CL-M76 554258 How does the Homeric attitude to seafaring and the Ocean affect Greek and Roman perspective? Homer’s epic poems The Iliad and The Odyssey present to the Ancient Greeks a world fuelled by procuring honour and the whimsical favours of the gods. Ingrained within this timeless tale is the resonating notion that the home is at the heart of society. In The Odyssey in particular, to return back to this destination by any means is tantamount, facilitating the need to travel vast distances by sea. Odysseus is a character who is sent to the very edges of the earth that were feared by the Greeks and so for us, to follow his journey is to understand what it is to be Greek outside of the Greek world. The attitudes towards travel outside of the Mediterranean that are portrayed by Homer are ones that linger in the memory: the stark contrast between trade and exploration in the Mediterranean and past the Pillars of Herakles provides a distinct apprehension of the unknown. Even into the Roman Period, where focus was no longer on exploration but on expansion of the Roman state, these attitudes changed little. 1
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How Does the Homeric Attitude to Seafaring and the Ocean Affect Greek and Roman Perspective
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CL-M76 554258
How does the Homeric attitude to seafaring and the Ocean affect Greek and Roman
perspective?
Homer’s epic poems The Iliad and The Odyssey present to the Ancient Greeks a world
fuelled by procuring honour and the whimsical favours of the gods. Ingrained within this
timeless tale is the resonating notion that the home is at the heart of society. In The Odyssey
in particular, to return back to this destination by any means is tantamount, facilitating the
need to travel vast distances by sea. Odysseus is a character who is sent to the very edges of
the earth that were feared by the Greeks and so for us, to follow his journey is to understand
what it is to be Greek outside of the Greek world. The attitudes towards travel outside of the
Mediterranean that are portrayed by Homer are ones that linger in the memory: the stark
contrast between trade and exploration in the Mediterranean and past the Pillars of Herakles
provides a distinct apprehension of the unknown. Even into the Roman Period, where focus
was no longer on exploration but on expansion of the Roman state, these attitudes changed
little.
Homer’s idea of the concept of the “river Ocean”1 reflects on the notion that outside of the
Mediterranean Sea, very little is explored. It is a vast, seemingly never-ending expanse of
water and this was worrying. It is referred to very little in The Iliad, as the focus is solely on
events in the port of Troy, but book two’s catalogue of ships2 hints at the not only the
diversity of the Greek forces, but the diversity of the world itself. It provides full
topographical details of the 1184 ships that form part of the Greek army.3 Although its
function is to put the scale of the ten-year war at Troy into perspective,4 it also serves as an
insight into how the Hellenic world viewed themselves and their non-Greek allies. Homer
himself was not a native of the Greek mainland; he was likely from either Smyrna or Chios.5
The emphasis he places on the Greek catalogue is therefore deliberately specific: he
intentionally draws on a more in-depth topography to demonstrate the predetermined victory
of the Greeks.6 Moreover, there is evidence suggesting that both catalogues were later
additions to The Iliad, given that it likely uses a Boiotian topography: they front the list and
are given the largest number of named generals despite playing a comparatively minor role.7
Lines are added in to accommodate that the lists in the Catalogue predate the situation in
which it is placed: in three instances it is mentioned that the original leaders are not present.8
The Trojan catalogue,9 which is much shorter and contains far less specific geographical
information, indicates that their allies primarily originate from Asia Minor.10 It is a shorter
catalogue, which does not specify exactly how many ships were brought to assist Troy in its
defences. What is clear, however, is that they often originate “far away,”11 which emphasises
the nature of the Trojan alliance: the defences provided possibly stem from outreaches of the
world which may not have necessarily been considered as civilised as the central Greek
world. Nevertheless the outcome of the war is hinted at even in this early stage of the poem:
the Trojan allies in many cases fight despite the omens being definitively against them.
Although the style and the intentionally high mortality of the allies’ leaders indicate that this
section was a later addition to the poem,12 the Trojan catalogue not only helps to indicate that
5 Mark 2005, 15.6 Il 1.1-7. The nature of this introduction is to outline the conclusion from the very beginning: the outcome of the war is clear and decisive from line 1.7 Willcock 1976, 23.8 Willcock 1976, 23.9 Il 2:816-77.10 Willcock 1976, 37-38.11 Il 2.849; 2.856; 2.863; 2.875.12 Willcock 1976, 38.
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they were doomed before the story even begins to progress, but that the poet wants to
emphasise that the war itself is on an almost mythical scale. The war involves a large number
of people from across the known world, even venturing on the borders of this knowledge,
who are being drawn in by a series of events that opens up the possibility for much of the
long-distance seafaring which culminates in The Odyssey. Without The Iliad as a precursor to
the multi-cultural nature of its sequel, there may not have been the opportunity for Homer to
develop a working notion that not only did people have to travel great distances to get to
Troy, they also faced perhaps greater distances on their returns.
The outskirts of the known world and traversing the Ocean becomes one of the central motifs
in Homer’s Odyssey. Metaphorically, the plot can only develop through the raft Odysseus
builds13 and his expedition home. It is through the intervention of the gods that he is
shipwrecked several times, each providing a chance for plot development. When he is
stranded in Phaeacia,14 Odysseus encounters a race of people who are unparalleled in their
seafaring ability.15 Like the Phoenicians, they are incredibly able seamen and here they are
presented as a potential for “change and innovation.”16 However, their historical counterparts
still feared and revered the sea, despite their prowess.17 Hanno’s periplus along the African
coast is an indication that even though he was willing to travel outside of the known world,
he still feared it: he encounters a number of eerie phenomenon such as phantom music and
rivers of flame.18 Although Hanno was a Carthaginian, their oversea exploits were heavily
influenced by the early Phoenicians,19 from whom they were descended,20 indicating that
there was a culturally resonating fear of the sea of which Homer was clearly aware.
Moreover, Odysseus’ shipwreck in Phaeacia bears striking resemblance to the events that
transpire in Shakespeare’s The Tempest.21 Although Shakespeare, as an educated man during
the Renaissance, would have been aware of the Greek classical works as they were
considered as “must-reads,”22 the comparison between these works lie in their context.
Whilst The Tempest is largely based on a shipwreck during a voyage to the British colony of
Virginia in 160923 it, like The Odyssey, addresses the nature of overseas exploration and
foreign contact.24 Both of these works were written during a time of much change and a
development of a “New World,” which can be described as the progression into a more
civilised, enlightened society. Homer was likely writing during the emergence of Greece as a
series of independent polities,25 and reflecting on its development, looking back to a golden
age. Similarly, Shakespeare was writing during a time where the memory of the “Golden
Age” of Elizabeth I’s reign was prominent. This reign saw the development and expansion of
the Empire and is often reviewed as a time of considerable affluence, at least as far as the
British were concerned.26
However despite these reflections on a time of development and prosperity, in The Odyssey
these pioneers demonstrate that the people of the Golden Age were traditionally thought of
as ignorant of navigation.27 The poem provides a stark contrast between the supposed and
actual realities of the world Odysseus travels through may also reflect on the differences
between reports and realities of the world beyond the Pillars of Herakles. Although the more
outlandish tales told of these realms border on pure fantasy, the Phaeacians in The Odyssey
21 Dougherty 2001, 83.22 Rosenwein 2005, 308.23 Dougherty 2001, 83.24 Dougherty 2001, 84; Od 5.306-312; Tempest I:i.25 Dillon and Garland 2000, 31:1.45. The earliest surviving example of Greek laws written in stone dates to c. 650BC, demonstrating that it was around then that the sense of the state was emerging.26 Guy 1988, 32.27 Romm 1992, 74; Od 11.121-37.
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are humanised. This contrast may not just be a result of their use as a parallel to the
Phoenicians,28 but also to emphasise the nature of perceptions. Their supposed more
civilised, enlightened manner is compared directly to the Cyclopes,29 who are primitive and
barbaric, a base description which was applied to many races on the edges of the known
world, who were considered to be outside of the Greek world.30 Regardless it is always
explicitly clear that the Phaeacians are still not Greek. According to Alcinous, their ships
possess magical qualities, by way of the knowledge of where its occupants need to go,31
which allow Odysseus to reach places his raft could not. It is on this ship too that he
traverses the underworld, a representation of the “outer limits” of Odysseus’ travels, and
indeed the world itself.32
The tales Odysseus weaves throughout his journey and the people he encounters are an
indication of the distances he travels. As with other travel writers in both the Greek and
Roman world, the further away from home you are, the stranger things appear to get.33
Moreover, people become less civilised. For Odysseus, this is clear in his encounter with the
Cyclopes, as The Odyssey demonstrates that one of the marks of a civilised nature is through
seafaring ability.34 The Cyclopes are described as lacking the basic elements that makes a
race civilised, paying particular attention to their lack of a need, and therefore ability, to
build ships and sail the seas.35 They provide a stark contrast to the Phaeacians, whose lives
on Scheria are entirely focused on the sea.36 Furthermore they are considered to be the
“fullest antithesis” to the Phaeacians,37 contrasting every notion of society that the Greeks
28 Dougherty 2001, 91.29 Od 9.118-630.30 Pagden 1982, 15-16.31 Ahl and Roisman 1996, 98; Od 8.557-63. 32 Dougherty 2001, 98.33 Redfield 2002, 40.34 Sowerby 1995, 20.35 Dougherty 2001, 96.36 Mark 2005, 187.37 Segal 1994, 30.
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revered. Travel writers often used this same principle to demonstrate the outside nature of
non-Greek peoples: Ktesias in particular develops outlandish descriptions, even within the
limits of different countries themselves. A prime example of this is India, where he mentions
races that even the Indians rarely communicate with, among them the Cynocephaloi, dog-
headed beings who cannot even converse in any method besides barking.38
The shipwrecks in The Odyssey present an almost-fantastical world which in instances tests
the imagination of a modern audience. However, the motifs used by Homer would have been
incredibly familiar to his contemporaries. In epic poetry such as this the ocean is often
referred to as the peirata gaiēs, “borders of the earth.”39 Past the Pillars of Herakles40 marks
the beginning of the River Ocean, a “frontier” of the world.41 The point at where this is
established is the shore’s edge, where “the unavoidable perilous sea begins.”42 Traditionally,
Ocean surrounded the Earth, which is demonstrated in the shield of Achilles.43 The shield
itself is described as outlining the organisation of civilisation, with cosmic elements at the
centre, spreading out from peace and war to domestic practices, whilst the edge is surrounded
by the Ocean.44 Moreover it represents the necessary components for society, allowing
Homer’s audience to understand the necessary balance between war and peace.45 The borders
of civilisation are marked on the shield with the Ocean, demonstrating that beyond this, the
world ceases to be civilised; as far as the shield illustrates, there is nothing beyond the waters
of the outer sea. The river Ocean was defined as the limits of the Earth, with all constellations
except “The Bear” disappearing into it.46 Moreover, it is in this realm past the borders in
38 Nichols 2011, 53-55.39 Romm, 1992, 12.40 Roller, 2006, 1. This is identified as the Straits of Gibraltar, the Western-most outlet of the Mediterranean Sea.41 Hartog, 2001. 30.42 Hartog, 2001, 26.43 Il 18.478-608; Fig. 1.44 Fig. 2.45 Taplin 1980, 15.46 Roller 2006, 22.
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which shipwrecks become very real and incredibly dangerous. It is through these near-death
encounters that Odysseus is taken to the edges of society,47 allowing him to come into contact
with a number of fantastical creatures, such as the sirens who attempt to stray Odysseus from
his return to Ithaka,48 the cannibals he encounters on the island of the Laestrygonians,49 the
Cyclopes,50 and of course, the Phaeacians.
The realm of the Ocean and notions of seafaring do not just exist in the realm of epic poetry.
For the Greeks, The Mediterranean was the “Great Sea,” or the “Inside Sea.”51 There was also
no word in either Greek or Latin for exploration in the sense that we use today.52 For both the
Greeks and the Romans, the outer expanse of the Sea represents a primeval element,53 a
notion that manifests itself in many cultures as a way of explaining the emergence of the
universe and the tentative nature between order and chaos. Water features as an important
element in these creation myths,54 and is acknowledged in Greek mythology as being an
incredibly old body: it dates to the beginning of the universe55 and according to Homer, the
“origin of the gods.”56 These basic mythological ideas about the worlds are fundamental to all
societies,57 influencing our social structure and the way we function as a society. Likewise,
people believed Homer’s tales because they lived them out in relation to their own
experiences.58 Although it was not firmly believed by all scholars, it was a basis on how the
Greeks judged society through their identification with heroic and mythical characters.59
47 Dougherty 2001, 96.48 Od 12.180-207.49 Od 10.103-132.50 Od 9.187-8.51 Roller, 2006. 1; Aristotle, Meteorologika 2.1.52 Roller, 2006. ii.53 Romm, 1992, 24.54 Gleiser 2005, 15.55 Romm, 1992, 23.56 Od 14:201.57 Finley, 1991, 25.58 Finley, 1991, 22.59 Briant 2010, 26.
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Whilst it was regarded as a standard work and a model for society and behaviour, The
Odyssey was not always regarded as truth. Eratosthenes states that the location of Odysseus’
wanderings will be found “when we can find the cobbler who sewed up the winds in the
leathern sack.”60 Similarly, the attitudes to the sea presented in the ancient world reflect the
complicated nature of the boundaries between earth and sea. There was a tendency to see
these borders as murky, with it being incredibly difficult to distinguish where the sea begins
and the land ends.61 Similarly, the borders between fact and fiction are severely blurred.
Besides Eratosthenes being discussed by Strabo, Herodotus is vague about the origin of the
notion of the name “Ocean,” attributing it to “some poet or other.”62 He rejects the idea of it
being a “legendary river,” attributing it to the “unreliable testimony of poets.”63 Although in
reality it was not as mythical as the texts emphasise, the Ocean was nonetheless a different
world, past the borders of the Inside Sea.64
For the Greeks in particular, the first men who explored the lands and sea were the gods and
heroes.65 This is intrinsically linked to a line of divine ancestry that often makes the standards
set by these men difficult to follow, the most prestigious of these being Herakles and
Dionysos.66 The problem that arises in reports of these exploits, however, is that none of them
are reliable: language barriers and local informants67 carry massive restrictions which could
severely limit the ability to understand the land. Moreover, many of our sources are
secondary by nature: they refer to these reports, which have now been lost to us. We rely on
the works of men like Strabo and Herodotus, who used these works to fuel their own
commentaries. As they were likely writing reports of accounts, or claiming to have travelled
Poseidon, who is angered by Odysseus’ role in the defeat of the Trojans.79 It is likely that
without the favour of Athena, Odysseus would not have returned to Ithaka, and therefore
would not have died at home, receiving his proper rites.
The prospect of travelling into the Ocean was presented to the Greeks as a “terrifying and
unapproachable entity,” which was met with reluctance.80 Homer presents Odysseus as a
“traveller against his will.”81 However he has been reinterpreted by authors looking back on
these works, with Dante giving him a desire to know the world.82 In the case of Dante, this
was written as a theological piece. The assumption here is that Odysseus’ travels are a chance
to reflect and expand on one’s own knowledge, overlooking the simple truth that he merely
wanted to return to Ithaka.83 Unnecessary travel through the Ocean was not desirable, to the
extent where in the case of a Greek crew transporting political exiles from Sanos: they were
left at Delos, a half-way point, because of the apprehension of travelling long distances
overseas.84
Regarding the boundaries of comparatively safe travel,85 the Pillars of Herakles were seen as
a gateway between the “inside” and “outer” seas.86 This realm is said to belong to Poseidon,
but he was not a sailor: the knowledge of navigation was unique to Athena.87 It is possible
that because of this distinction between the sea and seafaring, the possibility of getting lost
was a heightened concern for the Greek world. Their definition of “lost” was to be unable to
79 Euripides, The Trojan Women 45-7. Odysseus was responsible for the organisation of the Trojan horse.80 Romm 1992, 16.81 Hartog 2001, 15.82 Hartog 2001, 15.83 Od 5.242-4.84 Romm 1992, 17; Herodotus 8.132.85 For, of course, there will always be danger when travelling overseas: piracy and the chance of shipwrecks would have been cause alone to not wish to travel too hastily across the sea.86 Roller 2006, 1.87 Hartog 2001, 26.
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distinguish between East and West,88 demonstrating that without both the use of navigation
and the ability to see the horizon were potentially fatal. For Odysseus this culminates in his
journey to the underworld, past the edges of both society and the Ocean.89 It is here that the
audience is propelled into a world beyond even the uncivilised, thus taking Odysseus to the
brink of death itself. Yet it seems that despite the underlying danger of these voyages, men
still travelled, motivated by their curiosity about the world.90 Socrates comments on the
limited nature of the Mediterranean, comparing its inhabitants to “ants or frogs around a
pond.”91 Like these creatures, they had the opportunities to leave, but always returned home,
indicating that for the Greeks it was a place of comparative safety.
The Romans help many similar views to the Greeks, as their culture was directly affected by
the influence of the Hellenic world.92 Many of their overseas exploits concerned the
expansion of the empire, with many technological developments in ship building facilitated
by the need to develop a navy in the Punic Wars.93 Nevertheless the focus was not on
exploration: it was primarily a matter of rapid expansion.94 There are, however, records of
travel reports which reveal that some journeys beyond the borders were undertaken. Strabo is
perhaps the best preserved example of records of the outside world, covering vast expanses of
the previously unknown world. Although his approach in Geography is more analytical of
physical geography than the works of the Greeks, which seems to focus largely on the
indigenous people of the lands encountered.95 There are elements of this that are retained,
however. Much of this is reflected in the cultures of the known world. Strabo notes that the
sea or land. Ammianus Marcellinus records how a storm caused much grievance for Tertullus
as it stopped the safe transport of food to the city.105 The storm itself was attributed to gods,
and subsided after offerings to the temple of Castor and Pollux at Ostia were made,106
reaffirming the belief that the favour of the gods determined success on the sea. Without this
offering, the food could not have been transported, saving the city from famine.
The little evidence for changes in the attitude towards the Ocean can perhaps be explained by
the changes and developments to the Greek and Roman cultures. As the Romans adopted and
adapted many Greek customs and beliefs for their own agendas,107 it is likely that they also
adopted their beliefs concerning the world beyond the Mediterranean. As with reports from
the likes of Ktesias and Hanno, it is clear that this tradition of exploring far-reached places
continued, with the works of Strabo reaffirming the interest in recording the places and
people encountered outside of the centre of the world. Ktesias, who served as a physician for
the royal family of the Persian king Artaxerxes II,108 records accounts of societies who would
have likely to have come into contact with the Persians. His accounts, however, demonstrate
that even in the event that the ancient writers were able to come into contact with the realities
of these foreign peoples, reflect not the truth, but perceptions of the customs they are then
faced with. It is almost certain that he never visited India,109 but his study on Persia reveals
that even the reports of those who lived in a place, with the given opportunity to travel, are
not as reliable as they seem.110 Echoes of this practice are well-placed in Homer, who as a
bard may have travelled, but his records extend beyond the reach of his likely destinations: to
travel so far to reach the underworld, for instance, is impossible. Strabo’s Geography further
demonstrates that the ability to travel to a place does not constitute accuracy: his accounts of 105 Ammianus Marcellinus 19.10.106 Ammianus Marcellinus 19.10.4.107 Orlin 2010, 152.108 Nichols 2011, 11.109 Nichols 2011, 17.110 Llewelyn-Jones and Robson 2010, 27.
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Egypt reveal that even places that were fully utilised by the Romans could be viewed with a
degree of artistic liberty. When describing the Great Pyramids, he calls the smaller one the
“tomb of the Courtesan,”111 dedicated as the burial place of the wife of Sappho’s brother. This
pyramid belonged to Menkaure, a fourth dynasty king, whilst smaller pyramids in the
complex were attributed to members of the household.112 This modification was not an
attempt to glorify the work and thus make it more appealing to read, but perhaps it was an
adjustment in order to understand why these monuments were there.
For the Greeks, the sea belonged to Poseidon, and the art of Navigation was attributed to
Athena.113 Although it is not stated outright in the available sources, it is possible that this
idea also became amalgamated into the Roman culture. The case reported by Ammianus
Marcellinus114 demonstrates that reliance on the sea was to depend entirely on the whims of
the gods. Similarly, there was a distinct awareness that there were numerous dangers
associated with the sea. Although it still held the element of mystery115 associated with
Homer’s Ocean, it was thought that only “evil things” could be found at the borders.116
Moreover, the body to the Romans was a fundamental part of their ancestor cults,117 despite
the corpse being considered a form of pollution.118 Funerary practices were centred around
the body, causing distress if it was not present. Catullus laments over only being able to grief
over the cremated remains of his brother, who died abroad,119 demonstrating that the presence
of the body was essential for both grief and proper burial rites.
111 Strabo XVII.33.112 Hayes 1990 62.113 Hartog 2001, 26.114 Ammianus Marcellinus 19.10115 Romm 1992, 176.116 Romm 1992, 26. Alexander’s councillors advised him against travelling past the known world117 Heid 2007, 408118 Salzman 2007, 116.119 Catullus Carmen 101.4.
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It is possible that death at sea would have been as catastrophic for the Romans; the body was
necessary to be able to perform the proper rituals. The body was a crucial part of the funerary
culture of many civilisations in antiquity. Even as far back as the Egyptians, who preserved
the bodies of the deceased as much as possible, a number of customs were developed which
ensured the deceased were provided for in the afterlife.120 The Egyptians also feared the sea,
despite being a well-established trading nation, with maritime trade established as early as
3000BC.121 For the Egyptians, the body was a compulsory component and so drowning
would compromise the funerary rituals, denying the deceased the opportunity to enter the
afterlife.122 Instead, dispensations were written into the funerary literature to allow the soul to
survive regardless. The most poignant example can be found in the ninth hour of the Book of
Gates, a royal funerary book; the fifty-eighth scene in KV 14, the tomb of Tausret and
Setnakht, depicts a lake of water with the drowned being addressed by Ra.123 Their noses are
depicted, indicating that although their bodies are lost, they can still breathe and therefore
will survive in the underworld.124 For them, drowning at sea would have a similar impact as
the Greeks, no body meant that the funerary rites could not be performed properly and so
limited access was granted.
The Greek attitudes to traversing the Ocean were fearful and apprehensive. The desire to
discover new lands culminated in extensive literature documenting accounts of the
indigenous peoples of foreign lands. Although the reasons for traversing these areas adjusted
over time, the notion that it was still a foreboding place to venture is firmly rooted in the
literature that still survives. One of the primary concerns for the Greeks and Romans was the
survival of the body, which was essential for maintaining funerary customs. Odysseus voices
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David, R. (2000) ‘Mummification’ in P. Nicholson and I. Shaw (eds) Ancient Egyptian
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DeSouza, P. (2002) Piracy in the Graeco-Roman World. New York: Cambridge University Press.Dillon, M. and L. Garland. (2010) Ancient Greece: social and historical documents from
Archaic times to the death of Alexander. 3rd edition. London: Routledge.
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Dougherty, C. (2001) The Raft of Odysseus: The Ethnographic Imagination in Homer’s
Odyssey. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Finley, M. (1991) The World of Odysseus. 2nd edition. Middlesex: Penguin Books.
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