Historicising the present: Late Holocene emergence of a rainforest hunting camp, Gulf Province, Papua New Guinea

41Number 71, December 2010

AbstractHistoricising the emergence of ethnographic activities provides insights into the reliability of ethnographic analogies to aid archaeological understandings of past human societies, as well as allowing us to explore the historical emergence of ethnographically contextualised cultural traits. Epe Amoho is the largest hunting camp rockshelter used by the Himaiyu clan (Rumu people) of the Kikori River region, southern Papua New Guinea. Contemporary ethnographic information indicates dry season site use with subsistence practices directed towards riverine fishing and shellfishing, mammal hunting and gardening in the surrounding rainforest. But how long has the site been used and when in the past did activities start to resemble those known ethnographically? Archaeological excavations revealed three pulses of activity: Recent Phase (0-500 cal BP), Middle Phase (900-1200 cal BP) and Early Phase (2500-2850 cal BP). Pollen data reveal increasing rainforest disturbance by people through time. While the best match between ethnographic and archaeological practices occurs during the Recent Phase, selected aspects of Rumu subsistence extend back to the Early Phase. As the temporal depth of ethnographically-known practices differs between archaeological sites, a complex picture emerges where Rumu cultural practices unfolded at differing points in time and space over a period of at least 3000 years.

IntroductionA cornerstone of Indigenous archaeology in Australia and New

Guinea is the availability of ethnographic information (Lilley

2006; Lourandos 1997; Mulvaney 1969; White and O’Connell

1982). The first scientific and controlled excavation of a

rockshelter site in Australia associated upper stratigraphic layers

with local ethnographic practices (Hale and Tindale 1930). Yet

amongst archaeologists debate continues over the usefulness of

ethnographic analogy and the relevance of historically-recorded

information from the past two centuries to aid understanding

of archaeological materials that in some cases are one and

two orders of magnitude older in age (Hiscock 2008; Meehan

and Jones 1988; Spriggs 2008). We advocate an approach

that attempts to demonstrate the relevance of ethnographic

information in archaeological interpretation by directly

investigating the history and antiquity of ethnographically-

known practices. That is, through archaeological investigation

we historicise ethnographic sites to reveal when in the past

they took their ethnographically-known form. Our approach

takes activities as expressed materially in the surface levels of

ethnographically-documented sites and tracks these back into

the past and down through deposits (see David et al. 1994;

McNiven et al. 2009). In this paper, we apply our approach to

a rainforest rockshelter hunting camp named Epe Amoho that

continues to be used by Himaiyu clan members of the Rumu

people of the Kikori River of southern Papua New Guinea. Our

research contributes to a small but growing ethnoarchaeological

literature on human occupation of caves and rockshelters (e.g.

Galanidou 2000; Gorecki 1991; Nicholson and Cane 1991;

Pannell and O’Connor 2005; Pétrequin and Pétrequin 2006) and

discusses the complexities of using ethnographic information in

archaeological interpretation.

Kikori Region – Archaeology and Ethnographic AnalogyIn the late 1970s, Jim Rhoads pioneered ethnoarchaeological and

archaeological research in the western Gulf of Papua, centring

on the middle reaches of the Kikori River (Rhoads 1980) (Figure

1). As ethnographic information for the Kikori region was

rudimentary, Rhoads undertook his own ethnoarchaeological

HISTORICISING THE PRESENT:Late Holocene Emergence of a Rainforest Hunting Camp, Gulf Province, Papua New GuineaIan J. McNiven1, Bruno David1, Ken Aplin2, Max Pivoru3, William Pivoru3, Alex Sexton4,

Jonathan Brown1, Chris Clarkson5, Kate Connell5, John Stanisic6, Marshall Weisler5, Simon

Haberle7, Andrew Fairbairn5 and Noel Kemp8

1 School of Geography and Environmental Science, Monash University, Clayton, VIC 3800, Australia [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

2 Australian National Wildlife Collection, CSIRO Division of Ecosystem Sciences, PO Box 284, Canberra, ACT 2601, Australia [email protected]

3 Kopi Village, Kikori District, Gulf Province, Papua New Guinea4 PO Box 624, Mt Isa, QLD 4825, Australia [email protected] School of Social Science, The University of Queensland, Brisbane,

QLD 4072, Australia [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

6 Queensland Museum, South Brisbane, QLD 4101, Australia [email protected]

7 Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia [email protected]

8 50 Derwent Avenue, Lindisfarne, TAS 7015, Australia [email protected]

AirdHills

Ivi River

Saboro River

Pinini Creek

Emo

Wokoi Amoho

Fly R.Digul R

.

WESTPAPUA PAPUA NEW

GUINEA

TorresStraitKilometres

NStudy area

2000

Veiru Creek

Kikori R

iver

Mati Ck

Utiti Ck

Kikiniu

Puriau

Kikori

Ibira HerekunaOuloubomoto

Waira

Kopi/Mampaiu

RupoEpe Amoho

kilometres100

Figure 1 Study area.

42 Number 71, December 2010

Historicising the Present: Late Holocene Emergence of a Rainforest Hunting Camp, Gulf Province, Papua New Guinea

investigations to develop a detailed settlement-subsistence model

for the local Rumu (Kairi) people. This model and historical

analogue formed the basis of a series of hypotheses which were

tested against archaeological data derived from excavation of

a range of local open and rockshelter sites. Rhoads (1980:iv)

concluded that while occupation extended back to 3000 years ago,

‘subsistence strategies appear to have changed little during that

time from what is known today’. However, 1200–1500 years ago

settlement patterns changed with the development of permanent

or semi-permanent villages along major waterways, increased

use of temporary, specialised inland encampments (used mostly

during the dry season), and increased use of exotic commodities,

especially pottery and chert, associated with elaborated prestige-

goods exchange systems (Rhoads 1980:iv, 1982a:140-141).

Although Rhoads (1980:243) suggested ‘a general continuity

in land-use patterns over roughly the last 1500 years’, he

concluded that ethnographically-known settlement-subsistence

arrangements best match the Proto-historic period of the past

400 years. These changes were seen to ‘represent intense periods

of coastal trade linking sago-producing peoples of the Papuan

Gulf with more easterly sited pottery-making communities’

associated with the ethnographically-known Motuan hiri trade

system (see Dutton 1982; Rhoads 1982a). None of these cultural

changes was seen to reflect environmental change, as Rhoads

(1980:97) assumed that the natural environmental context of

the Rumu had ‘remained substantially unchanged over the past

6000 years’ (following the work of Nix and Kalma 1972 and

Powell 1976).

In part we endorse Rhoads’ use of ethnographic information

in archaeological interpretation. That is, broadly framed by the

direct-historical approach to analogy (Lyman and O’Brien 2001),

continuity between the ethnographic present and archaeological

past needs to be demonstrated and not simply assumed. This

demonstration is undertaken by examining how far back in time

archaeological correlates of ethnographic practices extend. By

historicising present (ethnographic) practices and investigating

when and how such practices developed, a dynamic view of the

past is achieved. The key is the investigation of cultural similarities

(continuities) and differences (discontinuities) between past and

present (Gould 1980). This diachronic approach to ethnographic

information circumvents the problematic use of ethnographic

analogies which simply assume continuities between past and

present and promote static views of the past (see Hiscock 2008;

Spriggs 2008; Wobst 1978). Yet a potential problem with many

applications of ethnographic analogy is that the level of generality

of ethnographic information potentially allows the variability

of a wide range of archaeological data to be overlooked and

subsumed. As such, actual differences between the ethnographic

present and archaeological past may become lost and masked as

continuities (see Gould and Watson 1982:375). Our approach

elaborates Rhoads’ modelling of Rumu settlement-subsistence

practices by focusing on the ethnography and archaeology of a

single Rumu site – namely a rockshelter hunting camp known as

Epe Amoho. As we have demonstrated elsewhere (e.g. David et

al. 1994; McNiven et al. 2009), documenting ethnographic use

of a single site allows detailed and specific investigation of the

temporal depth of the ethnographic present. Such fine-grained

understanding needs to be matched by fine-grained analysis

and dating of a broad range of activities contained within the

archaeological record of the site and detailed understanding

of the site’s palaeoenvironmental context. Although Rhoads

assumed environmental stability during human occupation of

the region, such an assumption also needs to be tested as much

as the ethnographic record needs to be tested. Furthermore,

Rhoads’ chronology for Rumu sites needs to be tested and refined

as many of his radiocarbon dates can be considered unreliable

(see David 2008 for details). This paper documents the broader

and specific ethnographic context of Epe Amoho and details the

results of complementary and comparative archaeological and

palynological analyses of excavated deposits from the site.

Cultural Backdrop – Rumu Hunters and FishersRumu number around 700 people and inhabit the mid-Kikori

River region of the Gulf of Papua (Busse et al. 1993; David et

al. 2008; Petterson and Petterson 2008) (Figure 1). Although

the time depth of the Rumu as a distinctive cultural group is

unknown, archaeological research indicates a human presence

in the Kikori region dating back to at least 11,000 years ago, with

major increases in occupation occurring within the past 2500

and especially the past 500 years (David 2008; David et al. 2007,

2010; Rhoads 1980). Sustained European contact with the Rumu

began in 1912 with the establishment of a government station

at Kikori located 26km inland from the coast (Hope 1979:43).

The geographical world of the Rumu is riddled with small and

major waterways weaving through karst plains with a veneer of

alluvium and isolated limestone hill remnants flanked by rugged

limestone country in the form of polygonal karst (limestone

towers and associated depressions) and limestone plateau with

karst corridors (Löffler 1974:12, 1977:54-57). This lowland

landscape is mostly 10–40m asl and is covered in dense tropical

rainforest and sago swamps. Annual rainfall is 5000–8000mm,

falling mostly between May and September. Flooding occurs

annually and, indeed, today all houses, whether river-bordering

or not, are elevated on high stilts to avoid the swampy and often

flooded terrain. Movement across this fluid terrestrial landscape

is usually by foot and dugout canoe.

As with many coastal and lowland hinterland groups of

the Papuan Gulf region, the Rumu are hunter-gatherer-fisher-

cultivators who process sago palms into a starch staple (Busse

et al. 1993; Knauft 1993; Rhoads 1980, 1982b). Rhoads’ (1980)

ethnoarchaeological research remains the most detailed

investigation of lowland rainforest settlement-subsistence

patterns in the Kikori River basin. Terrestrial and aquatic animals

are the main source of protein. Domesticated pigs, chickens and

cassowaries have minor dietary significance and are ‘eaten only

at important feasts, which occur sporadically’ (Rhoads 1980:33).

Stands of sago (Metroxylon sp.) are planted in areas of cleared

or managed rainforest and the labour-intensive process of

pounding felled palm trunks and washing the macerated pith to

isolate starch is undertaken mainly by women. In the 1970s, many

Rumu women continued using hafted stone sago pounders in

preference to introduced metal pipe-tipped pounders (Rhoads

1980:27). At least 129 ‘ethnobotanical’ varieties of plants are

cultivated by the Rumu, including subsistence plants – pandanus

(9 varieties), sago palm (26 varieties), banana (11 varieties) and

sweet potato (3 varieties) – and utility plants such as bamboo

(8 varieties) for cooking and water storage vessels, yaemi (in

Rumuhei, the language of the Rumu) trees for canoe logs, Areca

43Number 71, December 2010

Ian J. McNiven et al.

sp. (black palm) for bows and house flooring, and the fish poison

Derris spp. (3 varieties) (Rhoads 1980:Table III-4). Significantly,

‘the contemporary subsistence and settlement modes of the

Kairi [Rumu] bear little evidence of over one hundred years of

European contact’ (Rhoads 1980:21).

Rainforest HuntingHunting is mostly a male activity among the Rumu. Rhoads

(1980:Table III-7) recorded 29 ‘ethnozoological species’

hunted in the study area. Ground-dwelling species include pig,

cassowary, wallaby (Dorcopsis veterum and Thylogale brunii),

cuscus (?Phalanger gymnotis), bandicoot (Echymipera rufescens),

rats (e.g. Uromys caudimaculatus), monitor lizards (Varanus

spp.), snail, frog, and birds such as pigeon and bush hen

(Megapodiidae). Lower canopy species comprise cuscuses and

snakes, and high canopy species include flying fox and birds such

as hornbill, cockatoo and parrot. Of these, pig and cassowary are

‘the most eagerly sought’ (Rhoads 1980:39). Hunting techniques

focus on the use of bows and arrows, shotguns and clubs, with

dead fall and snare traps also used by previous generations

(Rhoads 1980:39-40). Dogs assist with pig, cassowary and wallaby

hunting in particular (e.g. Rhoads 1980:34). The introduction of

shotguns ‘does not appear to have greatly altered general hunting

strategies’ (Rhoads 1980:46). Small bats (Microchiroptera) and

flying foxes (Dobsonia spp.) are obtained from limestone caves.

Riverine Fishing and ShellfishingThe Kikori River basin has the second highest range of fishes for

any river system in New Guinea (Allen et al. 2008:7). Rhoads

(1980:35) observed that along with sago starch, ‘riverine

resources supply the most consistent source of food’. Forty

‘ethnotaxonomic species’ are identified including water rat,

crocodile, turtles and birds (Rhoads 1980:Table III-7). This list

also includes 24 types of fishes (e.g. catfish, barramundi, mullet,

gudgeon, mackerel and eel) and four types of crustaceans (e.g.

crab, prawn and crayfish), and six types of molluscs. Apart from

major waterways such as the Kikori River, areas of rainforest

seasonally inundated by flood waters provide important dry

season fishing locations. ‘Large doline ponds’, ‘ephemeral

ponds’ and ‘bush creeks’ restocked with fishes by the flooding

of waterways ‘provide an important dry season focus for fishing’

by men and women, and represent ‘extremely lucrative resource

localities’ (Rhoads 1980:35-38). Local fishing methods employed

variously by both men and women include bows and arrows,

fishing lines and hooks, nets, weirs and drugging using Derris sp.

(pers. obs. 2005-2009; Georges et al. 2008; Rhoads 1980:35-36).

Freshwater turtles are ‘an important source of protein’ in

the Kikori region (Georges et al. 2008:709). Georges et al.

(n.d.:3) state that pig-nosed turtles (Elseya novaeguineae) are

‘commonly caught on fishing lines and in fishing nets as part

of general hunting and fishing activity, but we were told that

the best time to catch them was in the dry season, when they

retreat into tunnels in the riverbanks’. Crustaceans and molluscs

are generally collected by women by hand ‘mainly during the

dry season’ when the lower banks of waterways – the preferred

habitat of these animals – become exposed and easier to access

due to receding water levels (Rhoads 1980:37, 43, 225). Shellfish,

available only during the dry season, include Batissa violacea,

Hyeidella sp., Melanoides sp. and Vivaparidae (Sam Kaiwari and

Kupere Karamavi, pers. comm., 2009; Rhoads 1980:68). Neritina

sp. – known as kipiri in Rumuhei – and the locally identified

towoi (species unidentified) are the only gastropods ‘easily found’

during the wet season (Rhoads 1980:43).

Settlement Patterns and Hunting CampsRumu settlement patterns revolve around permanently settled

nuclear villages along major rivers and a complex arrangement

of temporary camps (often rockshelters) used mostly during

Edge of cleared area

N

60metres

Overhang

Rainforest

Rainforest

A

Bamboo grove

Limestone karst Tree trunk >0.5m diameter

Black palm

Figure 2 Plan of Epe Amoho.

44 Number 71, December 2010

Historicising the Present: Late Holocene Emergence of a Rainforest Hunting Camp, Gulf Province, Papua New Guinea

the dry season (October to April) located close to ‘inland’ water

sources. Both site types are used by men, women and children.

Temporary camps generally fall into one of two groups – those

associated with generalised land-use and social refuges away

from village life (usually located more than 2.5-3km from a

village) and specialised sites associated with sago production and

seasonal procurement of aquatic fauna (e.g. spawning mullet

and turtle eggs in the wet season and doline pond fishes in the

dry season) (Rhoads 1980:45, 62, 65-76).

Epe Amoho

Site DescriptionEpe Amoho is a limestone rockshelter designated KG14 by David

et al. (2005). The site is named after Epe Creek located 300m

to the north. The site name derives from Epe (a place name)

and amoho (‘rockshelter’ or ‘cave’ in Rumuhei). It is located on

the margins of a heavily-forested swampy alluvial plain adjacent

to limestone polygonal karst country at the headwaters of Utiti

Creek 5km west of the Kikori River and 46km inland from the

coast (Figure 1). Epe Amoho is positioned at the base of a c.5–

10m-high rugged limestone cliff-line draped in ferns and vines

and set amongst dense tropical rainforest (Figures 2-3).

The curvilinear rockshelter has a length of c.60m and is

divided into two sections, a c.30m-long western section with

a northwest aspect, and a c.30m-long eastern section with a

northeast aspect. The two sections are separated by a northeast-

southwest oriented large tunnel cave that extends into the

darkness. The western end of the site is the driest owing to the

greater extent of overhang. Along its length, the area immediately

in front of the rockshelter is relatively open, being repeatedly

cleared of vegetation upon its occupation or visitation. However,

the area more than 5–10m in front of the shelter is invariably

covered by thick rainforest, especially stands of bamboo and

black palm. The site is flooded or soggy during the wet season.

Cultural ContextEpe Amoho has economic and spiritual significance to the

Himaiyu clan. The following information and quotes were

provided by Max and William Pivoru, two senior members of the

Himaiyu clan during the period of excavation of Epe Amoho and

before the results of our excavations were apparent. Subsequently,

further interviews on Himaiyu settlement-subsistence activities

with a larger number of clan members (men and women) were

undertaken following completion of an early draft of this paper

to shed further light on relevant points. Himaiyu clans-people

are the traditional owners of the site which is considered ‘one

of the historical places in the history of the clan’. Epe Amoho

is the largest hunting camp used by the Himaiyu clan. Hunting

camps are known as iapu in Rumuhei (and sometimes by the

Motu term kombati). The site was used often in association

with smaller hunting camps such as Wokoi Amoho, Inorave and

Tirimu. In this situation, men would visit other hunting camps

while women would stay back and ‘look after’ Epe Amoho. In the

past access to the site from villages was by canoe up Utiti Creek

followed by a 5–10 minute walk.

Animal food resources obtained while camping at Epe Amoho

include pigs and cassowaries hunted from surrounding forests,

bats from a nearby cave, and fishes and prawns captured by hand

from nearby Epe Creek. Cultivated plant resources located in

front of Epe Amoho include bamboo, pandanus, poison roots,

sago palm, and black palms.

Camping at Epe Amoho occurs every year and is a dry season

activity (Figure 3). Use of the site occurs ‘when people run out of

food, especially meat’ within the village. ‘If we don’t go there then

we don’t have enough protein to eat’. As various clan members

pointed out, Rumu clans-people undertake both wet and dry

season hunting. Wet season hunting takes place at a time when

much of the land is flooded or boggy, and at this time terrestrial

animals take refuge on high ground. Clan members travel in

multiclan groups by canoe to elevated areas, surrounding high

areas where animals are concentrated; ‘kill what you can there,

then go to another high ground’. During expeditions, hunters

travel for the day to return to their home village at the end of

the day. Dry season hunting takes on a different hue – extended

periods are spent at camps located within a clan’s hunting

ground. Hunters depart early in the morning and return to the

hunting camp at the end of the day. Sometimes families and

hunting groups use major hunting camps such as Epe Amoho

in association with specialised camps, such as sago camps. Prior

to the extra commitments of village life after contact (such as

schooling, church), people camped at Epe Amoho ‘for maybe six

Figure 3 Remains of recent camping at Epe Amoho, 16 April 2005. Note planted bamboo groves in background (Photograph: Ian J. McNiven).

Figure 4 Square A after excavation, Epe Amoho. Looking southwest, 9 April 2006 (Photograph: Ian J. McNiven).

45Number 71, December 2010

Ian J. McNiven et al.

months or four months, like it was their home’. Camping could

take place anywhere along the length of the rockshelter.

ExcavationA single 1m x 1m pit (Square A) was excavated within Epe

Amoho. The location of Square A was selected for excavation

as it is higher and drier than other parts of the site and is thus

considered to have been attractive for occupation throughout the

site’s history of use (Figure 4). Furthermore, this location exhibits

a larger overhang providing more opportunity for a wider range

of activities (e.g. cooking, sleeping, tool preparation etc). While

Square A represents a small proportion of Epe Amoho, it is

located within the confined area of the prime camping location

at the site. As such, Square A is considered to provide a reliable

record of broad usage patterns of Epe Amoho though time.

Excavation was stopped at a depth of 109cm owing to

problems of accessibility and the apparent lack of cultural

materials in basal XUs. The excavation was undertaken in 33

excavation units (XUs) (which were often subdivided into sub-

XU parts ‘a’, ‘b’ and ‘c’ to avoid mixing of sediments of different

colour and texture) with a mean thickness of 3.2cm (range: 0.4-

5.3cm). A single sloping slab of limestone roof fall was uncovered

across the northern half of the pit. Weight (to nearest 100g) and

volume (to nearest 500ml) was taken for excavated sediments

for each XU. At least five depth elevations (to nearest mm) were

taken at the beginning and end of each XU. Sediments were wet-

sieved (freshwater) through 2.1mm mesh. Small bulk sediment

samples were collected from each XU prior to sieving. In addition,

22 small samples of sediment for pollen analysis were collected

in 1cm-wide vials pressed into the south section of the pit at

5cm depth intervals (Figure 5). The pit was backfilled with local

sediments taken well away from the site. Excavation took place

between 4 and 9 April 2006.

Stratigraphy and SedimentsSquare A sediments were divided into three major stratigraphic

units (SUs) (Figure 5). SUs 1 to 3a extend from the ground

surface to a depth of between 7 and 22cm and grade with depth

from dark grey/brown loose crumbly clay (SUs 1-2) to brown

sticky clay (SU3a). They contain most cultural materials (e.g.

charcoal, stone artefacts, bone and shell) recovered from the site

with items of European origin (e.g. glass and metal) restricted

to SUs 1 and 2 located at a maximum depth of 18cm below the

ground surface. SUs 3b and 3c represent over 90% of excavated

sediments and comprise mostly brown sticky clays with very

small amounts of cultural materials (charcoal, bone and shell).

In addition to the large limestone slab, fragments of limestone

roof fall were encountered across the lower sections of the square

in SU3c mostly between 82 and 97cm below the ground.

An intrusive ‘pit’ feature was sectioned by the east wall of the

square. The pit averages around 17cm in diameter and extends

from the top of SU3a to maximum depth of 62cm below the

ground surface in SU3c. The feature was created at a time when

the top of SU3a was the ground surface. A fragment of glass

recovered from the base of the pit confirms that the feature was

filled by sediments that included SU2 (which contains a range of

European items including glass). The pit is interpreted as a post-

hole, and is consistent with the Himaiyu practice of building stilt

structures against the rockshelter during periods of encampment.

Bulk sediment samples for each XU were subjected to Low

Angle Laser Scattering (LALS) particle size analysis using a

Coulter 100LS particle size analyser. Samples were dispersed

in 5%v sodium tetra-pyrophosphate (Na4P2O7) and agitated

in an ultrasonic bath for 30 minutes. Prior to analysis samples

were vigorously dispersed using a vortex mixer and analysed.

Percentages of organic carbon and CaCO3 were determined by

weighing dry samples, treating with 30% H2O2 over a period of

3 months, until reaction ceased, additional treatment with HCl,

and weighing of the remaining sample.

Sediments are dominated by very fine particles. Particles

finer than 20µm comprise over 60% by volume of all samples,

and over 70% for the majority. The modal particle size of all

samples was between 2 and 10µm (clay and fine silt). Overall,

particle size distributions are consistent with an alluvial

depositional environment. The proximity of the rockshelter to

swampland and waterways, combined with high rainfall make

suspended sediment in flood water a primary source of sediment

entering the rockshelter. Visual stratigraphic layers within

the profile identified at the time of excavation do not exhibit

distinct particle size characteristics. Furthermore, within the

sediment profile there is limited soil development which is not

unexpected given the limited age of the deposit (<2850 years).

Figure 5 Stratigraphy, Square A, Epe Amoho.

46 Number 71, December 2010

Historicising the Present: Late Holocene Emergence of a Rainforest Hunting Camp, Gulf Province, Papua New Guinea

There is evidence for translocation of fine clays from the upper

part of the sequence (0-20cm) into the lower profile (20-65cm),

indicative of illuviation as a result of downward percolation of

water. The existence of coarse particles within the soil is probably

evidence of rock fall from the roof of the rockshelter, either in

the dramatic fashion shown at the base of the profile (with large

limestone rocks), or less abrupt additions from water movement

over the surface of the rockshelter roof, or disintegration of the

limestone as a result of human activity (e.g. heat from fires).

Radiocarbon Dating and ChronologyTwelve AMS radiocarbon dates were obtained for Epe Amoho

(Table 1). All dates were obtained on single fragments of

wood charcoal and determined by the University of Waikato

Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory. Radiocarbon dates were

calibrated into calendar years using the online calibration

program Calib 6.0 (Stuiver and Reimer 1993) and the IntCal09

dataset (Reimer et al. 2009).

Dates cluster into three age groupings separated by

considerable periods of time (Figure 6). The oldest grouping

(Early Phase) comprises four almost identical dates ranging

from 2616±50 BP to 2560±50 BP calibrating to between

c.2500 and c.2850 cal BP (years before AD 1950). These

dates take in the lower half of SU3c over a vertical distance

of 28cm between 62 and 90cm below the ground. The single

dating inversion within the Early Phase (Wk-19970) probably

represents post-depositional upward movement of the single

charcoal fragment upon which the date was obtained. The next

grouping of dates (Middle Phase) comprises five similar dates

ranging from 1119±44 BP to 1042±35 BP and calibrating to

between c.900 and c.1200 cal BP. These dates span the upper

half of SU3c over a vertical distance of 32cm between 42 and

74cm below the ground surface. The third and final grouping

of dates (Recent Phase) consists of three dates ranging between

327±34 BP and 155±34 BP which calibrate to the past 500

years. This group takes in the upper 25cm of deposit and SU1

to the upper sections of SU3a. That the third group of dates

takes in the past 150 years is consistent with the recovery of

items of European origin (e.g. glass and metal) and ‘introduced’

fauna (see below) in SUs 1 and 2. While the Early and Middle

Phases reveal some stratigraphic overlap and mixing (one

radiocarbon dating inversion – Wk-19970) between XUs 23a

and 25 spanning a vertical distance of 12cm between 62 and

74cm below the ground surface, overall the deposit exhibits

good chronostratigraphic integrity.

Pollen and PalaeoenvironmentsPreparation of the pollen samples removed from the south

section followed standard procedures described in Bennett

and Willis (2001) with the addition of a Lycopodium spike to

determine relative concentrations of palynomorphs. Pollen

concentrations and preservation were generally low in most

slides and was considered too low for standard percentage

pollen analysis. Each slide was counted to a minimum of 100

pollen grains and then scanned for the presence of further taxa.

A presence/absence diagram was then constructed (Figure 7).

Charcoal concentration (relative to the Lycopodium spike) was

estimated on a 5-point scale (0=none to 4=very abundant).

Pollen zones where determined using a Constrained Incremental

Sum of Squares (CONISS) cluster analysis within the programme

Psimpoll (Bennett and Willis 2001). The diversity of taxa within

each sample is determined by simple addition of the number

of taxa encountered in any one sample. The pollen diagram is

divided into three significant zones (based on the pollen CONISS

statistics) which correspond stratigraphically to the temporal

zones (phases) identified in the archaeological analysis.

Zone A (77-102cm depth, c.2500-2850 cal BP): The saline-

tolerant mangroves Sonneratia and Rhizophora dominate this zone

with generally low levels of charcoal and fern spores. Sonneratia

prefers brackish to near-freshwater habitats and ‘recent mud banks

and accreting inner river curves’ and often allows development of

sediment conditions favourable to the establishment of Rhizophora

(Cragg 1983:309; Paijmans 1983:229). This mixture of lower

salinity (Sonneratia) and higher salinity (Rhizophora) mangrove

species suggests floodwaters deriving from diverse fresh and saline

waterways. A high diversity of rainforest tree taxa is recorded with

a range of local and long-distance dispersal taxa present such

as Nothofagus, Dacrycarpus and Phyllocladus (derived from the

Highlands of PNG). These taxa may have been dispersed by wind

or more likely through river floodwaters carrying upland taxa

into the lowlands. Metroxylon sagu (sago) is present in this zone

suggesting that sago was present near the site. This may represent

a low level of exploitation as intense harvesting of sago palms

will prevent flowering of the plant and reduce or eliminate the

production of pollen. Grasses and the edible herb Amaranthaceae

are also present.

Zone B (37-72cm, c.900-1200 cal BP): Mangrove pollen is

less important although saline-inhabiting Rhizophora dominates

the pollen assemblage in the lower part of this zone. Low diversity

of pollen taxa suggests that the local area has been disturbed,

possibly through human agency, and primary rainforest cover

has been reduced. This is further supported by the presence of

pioneer woody plants such as Trema, Schefflera and Casuarina.

Grasses and the edible herb Amaranthaceae continue to be

present. The pollen assemblage in this zone reflects high levels

of forest disturbance, most likely clearance activity near the site,

possibly associated with site maintenance and gardening. Higher

levels of charcoal in this zone probably reflect hearths within

the rockshelter and not in-washing of environmental charcoal as

firing of local rainforest is unlikely given high levels of moisture

and rainfall.

Zone C (7-32cm, c.0-500 cal BP): Mangrove pollen has

greater diversity with the appearance of the freshwater-

tolerant taxa Barringtonia and the aquatic fern Selaginella. The

appearance of Barringtonia, which is found often beyond the

0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000

Wk-19969 Wk-19971 Wk-18922 Wk-18931 Wk-18930 Wk-18933

Wk-19973 Wk-19970 Wk-18924 Wk-19974 Wk-19972 Wk-18923

Age (cal BP)

Figure 6 Calibrated AMS radiocarbon dates, Square A, Epe Amoho (white=95.4% probability, black=68.3% probability).

47Number 71, December 2010

Ian J. McNiven et al.

limits of saline influence, is consistent with the disappearance

of Sonneratia mangroves which often mark the upstream limit

of saltwater penetration (Cragg 1983:299, 301; Petr 1983:187).

However, the appearance of Ceriops/Bruguiera in this zone,

along with continuities of Rhizophora, indicates continuities in

the contribution of saline water to local floods (see Robertson

et al. 1991). The dominance of palms, Melastomataceae/

Combretaceae, Cyperaceae and high fern diversity also suggests

increased presence of freshwater swamp species. The local area

continues to experience disturbance, again possibly associated

with clearance activity and gardening.

Land SnailsA total of 411.5g of land snails represented by 15 species and

a MNI of 451 shells was recovered from Square A (Table S1,

supplementary information). Nearly all (98.9% by MNI) were

restricted to the upper 14cm of deposit in XUs 1 to 9 dating to

the past 500 years. Two species (Allopeas gracile and Lamellaxis

clavulinus) are post-European contact (introduced) species to

Papua New Guinea and were found only in the upper seven

XUs, a finding consistent with the radiocarbon chronology and

the restriction of ‘European’ items to the top six XUs (Cowie

1998; Solem 1989). The absence of land snails in SU3 matches

the general paucity of faunal remains in these levels and most

probably reflects poor preservation. While it is likely that most

land snails entered and died at the site naturally, some (e.g.

Cristigibba sp.) may have had subsistence significance (see

Rhoads 1980:Table III-7).

Cultural MaterialsCultural materials include charcoal and burnt earth (from

hearths), plant macrofossils, vertebrate bone, bird eggshell,

mollusc shell and crustacean exoskeleton, stone artefacts and a

pottery sherd, and European contact items such as glass beads,

Table 1 AMS radiocarbon dates, Square A, Epe Amoho.

Lab. No. SU XU depth (cm)

δ13C‰ (±0.2)

14C Age (years

BP)

Calibrated Age BP (68.3% probability)

Calibrated Age BP (95.4% probability)

Wk-18933 2+3a 6d 9.0-11.6 -27.3 155±34 0-0 (0.004)4-32 (0.202)83-89 (0.027)91-96 (0.027)109-111 (0.016)137-152 (0.112)169-223 (0.426)256-281 (0.187)

0-41 (0.187)60-155 (0.303)165-233 (0.335)241-285 (0.175)

Wk-18931 2+3a 9a 13.0-14.2 -24.6 327±34 314-334 (0.187)349-438 (0.813)

306-476 (1.000)

Wk-18930 3b 13a 22.4-25.4 -29.2 217±33 0-10 (0.130)151-173 (0.394)179-183 (0.046)273-302 (0.430)

0-23 (0.140)142-219 (0.499)264-309 (0.361)

Wk-18923 3c 18a 41.7-45.9 -27.8 1103±35 966-1012 (0.605)1026-1054 (0.395)

932-1073 (1.000)

Wk-18922 3c 21a 53.8-57.9 -29.8 1042±35 927-973 (1.000) 914-1013 (0.888)1025-1055 (0.112)

Wk-19969 3c 22a 57.9-61.5 -26.7 1103±31 968-1010 (0.604)1027-1054 (0.396)

937-948 (0.027)951-1064 (0.973)

Wk-19970 3c 23a 61.5-65.2 -29.4 2572±33 2621-2630 (0.121)2711-2750 (0.879)

2504-2531 (0.037)2537-2593 (0.128)2614-2637 (0.128)2696-2759 (0.707)

Wk-19971 3c 24a 65.2-69.3 -25.8 1066±44 931-989 (0.769)994-996 (0.018)1032-1051 (0.214)

918-1065 (1.000)

Wk-19972 3c 25 70.4-74.0 -30.5 1119±44 968-1062 (1.000) 935-1097 (0.903)1101-1141 (0.081)1161-1168 (0.016)

Wk-19973 3c 26 74.0-78.1 -28.9 2616±50 2624-2627 (0.018)2714-2783 (0.982)

2505-2529 (0.022)2538-2592 (0.069)2614-2637 (0.057)2697-2849 (0.852)

Wk-18924 3c 27 78.1-82.1 -28.7 2568±36 2550-2556 (0.037)2618-2633 (0.168)2705-2752 (0.795)

2499-2596 (0.244)2613-2638 (0.142)2692-2758 (0.614)

Wk-19974 3c 29a 85.9-89.7 -28.2 2560±50 2517-2526 (0.043)2540-2591 (0.289)2615-2636 (0.168)2698-2751 (0.500)

2471-2479 (0.007)2485-2763 (0.993)

48 Number 71, December 2010

Historicising the Present: Late Holocene Emergence of a Rainforest Hunting Camp, Gulf Province, Papua New Guinea

gunshot pellets, and miscellaneous pieces of metal and

plastic. While the quantity and density of material is

low, such patterning is indicative of the site’s long-

term status as a seasonal hunting/fishing camp in

tropical rainforest.

Charcoal and HearthsMost charcoal (31.6g, 81%) was recovered from XUs 1

to 9 within SUs 1 to 3a across the upper 14cm of deposit

dating to the past 500 years (Figure 8). That most

charcoal reflects in situ fires is indicated by the close

association between charcoal and burnt earth (small

fragments of fire-hardened sediment that survived the

wet sieving process) throughout the deposit (Figure 8).

Plant MacrofossilsMacrofossil assemblages were small in size and

dominated by wood charcoal fragments mixed with

seeds and other remains. Macrofossil analysis is poorly

developed in New Guinea, with reference collections

and methods currently under-developed; hence

many macrofossil types remained unidentified in

this analysis. Despite these limitations, 10 distinctive

uncharred seed types were present in the upper XUs,

among which only edible hackberry/elm seeds (Celtis

sp.) could be identified (see Denham et al. 2009;

Levitt 1981). The unidentified types include nutlets

similar to those produced by the family Boraginaceae

(Type E) and one large fruit (Type G), which was 5cm

long and contained a large single seed. It is possible

that this fruit is the remains of an economic species,

but the endocarp was too degraded to be identified.

Charred remains included one edible seed identified

as cf. Syzygium (XU9a) (see Walter and Lebot 2007),

and a fragment of nutshell from a large-fruited species

(XU2). A fragment of possible tuber parenchyma

was identified in XU24a and numerous fragments

of vesicular matter were recorded through the upper

XUs (see Table S2, supplementary information). This

vesicular matter appears to be the remains of a thick

liquid, perhaps deriving from a burnt food or tree

sap. Finally, numerous fragments of the stem from

a species of a woody monocotyledon were found

throughout the strata, including the lower XUs dated

to 2500–2850 cal BP. The fragments are clearly derived

from the outer stem layers of a bamboo species

(Poaceae sub-family Bambusoideae) and contained

distinctive, sharply angled robust sclerenchyma

bundles, with small included vascular bundles, among

a matrix of thin-walled ground tissue (Liese 2002).

Further identification to specific bamboo type is

currently impossible.

Faunal RemainsA total of 991.3g of faunal remains was recovered

from the site, represented by vertebrate bone (294.0g),

bird eggshell (2.2g), mollusc shell (693.3g) and

crustacean exoskeleton (1.8g). Overall, the site is a poor

preservational environment for vertebrate bone and

Man

grov

esTr

ees

Her

bsFe

rns

Aqu

.

Sam

ple

Dep

th

SonneratiaRhizophoraCerips/BruguieraBarringtoniaMetroxylon saguDacrycarpusPhyllocladusCunoniaceaeBrachychitonCastanopsis/LithocarpusEuphorbiaceae (psilate thick exine)PodocarpusCoprosmaTremaScheffleraCasuarinaAnisoptera (Dipterocarpaceae)TimoniusLeguminosaeSyzygium4-Porate psilateCeltisMyrtaceae (large Euc type)Rutaceae (striate 3cp)FreycinetiaPandanusAntidesma type (Euphorbiaceae)ApocynaceaeRhamnaceaeProteaceaeIlexEricaceae/EpacridaceaeLoranthaceaeAcalyphaUrticaceae/MoraceaePalmaeMelastomataceae/CombretaceaeNothofagusElaeocarpusMacaranga/MallotusAmaranthaceaePoaceae >40mmPoaceae <40mmAsteraceae Tub.Cyathea striate-rugulateGrammitidaceaeLygodiumAspleniumPolypodiaceae bacculatePolypodiaceae verrucateLycopodiaceaeCyathea psilateFilicales psilateCyperaceaeSelaginellaFungi (Sporomiella/Podospora)

Diversity (no. of taxa)

Pollen Zone

Charcoal (relative abundance

on pollen slide)

7cm

2012

cm20

17cm

20C

22cm

2327

cm22

32cm

1937

cm12

42cm

14B

247

cm14

52cm

1357

cm19

62cm

19B

167

cm13

72cm

1377

cm20

82cm

2587

cmB

ARR

ENA

92cm

2997

cm26

102c

m26

pres

ent

abse

ntdo

min

ant t

axa

12

34

Fig

ure

7 P

olle

n t

axa,

Sq

uar

e A

, Ep

e A

mo

ho

. Ch

arco

al s

cale

0=n

on

e, 1

=few

, 2=m

od

erat

e, 3

=man

y, 4

=ver

y ab

un

dan

t.

49Number 71, December 2010

Ian J. McNiven et al.

crustacean exoskeleton. The largest quantities of bone (>20g/

XU) were recovered from XUs 1 to 6 (SUs 1 to 3a), while below

XU9 the quantities drop away to miniscule amounts (<2g/XU).

Even in the uppermost layers of the deposit, the bone is visibly

degraded, with most teeth represented only by enamel caps (i.e.

dentine rotted away). A further indicator of the degraded state of

the assemblage is the fact that, in most samples, more than 50%

of the surviving bone is burnt to varying degrees. Burnt bone

tends to persist longer than unburnt bone in many sedimentary

contexts due to its lower organic content and slower rate of

breakdown by soil microbial organisms (e.g. Buzon et al. 2005;

Lubinski 1996). Relatively few specimens are complete enough

for identification below family level.

Several features of the bone assemblage point to it being almost

entirely cultural in origin, as distinct from non-human predator

accumulation. One is the absence of any small murid remains –

these and similarly-sized mammals usually make up the bulk of

bone assemblages in rockshelter and cave deposits accumulated

by avian predators (Kusmer 1990; Marshall 1986). Another key

indicator is the high intensity of burning of much of the remains,

consistent with secondary burning in the intense heat within or

immediately beneath a hearth (Asmussen 2009; Stiner et al. 1995).

The few microchiropteran bat bones might be a result of natural

deaths. However, these are also frequently captured and consumed

today, and may well be part of the cultural assemblage.

Mammal: Isolated teeth permitted reliable identification of

two species of wallaby (Dorcopsis sp., Thylogale sp.), two cuscuses

(Spilocuscus sp., Phalanger gymnotis), one bandicoot (Echymipera

rufescens), a fruit bat (Dobsonia sp.), two murid rodents (Uromys

sp., Xenuromys barbatus) and pig (Sus scrofa) (Table 2). One

upper molar of a bandicoot from XU2 is smaller-toothed than

Echymipera rufescens and cannot be allocated with certainty to

any known taxon. With the exception of a wallaby bone fragment

in XU25, all identifiable mammal bones were recovered from

XUs 1 to 10, dating to within the past 500 years. The fragments

of pig teeth are too small to allow assessment of individual ages.

All of these taxa are available locally and could have been hunted

from lowland rainforests of the region.

Bird: The only bird bone recorded was a cassowary sternum

of recent age cached on a limestone ledge 4m southwest of

Square A. However, excavations revealed a small quantity (2.2g)

of bird eggshell in XUs 1 to 9 dating to within the past 500 years.

The form (curvature and thin walls) of the shell is consistent

with megapode eggs. Known megapodes of this rainforest region

are the orange-footed megapode (Megapodius reinwardti) and

black-billed brush turkey (Talegalla fuscirostris) and their eggs

can be easily removed from mounded ground nests.

Lizards and Snake: Snakes and agamid lizards form a

consistent part of subsistence practices at the site over the past

500 years. Evidence of monitor lizards (Varanus spp.) is restricted

to XU4a near the surface (Table 2). These reptiles are available

from local rainforests.

Freshwater Turtle: Freshwater turtle bones (18.9g) were

recovered from XUs 1 to 16. While they represent only 6%

(by weight) of the bone assemblage, they formed a relatively

consistent part of the diet over the past 500 years. Four species

of freshwater turtle have been recorded in the Kikori region from

local tidal freshwater creeks and streams, flooded sinkholes and

swamps (Georges et al. 2008).

0.1 1 10 100 1000

1

2

3a

3b

4a

4b

5a

5b

5c

6a

6b

6c

6d

7

8

9a

10a

10b

11a

11b

12a

12b

12c

13a

13b

14a

14b

15a

16a

17a

18a

19a

20a

21a

22a

23a

23b

24a

24b

25

26

27

28a

28b

29a

29b

30a

30b

31

32

33

g / 10kg of deposit

Charcoal

Burnt earth

Exca

vatio

n U

nit

Figure 8 Vertical changes in charcoal and burnt earth density, Square A, Epe Amoho.

50 Number 71, December 2010

Historicising the Present: Late Holocene Emergence of a Rainforest Hunting Camp, Gulf Province, Papua New Guinea

Fish: Fish bones totaling 47.4g and representing at least eight

taxa were found intermittently throughout the Epe Amoho

deposits spanning the past 2500–2850 years, with most bones

(99%) within XUs 1 to 15, dating to the past 900–1200 years (Table

2). Analysis was undertaken using a 10x binocular microscope

due to the small size of bones. Where possible, bones were sorted

to element and side then the presence/absence of burning was

noted. The most common identifiable element was the saccular

otolith (n=17, from at least 11 individuals), the majority of

which were derived from catfish (Ariidae). Cranial bones of ariid

catfish are also present in most samples, distinguished by their

finely granular ectocranial surfaces. In addition, many samples

also contained one or more of the rounded, grinding teeth that

typify members of another family of catfish, the Plotosidae.

Dentigerous elements of a medium-sized member of the family

Lutjanidae (in XU1 and XU8) were the only other identifiable

elements. The maximum diameter of 188 fish vertebrae averaged

only 3.29±1.27mm (range: 1.35-9.23mm) pointing to the small

size of most individual fish. However, some of the plotosid teeth

are probably derived from larger fish. The predominance of ariid

and plotosid bones in the fish bone sample is consistent with

modern fish communities in the large rivers of southern New

Guinea (Allen et al. 2008; Haines 1979; Roberts 1978).

Shark: Ten shark teeth were recorded in XUs 12c to 27 in the

lower levels of the deposit (Table 2). This finding is consistent

with more saltwater-tolerant mangrove pollens in lower levels

(see above). As such, the shark teeth date from around 300–

500 years ago back to 2500–2850 years ago. Of the nine teeth

identified taxonomically, all are Carcharhinus sp. with one tooth

similar to a bronze whaler (Carcharhinus brachyurus) (XU12c)

and two teeth similar to silky shark (Carcharhinus falciformis)

(XUs 15a and 27). The dietary significance of the shark teeth

is difficult to ascertain as sharks have been documented in the

literature only for the lower Kikori River (Enesar Consulting

2005:9.54). However, Himaiyu clans-people today state that saw-

sharks and smaller sharks come up the Kikori River with the tides.

These sharks are not hunted by the Rumu but may be eaten if

caught accidentally in nets.

Shellfish: A total of 693.3g of mollusc shell comprising

six taxa and a MNI of 308 shells was recovered from Square

A (Table S3, supplementary information). The most common

shellfish taxa are Melanoides sp. (50%), Thiara sp. (27%) and

Batissa violacea (17%). As with bone, most mollusc shell (97.7%

by MNI) was restricted to the upper 14cm of deposit in XUs 1

to 9 and SUs 1 to 3a dating to the past 500 years. However, small

quantities of taxonomically-identifiable shell down to XU22b

indicate collection of molluscs back to 900–1200 years ago.

All six types of molluscs are freshwater species available from

local waterways.

Crustacea: The small amount (1.8g) of crustacean exoskeleton

was concentrated in two zones – XUs 4 to 7, dating to the past

500 years, and XUs 24 to 27 dating to between 900–1200 and

2500–2850 years ago. Most surviving fragments of exoskeleton

are burnt, probably as a result of cooking. All fragments are too

small to allow differentiation between crab and crayfish.

Material CultureStone Artefacts: Twenty stone artefacts (including likely stone

artefacts) weighing 6.3g were recovered from XUs 3a to 12a

dating to the past 500 years. The assemblage was divided into

four technological types: flakes (n=10), flaked pieces (n=6), heat

spalls (n=3) and potlids (n=1). The majority of pieces are broken

transversely (68%), with flake fragments (36%) and flaked pieces

(27%) dominating the assemblage. Artefacts show evidence of

uncontrolled heating in 27% of cases, resulting in the presence

of pot lids, heat fractures and heat spalls. Grey chert dominates

the assemblage (90% by number), with the remaining 10% of

artefacts made from a coarse-grained stone, possibly quartzite

or volcanic rock.

The assemblage comprises very small artefacts with a mean

weight of only 0.32±0.6g and a mean length of 8±5mm. The four

complete flakes are smaller than the average for the assemblage

with a mean weight of 0.1g and a mean length of 5mm. Most

flakes are squat, with widely varying marginal contraction or

expansion along the length of the flake. Platforms are quite

small compared to ventral area, with overhang removal found

on all complete flakes and proximal fragments, suggesting blows

were struck close to the edge of prepared platforms. All complete

flakes and distal portions of flakes show feather terminations.

Dorsal scar orientations are all from the proximal to the distal,

consistent with unidirectional flaking from single platform

cores. Cortex is absent from all specimens, consistent with late

stage reduction.

A use-wear and residue study was performed on 16 lithic

pieces to examine artefact life history and function (Table S4,

supplementary information). The three heat spalls and the pot

lid that make up the remainder of the stone artefact assemblage

were not examined. Of the 16 specimens examined, functional

information was obtained for five. Seven pieces were not used

at all, while evidence for use for the remaining four specimens

was inconclusive. Despite the small size of the artefacts, it is

clear that flakes could be used for a variety of tasks, or were

detached from larger tools. The majority of use-traces indicate

a role in wood-working, including working of resinous wood.

One artefact also shows signs of bone-working. Although no

traces of hafting could be detected, it seems likely that these

small tools would have been hafted to have been effective in

hardwood- and bone-working (see Hardy and Sillitoe 2003;

Watson 1995).

Tooth artefact: A dog canine with a biconically drilled hole

through the root was excavated from XU3a at a depth of 2–4cm

and dates to the past 150 years given stratigraphic associations

with items of European origin (Figure 9). The tooth probably

formed part of a body adornment. Drilled dog teeth were also

recovered by Rhoads (1980:A106) from the nearby rockshelters

of Rupo and Herekuna. Dog tooth necklaces and headbands

are well-known ethnographically as highly-valued elements of

Papuan Gulf material culture (Specht and Fields 1984:148-151;

Williams 1924:47; Young and Clark 2001:75) and dog teeth were

traditional items of wealth among the Rumu (Petterson and

Petterson 2008:42). It is also possible some of the excavated shark

teeth were used as artefacts given shark tooth ‘borers’ were used

by other Papuan Gulf groups (Williams 1924:41).

Pottery: A single, tiny, undecorated, earthenware pottery

sherd (0.06g) recovered from XU6a at a depth of 8–11cm

dates to within the past 500 years based on radiocarbon dates

and probably within the past 150 years given its stratigraphic

association with European items. There is no known history

51Number 71, December 2010

Ian J. McNiven et al.

Table 2 Presence/absence of vertebrate taxa, Square A, Epe Amoho.

XU Mean

dep

th b

elo

wsu

rface (

cm

)

Tele

ost

fish

Sh

ark

(te

eth

)

Turt

le

Sn

ak

e

Ag

am

idae

Vara

nu

s sp

.

Macro

po

did

ae

Sp

ilo

cu

scu

s sp

.

Ph

ala

ng

er

sp.

Pero

rycti

dae

Larg

e m

uri

d

Meg

ach

iro

pte

ra

Mic

roch

iro

pte

ra

Su

s sc

rofa

1 0.4 + + + + + +2 2.0 + + + + + + + + +

3A 3.9 + + + + + + + + + +3B 4.0 + + + + +4A 5.7 + + + + + + +4B 6.3 + + + + + + + + + +5A 7.8 + + + + + + + + +5B 9.0 + + + + + +5C 7.7 + +6A 10.7 + + + + + + + +6B 10.5 + + + +6C 11.4 +6D 11.6 + + + + + +7 11.8 + + + +8 13.0 + + + + + +

9A 14.2 + + + +9B 16.0 +

10A 17.1 + + +10B 15.2 +11A 19.6 +11B 17.9 + +12A 23.0 +12B 21.1 +12C 21.8 + +12D 22.313A 25.4 +13B 23.9 +13C 26.2 +14A 29.6 +14B 28.6 +14C 30.815A 33.3 + +15B 34.016A 37.016B 38.1 +17A 41.717B 41.518A 45.918B 46.519A 49.719B 50.1 +20A 53.8 + +20B 54.821A 57.921B 58.722A 61.5 +22B 63.123A 65.2 + +23B 66.124A 69.324B 71.425 74.0 + +26 78.1 +27 82.1 + +

28A 85.928B 85.329A 89.729B 88.530A 93.830B 93.531 96.9 +32 102.233 105.4

52 Number 71, December 2010

Historicising the Present: Late Holocene Emergence of a Rainforest Hunting Camp, Gulf Province, Papua New Guinea

of pottery manufacture in the region; all known ceramics were

(directly or indirectly) imported through hiri and ancestral hiri

trade (Rhoads 1980, 1982a, 1983).

Glass Beads: Nine glass beads weighing 0.4g were recovered

from XUs 3a to 6d between 2 and 12cm below the surface

(Figure 10). All beads are white except for a red bead from XU6a.

Although glass beads dating back possibly to AD 1650–1750

were excavated by Rhoads (1980:A76-A80, 1984) from other

parts of Rumu territory, parsimony suggests most of the beads

from Epe Amoho date to the time of increased direct contact

with Europeans during the late nineteenth and/or twentieth

centuries. As with drilled dog teeth, glass beads are a known

body adornment amongst Papuan Gulf peoples (Specht and

Fields 1984:148-151).

Glass Sherds: Three fragments of glass were recovered from

XU3a (n=2) and XU22b (n=1) at a depth of 2–4cm and 59–63cm

(base of ‘pit’ feature) below the surface respectively. The XU3a

sherds have maximum lengths of 42mm and 8mm with mean

thicknesses of 2.3mm and 2.1mm respectively. The XU22b sherd

has a maximum length of 67mm and a mean thickness of 2.2mm.

All fragments are flat tabular pieces of clear glass. Although the

fragments do not conjoin, the similarity of colour, form and

thickness suggests that they may derive originally from a single

piece of glass. The form and colour of the glass suggests they date

to the time of European contact either in the late nineteenth and/

or twentieth centuries.

Shotgun Pellets: Nine shotgun pellets weighing 1.5g were

recovered from XUs 1 to 5a within the upper 8cm of deposit.

Weights and diameters indicate #4 and #2 or #3 shot. These

pellets clearly date to the time of European contact in either

the late nineteenth and/or twentieth centuries. Shotgun pellets

probably reflect use of shotguns for hunting local game by

rockshelter occupants; shotguns are sometimes used by clans-

people today while hunting. The pellets were probably discarded

after being removed from game brought back to the site during

food preparation and consumption.

Other Metal: Numerous small fragments of rusty metal,

a section of copper wire and a tiny copper/brass oval ring

with a total weight of 10.3g were obtained from XUs 3a to 6a.

The rusty metal items include a stud (XU6a) and a looped

section of metal that may be a key winder from a canned

beef tin (XU3a). All of these items probably date to the time

of European contact either in the late nineteenth and/or

twentieth centuries.

Plastic: An 8mm-long, 1.5mm-diameter, section of red

plastic electrical wire insulation was recovered from XU5b. The

item has been cut at both ends and shows considerable signs of

rodent gnawing. The function of the item is unknown but may

have been used as a body adornment.

Epe Amoho: Comparing Past and Present Site Use

Environmental ContextRhoads’ (1980) assumption of relatively stable local

environmental conditions for the past 3000 years is only borne

out in part by palaeoenvironmental analyses. Sediment, pollen

and plant macrofossil data indicate that the rainforest and

riverine environmental context of Epe Amoho underwent a

series of minor changes over the past 3000 years. For example,

pollen analysis reveals increasing rainforest disturbance through

time (most likely associated with gardening activity) and the

presence of freshwater tolerant mangroves within the past 500

years. This change in mangroves may have multiple causes,

including increased freshwater input (possibly from development

of new drainage regimes), increased sedimentation (possibly

elevating many lowland areas above saline influence) and/or

decreasing saline intrusions (possibly indicating a downstream

movement of saltwater penetration of the Kikori River due to

coastal progradation of the river delta) (see Crowley and Gagan

1995; Wang and Chappell 2001; Woodroffe et al. 1993). To what

extent decreasing sea-level over the past 3000 years, as argued

recently for northeast Australia (Lewis et al. 2008; Woodroffe

2006), influenced saltwater intrusions and coastal progradation

along the Gulf of Papua remains to be determined. Whatever the

case, coastal progradation would have resulted in Epe Amoho

becoming located increasingly inland from the coast. At this

stage, the only known possible impact of coastal progradation

on Epe Amoho is the absence of shark teeth in recent levels of

the site. This absence may reflect decreased local availability of

sharks associated with increasing freshwater conditions of the

past 500 years. In this connection, the Kamoro people of West

Papua associate decreased availability of sharks upstream on

Figure 9 Drilled dog tooth, Square A, Epe Amoho (Photograph: Ken Aplin).

Figure 10 Glass beads, Square A, Epe Amoho (Photograph: Steve Morton).

53Number 71, December 2010

Ian J. McNiven et al.

the Wania River with extensive coastal progradation at the river

mouth (Pickell 2002:106).

HuntingWallabies, bats, cuscuses and large murids and perhaps to a lesser

extent bandicoots and pigs were components of subsistence

activities at Epe Amoho. Aplin’s analysis of faunal remains from

Rhoads’ (1980) excavations at open village sites (Kulupuari

[Kikiniu hereafter], Mampaiu, Ibira, Bageima [Puriau hereafter]

and Waira) and rockshelter sites (Rupo, Ouloubomoto and

Herekuna) revealed a range of terrestrial vertebrate remains with

broad similarities to the Epe Amoho faunal assemblage. All of the

sites with sizable samples of bone included most of the following

suite of terrestrial vertebrates – pig, wallaby, tree kangaroo, cuscus,

possum, bandicoot, bat, rodent, dog and cassowary. Overall,

hunting patterns reported by Rhoads (1980) and the present

study reveal comprehensive hunting of most families of medium-

and large-sized mammals from local rainforest habitats. As such,

both archaeological and ethnographic data on hunting strategies

show close agreement. The only major exception is cassowary

which was not excavated at Epe Amoho. While Rhoads found

evidence of mammal hunting back to 2000 years ago at Rupo

(dating based on David 2008) and 1500 years ago for cassowary

at Kikiniu (chronology confirmed by David 2008), at Epe Amoho

evidence for hunting of mammals and cassowary was restricted

to the past 500 years. As such, the temporal depth of broad-scale

ethnographically-known hunting practices differs between sites.

FishingThe occurrence of at least eight fish taxa at Epe Amoho compares

well with the diversity of freshwater fish recorded at sites excavated

by Rhoads (1980). In both cases, fish assemblages are dominated

by catfish (Ariidae) which matches well with ethnographically-

documented Rumu fishing practices. However, whereas Rhoads

(1980) recovered fish bones back to 1500 years ago at Kikiniu and

2000 years ago at Rupo, fish bones at Epe Amoho extend back

to 2500–2850 years ago. This broader temporal depth includes

sharks which appear to drop out of Epe Amoho deposits within

the past 300 years. As with hunting practices, the temporal depth

of broad-scale ethnographically-known fishing practices differs

between sites.

ShellfishingFreshwater shellfish from Epe Amoho match evidence for

shellfishing documented at other excavated sites in the mid-

Kikori area. Rhoads (1980) found that the bivalve Batissa violacea

and the gastropod Neritina sp. dominate open village sites,

while the range of shellfish at rockshelter sites was wider and

included sizable representations of the gastropods Melanoides sp.

and Viviparidae. While shellfish at Epe Amoho are temporally

restricted to the past 900–1200 years, Rhoads (1980:Table VIII-

9) recovered shellfish throughout the 2000 year-long Rupo

rockshelter sequence. Thus, the antiquity of shellfishing practices

as documented ethnographically varies from site to site.

Plant GatheringBamboo is the most consistent macrofossil plant type recovered

from Epe Amoho. This consistency suggests that use of bamboo

(e.g. cooking utensils as recorded ethnographically within the

rockshelter), is a local tradition extending back to at least 2500–

2850 years ago. Macrofossil plant remains were not discussed

by Rhoads (1980). The absence of Celtis seeds in pre-500 cal BP

levels of the site is most likely indicative of a change in economic

activity as pollen analyses indicate the presence of Celtis in the

region for the past 2400–2850 years and its absence is thus not

explained by vegetation change.

Specialised TechnologyNo plant food processing implements (e.g. sago pounders)

were recovered from Epe Amoho. Rhoads (1980:229) similarly

found that ‘artefacts representing the processing of palm starch

are not present in any rockshelter deposits’ but ‘sago choppers’

were excavated from the village sites of Kikiniu, Mampaiu,

Puriau and Waira. This pattern is consistent with ethnographic

data indicating that food processing technology at rockshelter

sites focused on hunting and collection of fauna. In this

connection, use-wear and residue analyses of stone artefacts

from Epe Amoho indicate wood-working, a ubiquitous activity

in hunting camps (e.g. tool manufacture and maintenance).

The restriction of stone artefacts to the past 500 years at Epe

Amoho matches the temporal depth for hunting of terrestrial

vertebrates at the site.

All stone artefacts excavated from Epe Amoho are exotic

to the region and probably reveal importation through

ethnographically-known exchange relationships with peoples

further inland (see Busse et al. 1993; Rhoads 1980, 1982a, 1983;

Rhoads and MacKenzie 1991). However, such inter-regional

exchange systems extend well beyond the restricted timeframe of

500 years ago at Epe Amoho as Rhoads (1980, 1982a) excavated

exotic stone artefacts dating back to at least 1500 years ago at

Kikiniu. Recently, David et al. (2010:51) report that use of

‘imported, curated chert artefacts’ increases ‘noticeably’ at Emo

after 1530 years ago, ‘suggesting heightened levels of trade with

stone tool manufacturers in the highlands foothills to the north’.

SeasonalityArchaeological data are available to discern seasonal patterns of

occupation at Epe Amoho and at the sites previously excavated

by Rhoads (1980). Shellfish indicate dry season occupation of

Epe Amoho, with relatively high numbers of B. violacea and

a near-total absence of Neritina sp. in deposits. B. violacea is

predominantly a dry season shellfish (because it is said by Rumu

clan members that this species does not have much flesh on it

during the wet season), while Neritina is a wet season species

recovered mostly from year-round occupied open village sites. In

addition, fish, turtle and crustacean remains suggest harvesting

from low water level sources (creeks and ponds) during the

dry season. While shark fishing is poorly documented amongst

the Rumu, people of the lower Kikori River delta catch sharks

(various species, mainly Carcharhinus spp.) using ‘seine fences’

across small creeks only during the dry season (Frusher and

Subam 1984:82). Similarly, megapode eggs are collected by

Himaiyu clans-people today only during the dry season. Dry

season use of Epe Amoho is consistent with local hydrology,

as much of the site is wet to moist and an unattractive place

for camping during the wet season. Sediment particle size

analysis indicates periodic flooding of the site during the wet

season. The long-term history of Epe Amoho as a dry season

54 Number 71, December 2010

Historicising the Present: Late Holocene Emergence of a Rainforest Hunting Camp, Gulf Province, Papua New Guinea

camp is consistent with the ethnographic record of this site as

the Himaiyu clan’s most important dry season hunting camp.

Rhoads (1980:232, 235) concluded also that rockshelters were

inhabited during the dry season with minimal use during the

wet season.

Regional Chronology: Pulsed Occupation and HiatusesHow does the pulsed occupation of Epe Amoho – low intensity

occupation during the Early (2500-2850 cal BP) and Middle

(900-1200 cal BP) Phases followed by more intensive occupation

during the Recent Phase (the past 500 years) – compare with

regional chronological trends for the Kikori River basin and the

broader Papuan Gulf region? David (2008) provides a major

overview and reassessment of chronological trends for the Kikori

River based on 99 radiocarbon dates from 16 sites (including

the 12 radiocarbon dates from Epe Amoho). It is clear from this

overview that the pulsed occupation of Epe Amoho is related to

a series of ‘major’ and ‘minor’ pulses of occupation across the

Kikori region over the past 3000 years. The two minor pulses

occur at approximately 2800 cal BP (‘minor pulse 1’) and 2000

cal BP (‘minor pulse 2’), while the two major pulses occur at

approximately 950–1450 cal BP (‘early major pulse’) and 0–500

cal BP (‘late major pulse’). ‘Minor pulse 1’ is represented by initial

occupation of two sites – Early Phase occupation of Epe Amoho

and a basal occupation date from a nearby cave site (KG141).

‘Minor pulse 2’ is not represented in the Epe Amoho excavations.

The ‘early major pulse’ includes Middle Phase occupation of

Epe Amoho while the ‘late major pulse’ corresponds to Recent

Phase occupation of Epe Amoho. Recent excavation of sites

in the Aird Hills, Emo in particular, has revealed radiocarbon

determinations during the hiatus between the ‘early major pulse’

and the ‘minor pulse 2’ (David et al. 2010), supporting in part

Rhoads’ (1982a:143) view that the radiocarbon age pulses for

the Kikori River region relate to changes in settlement systems

rather than to periods of human presence separated by regional

abandonment. General correspondence in the pulsed occupation

of Epe Amoho and the broader Kikori region suggests that

cultural and historical processes influencing occupation and

use of Epe Amoho were part of cultural and historical processes

operating across the Kikori region over the past 3000 years. This

correspondence extends in part to the broader Papuan Gulf

region where intensive occupation of Epe Amoho over the past

500 years, including use of imported chert and pottery through

regional trade networks, occurred concurrently with intensified

village use and the development of large-scale trade systems

known ethnographically as the hiri across the Papuan Gulf over

the past 400–500 years (see Frankel and Rhoads 1994; Rhoads

1982a; Rhoads and Mackenzie 1991).

ConclusionEpe Amoho provides a rare case study of the archaeology of a

rockshelter that continues to be used today. Both ethnographic

and archaeological evidence supports the view that Epe Amoho

has been a temporary camp associated with exploitation of local

rainforest resources over the past 2500–2850 years. However,

while evidence for fishing and use of bamboo utensils occurs

throughout the site’s history, exploitation of terrestrial faunal

resources and use of stone tools is restricted mostly to the Recent

Phase of the past 500 years. The fact that fragile fish bones were

recovered from the Early and Middle Phases of the site dating to

between 2500–2850 and 900–1200 cal BP respectively suggests

the paucity of terrestrial bone in these lower levels is not due to

taphonomic factors. Over the past 2500–2850 years, Epe Amoho

appears to have witnessed a broadening of subsistence strategies

such that the status of the site changed from a specialised fishing

camp between 900–1200 and 2500–2850 cal BP to a fishing and

hunting camp of ethnographic form during the past 500 years.

While these developments took place in the context of local

environmental changes, further research is required to determine

the degree to which such changes influenced settlement-

subsistence arrangements. At this point, pollen analysis suggests

that increasing settlement intensity of the region over the past

1500 years is matched by increasing rainforest disturbance

(probably associated with increased gardening and exploitation

of sago palms).

It would be misleading to conclude that because ethnographic

use of Epe Amoho emerged within the past 500 years that use of

ethnographic analogies for Rumu sites have a similar restricted

temporal relevance. Fishing and bamboo use at Epe Amoho

indicates that certain key elements of the Rumu economy

have historical continuity extending back 2500–2850 years.

Furthermore, excavations by Rhoads (1980) reveal that Rumu

hunting practices extend back at least 2000 years and importation

of exotic stone for artefacts extends back at least 1500 years ago.

Clearly, different Rumu sites provide different insights into Rumu

history and the temporal depth of ethnographically-known

practices. While excavations at Epe Amoho reveal that certain

Rumu subsistence practices such as freshwater fishing extend

back earlier than that recorded by Rhoads, this study concurs

with Rhoads’ research that the best match between Rumu

settlement-subsistence practices documented ethnographically

and archaeologically date to the past 400–500 years. Furthermore,

this study also supports Rhoads’ contention that settlement

patterns were more dynamic than subsistence practices through

time with Epe Amoho showing pulsed occupation over the past

3000 years. For reasons not currently understood, Epe Amoho

shows no signs of occupation 1200–2400 and 500–900 years ago,

presumably when activities shifted to other sites in the region. As

ethnographic practices are expressed in a punctuated, patchy and

mostly cumulative fashion across the region, it is apparent that

no simple temporal threshold exists for the reliable application

of ethnographic analogies in the region. A more complex

and nuanced picture emerges where Rumu cultural practices

unfolded at differing points in time at different sites over a

period of at least 3000 years.

Supplementary InformationSupplementary information for this article is available online at

www.australianarchaeologicalassociation.com.au.

AcknowledgementsOur research was made possible by the hospitality of the

Rumu people and members of the Himaiyu clan in particular.

We would especially like to thank Max Pivoru and his brother

William Pivoru for introducing us to the world of Epe Amoho

and for permission to excavate in their backyard. Excavations at

Epe Amoho were made possible by the hard work and assistance

55Number 71, December 2010

Ian J. McNiven et al.

of Lisa Araho, Jeremy Ash, Alice Bedingfield, Thomas Kokents,

David Kupere (Jr), Hale Lahui, Paul Opai, Aubau Tami and

Duncan Wright. Subsequent interviews were also undertaken

at Kopi village with Rumu clans-people, in particular Kupere

Karamavi, Margaret Murepe, Max and Grace Pivoru, Frank

Pivoru and Sam and Hilda Kaiwari. Lynden McGregor undertook

survey mapping of the site. Kara Rasmanis and Toby Wood

(School of Geography and Environmental Science, Monash

University) kindly drafted the figures. Noel Kemp thanks Peter

Last and Al Graham and CSIRO (Hobart) for allowing access

to shark tooth collections. We thank also Carla Eisemberg and

Robert and Deborah Petterson for permission to cite their

unpublished manuscripts. This project was funded in part

by an ARC Discovery grant and QEII Fellowship DP0877782.

Helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper were kindly

provided by Peter White, Jim O’Connell, Nicky Horsfall and

anonymous referees.

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