. Отново за „свещените участъци“ в Югоизточна
Европа през античната и късноантичната епохи
.................................. 835
Vassilka Paunova. �ack on the “Sacred territory” during the
Antiquity and Late Antique Period in Southwestern Europe
.................................... 845
Галина Дянкова. Ранносредновековна яма от обект „Гороцветна“ /
2010: бележки за фортификацията на Пауталия–Велбъжд
...........................849
Galina Dyankova. Early Mediaeval Pit from “Gorotzvetna” / 2010:
Notes on the Fortiication of Pautalia–Velbuzd
.......................................... 853
Дойчин Грозданов. Средновековни гробове в църкви от Южна
България (ХІ–ХІV в.)
..................................................................
857
Doychin Grozdanov. Medieval �urials in Churches from Southern
�ulgaria (11th – 14th c.)
...................................................................887
В. Личности | Personalia
Валентин Ликов. По следите на един нумизмат: Георги Ликов
(1921–1994)
............................................................................897
Valentin Likov. On the Footsteps of a Numismatist: Georgi Likov
(1921–1994)
..............................................................................897
Г. Показатели | Indices
Приети съкращения | Abbreviations
..................................................................901
Указател на авторите | Index of Contributors
...................................................906
За съставителите | About the Editors
..................................................................912
Съдържание / Contents
-
287
THE BRONZE COINAGE OF LYCHNIDOS[with 1 plate]
Sophia KREMYDI
(National Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens)
Abstract
Lychnidos, ville illyrienne située sur le bord nord-est du lac
d’Ochrid, occupait une position stratégique importante pour la
défense du royaume de la Macédoine. Fortiiée par Philippe II après
les invasions dévastatrices des Illyriens qui coutèrent la vie à
son frère, le roi Perdiccas III, elle est de nouveau citée par nos
sources dans le contexte de la première guerre macédonienne contre
Rome. On sait, d’après Tite-Live, qu’en 209 av. J. Chr. la garnison
macédonienne de Lychnidos trahit Philippe V pour un certain Aeropos
qui a permis une invasion des Dardaniens (Tite-Live 27.32.9–33.1).
Philippe V reconquit sans doute la ville assez rapidement, pour la
perdre déiniti-vement après sa défaite contre Flamininus. Selon les
termes du traité de 196 av. J.-C., Philippe se trouva dépourvue de
tous ses possessions en dehors de la Macédoine propre et la ville
de Lychnidos fut donnée à Pleuratos, roi des Illyriens, allié de
romains (Polybe 18.47.12–13). Pendant la troisième guerre
macédonienne, Lychnidos est cité comme base militaire des Romains
(Tite-Live 43.21) et après la chute du royaume elle devint
indépendante.
Durant la basse période hellénistique Lychnidos a produit une
rare émission de bronzes por-tant la légende Λυχνιδιων. Les types
iconographiques – bouclier a l`avers et poupe de navire au revers –
copient des tétroboles au nom de Macédoniens et leur style est très
proche des frappes ma-cédoniennes. L’imitation de types macédoniens
indique que les bronzes de Lychnidos furent émis pendant une
période où la ville était sous contrôle macédonien et, d’après les
sources littéraires citées ci-dessus, cette production n’a pu avoir
eu lieu qu’avant le traité de 196 av. J. Chr. La datation du
monnayage de Lychnidos avant 196, très naturelle en soi, n’a jamais
été proposée jusqu’à main-tenant en raison de la date communément
acceptée pour les tétroboles macédoniens: à la suite de Gaebler, il
a toujours été admis que toutes les émissions autonomes de
Macédoine furent émises après 185 av. J. Chr. Une série d’arguments
qui sera présentée dans la publication du corpus de ce monnayage
que prépare l’auteure de cet article conduit à dater les émissions
macédoniennes bou-clier/poupe et Ménade/poupe antérieurement à 196.
Par conséquent la datation proposée pour le monnayage de Lychnidos
est conforme au témoignage clair des sources littéraires.
La production d’un monnayage de bronze aux types macédoniens par
une ville située dans une zone militaire à la périphérie de la
Macédoine propre ne peut pas, à notre avis, être comprise comme un
signe de son autonomie comme l’avait proposait Regling. D`après
notre perception actuelle de la fonction du monnayage de bronze de
la période hellénistique, on peut émettre l’hy-pothèse que cette
émission a pu servir au paiement de la nourriture (sitarchia) des
soldats de la garnison. En l’absence d’un monnayage de la cité à
types personnels, on a choisi des types – du reste des types
militaires – connus et familiers à leurs usagers.
The Illyrian city of Lychnidos1 on the northeastern coast of the
lake Lych-nitis, was built on the edge of the fertile plain of
Lychnis, on a bluf over-looking the homonymous lake at a defensible
point. The city, densely populated
1 On Lychnidos see: Regling 1925; Fluss 1927, col. 2111–2115. On
archaeological evidence: �itrako- 1927, col. 2111–2115. On
archaeological evidence: �itrako-1927, col. 2111–2115. On
archaeological evidence: �itrako-. On archaeological evidence:
�itrako-va-Grozdanova and Kuzman 1998, 3–16.
-
288 Sophia Kremydi
since ancient times, held a strategic position for the control
of the route through the Lakelands and was one of the stations on
the Via Egnatia. As has been bril-liantly demonstrated by Nicolas
Hammond, this route was of particular value to people moving from
the Central �alkan area towards the Greek peninsula2. �e-fore the
reign of Philip II the western frontier of Macedonia coincided with
the mountainous range that separated Lyncos and Pelagonia from the
lakes of Prespa. After the devastating invasions of �ardylis, in
order to prevent future disasters and secure his kingdom, Philip
lanced a war against the Illyrians and conquered the lands up to
the lake Lychnitis. To quote Diodorus (16.8.1) «…μεγάλῃ παρατάξει
νενικηκὼς τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ πάντας τοὺς μέχρι τῆς Λυχνίτιδος
καλουμένης λίμνης κατοικοῦντας ὑπηκόους πεποιημένος...». A strong
fortiication to the north of Lych-nidos on the hill of St Erasmos
has been dated to the time of Philip and several other
fortiications have been identiied along this route.3 To the
archaeological evidence one can add the testimony of Demosthenes
(First Philippic, 48.5) accord-ing to whom Philip was known to have
fortiied cities amongst the Illyrians. The precise status of the
conquered area between the lakes of Prespai and Lychnitis remains
somewhat obscure. Whether it was fully incorporated into the
kingdom or whether it remained a protective zone – some kind of
barrier land- in which the Macedonians held military bases for
purpose of defense cannot be deinitely proven because of lack of
decisive evidence.4 The strategic position of Lychni-dos for the
defense of the kingdom is further underlined during the events of
the irst Macedonian War. In 209 �C Philip V was engaged in
operations against the Aitolians in the Peloponnese when he was
informed that Lychnidos had been captured; before he could wage a
war in Illyria the Dardanians had poured into Macedonia (Livy
27.32.9–33.1).
During the Hellenistic period Lychnidos produced a bronze issue
with the fol-lowing description:
Obv.: Macedonian shield with strobilos in the centre; double
linear circle around center and singular around rim; the latter
adorned with six crescents a pellet within; the crescents are
separated by two pellets.
Rev.: Stern r., between the two lines of the inscription:
ΛΥΧΝΙ–ΔΙΩΝ. Some of the specimens bear a dolphin as a symbol on the
reverse below the
stern.The irst known specimen of this issue, held in the museum
of Istanbul, was
published with a detailed commentary by Kurt Regling in 1925.5
Since then an-other 17 coins have come to light and they are listed
at the end of this article. Some have been published with photos,
for others we only have references. For most of
2 Hammond 1981, 205–208. 3 Hammond and Griith 1979, 652–654.4
See: Papazoglou 1988, 74–75; Hammond 1981, 213–214 has however
suggested that these ter-1988, 74–75; Hammond 1981, 213–214 has
however suggested that these ter-
ritories were annexed to the kingdom, and that Macedonians were
planted in cities whose names were Macedonian, but the evidence is
rather scarce. For a recent discussion of Ham-mond’s proposal see:
Lane Fox 2011, 344–345.
5 Regling 1925.
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289The Bronze Coinage of Lychnidos
them we have a more or less precise ind spot. Eight specimens
come from the city itself and its surroundings (nos 2–4, 10, 13–16
in our list); one comes from Pogra-dec (no. 18) – an Albanian city
on the south shore of the lake; four probably come from Pletvar, a
small town just outside Prilep, the ancient Styberra (nos 5–8); one
comes from the Illyrian Apollonia (no. 17) and one from Pella, the
capital of the Macedonian kingdom (no. 11).
The iconographic types on the bronze issue of the Lychnidians
are beyond any doubt copied from the silver coins of the
Macedonians, usually called tetrobols6. Apart from the diference in
the legend – Λυχνιδιων on one issue Mακεδονων on the other – the
iconographic but also the stylistic similarities are striking.
There is only one minor variation on the obverse: on the Macedonian
issues the crescents on the shield are separated by three pellets
whereas on the bronzes of Lychnidos only by two. This detail and
the slightly larger diameter of the bronze coins, indi-cate that
the two issues could not have been produced from the same obverse
dies.
Small cities with limited and sporadic mint output are known to
have imitated coin types used by other minting authorities.
Comparable, although earlier exam-ples from Macedonia are those of
Pydna and Methone, cities on the Pierian coast, very close to the
heartland of the Macedonian kingdom. In the irst half of the fourth
century, Pydna produced a bronze issue with the types of Amyntas
III and the legend Πυδναιων. Although the reason behind this choice
has not been fully understood, it is hard to escape the conclusion
that it was struck during a period that Pydna – a Macedonian city
with a history of rebellions7 – was aligned with Macedonian policy.
This interpretation is furthermore conirmed by the switching from
Macedonian to Athenian types, which must have occurred between ca.
360 �C when the city was taken over by Timotheos and 357 �C, the
year of its capture by Philip.8 In a similar manner Methone
reproduced on her bronzes the type of a lion grasping a spear known
from the coins of Amyntas III and Perdikkas III.9 The Hellenistic
issue of Lychnidos may be compared to the ones just mentioned. A
small city on the borders of the kingdom, with no other monetary
production, minted coins with Macedonian types during a short
period; as at Pydna and Me-thone this could only have occurred
during a period that the city was under Mac-edonian control.
Regling underlined the resemblance of the coins of Lychnidos to
the Macedo-nian tetrobols and dated the former to the reign of
Perseus; this was the natu-ral consequence of accepting Gaeblers’
tentative chronology of the shield/stern tetrobols to the reign of
the last Antigonid ruler.10 From the numismatic evidence Regling
assumed that during the reign of Perseus Lychnidos was held by the
Mac-edonians.11 The argument however is a circular one and is not
supported by the literary evidence.
6 Gaebler 1906, 30, nos 16–21, pl. 1, nos 8, 9. 7 For Pydna and
sources on its history see: Hatzopoulos 1996, 466–467.8 On the
coinage of Pydna see: Tselekas 1996, 11–32.9 Psoma 2002, 78–81.10
Gaebler 1897, 176. 11 Regling 1925, 264.
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290 Sophia Kremydi
Apart from the passage of Diodoros that refers to the conquest
of the area by Philip II, cited above, the irst concrete reference
to the city in literary sources is found in Livy. The Roman
historian states that during the irst Macedonian war, when Philip V
was in the Peloponnese (209 �C) he was informed that “…one Aero-pus
by bribing the commander of the citadel and garrison had captured
Lychni-dos, was holding some villages of the Dassaretii and also
stirring up the Dardani.” (Livy, 27.32.9, Loeb translation). The
king instantly reacted and started marching north. �y the time he
arrived in Thessaly “another messenger met him bringing news of
greater inroad: that the Dardanians pouring into Macedonia were
already holding Orestis and had come down to the Argestaean plain”
(Livy 27.33.1). Al-though he was delayed by warfare against the
Romans and Attalos in mainland Greece and Euboia, in 207 �C Philip
V “withdrew into his own kingdom in or-der to wage war against the
Dardanians” (Livy 28.8.14). Although it is not directly mentioned
there can be no doubt that Lychnidos was recaptured. The war ended
with the treaty of Phoenice in 205 �C according to which Rome
gained territories in Illyria, Antintania was annexed to Macedonia
(Livy 29.12.13) and Philip kept the greater part of his Illyrian
conquests.12
A passage of Polybios (5. 108.1–10) relating to the events of
217/6 �C, just before the outbreak of the war between Philip V and
Rome, can also be of some relevance. The context is the following:
Scerdelaidas, king of the Illyrians had betrayed his friendship
with Philip V for the Aetolians and started attacking cities in
Dassare-tis. Immediately after “…ὅ γε Φίλιππος στρατεύσας
ἀνεκτήσατο μὲν τὰς προειρημένας πόλεις, κατελάβετο δὲ τῆς μὲν
Δασσαρήτιδος Κρεώνιον καὶ Γεροῦντα, τῶν δὲ περὶ τὴν Λυχνιδίαν
λίμνην Ἐγχελᾶνας, Κέρακα, Σατίωνα, Βοιούς, τῆς δὲ Καλοικίνων χώρας
Βαντίαν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν καλουμένων Πισαντίνων Ὀργησσόν” (Polybios 5.
108.8). The προειρημένας πόλεις are mentioned a few lines above:
Scerdelaidas had captured Pissaion in Pelagonia and taken over
Antipatreia, Chrysondyon and Gertrus in Dassaretis (Polybios 5.
108.8). There is no reference to Lychnidos amongst the cities
around the lake Lychnitis that were recaptured or conquered by
Philip V and, given its strategic importance in the region, this
can only mean that it had remained securely in the hands of the
Macedonians and had not been challenged by the Illyrians. Therefore
in 217/6 �C it must have already been garrisoned.
The Second Macedonian war started very shortly after the end of
the irst and after his fatal defeat at Kynoskephalai by Flamininus
in 197 �C Philip lost all his possessions beyond Macedonia proper.
Lychnis and Parthos were given to Pleura-tos, king of the Illyrians
and ally of Rome (Polybius 18. 47.12–13: ἔδωκαν δὲ καὶ Πλευράτῳ
Λυχνίδα καὶ Πάρθον, οὔσας μὲν Ἰλλυρίδας, ὑπὸ Φίλιππον δὲ
ταττομένας). There is no evidence whatsoever that the city was
re-conquered by the Macedo-nians after 197 �C. On the contrary
there is direct evidence that, during the third Macedonian war, the
city served as a base for the Romans. Livy (43.21) describ-ing the
campaigns of 169 �C writes: “Lucius Coelius, a Roman staf-oicer was
in charge of Illyricum; he had not dared to stir while the king was
in those parts, but after his departure at last he attempted in the
Penestian country to retake Uscana, and being driven back with many
wounded by the Macedonian garrison which
12 Walbank, 19672, 103.
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291The Bronze Coinage of Lychnidos
was there, led his forces back to Lychnidus”. It is clear from
this passage that Lych-nidos, whatever its state of dependence from
Genthios, was in Roman hands13 and that the hypothesis put forward
by Regling14 is contradicted by the evidence. This diiculty of
dating the coins of Lychnidos to the reign of Perseus was also
realized by �itrakova-Grozdanova who left the question of its
dating open.15
The most tenable hypothesis therefore, would be that the bronze
coins of Lych-nidos were struck sometime before 196 �C, when the
area was under the control of Philip V and possessed a Macedonian
garrison. This, however, is in full discord-ance with Gaeblers’
dating of the Macedonian coinage. According to the German
numismatist the ‘autonomous’ coinage of the Macedonians was irst
issued in 185 �C, when Philip reopened the silver mines, as one of
the measures to strengthen the economy of his kingdom that had been
exhausted after successive wars (Livy 39.24). Gaebler related the
opening of the mines to the ‘autonomous’ issues which he therefore
dated after 185 �C.16 As for the shield/stern and the Maenad/stern
is-sues, he tentatively dated them to the reign of Perseus, because
they were lighter than the shield/helmet tetrobols, most issues of
which can be securely dated to the end of Philips’ reign through
common monograms. Gaeblers’ dates, widely accepted and established
amongst the academic community have never been re-examined. The
famous passage of Livy however, on which this theory is based,
makes no reference to coinage whatsoever and the dating of all
‘autonomous’ is-sues to the period after the second Macedonian war
may, in our view, be revised.17 As far as the coinage of Lychnidos
is concerned all diiculties in its dating disap-pear, once we
accept that it could have been issued before 196 �C when the
Mac-edonians controlled the city.
Furthermore, the function of the coinage of Lychnidos needs to
be reconsid-ered. Why would a city on the border of the kingdom,
which had never before issued coins, choose to produce a bronze
issue with types identical to the Mac-edonian tetrobols? According
to Regling, the king of Macedon, who had granted Macedonian cities
and districts the right to coin as a sign of autonomy, granted the
same right to the city of Lychnidos. However, two points need to be
made. First, it is no longer certain that the issues in the name of
the Macedonian cit-ies (Thessalonike, Amphipolis, Pella) were
struck before the Roman occupation18, and if this is correct, then
we are left with the coinage in the name of the ethnos and the
districts whose function needs further investigation. Second, even
under Macedonian military control, there is no evidence that
Lychnidos was integrated
13 Hammond, Walbank 1988, 521.14 Regling 1925, 264.15
�itrakova-Grozdanova 1987, 192–193. Her hypothesis that the coinage
of Lychnidos could per-that the coinage of Lychnidos could per-
haps date to the period after the battle of Pydna is untenable.
At a period when all regal coinage was banned from circulation and
had ended in a melting pot, the imitation of Macedonian types by a
city which was no longer dependant of Macedonia is absurd.
16 This chronology was proposed in an article published by
Gaebler 1897, 169–192, pl. 4.17 This opinion shall be put forward
in a monograph on the autonomous coinage of Macedonia
which is under preparation by the author.18 Kourembanas 2009.
(unpublished PhD).
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292 Sophia Kremydi
into the kingdom and under these circumstances to consider its
coinage as a sign of ‘autonomy’ seems absurd.
Our perception of the function of bronze coinage has changed
since Regling’s time. �ronze coinage was certainly a medium of
inancing small scale inancial ac-tivities within a limited region.
In addition to this general statement, it is nowadays broadly
accepted that during the Hellenistic period, bronze coins could
have also been used for the payment of the sitarchia, soldiers’
everyday expenses for food, a new practice which gradually replaced
the distribution of grain19. This interpre-tation is valid for
bronze royal issues, such as those in the name of Antigonos – which
were found in large numbers, and perhaps even issued, in cities
outside the kingdom that supported garrisons; it is also valid for
sporadic and limited bronze issues, often bearing military types,
that were produced in the name of cities or other, sometimes
obscure, minting authorities. Seen under this perspective, the
bronze coinage of Lychnidos could be explained by the need to
provide the sitar-chia for the Macedonian garrison that stationed
in the city. In absence of an earlier coinage in their name, the
Lychnidians reproduced the types of the Macedonian coinage to which
the recipients were accustomed. The fact that the payment was made
in a coinage in the name of the city and not in Macedonian coinage
implies that the city provided the means for this issue. In other
words instead of providing the nourishment for the soldiers, the
city provided them the money with which to buy it themselves. This
is, in our view, the way this short lived issue could be
explained.
Out of the 13 coins with certain provenance two were securely
found through excavations in the distant cities of Apollonia and
Pella. Such a remote circulation is unusual for small scale bronze
issues, but can be explained by the movement of troops. The coin
from Apollonia was found in a grave and served as a Charron’s obol.
It could have reached this city during Philips’ expeditions in
Illyria, by a sol-dier who did not survive the campaign and was
buried on the site. The unsuccess-ful siege of Apollonia in 211�C
(Livy 26.25.3) could have been a possible occasion. The coin from
Pella was found in the destruction layer of a house near the agora.
This could have been brought there by a luckier soldier who managed
to survive the wars and return to his homeland.
19 Psoma 2009, 3–38, with earlier bibliography.
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293The Bronze Coinage of Lychnidos
List of coins20
1 Istanbul Museum 16 mm Regling 1925, 255–264, pl. 24, 5.2
Excavation of Gorni
Saraj, Ohrid mu-seum.
�itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 45.
3 Excavation of Gorni Saraj, Ohrid mu-seum.
�itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 45.
4 Private collection in Ohrid (found by the lake), Ohrid
mu-seum.
�itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 45.
*5 N�RM 1999/17/2. From Pletvar (?).
3.28 g, 17 mm �itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 45, pl. 1, no. 1;
Hristovska 2002, no. 65; Seldarov 2003, no. 93.
*6 N�RM 1999/18/2. From PletP Pletvar (?).
4.08 g, 16.1 mm �itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 45, pl. 1, no. 2;
Hristovska 2002, no. 66.
*7 N�RM 2000/14/1. From Pletvar (?).
3.92 g, 16.4 mm �itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 45, pl. 1, no. 3;
Hristovska 2002, no. 63.
*8 N�RM 2000/23/6. From Pletvar (?).
3.86 g, 15.8 mm �itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 46, pl. 1, no. 4;
Hristovska 2002, no. 64.
9 Seldarov Collection. From Pletvar (?).
3.86 g, 15.8 mm �itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 45., pl. 1, no. 5;
Seldarov 2003, no. 94.
10 Ohrid �ank (O� 04/2/131),
4.53 g, 16 mm Seldarov 2003, no. 92; Josifovski 2006, 32, 85,
no. 34;
11 Pella Museum, AN 1977/4.
16 mm ADelt 51–52 (1996–1997), 205, no. 32, pl. 60.
*12 CNG mbs 45 (1988), 300.
3.51 g.
13 Ohrid Museum Ziva Antika 23.2 (1973), 295–301; Starinar 22
(1974) 150; �itrakova-Grovdanova 1987, 193.
14 Ohrid Museum Ziva Antika 23.2 (1973), 295–301; Starinar 22
(1974) 150; �itrakova-Grovdanova 1987, 193.
20 Coins marked with asterix are illustrated below, photos
courtesy of Ms. Eftimija Pavlovska, National �ank of Republic of
Macedonia Skopje.
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294 Sophia Kremydi
15 Ohrid Museum Ziva Antika 23.2 (1973), 295–301; Starinar 22
(1974) 150; �itrakova-Grovdanova 1987, 193.
16 Ohrid Museum Ziva Antika 23.2 (1973), 295–301; Starinar 22
(1974) 150; �itrakova-Grovdanova 1987, 193.
17 �ilis (Fier), Apol-lonia, (in a grave)
�itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 43.
18. Pogradec, Macedonia �itrakova-Grovdanova 2001, 43.
REFERENCES
Bitrakova-Grozdanova 1987:
V. �itrakova-Grozdanova. Monuments de l’époque hellénis-tique
dans la république socialiste de macédoine. Skopje, 1987.
Bitrakova-Grozdanova 2001:
V. �itrakova-Grozdanova. Coinage of Lychnidos and Ochrid. – In:
Coins and Mints in Macedonia. Proceedings of a Symposium held in
honor of Ksente Bogaev. Skopje, 2001, 43–46.
Bitrakova-Grozdanova. Kuzman 1998:
V. �itrakova-Grozdanova and P. Kuzman. Lychnidus in the early
antiquity (new archaeological evidence). – Macedo-nian Heritage 8,
1998, 3–16.
Gaebler 1897: H. Gaebler. Zur Münzkunde Makedoniens. I. Die
autono-me Münzprägung der Makedonen, Amphaxier und �ottea-ten. –
ZfN 20, 1897, 169–192.
Gaebler 1906: H. Gaebler. Die antiken Münzen Nord-Griechenlands,
vol. 3.1. �erlin, 1906.
Hammond 1981: N.G.L. Hammond. The western frontier of Macedonia
in the reign of Philip II. – In: Ancient Studies in Honor of
Charles F. Edson. Thessaloniki, 1981, 199–217.
Hammond, Griith 1979: N.G.L Hammond, G.T. Griith. A History of
Macedonia, vol. 2. Oxford, 1979.
Hammond, Walbank 1988: N.G.L. Hammond, F.W. Walbank. A History
of Macedonia, vol. 3. Oxford, 1988.
Hatzopoulos 1996: M.�. Hatzopoulos. Macedonian Institutions
under the Kings. (Μελετήματα 22). Athens, 1996.
Josifovski 2006: P. Josifovski et alii. Coins from the
collection of the Ohrid-ska Banka. Skopje, 2006, 17, 32, 85, no.
34.
Kourembanas 2009: Th. Kourembanas. Le monnayage au nom de
Thessalonique à la période hellénistique. Paris IV–Sorbonne
(Unpublished PhD-thesis).
-
295The Bronze Coinage of Lychnidos
Lane Fox 2011: R. Lane Fox. Philip: Accession, ambitions and
self-presen-tation. – In: R. Lane Fox (ed.), Brill’s Companion to
Ancient Macedon. Leiden, 2011, 335–366.
Papazoglou 1988: F. Papazoglou. Les villes de Macédoine à
l’époque romaine. (=�CH Suppl. 16). Athens/Paris, 1988.
Psoma 2002: S. Psoma. Methone, Pieria. A new numismatic type. –
NomKhron 21, 2002, 78–81.
Psoma 2009: S. Psoma. Tas sitarchias kai tous misthous
([Arist.], Oec. 1351�). �ronze Currencies and Cash-allowances in
Main-1�). �ronze Currencies and Cash-allowances in Main-�ronze
Currencies and Cash-allowances in Main-land Greece, Thrace and the
Kingdom of Macedonia. – RBN 155, 2009, 3–38.
Regling 1925: K. Regling. Lychnidos, eine neue Munzstatte in
Illyrien. – ZfN 35, 1925, 255–265.
Tselekas 1996: P. Tselekas. The coinage of Pydna. – NC 156,
1996, 11–32.Walbank 19672: F.W. Walbank. Philip V of Macedon.
Cambridge, 19672.
Key to plate
1. �ronze coin of Lychnidos from Pletvar(?), N�RM, Skopje. Cat.
no. 5.2. �ronze coin of Lychnidos from Pletvar(?), N�RM, Skopje.
Cat. no. 6.3. �ronze coin of Lychnidos from Pletvar(?), N�RM,
Skopje. Cat. no. 7. 4. �ronze coin of Lychnidos from Pletvar(?),
N�RM, Skopje. Cat. no. 8. 5. �ronze coin of Lychnidos, ex CNG 45,
1988, no. 300. Cat. no. 12.6. Silver tetrobol of the Macedonians,
(2.03g). ANS, no. 1978.82.184.
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296 Sophia Kremydi
Бронзовото монетосечене на Лихнид
(Резюме)
София КРЕМИДИ
Лихнид, древен илирийски град, разположен на североизточния бряг
(днес град Охрид) на Охридското езеро, е заемал стратегическа
позиция за отбраната на древна Македония. Укрепен от цар Филип ІІ
след опустошителното нашествие на илирите, които отнели живота на
брат му – цар Пердика ІІІ, Лихнид се споменава отново в изворите по
време на Първата македонска война срещу Римската републи-ка. Според
Тит Ливий през 209 г. пр. Хр. Лихнид бил завладян от някой си
Аероп, който подкупил войниците от гарнизона (Тит Ливий, ХХVІІ,
ХХХІІ, 9 – ХХХІІІ, 1). Цар Филип V бързо си възвърнал града в свое
притежание, за да го загуби оконча-телно след поражението от Т.
Квинкций Фламинин. Според условията на мирния договор от 196 г.
Филип V трябва да се откаже от всички територии извън „стара
Македония“ и да предостави Лихнид на Плеврат, цар на илирите и
римски съюзник (Полибий, ХVІІІ, 47. 12–13). По време на Третата
македонска война, Лихнид е споме-нат като военна база на римляните
(Тит Ливий, XLIII, 21), а след ликвидирането на македонското
царство – става независим град.
През късната елинистическа епоха град Лихнид отсича една рядка
монетна серия от бронз с легендата Λυχνιδιων. Иконографският тип –
македонски щит на аверса, и прора на кораб на реверса, имитира
тетроболите с надпис Mακεδονων, а стила им е много близък до
македонските емисии. Копирането на македонският тип показва, че
бронзовите монети на Лихнид са били отсечени по време, когато
градът е бил под македонски контрол според цитираните писмени
извори, а моне-тосеченето трябва да е било реализирано именно преди
196 г. пр. Хр. Такова датира-не на това монетосечене, всъщност
съвсем естествено, досега не е било предложено, и е в синхрон с
общо приетата датировка на македонските тетроболи. Следвайки H.
Gaebler, днес се счита за установено, че всички македонски
автономни сечения (типа Mακεδονων) са били произведени след 185 г.
Една цяла серия от аргументи, които ще бъдат представени в
предстоящия корпус на това монетосечене (подгот-вяно от автора на
тази статия), налагат предатирането на македонските емисии от
типовете „щит/кърма на кораб“ и „глава на менада/кърма“ скоро преди
196 г. пр. Хр. Следователно, предложената нова датировка се явява
като потвърждение на писме-ните извори.
Отсичането на бронзови монети с македонски типове от едни град,
разположен в периферната зона на македонското царство, по мнението
на автора, не може да бъде възприето като знак за неговата
автономия, както Regling е предложил. Спо-ред настоящето гледище на
автора, функцията на това елинистическо монетосечене е да служи за
т. нар. „средства за прехрана“ (sitarchia) на войниците от
македонския гарнизон. При отсъствие на характерни автономни градски
монетни типове, из-брани са типове с добре познат за потребителите
му военен характер.
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297The Bronze Coinage of Lychnidos
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