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How did British voluntary organisations concerned with the
environment balance their
commitment to protect it with supporting
the Second World War effort?
By
Gary Willis
Year Two MRes, Historical Research
Institute of Historical Research
September 2017
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the following individuals, institutions
and organisations:
Oliver Hilliam, Senior Communications Officer at the Campaign
for the Protection of Rural
England for his unstinting cooperation, interest and
support.
Penny Gane and Hannah James at Fish Legal for letting me be the
first person to look at their
newly rediscovered and catalogued Pure Rivers Society
archive.
Sophie Houlton, Archives and Records Adviser at the National
Trust, for allowing me access
to the organisation’s archives on repeated occasions.
Special Collections, Wellcome Library for access to the National
Smoke Abatement Society
archive.
The staff at Special Collections and Archives, University of
Liverpool, for access to
Professor Patrick Abercrombie’s personal papers.
The Reading Room staff at the Museum of English Rural Life,
University of Reading, for
providing access to a large number of Council for the
Preservation of Rural England files.
Staff at the British Library for access to numerous books and
journals and to the Newsroom
staff for access to press articles.
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Florin Feneru at the Angela Marmont Centre for UK Biodiversity,
The Natural History
Museum.
Jeff Howarth, Academic Liaison Librarian at Trades Union
Congress Library Collections,
London Metropolitan University.
Bridget Escolme, for her love, support, dinners, and occasional
loan of her office chair.
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Abbreviations
CPRE: Council for the Preservation of Rural England / Campaign
for the
Protection of Rural England
EC: Executive Committee
FL: Fish Legal
MERL: Museum of English Rural Life
MOI: Ministry of Information
NA: National Archives
NSAS: National Smoke Abatement Society
NT / the Trust: National Trust
PRS: Pure Rivers Society
WEC: War Emergency Committee
WL: Wellcome Library
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Table of Contents
Chapter One: Introduction, Methodology, Historiography and
Chapter Overview
1.1 The Impact of Preparations For War and the War Effort on the
Environment and
Landscape
1.2 Methodology
1.3 Historiography
1.4 Chapter Overview
Chapter Two: The Inter-War Period: issues and organisations
2.1 The Legacy of the First World War Effort and the State of
the Environment in Inter-War
Britain
2.2 Air Pollution and the National Smoke Abatement Society
2.3 Water Pollution and the Pure Rivers Society
2.4 The Rural Environment, Landscape, CPRE and the National
Trust
2.5 Protecting the Rural Idyll As Patriotic Duty
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Chapter Three: The Long Second World War, 1936 to 1939
3.1 Response to the Initial Impact of War Preparations on the
Rural
3.2 The Achievement of Influence and Its Consequences: 1938 to
1939
Chapter Four: The Long Second World War: the Outbreak of War,
Its Impact and the
Response of CPRE, National Trust, NSAS and PRS, 1939 to 1946
4.1 CPRE, the National Trust, NSAS and PRS: War-time Policies
and Priorities
4.1.1 CPRE
4.1.2 The National Trust
4.1.3 National Smoke Abatement Society
4.1.4 Pure Rivers Society
4.2 Convergence of Interest, Acquiescence and Opposition
4.2.1 Convergence of Interest
4.2.2 Acquiescence
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4.2.2.1 The Coast and Defence Works
4.2.2.2 Water Pollution and Industry
4.2.2.3 Open-Cast Coal Mining
4.2.2.4 Woodlands and Timber Production
4.2.3 Opposition
4.2.3.1 Atmospheric Pollution From Industrial Smoke
Emissions
4.2.3.2 Land Use: agricultural, industrial, military
4.2.3.3 War Effort Impact on England’s Finest Landscapes –
Proposed “National Park”
Territories
4.2.3.4 Lobbying for Influence Over The Post-War Settlement
During War-time
Chapter Five: Legacy: The Historical Significance of
Organisations’ War-time Activity in
the Post-War Period
Chapter Six: Conclusions
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List of Visual Sources
1: Map of aerodromes in the East of England during the Second
World War (the numbers
indicate the approximate location and density of the
airfields)
2: Parliamentary Recruiting Committee poster, First World
War
3: “Mr William Smith” Punch cartoon, reproduced in Clough
Williams-Ellis’ England and
the Octopus in 1928
4: ‘Save the Countryside: Saint George for Rural England.’
Postcard issued by the Council
for the Preservation of Rural England, 1928
5: Still from CPRE’s ‘Rural England: The Case for the Defence’
film
6: ‘Coalite’ advertisement from National Smoke Abatement
Society’s Smokeless Air journal
7: DP176 ‘Sunderland’ seaplane ready to launch at the Calgarth
factory, Lake Windermere
8: Aerial Photograph of Calgarth Estate, Lake District
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as each new field was invaded by crushing machines, as each new
hedgerow was
smashed and uprooted and shattered, as each great oak succumbed
before axe and
dynamite and bulldozer, we felt a pang. For there is nothing
quite as final, quite as
levelling, as an aerodrome…it was as if a flood had risen and
hidden a beautiful
landscape, and then subsided, leaving a desolate wasteland where
there was no life
and no motion (Robert Arbib, US Airforce)1
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction, Methodology, Historiography and Chapter
Overview
This dissertation examines the principles, aims and achievements
during the Second World
War of four voluntary organisations committed to protecting
Britain’s environment and
landscape, at a time when they were being significantly damaged
and transformed by the
State’s preparations and support for its war effort in mainland
Europe and other parts of the
world. In what follows, I consider how these organisations
balanced that commitment with
their support for the war effort, and analyse their modus
operandi as they negotiated the
tensions and contradictions that emerged in this period, between
the shared imperative to
prepare and fight for war, and the desire to protect and
preserve the country being fought for.
As I will observe later in this chapter (p.22) this issue has
never to my knowledge been
considered before, and there is an extremely limited
historiography both of the role of these
organisations during the war, and of the domestic impact on the
environment and landscape
of preparation for war to be waged in other territories.
Furthermore, the two of these
1 S. Edwards, ‘Ruins, Relics and Restoration: the afterlife of
World War Two, American airfields in England,
1945-2005,’ pp. 209-228, in C. Pearson, P. Coates, T. Cole,
(eds.), Militarized landscapes: from Gettysburg to
Salisbury Plain (Continuum UK, 2010), p.211
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organisations that still exist are now both cornerstones of
Britain’s conservation culture, yet
their role in the Second World War has remained virtually
unexplored.
This introductory chapter describes and quantifies the nature
and level of environmental
damage and change to the rural landscape caused by the British
State’s war effort and
introduces the organisations under examination: The Council for
the Preservation of Rural
England, the National Trust, the National Smoke Abatement
Society, and the Pure Rivers
Society. The chapter will then outline the dissertation’s
research methodology, most
significantly a qualitative analysis of documents from the four
organisations’ archives. It will
contextualise the research historiographically, engaging with
the limited amount of existing
scholarship on the organisations themselves, with wider
historiographies of the environment
and the Second World War, and with research on war’s impact on
the environment more
broadly.
In investigating how these four organisations balanced their
commitment to their aims and
objectives with support for the war effort, both environmental
pollution and changes to the
rural landscape will be considered. It should be noted that some
pollution and changes to the
rural landscape were relatively short-term or long-lasting; for
example, some requisitioned
land was returned to its original use before the end of the
war;2 other land has remained in use
by the military, never to be returned to civilian use, and even
land that was returned to pre-
war use still bears the scars of pillboxes, as a ramble in the
countryside will often attest.
Further, the identity and values attached to landscapes and
buildings can change over time:
those which at first were regarded as scarred and diminished by
the Second World War are
now with the passage of time seen as having been additionally
characterised by and
2 W. Foot, ‘The Impact of the Military on the Agricultural
Landscape of England and Wales in the Second
World War;’ pp.132-142, in B. Short, C. Watkins, J. Martin,
(eds.), The Front Line of Freedom (British
Agricultural History Society, 2007), p.142
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sometimes even enriched by the war, as evidenced by the National
Trust’s focus on some of
its properties that played a particular role during it.3
For Jacob D Hamblin, the Second World War was a case study in:
“the transformation of the
natural environment under sudden, relatively uncontested,
seizure by state power.”4
It is this transformation of the natural environment, and the
response of organisations that had
established themselves to protect it, that is the heart of this
dissertation. The prospect faced
by Britain when it declared war on Nazi Germany on 3rd September
1939 was not that of a
five-year war after which the nation would emerge on the
victorious side. The reality at the
time was that the war would be of indeterminate length, with
victory far from assured, and
the very land that the British people were to be rallied by the
State to defend would become a
resource of the war effort, to be used as needed. 270,687
members of the British armed
forces and 63,635 British civilians were killed by the Second
World War,5 but beyond this
loss of life, and the material damage by enemy bombing to the
built environment in
predominantly urban areas of Britain, the nation’s war effort in
defence of its own shores and
in support of the defeat of Western European fascism would pose
an existential threat to its
own natural environment. Three of the four organisations in this
dissertation developed war-
time policies for these uncertain times, unclear as to what
extent they’d be able to implement
them before either invasion by Nazi Germany or Allied victory.
What they knew however
was that damage and change had been, was being and would
continue to be caused to the
environment and landscape as a result of the war effort, for an
indeterminate period of time
and with no known ceiling as to how much the environment and the
rural landscape would
3 National Trust, ‘Places With Second World War Connections’
(National Trust website) 4 Jacob D. Hamblin, ‘Environmental
Dimensions of World War II’; pp. 698-716 in Thomas W. Zeiler,
Daniel M. DuBois, (eds.), A Companion to World War II (Blackwell
Publishing Ltd., 2013), p.700 5 P. Howlett, Fighting With Figures:
a statistical digest of the Second World War (Central Statistical
Office,
1995), p.vi
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need to be changed in support of the war effort. It is on this
basis that the dissertation
undertakes its analysis.
1.1 The Impact of Preparations For War and the War Effort on the
Environment and
Landscape
From 1936 onwards, with an increasing probability of a war with
Nazi Germany, the armed
services, particularly the Air Ministry, developed a voracious
appetite for land, the latter
serving 62,000 land requisition notices during the war;6 between
1939 and 1945 landholdings
of the services increased from 140,000 to 903,000 acres,7 and
included 450 new airfields,8
most requiring hedges and trees to be cut down, ditches and
ponds filled in, public footpaths
severed by new fences, and farm buildings and cottages
demolished.
[redacted illustration/photograph due to permission issue
use citation to locate the publication]
Fig. 1 Map of aerodromes in the East of England during the
Second World War (the numbers
indicate the approximate location and density of the
airfields)9
6 CPRE Quarterly Report, June 1945, Vol. XIV No.4, (MERL SR CPRE
B/2/13), p.4 7 Short, Freedom, p.39 8 Ibid, p.134 9 S.D. Davis,
‘Britain An Island Again: nature, the military and popular views of
the British countryside,
c.1930–1965,’ (G. Kinsey, Aviation: flight over the eastern
counties since 1937 (Terrance Dalton Ltd, 1977), Fig. 21, inside
cover), p.90
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The vast majority of these airfields were concreted to
accommodate heavy bombers, located
on flat, well-drained land at a low altitude, which very often
equated to prime agricultural
land:10 160 million sq. yards under concrete,11 six inches
thick;12 yet many of the airfields
these aircraft flew from would have an operational life of only
15 to 18 months.13
The coast, mainly around the East and South of England, was
hastily protected at the outset
of war by a “coastal crust”14 of defences which extended several
miles inland, including
28,000 concrete pillboxes and anti-tank emplacements, and
hundreds of miles of anti-tank
ditches, much in farming land.15 By 1944, including land needed
for D-Day preparations,
over 11 million acres, or about 20% of the United Kingdom’s land
area, was under some
form of military control,16 with approximately 9.77 million
acres used for battle training, of
which 4%17 was exclusively occupied by the military and civilian
presence was removed.18
The Minister of Agriculture disclosed in 1945 that 800,000 acres
of agricultural land had
been requisitioned during the war for military purposes.19 “The
most flourishing crop seemed
to be barbed wire,” wrote J.B. Priestley.20
In the drive to reduce its dependence on overseas timber, by
1946 two-thirds of timber
standing in British woodlands in 1939 had been felled to meet
war-time needs,21 with few
10 Foot, Impact, p.135 11 Ibid, p.134 12 D. Hart-Davis: Our Land
At War: A Portrait of Rural Britain 1939-45 (William Collins,
2015), p.237 13 Edwards, Ruins, p.211 14 F. Pryor, The Making of
the British Landscape: how we have transformed the land, from
prehistory to today,
(Allen Lane, 2010) p.581 15 Foot, Impact, p.133 16 Ibid, p.132
17 A. Howkins, The Death of Rural England: a social history of the
countryside since 1900, (Routledge, 2003),
p.124 18 Ibid. (A.W. Foot, ‘The Impact of the Military on the
British Farming Landscape in the Second World War,’
p.138) 19 CPRE Quarterly Report, March 1945 Vol XIV, No.3, (MERL
SR CPRE B/2/13), p.6 20 Foot, Impact, (Norman Longmate (ed.) The
Home Front: an anthology of personal experience, 1938-1945,
Chatto & Windus, 1981, p.57), p.134 21 E.G.Richards, British
Forestry in the 20th Century: policy and achievements (Brill,
2003), p.9
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mature oaks surviving the war, due to the numerous war-related
uses to which they could be
put.22 Between 1939 and 1945 agricultural land not requisitioned
for military use was
fundamentally and irrevocably transformed in the drive to make
Britain more self-sustaining
in food, with the amount of land farmed for arable purposes in
1939 increasing from 11,810
thousand acres to 17,866 thousand acres by 1945, and the amount
of permanent grassland
correspondingly falling from 17,638 thousand acres in 1939 to
10,892 by 1945,23 with a
resulting impact on different types of flora and fauna.
Britain’s industrial war effort produced, amongst many items of
war material and military
hardware: two million rifles,24 8.8 billion rounds of ammunition
for guns, 20-mm artillery
and small arms,25 and 119,479 military aircraft of all types;26
the vast majority had a very
limited life-span, were designed and manufactured in order to be
rapidly expended, with
much of what was produced not surviving the end of the conflict
it was produced for. The
war did not however have a monopoly on the industrial production
of material with limited
life-cycles; as Jacob D. Hamblin observes: “war should not be
seen as an aberration from
practices that began before and continued long afterward,”27 but
it is a vivid example of how
natural resources can be rapidly utilised and the natural
environment be correspondingly
diminished when a state embarks on a period of armed conflict
with other states.
David Edgerton estimates that perhaps half of all armaments were
produced in newly built,
government owned arms plants or on specialist machines supplied
by government,28 requiring
22 H.L. Edlin, Trees, Woods and Man, (Collins, 1966, Second
Edition), p.172 23 E.M. Collingham, Taste of War: World War Two and
the battle for food, (Penguin, 2013), p.67 24 D. Edgerton,
Britain’s War Machine: weapons, resources and experts in the Second
World War, (Penguin,
2012), p.61 25 Ministry of Information, What Britain Has Done
1939-1945: a selection of outstanding facts and figures,
(Atlantic Books 2007) , p.107 26 Howlett, Fighting, p.170 27
Hamblin, Environmental, p.712 28 D. Edgerton, Warfare State:
Britain, 1920-1970, (Cambridge University Press, 2006), p.77
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a significant number of green or brownfield sites in areas
generally outside the range of
Luftwaffe bombers, predominantly in the North of England and
Wales.29 This rapid war-time
industrialisation in new geographical locations led to instances
of increased atmospheric
pollution,30 as well as increased pollution of waterways31 and
the rapid movement of people
due to evacuation and the establishment of new camps for armed
forces strained under-
developed rural and semi-rural sanitation and water supply
infrastructure, polluting streams
and rivers.32
The Manchester Guardian editorialised as early as 1937: “what is
the fatal fascination which
draws our Defence Departments, when they are in search of sites
for new depots, nearly
always to scenes of great beauty or historic interest?”33 and
J.B. Priestley wrote: ‘the War
Office and Air Ministry may need more and more space for
encampments, landing grounds,
ranges and the like, but there is no reason why time after time
they should single out some of
the few unspoilt regions in the country, to ruin them for
ever,’34 whilst, most fittingly
perhaps, it was left to a young soldier writing home from France
to the Council for the
Preservation of Rural England, to articulate most pointedly the
dilemma felt most keenly by
those concerned with the environment: ‘whatever damage might be
done by enemy action, he
and others in the rural conservation movement do not wish to
return and find a wilderness of
our own creating.’35
29 Howlett, Fighting, p.86 30 Manchester Guardian, ‘Polluted
Air: More Smoke in War Time,’ 3/4/1940, p.12 31 W. Hornby, History
of the Second World War: factories and plant, (HMSO/Longmans/ Green
& Co., 1958),
p.115 32 The Times, ‘River Pollution in War-time’ 2/10/1939; The
Times, ‘Pollution of Rivers’ 10/9/1943; ‘Pure
Rivers Society statement,’ March 1943 (MERL SR CPRE C /1/54/23)
33 Manchester Guardian, Editorial: ‘Beauty and the Beast,’
6/5/1937, p.10 34 J.B. Priestley, Our Nation’s Heritage (ed.), (J.
M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1939), p.168 35 CPRE Wartime Progress
Report, 1939, in CPRE Countryside Campaigner, Autumn 1989, Pt.
1
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Some voluntary organisations became adept at couching their aims
and objectives in a visual
imagery and rhetoric associated with an idealised rural
existence, as part of a trend in art and
commerce which reached an apogee during the inter-war period.
Yet with the onset of war
these organisations accepted that at least some damage to this
rural idyll was a necessity for
the war effort and the protection of that very identity. This
acceptance of the State’s
‘transformation of the natural environment’ (p.11 above) in
support of the war effort appears
to have been without hesitation, but these organisations’
support did not however amount to a
filing away of their mission statements for the duration of the
war. For the most part their
support did not equate to a lack of analysis of the impact on
the environment and landscape
of the war effort, but the extent to which they challenged the
war-time Coalition
Government’s proposals depended on how central the issue was
felt to be to the
organisations’ concerns (i.e. their “red line” issues), and also
differed depending on whether
they were plans for the conduct of the war or war-time plans for
post-war reconstruction; the
relative capacities of the organisations during war-time was
also, inevitably, a significant
factor. Moreover, although it was little-recognised or at least
inappropriate to acknowledge it
at the time, for these organisations the war was in some
respects organisationally
advantageous, helping them to achieve certain pre-war objectives
which would have stood
little chance of immediate success without the Second World War;
namely, the recognition of
agricultural land as a strategic utility, and the acquisition
and protection of property and
landscapes of historical and national importance.
This dissertation will inhabit these ironies, paradoxes and
contradictions, and answer the
central research question primarily through exploring the
archives of the Campaign for the
Protection of Rural England (now most commonly known as ‘CPRE’,
and during the period
in question the Council for the Preservation of Rural England),
the National Trust (NT), the
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National Smoke Abatement Society (NSAS), and the Pure Rivers
Society (PRS). I have
chosen these four organisations because between them they were
responsible for addressing
key environmental issues that Britain’s war effort had an impact
on: namely the rural
environment and landscape, and air and water pollution. The
dissertation will focus on
environmental impact that was brought about by Britain’s
domestic war effort, which as
noted earlier in this chapter (from p.12) was substantial and
widespread. This dissertation
will not therefore consider, except in passing, environmental
initiatives and concerns that
existed prior to the war, and were not resolved or achieved
until after it, such as the work that
CPRE and NT were involved in from 1929 onwards to lobby
successive governments to
create national parks. Further, in deciding to focus on the
requisition of land for military
purposes in the round, and on land which was most prized because
of its potential for
inclusion in national parks, this dissertation will not consider
what is, it has to be
acknowledged, the cause célèbre of land requisitioned by the
military, that of the village of
Tyneham, Dorset, which remained under military control at the
end of the war. Although
hugely controversial, mainly because the village’s inhabitants
had been evicted at the time of
requisition and never allowed back, the EC papers of both CPRE
and NT show that it was not
a major ongoing issue for either organisation at national level
when compared to other
individual cases they were involved in, nor the wider issue of
policy in respect of the return
of requisitioned land to its original owners and for its
original use.
1.2 Methodology
The central research question will be answered through a
qualitative analysis of key internal
and public documents of the afore-mentioned four organisations,
particularly Committee and
Council minutes and private correspondence between 1926 and
1949, and most notably the
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period 1936 to 1946. This dissertation proposes defining the
period 1936 to 1946 as the
“long” Second World War, as from 1936 onwards significant
requisitioning of rural areas by
Britain’s Defence Departments (Air Ministry, Army, Admiralty,
War Office, Ministry of
Aircraft Production) took place, and the issue of requisitioned
land being returned, or not, to
its original owners remained a significant issue in the
immediate post-war period, and indeed
for some years after that.
Three of the four organisations were founded between 1926 and
1930: NSAS as a result of a
merger in 1929, between the Coal Smoke Abatement Society and the
Smoke Abatement
League of Great Britain, with NT being founded thirty years
previously in 1895. The
dissertation’s methodology will be to identify the environmental
threats that led to the
formation of the organisations, the respective organisations’
founding aims, objectives and
priorities, and to contrast these with their war-time policies
and activities. The central
research question is about the balance these organisations
struck between their commitment
to their mission statements and their support for the war
effort: the analysis is therefore about
the who and the why and the what, gauging intentions and
actions. There were no public
campaigns by these or many other organisations independent of
government during the war,
only those run by the State and its agencies; these
organisations operated behind the scenes,
in private, largely, the primary material would suggest, by
letter and in person. The
dissertation will therefore be sensitive to the content and
style of communications, noting
language and discourse; it will recognise the importance of key
actors, and assess the value of
links between these individuals and organisations and indeed
between these actors and
individuals operating the levers of government.
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Primarily, EC-level minutes and press articles will be analysed
to identify the different types
of threat to the environment from 1936 until the outbreak of war
as a result of the increasing
territorial demands being made by Defence Departments during
this peace-time period, and
the evolution of CPRE and NT’s response to these demands, at a
time when the prospect of
war was for much of this time still not assured. The
dissertation will then consider in
summary war-time emergency legislation that was enacted at the
outbreak of war, as this
provides the operating context for the four organisations during
the war, and their respective
EC papers and public statements will be analysed to identify
their war-time policies and
programmes of work. The dissertation will, within the 1939-1945
long series of archival
material, seek to identify several different patterns of
behaviour: firstly, support for the war-
effort where there was a convergence of interests, most notably
CPRE and NT’s support for
the ‘Recording Britain’ project. Secondly, the area of
acquiescence, such as PRS and the
issue of inland water pollution, and CPRE and NT in the case of
open-cast coal mining and
the felling of the country’s woodlands for timber. Thirdly, the
dissertation will identify what
issues the organisations were unequivocally opposed to the
Coalition Government on, such as
in CPRE’s case the location of industry in rural areas which
were earmarked for national park
status, and the conditions attached to the return of
requisitioned land to its original owners
and usage; further, for NSAS, the Ministry of Home Security’s
decision in 1940 to instruct
selected industrial sites around Britain to deliberately produce
more smoke from their
industrial processes in order to obscure targets from Luftwaffe
bombing raids.
Having explored the validity of the qualitative approach that
the dissertation will be using, it
is also important to consider why an alternative, quantitative
approach is not appropriate.
Looking at the subject quantitatively would, I argue, be more
suited to addressing the
organisations’ success in limiting environmental damage during
the war. This approach
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would in any case be problematic and necessarily partial, given
that discussions and
outcomes within the CPRE and NT about specific sites required by
Defence Departments
occurred in-camera and were not minuted by them. Such a
quantitative approach would also
be problematic because it is not possible to consider the four
organisations to an equal depth
for several reasons (indeed, even for a qualitative approach
this provides challenges, although
not insurmountable ones). Firstly, there are significant gaps in
the material available; whilst
EC-level papers, showing agenda items, key contextual
information, and decisions, survive
across the organisations, no supporting documentation that the
committees would have
considered in their meetings has survived, and in the case of
NSAS and PRS, no sub-
committee papers have survived at all (most frustratingly the
PRS’ Pollution Sub-Committee
reports to its EC), probably because these two organisations
merged or amalgamated with
other organisations, with inevitably a corresponding filtering
process being undertaken at
some point as to the future relevance of historical material.
Secondly, in the case of PRS
specifically, at its EC meeting of 20th April 1939, in a measure
destined to make future
archivists weep, the Secretary reported that:
…the filing cabinets were choked with correspondence since the
inception of the
Society and there was an immense mass of other out-of-date
papers which were in
almost inextricable confusion…it was resolved…to go through the
papers…and
destroy all not required. There was a general consensus of
opinion that excepting
possibly in special cases there was no need to keep anything
more than two or three
years old.36
36 PRS EC Minutes 20/4/1939, (FL PRS1/1/1), p.108
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Thirdly, governance structures, decision making, and
minute-taking were to a considerable
extent streamlined across all four organisations in the war-time
period, due to a combination
of a lack of available committee members and supporting staff as
a result of them serving
directly in support of the war effort, the lack of safe meeting
places in London and logistical
problems with travelling to alternative temporary headquarters
in the Home Counties, and a
lack of paper.
That said, a substantial body of archival material survives. In
the case of CPRE at its
headquarters in South London, and at the Museum of English Rural
Life (MERL), University
of Reading; the National Trust’s archives are held at its
Headquarters in Swindon, and
selected surviving NSAS documents and publications are held in
The Wellcome Library’s
Archives and Manuscripts Department in London, with the
remaining PRS archive at its
(twice-removed) successor organisation, Fish Legal, in
Leominster, Herefordshire. I am
complementing this documentation with a consideration of a
number of British press articles
from the 1936 to 1946 period, and a wide range of secondary
sources.
The concluding chapters will touch on legacy issues (using CPRE
as an illustration) namely
how organisations’ “long” war-time activities influenced their
post-war development, and
what status this activity has within the institutional history
of the organisation, and beyond
that, the resonance of this study beyond the specific historical
period that it is analysing.
Primary sources used for this will be an interview conducted by
the dissertation author with a
senior member of CPRE staff and unpublished transcripts of
senior CPRE honorary officers
and staff from the post-war period.
1.3 Historiography
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22
Firstly, the historiography of terminology: P. Mandler argues
the term “environment” did not
come into “non-technical currency” until the early 1960s,37 but
for the purposes of this
dissertation this term will be retrospectively applied to the
four organisations considered by
this dissertation, partly for convenience, but also because the
organisations displayed a degree
of environmental awareness in the inter-war period which would
not be out of place in the
period Mandler addresses. For example, NSAS refers to promoting
and supporting
legislation “for preventing the pollution of the atmosphere” in
its Objects, as stated in its First
Annual Report of 1930,38 even though the issue of smoke
abatement was mostly associated
with public health during this period, and at the height of the
Second World War, the NSAS
again, thundered that the period may be judged to be “a
barbarous age…[one of]…reckless
squandering of limited natural resources;”39 a rhetorical
flourish that could easily have been
made by Friends of the Earth or Greenpeace in the 1970s.
This dissertation’s consideration of the historiography
associated with the central research
question covers two linked but distinct areas: firstly, the
historiography associated with the
four organisations that are the focus of this dissertation,
particularly during the long Second
World War period, and secondly, the historiography of the
environment and war. Looking at
Britain’s Second World War through the prism of Environmental
History both enables the
utilisation of previously unconsidered sources and attaches a
significance to facts which
previously have been ignored. For example, the analysis of
Neville Chamberlain’s place in
history, either by the political biographer or the military
historian, is so dominated by the so-
called Munich Agreement, his “peace for our time”40 reassurance
to the nation, and being
misled by Hitler as to the latter’s imperialist intentions, that
Chamberlain as appeaser-dupe,
37 P. Mandler, The Fall and Rise of the Stately Home, (Yale
University Press, 1997), p.390 38 NSAS First Annual Report 1930,
(WL SA/EPU/E/1/1), p.4 39 NSAS Twelfth Annual Report 1942 , (WL
SA/EPU/E/1/1), p.10 40 Britannia Historical Documents: sources of
British History (online resource)
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23
together with the heroic retreat from Dunkirk, the Battle of
Britain’s glorious few, and
Churchill as the nation’s saviour, have entered English folklore
as the cornerstones of
understanding Britain’s Second World War experience until the
United States and Soviet
Union joined the war. This dissertation, in investigating an
aspect of the environmental
history of the Second World War, has through interrogating the
archives of CPRE and press
reports on domestic environmental issues, unearthed material not
found by the majority of
conventional political biographies of Chamberlain and histories
of the war, or at least utilised
it where other historical works have found it but not judged it
relevant to refer to it. In what I
would hope is a representative cross-section of Chamberlain
biographies exploring his life,
political career and role in the Second World War, by N.
Smart,41 William R. Rock,42 H
Montgomery Hyde,43 K. Feiling,44 and R. Self,45 none make any
reference whatsoever to
CPRE or the Government department-wide consultative mechanism
Chamberlain set up in
early 1938 (unparalleled then and possibly since between a
government on a war footing and
civil society) to provide CPRE with a means through which to
engage with war-effort related
Government departments over their needs for land. This when
Chamberlain had so many
demands on his time with international efforts to avoid war and
domestic political turbulence.
Quoting from Self: “after he returned to London…[after
Parliament’s winter recess]…he
almost immediately found himself in ‘the thick of a tangle of
problems.’46 This dissertation
broadens the understanding of Chamberlain’s political
contribution during these last years of
the inter-war period, beyond the parameters of the above
biographies.
41 N. Smart, Neville Chamberlain, (Routledge, 2010) 42 W.R.
Rock, Neville Chamberlain, (Twayne Publishers, 1969) 43 H.M. Hyde,
Neville Chamberlain, (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1976) 44 K. Feiling,
The Life of Neville Chamberlain, (Macmillan, 1970) 45 R. Self,
Neville Chamberlain: a biography, (Ashgate, 2006) 46 Ibid;
(Chamberlain to Hilda, 9 January 1938; to Lord Weir, 15 January
1938, Weir MSS DC96/22/2; Sumner
Welles, The Time for Decision (New York, 1944, pp. 64-6),
p.280-81
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24
Further, this dissertation’s consideration of the historical
record from an environmental
history perspective, in looking at the increasing amounts of
land that was being requisitioned
by the Defence Departments in the three years prior to Britain
declaring war, shows that
Chamberlain was as Prime Minister presiding over significant
degrees of preparation for war
despite still doing all in his power to seek a reasonable peace.
More detailed investigations of
this issue, beyond the scope of this dissertation, could shed
further light on the extent to
which Chamberlain’s administration was preparing for war, and
could potentially lead to an
at least partial reappraisal of Chamberlain’s place in Second
World War historiography.
With regard to the organisations that this dissertation will be
focusing on, there is an almost
complete historiographical deficit in relation to the policies
and activities of British voluntary
organisations concerned with the environment and the rural
landscape during the Second
World War, most notably, where this dissertation is concerned,
CPRE, NT, NSAS and PRS.
The closest any book or journal article comes to a consideration
of these organisations’ roles
is the ‘A Countryside Worth Fighting For’ chapter in CPRE’s own
‘22 Ideas That Saved the
English Countryside,’47 although with due respect to the
authors, a former CPRE Chairman
and the current Senior Communications and Information Officer at
CPRE, from an academic
standpoint this cannot count as an independent, objective
analysis. The only published
assessment I have to date found on the level of war-time
activity of the above four
organisations has been a passing reference by A.F. Wilt in Food
For War: Agriculture and
Rearmament in Britain Before the Second World War, who states
that CPRE ‘continued to
comment on the government’s acquisition of land for military
installations, but…[was]… less
active during the war than before it.’48 This dissertation will
show this assertion to be so
47 P.Waine and O. Hilliam, 22 Ideas That Saved the English
Countryside; the Campaign to Protect Rural England, (Frances
Lincoln, 2016), pp.130-139 48 A.F.Wilt, Food For War: agriculture
and rearmament in Britain before the Second World War, (Oxford
University Press, 2001), p.209
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25
blunt and lacking in context as to be misleading, and further,
it assumes that the only action
CPRE took was of a public nature, whereas correspondence held in
CPRE archives at MERL,
which will be referred to throughout Chapters Three and Four
below, show that CPRE made
extensive use of its private back-channels to Government
Ministries throughout the war,
utilising the informal mechanisms and goodwill provided by its
supporters in the Commons,
Lords and senior figures in the civil service.
With regard to the other three organisations that this
dissertation covers, only the National
Trust is served with biographies, in particular by P.
Weideger,49 J. Gaze,50 and M.
Waterson,51 although in the case of the latter two, the Trust
was involved as publisher, so
they must be regarded somewhat as “authorised” biographies. NSAS
war-time activities are
examined briefly by P. Thorsheim,52 and indeed this is the only
academic text that, albeit
briefly, considers the war-time position and programme of work
of any of the four
organisations, with reference to the NSAS’ publications and
meetings. Lastly, there is no
trace of PRS at all in academic texts, except for J. Hassan’s
reference to the organisation as
‘elusive;’53 this may be because its archive was believed to be
lost, until my research for this
dissertation uncovered it recently catalogued, located at its
twice-removed successor
organisation, Fish Legal.
This dissertation disputes the critical assessments of CPRE that
exist within the limited
historiography of voluntary sector organisations concerned with
environmental issues in the
inter-war period. In favourably contrasting British nature
conservation of the 1960s with
49 P. Weideger, Gilding the Acorn: behind the façade of the
National Trust, 50 J. Gaze, Figures in a landscape: a History of
the National Trust 51 M. Waterson, The National Trust: the first
hundred years 52 P. Thorsheim, Inventing Pollution: coal, smoke and
culture in Britain since 1800 (Ohio University Press,
2006), pp. 159-163 53 J. Hassan, A History of Water in Modern
England and Wales, ((Manchester University Press, 1998), p.82
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26
that of the inter-war period, Hassan asserts that the pre-1940
years were characterised by
“preservationism”54 and “backward-looking environmentalism,”55
yet in the case of CPRE
(they and the National Trust being the key inter-war period
nature conservation bodies), from
CPRE’s outset a major plank of its philosophy and policy
embraced change and perceived
development with Professor Patrick Abercrombie, one of its
founders and major influences,
writing on the eve of CPRE being founded, that:
new, more advanced or more intensive methods of farming…[are]…to
be
encouraged…[and]…it may become more economical to work fields in
larger units,
entailing the removal of hedges and trees.56
This would be a factor of fundamental importance in the CPRE’s
war-time policy, both with
regard to the transformation of agricultural land from pastoral
to arable use, and with regard
to the requisitioning of land with an agricultural use by the
military.
Elsewhere, P. Mandler considers that “even in the
1930s…[CPRE]…was still regarded by
most politicians and civil servants as a gang of cranks beneath
notice.”57 Yet CPRE was well-
connected to the political establishment. As noted above (p.23)
Neville Chamberlain, as
Prime Minister, in response to lobbying by CPRE in February
1938, required his government
departments to establish mechanisms to liaise with CPRE on an
ongoing basis regarding its
concerns over the requisitioning of land, by the Defence
Departments in particular.58 Further,
in CPRE’s 1938 Annual Report, issued in 1939, the CPRE reported
that it used the
54 Ibid, p.81 55 Ibid. 56 P. Abercrombie, The Preservation of
Rural England: the control of development by means of rural
planning,
(University Press of Liverpool/ Hodder & Stoughton, 1926),
p.7 57 P. Mandler, ‘Against “Englishness”: English culture and the
limits to rural nostalgia 1850-1940,’
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol.7, Series 6,
(1997), p.174 58 The Times, ‘Defence Sites,’ 2/2/1938, p. 12.
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27
“Parliamentary Amenities Group to raise issues relating to
housing, coastal amenities, land
acquisition and use by Defence Departments;59 Furthermore, in
1939 correspondence, the
Amenities Group had actually approached both CPRE and NT for
suggestions regarding
Private Members Bills that the Group could initiate;60 the Group
consisted, CPRE assessed,
of 18 active MPs and five lords, and a further 11 MPs and six
lords who could be called on to
act.61 Lastly, G.L. Pepler was a senior civil servant in the
Ministry of Health and a member of
CPRE’s EC from its inception, and H.G. Strauss, an associate
member of CPRE, would
become Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Town and
Country Planning in 1943
when the new Ministry was created.62
Hilton and McKay,63 and Hilton, Crewson, Mouhot and McKay,64
identify key features of the
voluntary organisations that emerged in Britain in the Twentieth
Century, and therefore help
establish CPRE, NT, NSAS and PRS within wider British civil
society, particularly with
regard to the organisational size and socio-economic background
of their members and
supporters, compared to other voluntary organisations in the
inter-war period. P. Grant’s
‘Voluntarism and the Impact of the First World War,’ in The Ages
of Voluntarism65 identifies
two particular organisational phenomena; firstly mutual aid
organisations for working people,
such as trade unions and the developing labour movement had
increased from under two
million in 1900 to four million by 1914 and would reach eight
million by 1920;66 and
secondly the increasing presence of the ‘respectable’ working
class in voluntary
59 CPRE Twelfth Annual Report, 1938, (MERL SR CPRE B/2/12), p.8
60 1939 Legal and Parliamentary correspondence, (MERL SR CPRE
C/1/53/2) 61 CPRE List of ‘The Parliamentary Amenities Committee,’
22/7/39, (MERL SR CPRE C/1/53/2) 62 CPRE War-time progress report
September 1942-1943 Vol. XIV No.1, (MERL SR CPRE B/2/13), p.8 63 M.
Hilton, and J. McKay, (eds.), The Ages of Voluntarism: how we got
to the Big Society, (Oxford University
Press, 2011) 64 M. Hilton, N. Crewson, J. Mouhot, J. McKay,
(eds.), Historical Guide to NGOs in Britain: charities,civil
society and the voluntary sector since 1945, (Palgrave
Macmillan, 2012) 65 P. Grant, ‘Voluntarism and the Impact of the
First World War,’ pp.27-46, in M. Hilton and J. McKay, (eds.),
The Ages of Voluntarism: how we got to the big society, (Oxford
University Press, 2011) 66 Ibid, p.27
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28
organisations, particularly women,67 most notably in
organisations concerned with poverty
and philanthropy.68 This is emphasised by the numbers involved,
with the Mothers’ Union
having a membership of 538,000, and the National Federation of
Women’s Institute 238,000
by the 1930s.69
J. Sheail’s Nature in Trust,70 Rural Conservation in Inter-War
Britain71 and Nature
Conservation in Britain72 help create a sense of place for CPRE,
National Trust, NSAS and
PRS, in relation to the sub-set of “amenity societies,”73 that
is to say voluntary organisations
which demonstrated their direct appreciation of the countryside
through their members’
engagement in outdoor activities. Sheail records that the
Federation of Rambling Clubs had
40,000 members by 1931,74 and the Youth Hostel Association
83,000 members by the
outbreak of the Second World War.75
In comparison to these amenity societies and other civil society
organisations, the
memberships of CPRE, NT, NSAS and PRS were tiny, and this larger
amenity-focused
potential constituency of support was a key reason why the CPRE
and the Trust in particular
started to associate themselves with the amenity societies from
the late 1920s onwards.76 NT
membership was just 2,000 in 1930 and only reached just under
8,000 by 1939;77 available
archive material from NSAS and PRS refer to subscription income
rather than members, but
in both cases individual membership was extremely small, with
NSAS recording just £1,200
67 Ibid, p.28 68 K. Bradley, Poverty, Philanthropy and the
State: charities and the working classes in London, 1918-1979,
(Manchester University Press, 2009), p.36 69 Hilton, Crewson,
Historical, p.17 70 J. Sheail, Nature in Trust: the history of
nature conservation in Britain, (Blackie & Son, 1976) 71 J.
Sheail, Rural Conservation in Inter-War Britain, (Clarendon Press,
1981) 72 J. Sheail, Nature Conservation in Britain – the formative
years (The Stationery Office, 1998) 73 Mandler, Fall, p.276 74
Sheail, Nature in Trust,p.69 75 Ibid. 76 Mandler, Fall, p.276, and
Ibid. 77 Mandler, Fall, p.239
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29
p.a. at the outbreak of war,78 and PRS’ cash statement for the
year ended 1938 recorded
subscriptions and donations of just £139 pounds, 6 shillings,
and 6 pence.79 CPRE’s Twelfth
Annual Report of 1938 recorded that it had 38 country branches
and county committees, 44
constituent bodies, 152 affiliated bodies, and an ‘ever
increasing’ associate membership.80
Looking at membership numbers does however provide only a very
partial understanding of
the significance of these organisations, as in contrast to many
of the afore-mentioned
elements of civil and amenity society, these four organisations
were dominated by well-
connected well-educated middle-to-upper-class men, many
professionally qualified in the
issues which formed the basis of their organisations’ concerns.
CPRE’s support manifested
itself mainly in the inter-war period through its structure of
affiliated organisations, amongst
these, and also as individual members, was ‘the articulate
support of a body of intellectuals
who wrote vigorously in defence of the countryside.’81 Similarly
in NSAS’ case their success
could not be measured by its individual membership, but the
extent of the Society’s inroads
into the network of local authority medical officers around the
country. The NT would only
slowly modernise during the inter-war period, but for much of
this time the Trust was what
SimonThurley describes as a “posh pressure group…[run by]…a
small number of
establishment figures with the wealth and connections that
allowed them to press their
case…[meeting in]… the Palace of Westminster, the Inns of Court,
and in aristocratic town
houses.”82
Another relevant historiography is that of landscape and
national identity; a key text that
explores this relationship, particularly with regard to
voluntary organisations concerned with
78 The National Smoke Abatement Society Comes of Age 1929-1950
(WL SA/EPU/H/4/1), p.5 79 PRS Cash Statement for the Year Ending
31/12/38, (FL PRS1/1/1), p.114 80 CPRE Twelfth Annual Report, 1938,
p.6 81 D.N. Jeans, ‘Planning and Myth of the English Countryside in
the Inter-War Period,’ Rural History, economy,
society, culture, (Vol.1 No.2; pp.249-264), p.251 82 S. Thurley,
Men From The Ministry: how Britain saved its heritage,(Yale
University Press, 2013), p.59
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30
the environment, is D. Matless’ Landscape and Englishness, in
which he describes the
appropriation, by a range of vested interests, including civil
society, of land, particularly rural
land, as, a ‘national symbol.’83 This idealisation, or I would
suggest, nation-alisation of land,
was a product firstly of disillusion with industrialisation and
urbanisation, and then as the
aforementioned ‘national symbol,’ a motivational tool which
could be used to generate
support for civil society objectives and be appropriated by the
State to generate support for
the war effort. The issue is also explored across works by
Loweson,84 Weight,85 Weiner,86
and Mandler (above, pages 22 and 26). A. Carey observes:
‘propaganda material from both
the First and Second World Wars mobilised this ideal to inspire
the patriotism required to
save the nation it stood for…the topographical and nationalistic
meanings of the word
“country” collapsed into one another.’87 Chapter Two, below,
engages with this issue
through exploring some of CPRE’s communications work between its
inception in 1926 and
the outbreak of the war.
Although the war-time positions and work programmes of the four
organisations at the centre
of this dissertation have not to date therefore been addressed
comprehensively nor necessarily
fairly by academic inquiry, it must not be assumed from this
that there is no war-time
historiography of other elements of Britain’s voluntary sector
concerned with environmental
issues. It is ironic that possibly the best war-time assessment
is of an organisation that did
not actually exist; Phillip Cornford’s examination88 of the
organic movement’s origins
provides a comprehensive analysis of the movement’s total
failure to influence the
83 D. Matless, Landscape and Englishness, (Reaktion Books Ltd.,
2016, 2nd Edition), p.173 84 J. Loweson, ‘Battles for the
Countryside,’ pp.258-280, in F. Gloversmith, (ed.), Class Culture
and Social
Change: a new view of the 1930s (Harvester Press, 1980) 85 R.
Weight, ‘State, Intelligentsia and the Promotion of National
Culture in Britain 1939-45,’ Historical
Research, (Vol. 69, 168, Feb. 1996), pp.83-101 86 M.J. Weiner,
English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit 1850-1980,
(Cambridge University
Press, 1982) 87 A. Carey; ‘This Land,’ in ‘Creating the
Countryside: The Rural Idyll Past and Present;’ V. Elson and R.
Shirley (eds.), (Paul Holberton Publishing, 2017), p.80 88 P.
Cornford, The Origins Of The Organic Movement (Floris Books,
2001)
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31
Government’s war-time agricultural policy, although there was
not an actual organisation
promoting organic values and opposing the industrialisation of
agriculture until the Soil
Association was founded in 1946.
With the exception of Thorsheim’s few pages on smoke during
war-time Britain [see above
page reference], there is also a lack of a historiography
relating to air and water pollution in
Britain during the Second World War, and the loss of land to
war-time industrialisation,
although there is a significant amount of material on military
airfields, such as Patrick Otter’s
books on Lincolnshire and Yorkshire Second World War
airfields,89 and Graham Smith’s
books on Norfolk and Suffolk airfields,90 albeit from a military
rather than environmental
perspective. More recently there has been a move towards
exploring other aspects of the war,
more on what could be referred to as the “Home Front,” by Laura
Dawes,91 the afore-
mentioned Britain’s War Machine,92 examining the resources
Britain had at its disposal to
wage the Second World War, and a number of books on aspects of
war-time agriculture, by
the afore-mentioned Collingham93 (p.14) and Wilt94 (p.24).
The historiography of the environment and war is generally not
conclusive about when the
subject came of academic interest. C.D, Stone, writing in 2000,
suggests that environmental
damage from all causes in the post-war period, together with
environmentalism, ‘have forced
us to reconsider our posture towards the environment in
wartime.’95 J.H. Hamblin, writing in
89 P. Otter, Lincolnshire Airfields in the Second World War,
(Countryside Books, 1996) and Yorkshire Airfields
in the Second World War, (Countryside Books, 1998) 90 G. Smith,
Norfolk Airfields in the Second World War, (Countryside Books,
1994) and Suffolk Airfields in the
Second World War, (Countryside Books, 1995) 91 L. Dawes,
Fighting Fit: the wartime battle for Britain’s health, (Weidenfeld
& Nicolson, 2016) 92 Edgerton, Britain’s War Machine 93
Collingham, Taste 94 Wilt, Food 95 C.D. Stone, ‘The environment in
wartime: an overview,’ in J.E. Austin and C.E. Bruch, (eds.),
The
environmental consequences of war: legal economic, and
scientific perspectives, (Cambridge University Press,
2000), p.17
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32
2013, acknowledges that ‘World War II…entailed the mobilisation
of natural resources on an
unprecedented scale’96 and raises the prospect of finding the
roots of contemporary
environmental science and social thought during the war itself
as opposed to the more
commonly identified period as the 1960s, but then, having whet
our appetite, states that
‘…the present chapter attempts no comprehensive answer to these
questions…’97 and goes on
to provide a compendium of other academics’ work which also does
not answer the
tantalising question Hamblin poses. In contrast, Jennifer
Leaning, writing in 1993, observes:
‘the effect of war on the environment, as a general topic, has
not received equivalent
attention, and what notice it has attracted has arisen only
recently,’98 and she attaches a point
in time to this as after the Gulf War of 1991,99 predominantly
because of the war being
‘remarkable for the extent of the environmental damage wrought
in such a brief time
frame.’100 Perhaps this is true for academia, but the United
Nations Environment Programme
was already addressing the subject: in 1988 A.H. Westing
recognised that whilst: ‘natural
resources are consumed in large quantities in the preparation
and pursuit of wars,’101
‘…methods and means of warfare did not really place the doing of
such damage to the natural
environment within the reach of belligerents until World War
II…’102…[and] ‘…the making
of war before 1945 did not find the effects of war on the
natural environment to constitute an
urgent problem.’103 Clearly, by specific reference to
“belligerents” the emphasis is on the
territories that are battlegrounds, and in “before 1945,”
Westing seeks to draw a dividing line
96 Hamblin, Environmental, p.698 97 Ibid. p.27 98 J. Leaning,
‘War and the Environment: human health consequences of the
environmental damage of war,’ in
E. Chivian, M. McCally, H. Hu, H. Haines, (eds.), Critical
Condition: human health and the environment – a
report by physicians for social responsibility, (MIT Press,
1993), p.123 99 Ibid, p.134 100 Ibid, p.128 101 A.H. Westing,
(ed.), Cultural norms, war and the environment, (Stockholm
International Peace Research
Institute/United Nations Environment Programme/Oxford University
Press, 1988), p.3 102 G. Best, ‘The Historical Evolution Of
Cultural Norms Relating To War And The Environment,’ in A.H.
Westing, (ed.), Cultural Norms, War and the Environment,
(Stockholm International Peace Research
Institute/United Nations Environment Programme/Oxford University
Press, 1988), p.18 103 Ibid,
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33
between environmental damage in the pre and post-atomic ages.
That there would also
appear to have been no “urgent problem” for the natural
environment as a result of pre-1945
warfare would suggest a very limited consideration of the impact
of war caused by a
country’s own war effort.
Both Leaning and Westing limit their overall consideration of
environmental damage to that
generated by military forces in the conflict zone, and the
environmental price that the
vanquished may pay for an aggressor waging war on its own
territory; this represents a
militarily and geographically defined interpretation of
environmental history and this
dissertation will depart from it. In doing so it will establish
common cause with a small but
significant body of work which: ‘extends understanding of
military environments beyond
battlefields to home territories,’104 in particular work by
Peter Coates and Marianna Dudley
of the Environmental Humanities cluster within the Department of
History at the University
of Bristol; mention should in this context also be made of the
already cited Hart-Davis’ Our
Land At War (above, p.13), which explores the impact of the war
on British rural life as well
as on aspects of the environment and landscape. This
dissertation builds on their work,
looking at a broader range of historical environmental impact on
these “home territories” as a
result of the Second World War effort; the dissertation also
adds to the “Home Front”
literature referred to above (p.31). There are in the same
respect several other significant
historiographical themes where the dissertation adds to existing
material: this study expands
on the understanding generated by Edgerton’s focus on Britain’s
industrial capacity in the
previously mentioned Warfare State (above, p.15) and Britain’s
War Machine, (already cited
above, p.14) by bringing an environmental sensibility to the
subject of war-time industry, and
similarly to the books on Second World War airfields (p.31
above). Lastly, this study
104 ‘Research Information’, Marianna Dudley , University of
Bristol
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34
complements and adds to the existing work done on those elements
of civil society with
environmental interests done by Cornfield and Thorsheim on the
organic movement (p.58
below) and NSAS (p.25 above), together with the various
biographies of the National Trust
(p.25 above) and CPRE’s own informal autobiography, (p.24
above).
All of the above represents a substantial contextual
historiographical hinterland to this
dissertation’s central research question, but there is almost no
specific description or analysis
of the war-time attitudes and policies of organisations
concerned with the environment.
Ultimately, therefore, this dissertation explores new academic
territory, centred around
environmental organisations’ support for a war-effort which in
some instances caused
permanent or at least long-lasting damage to Britain’s
environment and landscape, but which
also, paradoxically, proved organisationally beneficial for at
least some of the same
organisations.
The question must be asked therefore, why historians have not
written to any significant
extent about the work of environmental organisations during the
Second World War?
Possibly, if some have taken Wilt’s line in respect of CPRE
(above p.24) then they would
have felt there was little of substance to interrogate, or if
they had paid undue importance to
Mandler’s “cranks” assertion (p.26 above), that the
organisations lacked the necessary
influence to be historically important. Or perhaps a feeling
prevailed amongst some that the
war-time role of civil society organisations and their
engagement with Defence Departments
was in some way the preserve of military historians? Or perhaps
the incomplete archives of
some of the organisations has been off-putting (p.20 above)?
Another reason could be that
there is no easily accessible source of material; the four
organisations worked increasingly
privately in the run up to and during the war, using
back-channels, and referring only in
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35
passing fashion to agenda items which must have been discussed
at length but for reasons of
security were not minuted; not obvious territory for an
historian perhaps. All of these
possible explanations are of course not mutually exclusive. This
dissertation will hopefully
fill the void that exists both in relation to the historiography
of these environmental
organisations and the ‘Home Front’ during the Second World War.
There is also a significant
amount of information available which whilst not directly
relevant to answering the central
research question, nevertheless deserves to see the light of
day. Perhaps this dissertation may
serve to open up the war-time history of these organisations to
further serious inquiry.
1.4 Chapter Overview
Following this initial chapter which introduces the central
research question, defines the
subject of war-time environmental damage and change to the rural
landscape, and establishes
the historiography surrounding the dissertation and the
methodology it will follow. Chapter
Two discusses the inter-war environmental context for the
establishment of the organisations
under examination here. It considers the main threats to the
environment and rural landscape
between 1919 and 1936, and establishes the aims and objectives
of the organisations and their
underpinning social and ideological motivations.
Chapter Three introduces the concept of the ‘Long Second World
War’ covering the period
1936 to 1946, recognising that the impact on the environment and
landscape pre-dated the
formal outbreak of war and reflects the activities of the
Government’s Defence Departments
and the response of CPRE and NT in particular. As a consequence
this chapter will show that
these organisations’ respective positions towards the war effort
were to a great extent
determined before the actual outbreak of war, and that during
the initial 1936 to 1938 period
a key consultative mechanism was established with the Government
which would provide a
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36
working framework for dialogue between CPRE, NT and the
Government for much of the
duration of the war.
Chapter Four will focus on the decisions and activities of CPRE,
NT, NSAS and PRS with
regard to how they responded to the impact of the war-time war
effort; it will identify what
their attitudes were to the war, look at the decision making
processes that the respective
organisations undertook regarding continuing their work during
war-time, and what their
priorities were, and were not, how they perceived their own
roles and what mechanisms they
chose, or were available to them, to engage with the State. The
analysis will be framed in
terms of where there was a convergence of interests between any
of the organisations and the
Coalition Government, where there was acquiescence by the
organisations in the face of
known environmental damage and enforced change to the landscape,
and where there was
outright or at least significant degrees of opposition to State
intentions regarding how to
conduct the war effort.
In the next, fifth chapter, the issue of “legacy” will be
addressed briefly, using the example of
CPRE to explore to what extent an organisation’s war-time
policies and activities may have
had influence on the organisation’s further and future
development and therefore represented
a particularly distinct or notable part of its institutional
history, or indeed to the broader field
of environmental history.
The final chapter will identify the conclusions that can be
drawn from addressing the central
research question, and identify the potential for further
historical inquiry.
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The public life of England….was sustained by a great army of
busybodies, and
anyone could enlist in this army who felt inclined to…these were
the active people of
England and provided the ground swell of her history.1
CHAPTER TWO
The Inter-War Period: issues and organisations
This chapter discusses the inter-war context for the
establishment of the organisations under
examination here. It considers the main threats to the
environment from 1919 to 1936 when,
as I have argued (p.18 above), Britain’s “long” Second World War
began, and the absence of
action by the State to address these threats. The chapter offers
a historical context for the
organisations’ efforts to balance their commitment to protect
the environment with their
support for the Second World War effort, and it establishes
their aims and objectives and
motivations.
1 A.J.P. Taylor, English History, 1914-1945, (Pelican 1979),
p.230
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38
2.1 The Legacy of the First World War Effort and the State of
the Environment in Inter-War
Britain
To bolster the general public’s support for the war, the British
Government disseminated
visual propaganda such as this Parliamentary Recruiting
Committee’s 1915 poster:
[redacted illustration/photograph due to permission issue
use citation to locate the publication]
Fig. 2 © IWM (Art.IWM PST 0320); unknown artist
Putting aside the incongruity of a kilt-wearing soldier standing
guard over English thatched
cottages, presumably aimed at encouraging a Scottish audience to
fight for an English
countryside, the merging of nationalistic and topographical
meanings of the word “country”2
encouraged the general public to identify with this
post-enclosure rural landscape as
something that was part of their own identity, even if the
reality at the time was that they
2 Carey, This Land, p.80
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39
might only rarely visit it and for practical or financial
reasons could not hope to live in it.
This propaganda was to create a hostage to fortune in the
inter-war period, as new or re-
energised voluntary organisations, opinion formers and the media
came to recognise that the
State and private sector seemed to have none of the special
regard for the country’s landscape
in the post-First World War period that the public had been
implored to identify with. S.
Davis observes:
First World War propaganda had positioned the rural landscape as
the essential
England: the England being fought for. There emerged afterwards
an unprecedented
interest in the English countryside, which different groups
fought for their rights to
use and view.3
This “unprecedented interest” could also deploy visual
propaganda in support of its cause, for
example the Punch cartoon, on the next page, reproduced in
Clough Williams-Ellis’ (a senior
figure in CPRE Wales) propagandist pro-environment England and
the Octopus in 1928:
[redacted illustration/photograph due to permission issue
use citation to locate the publication]
Fig. 34
This sense of post-First World War disappointment, and even
perhaps betrayal, would in due
course make the four organisations in this dissertation
particularly sensitive to the issue of
post-war reconstruction during the Second World War, and would
have a significant
influence on the extent to which they would oppose the State
during the war with regard to
the terms under which the war-effort damaged environment and
landscape was restored once
the war was over.
3 Davis, Britain, p.184 4 Matless, Landscape, p.44
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40
The next part of this chapter will identify the significant
environmental problems that existed
in the inter-war period and the inadequate response from the
State, both of which led to the
founding of CPRE, NSAS and PRS. The National Trust, the only one
of the four
organisations founded before the inter-war period, is considered
in relation to CPRE, as a
founding and constituent member of that organisation.
2.2 Air Pollution and the National Smoke Abatement Society
In 1921 a Departmental Committee report of the Ministry of
Health, which held what we
would understand to be the environmental brief for the
government, estimated that there was
an annual discharge of three million tons of soot from the
burning of coal. The Royal
Commission on the Coal Industry in 1926 estimated that this was
the equivalent in weight to
nearly three days’ output of all the then collieries in Britain,
or to put it another way, ‘the
work of over one million men for three days every year is
devoted to providing soot which
pollutes our atmosphere.’5 As a response to Britain’s air
pollution problem the NSAS was
formed in 1929 out of the amalgamation of the Coal Smoke
Abatement Society and the
Smoke Abatement League of Great Britain. Its objectives were to
create informed public
opinion ‘on the evils of air pollution,’6 to contribute to the
abolition of industrially and
domestically produced smoke through the popularisation of
smokeless methods of heat and
power production, and to promote and support legislation for
preventing the pollution of the
atmosphere.7 Local council Medical Officers made a ready
constituency for NSAS and its
predecessor bodies.
5 Daily Telegraph, ‘Wasted in Smoke,’ 12/5/1942, p. 4. 6 NSAS
First Annual Report, 1930, p.4 7 Ibid.
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41
2.3 Water Pollution and the Pure Rivers Society
During the inter-war period, industrial and agricultural
processes and domestic sewage were
all factors in the pollution of Britain’s inland waters; H.D
Turing comments that ‘…the
cumulative consequences of industrialisation imposed great
strain on rivers…as river bacteria
deals with factory wastes less effectively than with domestic
effluent.’8 In 1936 the Trent
Fishery Board found that out of 550 miles of the River Trent and
its tributaries, a quarter of
its length was lethal to all animal and plant life, and for 30
miles in and below the Potteries it
was a dead river.9 Hassan observes however that trends were not
uniform, as rivers
recovered in between industrialised towns and in some regions
river quality did improve;10 in
the round however, he concludes that: ‘the inter-war years were
not positive ones for the
condition of the country’s inland waters…the economic depression
of the early 1930s were
years when sewage treatment and river conservation received the
lowest priority.’11
In response to this combination of factors, in October 1926 an
inaugural meeting of parties
interested in taking action was held, and the first annual
meeting of PRS occurred in 1928.12
Given there is scant surviving documentation of PRS, the
organisation’s first Annual Report
rather unhelpfully states that “it is unnecessary to enter into
any justification for the existence
of the Pure Rivers Society,”13 although subsequently it was more
forthcoming, stating that its
aims included checking and reducing: ‘the most serious and ever
steadily increasing pollution
of our rivers and seas from sewage, factory effluents,’ and its
objectives included setting up a
8 Hassan, History (H.D. Turing; River Pollution; Edward Arnold,
p.40), p.69 9 B.W. Clapp, An Environmental History of Britain Since
the Industrial Revolution (Longman 1994), p.89 10 Hassan, History,
p.66 11 Ibid. 12 The First Annual of the Pure Rivers Society 1930,
(FL PRS 2/1/1), p.3 13 Ibid, p.2
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central and advisory body to bring together all anti-pollution
forces, and to ‘agitate steadily
and consistently for effective legislation for the prevention
and cure of pollution.’14
PRS would remain in the years after its inception a small
organisation compared with the
other three organisations considered here; for example, the EC
minutes of 17th June 1937
record that: ‘owing to the absence on vacation of the Pollution
Sub-Committee there were no
Pollution Reports for confirmation by the meeting.’15 However,
PRS did potentially have a
sizeable constituency of support to call on in the context of
the health of fisheries, which
concerned the 600,000 members of the National Working Mens’
Anglers Association16 and
landowners who had a strong commercial interest in maintaining
healthy freshwater
fisheries.17
2.4 The Rural Environment, Landscape, CPRE and the National
Trust
Land ownership was subject to a severe state of flux after the
First World War; one quarter of
Britain’s land surface changed hands between 1918 and 1922,18 as
a result of new forms of
taxation breaking up country estates and the loss of
officer-class sons of the gentry during the
First World War who might otherwise have resisted their estates’
demise. H. Newby
considers that this transfer of property ownership was greater
than ‘at any time since the
dissolution of the monasteries.’19 A lack of planning controls
meant that almost any land
suitable for building could be sold, no matter its agricultural
quality and the use to which it
was to be put.20 This would prove highly significant with the
onset of the inter-war economic
14 PRS Annual Report 1937, (FL PRS 1/2/1-10), p.12 15 PRS EC
Minutes, 17/6/1937, (FL PRS1/1/1), p.63 16 Hassan, History, (M.
Shortland (ed.), Science and Nature: Essays in the History of the
environmental
Sciences; (Alden Press for the British Society for the History
of Sciences), p.43), p.82 17 Ibid. 18 C. Bailey, ‘Progress and
Preservation: the role of rural industries in the making of the
modern image of the
countryside,’ Journal of Design History, (Vol.9, No.1 (1996),
pp. 35-53), p.36 19 Ibid, (H. Newby, Country Life: A social history
of rural England, (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1987), p.153 ) 20
Sheail, Rural Conservation, p.25
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43
depression, which brought a decline in farm prices of over
one-third,21 and a move by farmers
to less costly forms of agriculture, from arable to pasture, or
the sale of their land; between
1918 and 1939 the amount of arable farming declined by four
million acres,22 and over a
million acres passed out of agricultural use across Britain
completely.23 Between 1927 and
1934 farmers sold 64,800 acres to the Air Ministry,24 but the
greatest loss of land in rural
areas was to housebuilding. J.Sheail advises that no precise
record was kept of the amount of
land converted to residential use, but refers to estimates of
about 38,000 acres of land being
developed each year for housing between 1927/8 and 1933/4,
rising to 50,000 acres p.a.
1934/5 to 1938/9.25 L. Dudley Stamp, the noted British
geographer, drily observed of the
inter-war period that “for many farmers, the only profitable
crop was a crop of bungalows.”26
It was in this context that an inaugural meeting convened by the
President of the Royal
Institute of British Architects, was held on the 2nd March 1926,
for those ‘interested in the
Preservation of Rural England.’27 Within the year, the Council
for the Preservation of Rural
England was formed, with the aim of seeking to coordinate the
activities of a number of
previously disparate and distinct voluntary bodies and
societies. Its objects, reported in its
first Annual Report of 1927,28 were to: ‘…organise concerted
action to secure the protection
of rural scenery…act either directly or through its members
…[and] …arouse, form and
educate public opinion.’29
21 S.Ward, War in the Countryside 1939-45, (David & Charles,
1988), p.10 22 Sheail, Rural Conservation, p.23 23 L. D. Stamp, The
Land of Britain: its use and misuse; Longmans (1962 edition), p.439
24 I.G. Simmons, An Environmental History of Great Britain: from
10,000 years ago to the present, Edinburgh
University Press, 2001), p.218 25 Sheail, Rural Conservation,
p.9 26 Stamp, The Land, p.404 27 CPRE Session 1925-26, (MERL SR
CPRE A/1), p.1 28 CPRE Annual Report 1927, (MERL SR CPRE B/1/1) 29
Ibid.
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44
A range of organisations became constituent members of CPRE’s
governing Council,
including NT. In recognition of the rationale for CPRE’s
creation, The Times summed up the
current fractured nature of the response to the environmental
threat when it noted on the eve
of the organisation’s formation:
…patchwork protection, the saving of a hill here and a lake
there, of a handful of
places of exceptional natural beauty. That is admirable work,
whether done by local
authorities, private owners, or by the National Trust, to all of
whom we owe a good
deal of it. But it is not enough. It does not cover more than a
fraction of the ground.30
The formation of CPRE was ranked as one of the top ten news
stories of the year by the
Manchester Guardian’s “Century” archive project, in a year that
included the General Strike,
the first transatlantic phone conversation, and the first
demonstration of television by John
Logie Baird.31
It is important to note that the word “preservation” in CPRE’s
name (changed later in the
Twentieth Century to “protection”) was not to be taken too
literally; its 1927 Aims and
Objectives clearly stated that ‘it is not intended to object to
the reasonable use and
development of rural areas: it is the abuse and bad development
of such areas that require
restrictions.’32 Professor Patrick Abercrombie, founding member
and one of the key
influences behind CPRE’s policy development over the following
twenty years, was more
forthcoming in the book he had published shortly before CPRE’s
formal foundation in 1926.
As noted in Chapter One (p.26), in it he stated quite bluntly
that ‘it may become more
30 The Times, ‘The Saving of Rural England’ 24/11/1926, p. 15 31
Waine, 22 Ideas, p.48 32 CPRE Aims and Objectives 1927, (CPRE HQ
Archive), p.1
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45
economical to work fields in larger units, entailing the removal
of hedges and trees.’33 By
1934 Abercrombie had added an aesthetic justification to his
previous economical one:
there are certainly parts of England whose landscape will be
improved by a greater
display of sweeps of open, highly cropped fields: a new scale
may be added to what in
some places is a monotonous iteration of hedge and hedgerow
tree. Everywhere,
where this agricultural change occurs, the quality of landscape
fitness and beauty is to
be super-added.34
These positions would be hugely significant in determining
CPRE’s position during the long
Second World War, and shows that at this time the organisation’s
focus was very much on
creating a rural identity through what it judged to be
appropriate rural development. An
appreciation of the impact of agricultural change on flora and
fauna would only come later in
the Twentieth Century, otherwise CPRE may have appreciated that
the low commercial value
attached to agriculture and forestry in the inter-war period
meant that many important sites
for wildlife survived free from human intervention.35
The National Trust, or to give it its full name, the National
Trust for Places of Historic
Interest or Natural Beauty,36 was originally incorporated as a
charitable body in 1895. It was
subsequently dissolved and reconstituted as a statutory body by
the National Trust Act of
1907, a measure designed to empower the Trust through enabling
it to own land and property
inalienably, making it a ‘quasi-public body independent of
direct State control’ in the words
33 Abercrombie, Preservation, p.7 34 Matless, Landscape,
(Abercrombie, Country Planning and Landscape Design,( University
Press of Liverpool
/ Hodder & Stoughton, 1934, p.12), p.72 35 Sheail, Nature in
Trust, p.56 36 National Trust Act 1907 (National Trust website)
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46
of its Governing Council;37 furthermore, the Act protected Trust
property from compulsory
acquisition except by a subsequent Act of Parliament.38 The
Trust’s 1938/39 Annual Report
stated: ‘it is the primary duty of the Trust to promote the
natural beauty of its properties,’39
although in 1937 the Trust only owned approximately 60,000 acres
of land,40 a relatively
modest accumulation of property given it had at that time been
in existence forty years.
This primary duty had the effect on the one hand of limiting
what the Trust could and would
do to defend and protect the interests of land and property that
it did not own, whilst resisting
as effectively as it could threats to that which it did. In
response to a request from the Trust
Secretary to his Finance Committee as to the guidance he should
give to Trust officials asked
to give support to other amenity bodies, the response was ‘where
NT’s property rights were
in danger it should offer stout-hearted opposition. Where this
was not the case there could be
no clear cut policy which would meet every case.’41 Although
this guidance was given in
1946, the Trust’s previous behaviour reflected this position;
this would be an important factor
in its approach towards the threats to the landscape and
environment posed by the long
Second World War, and help to define its relationship with
CPRE.
As an organisation with constituent members CPRE was at the
point a