HIS108- Andean Worlds (1)

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Dr. Marco Curatola PetrocchiHIS108 - 307

ANDRIEN, Kenneth2001 Anden words: ndgenous hstory cuure and conscousness under Spansh rue 532 825 Abuqueque: Unversty ofNew Mexco Press P 103 52; pp. 153 191


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102

such as pur chasing iv estock or mak ing tax or r eigious pa yments

Quite apart ( rom their alue as a means of ex change in a mar k e �

econom y, coins also ha v e r itual meanngs to the L y

associated with the f er tiity of peope. her ds. or the localmes:

Coins also ha v e come to symbolize the pac bet ween the La y

and the So v ian state because cash pa yments ha v e

beerequr ed since the colonial period fr tax es In shor t the La ymaccept the r eaities of the mar k et econom y but tra

ditional

cultural attitudes about economic ex change lger T he

socioeconomc changes imposed dur ing the coonal er a were

cer tn y per asi v e and r ea but mor e tr aditonal A ndean cultur al

d 25 atttudes per sst e v en to the present a y

5

ANDE CULTURE D SOIETY

UDER COLOIL ULE

BY HIS OWN ACCOUNT. n the year 615 an aged Andean namedFelpe Guaan Poma de Ayala began a ong overland trek fromhs natve provnce of Lucanas n the central Andes to the Spanish vceregal capial of Lima accompaned only by his young son ahorse, and two dogs (see fgure 4) Despe his hubleappearance Guaan Poma represend an emergng cass ofbcultural Andeans, caled indios ladinos, who kew boh Caslianand ther indgenous toue and he carred n hs possession amassive manuscript (89 pages wth 398 lustrations) hat hehad peronaly written over a perod of thiry years entitled Eprimer nueva corónca y buen gobe. Ts impessve tome wrtten n

a mxue of Castilian and hs native Quehua, detaled life befreand afer the foundaton of Tawaninsuyu, along with the abuses visted upn natve Andeans by thir Spanish ovelords snce532. The intended audience fr the tex was none oher thanKng Philip III. Upn finishng his opus, Guaan Poma was narlyeghty mpovershed, and scorned by colonia authorites ye hebolstere hs rght to speak fr the Andan peoples by clamng

103


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f 04 CHAPTER FIVE

the status of an indigenous prince. having descended on his

father's sde from the Yarovilca dynasty of Huánuco, whch

predated Tawantinsuyu, and on hs mother's from the Inca royal

famy Beset by robbers vagabonds low-bo ndigenous ne'er

dowels and a host of rapacous Spansh offcas and priests on

the road to Lma Guaan Poma stll managed to reach the

capita and arrange for hs precious manuscript to be sent toMadrd Athough t s unkey that Kng Phip ever read E prmerueva cor6nica y bue gobiero, the work remans an outstandingatifact of the hybrd coona culture that had emerged n the

Andes by the eary seventeenth centuy

Guaan Pomas achievement n writing E primer ueva cor6ica

y bue gobiero s a the moe mpressve because the Andeanpeopes had no alphabetc wrting befre the European nvason

As a resut Spansh frars entrusted wth convertng the Andeans

o Cathoicsm had to learn the prncpa ndgenous anguages

and rnsat thm nto uropean aphabetc scrpt The

compexity of hs task delayed unt 56 the appearance of the

frst Quechua-Castan dctonay by Fray Domngo de Sano

Tomás More compete versions of Quechua and Aymara dicton

aries and grammars cae ony n the eary seventeenth century

roughy conemporaneous with the pubcato of Guaan Pomas

work A the same me European mssonaries opened schoos to

each Andeans Casian the most common language n Span

Both of these eneprises utimaely made possbe the producton

of lerary texs wrtten in hat anguage and n ndgenous tngues

such as E pmer ueva cor6ica y bue gobieo. About the tme thatGuaan Poma fnshed hs opus. the Andean author Juan de Santa

Cruz Pachacuti Yamqu Sacamayhua aready had written his

Relaci6 de las atigüedades deste reyo de Pirú and he mestizo authorE Inca Garcaso de a Véga aso had produced the frs segment

of his famous history Cmetaros reales de os Ica y hstora geel del

Perú Meanwhile the Spansh prest Francsco de Avla had

comped a seres of regous tradtons written enrey in

Quechua known as R y tradicioes de Huarochi By ths tme other

ndgenous forms of artstc representaton (such as paintng

NDEN CULU RE N SOCEY UDER COONL RULE

CMlE LAVTOR

F. 4. Tfe autfor, Fipe Guaan Poma d Ayala n tfroad t Lma (Guaa Poma Nuva cor6nia 1095, 105)

105


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1 10 CHPE FVE

The Indians of Peu. before the Spanads cae had no

so o wtng, not ettes no chaaters nor cphers nor

fgues ke those of Chna o Mexico; ut n spte of ths

they conseed no less the memo of ancent !oe no dd

they have any ess accoun f a the affas of peace, wa

and govenment

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Fig. 5 A quipcaayo. (Gan

Pma, Nea cróca 360, 362)

ANDEA CULTURE AO SCIE DE CA R ¡


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1 14 HAPTE FVE

L Wt t N oo O

Afer reectg the use of quipu Spanish authorities reliedexlusively on aphabetic writing in estabishng a stabe cooalpoitical and religious order Roman Cathoicism and Castilanlaw were the twin pillars of the colonial regime in the Andes and

both depeded fundametally on alphabetic writing Chrstiai was a relgion based on a book the Bble ad without the spread

of lteracy among the Adeans even this canoica Christian texthad little practca value n eveday religious rituals Moreover

Castilian Iaw was codified n writte statues. whch the Andeans

had to Iearn and obey for the stabl of the colonia regime As result. the Crown ordered that schoos be establshed forA deans so that they coud lear "Chrstianity decent moras

good government and the Castlan language 14

Sice the prougaton of the aws of Burgos (52-3) theCrown deaded that encomenderos teach their charges to readand write Castilan Ths program was later amended by KngChares n 535 when he transferred this responsbl to thereguar clergy The Statutes Concerng the ew Discoveries andSettlements n 563 well sumaried the ams of thiseducatonal mpuse

Teach them good manners; have them dress and wear

shoe ad !et them hae many other good thlngs

heretoore prohibted to them. Take away their burdens

and setude gve hem the use of bread, wne, o and

oher odsus oh sk nen horses atte, toos

ars and a the res that Span ha had and teah them

the arts and trades by whh they may e honesty and that a o these thngs may be enjoyed by those who ome

to the knowedge o our hoy Catho fath and to Our

obedene.15

These sentments were echoed n the royal instructons givento Viceroy Francsco de Toedo in 569 who implemente thi

ANDEAN CULTURE AND SOCIETY ND E 15

royal mandate by ordering the foundation of scools t instuctthe indigenous peoples, begnning with their heredita Ieaders.the kurakas By 594 the Crown and the clerg had even issued a

set of formal instrucions for teachers in indigenous schoosdrecing them o provide a broad religous, socia and academicprogram for their students Decrees orderng the spread of

primar schools throughout the Andes continued even into theate eighteenth centu idcatng that the ask of spreadigiterac was far from complete in the late colonial period 1 6 The

prncipal diemma however was how to prode effectvenstruction for Andeans, given the many indgenous Ianguages

spoken by dfferent ethnic groups living n the formerTawantinsuyu

From the early wrings of Elio Antonio de ebrija many

Spanish ntelecuals and pocymakers favored teaching Cstianas the standard language for the entre empire arguing thatlanguage reigion, and civilizaton were deepy ntetwined Given

the pracica! dicuies of convering peope and conducing

pubic business n a muiethnc empre wth so many differentAndean languages successve monarchs encouraged scool

nstruction in Castilian n the indigenous Colego de San Andrésin uo for exampe, teachers taught Andean students inCastan for two reasons: frst because the ndigenous peoplesspoke soe went diferen languages whn forty Ieagues of thec and second to train a geneaton of indigenous ntepreters who coud then spread European reig ous and cuturaprncipes A roya edic in 605 explained additona compellng

reasons for usng Castlian in ndgenous schoos:

Beaus t has been stated that n he best ad most perfet anguage of the ndans t s nt possbe to expan

we or propery the mysteres of the Fath but ony wt

muh duty and mperfeton and that een though

hars hae been estabshed wher the prests who

ndotrnate the ndans hae been taught ths s not a

suent remedy beause of the great arety of tngues


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\ ! Ó HP FV

but since would be ore ommon and praa! otodue Castlan, I order you that you should, n thebest way possble and wth the east oube to the dansand whou ost to the, provde teahers or those who

voluntariy wsh to ea the Castan laguage . 17

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18 T - P' A (cercado) L 1616 A S F B 62

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ANDEAN CULTRE AND SOCIETY NDER COLONIAL RULE 1 1 7

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D S Tá 6078 í D Gzáz H Q


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118 HAPE F[E

Quechua-Castlian dictionay. Ths was followed n 162 by aimiar grammar and dictionay for Amara by a felow JesuiLudovico Beronio Makng these landmark works availabe oregular and secuar clergy grealy faciltated insruction andproseyization in boh languages. Indeed the indgenouslanguage sermons of preachers such as Francisco de vila andFernando de vendaño, became famous in he ndes as eloquent ools o advance he process of evangeizaion Soe modernlinguss have even argued ha he process of convertingQuechua and Amara no a more sandardized phonec aphabetand using hem as anguages of reigious converson may havebeen a prncpa orce in making hem so widely spoken in hendean word by he end of he colonia era 20

Overa he Crown and he church pursued two dsnclanguage polices in he ndes simuaneously a straegy hasometimes worked a crosspurposes. The Crown usually encouraged educaon n Casilian bu a various imes it aso suppoedeffors by cerics paricuary he Jesuis to use Quechua and

ymara in evangezing Such avies faciltaed he conversionof hese anguages ino aphabeic scp during he sixeenhcenuy a process ha was compeed by he pubicaion of hegrammars and vocabuaries of Gonzáez Hoguín and Beronio n he early seveneenh cenuy Utzng Quechua and ymarahowever aso prompted considerable criicism The Counc of thendies recommended hat he Crown ban any officia use of bohanguages in 1596 as had ouawed rabic in the Iberianpeninsua a generaion earie King Phiip II refused o do so buhs successors grew increasingy skepical abou insrucon nindigenous anguages giving an added mpuse to eachng

ndeans Casiian These periodic shfs in anguage policycontinued hroughou he colonia period as auhoriies periodicay feared ha presevng ndean languages ensured theconinuaion of naive relgious heresies and even fomenedperiodc rebelions Neverheess i s imporant to poin ou ha he use of Quechua and ymara never ed o he creaion of anyargescae producon of rouine admnsaive documens by

ANDEAN CULTURE NO SIETY NE LNIA ULE l J 9

ndigenous oicals durng the coonia period as happened inNew Spain. Instead ndigenous scribes n the ndes commonywrote in Castian

An ndean Literary Awakening

By he eary seveneenth cenury he spread of alphabetic wringand Chrisany in the ndes led o the producon of hree majorlterayhstorical extsone by he mestizo author El IncaGarcilaso de la Vega and wo by ndean wriers Juan de SanaCruz Pachacu Yamqu Salcamayhua and Felipe Guaan Poma deala Each in his own way sought to pace he disrupions of heearly coonial era wihn he conex of he ndean pas in an efforto undesand explan and bete he pligh of he subjugaedndigenous peoples E nca Garclaso de la Vega wroe in anelegan Casilin prose which drew inspiraion from Renaissancehumanism current in Europe For their par ana Cruz PachacuYamqui and Guaan Poma empoyed a mixue o CaiianQuechua and porial epresenatons to presen their ideas.Each o the three auhors entered acively no the ongongnteecua and poica! debates abou he oraion of a newcoonia order taking place around them In heir hands wriingbecame a politca at.

In his twopar opus Comentarios reales ( 60) historia general delPer (1617 E nca Garclaso de a Vega atemped o wrie anaccount o he Inca pas and he Spanish conques capabe ofempowering the indigenous peoples His aher had been apomnen Spanish conquisador and hs mother an nca princess

which gaveGarclaso an opportun o earn stores about the ncapast and to experience he ubulen ealy conquest era Soetime ater his ather abandoned his indigenous parner in favor oa European bride Garciaso made hs way o Spain in 1560 wherehe spent the remander of his fe and composed his iteray works

Whereas most uopean accouns of he conquest celebrated he riumphal vcor of he Chsian invaders over he "pagan


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24 CHAP FV

licentousess among Spanish men and women. Wth one hand,the Spanish man makes a sign of the fga (a crude symbol for sexalintercourse) while the other symbolcaly grasps the hlt of his

sword positioned ike an erect penis For her par the womanoffers a rose a symbol of he fema le sex whe her oher hand restsover her pudendum In al of these cases the text written inCastiian and Quechua and he drawings together communicaethe authors outraged morality reinorcng his hesis ha nobeAndeans were abused by a motey mxture of Spanards, renegadeindgenous accompices and the ignobe mxed-boods27 Suchgraphic depicons of Spansh sins conveyed n the ex and thedrawings served to advance he author's poemcal argumentabout he need to turn power over o he Adean elite

Despie hs carefuly constructed arguments Fepe GuaanPoma de Ayaa emerged at the end of his manuscript as an agedbroen and unsuccessfu petitioner His utopian proposal to pacehs son at th head of an Andean empire rued by Christianzed

indigenous ethnic lords under he Spanish King's distant

supervision remained an empty dream He lamented a "worldupside down (mundo al revés). wth he Kng residing in Casle andthe Pope n Rome eaving Adeans to be despoiled by corruptEuropeans His monumental opus had faied to unite the historiesof Europe and the Andes Guaan Poma tred using writng toresst Spansh domnaton bu in he end hs did not empowerthe Adeans The od broken man oud ony carry hs manuscrptto Lma perhaps knowing that i wod probaby never be read byhs itended audence28

The production of importan wrtten iterary texs n Quechuaand Spanish by ndean authors such as the E prmer nuva conica bun gobio, dd not connue nto he eighteenth centuy Onlyhe tradon o wrng petions and memoras to the Crown and

vcerega authorties perssted A number of documents wrtten inCastiian to protest colonial abuses and propse concree reforms

to te Crown remain in varous archiva! repostores, incuding hememorals of Vicente Morachmo and Fray Calxto de San JoséTupak Inka in the mdeighteenth century (mentoned n hapter 4)

ANDEAN CULTURE AN SOC!TY UNDE COLONIAL UE 125

Fig. 6. A dinner involving a priest, metizo, mulatto, and

Andean (Guaan Poma Nueva conia 603, 617)


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l 26 HP FJ\

Fig. 7 A corregidr and lis lieutenant uncveng a nake. slepngAndean wman (Guaan Pma Nueva oránca 503 07)

ANDEAN CULTUR AN SOCIY UN CNA U 127

g 8 Lust an enusnes among Span men anwmen Guaan Pma Nva crnca 34, 548


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128 CHAPTER FIV

The memoral of Fray Caxto even harkened back o earer wrngsby Domngo de Sano Tomás and Guaan Poma. cang for sefgovernance by Andean ethnic eaders In addton communquesn Casan from varous rebe groups durng he Andeannsuectons n the 780s have aso been uncovered, whchdeaed Spansh countersurgency roop movements andattempted to recru oca foowers29 There are even a vey fewmundane admnsrave documens uncovered n Quechua fromhe ate seventeenh cenury, much ke he sort of maeras kepby ndgenous offcas n Nahuat and n the varous Maya daectsn Mesoamerca Whe these very dfferen texts representevdence of teracy among soe ethnc and communt eadershey nevertheess fa far sho of he mpressve ndgenoustera productons of Guaan Poma, Sana Cruz PachacutYamqu, and E Inca Garcaso de a Vega

Even as ndgenous eracy n Castan spread durng hecoona perod, tradona Andean ora and vsua tradtonsendured Accordng o the dctonary of Gonzáez Hogun he

Quechua word that bes approxmates wrng, quillka, can asomean pantng or eachng, usng repettve exampes In heQuechua-speakng word wrng speakng panng, and pubcrtuas coud a communcate nformaton30 It s no sma wonderhat Andean wrters such as Guaan Poma and Santa CruzPachacut Yamqu drew on hs tradon by usng so manyexampes and mxng both Casan and Quechua wrng wthpcora mages o communcae ther deas Even after hsteray awakenng had ended, however Andeans connued to vaue documents pctures and sgnatures vewng them asmportant symboc objects hat coud be stored, exhbed oruzed n a number of speca ceremones n her communtesThoughout the coona perod Andeans connued such radtons usng roya edcs (cédulas and reales provisiones) as documentsand as evdence n support of any ega cams The Kng's formasgnaure or sea! mght represen he roya person or Crownauthorty to an Andean audence ndependenty of he wrttentex's acua content n ths way Andean communt eaders

ANDEAN CULTUR AND SOCE UNDER COLONIAL RUL 9

earned o vaue wrien documents as ega exs and ceremonaobjecs tha ransmied a wde variey of meanngs Suchcusoms were nether entrey Spansh nor Andean, bu represented the sort of hybrid cuura pracces hat evoved over hecourse of he coona era31

Aristic Expression in he Colonial Ad Wd

Jus as European aphabec eracy marked a cear depaturefrom Andean radons varous types of ndgenous artsicexpresso changed n dsncve ways durng the coona era nresponse to Spansh nfuences From appoxmaey 000 Ofgurave mages as cenra mofs n Andean art vuaydsappeared Ahough sma fgurnes remaned present mmecrepresenaons of he human form gods and anmas gave waypartcuary durng he Inca perod o absrac geomerc formsand hghy syzed anma represenaons n ceramcs wood

cargs textes panngs and meawork n her monumenaarchecture, the Inca often used unadorned bouders and ohernaura rock fomatons as he subject of art and archecture,even carng and shapng stones nto roughhewn monumentssuch as a he massve fortress of Sacsahuaman ousde ofCusco2 After 153 however hese ndgenous artsc expressons became ransformed as European noon about thecenraty of fgurave art partcuary the human fom, permeated a aspects of Andean artstc producon durng the coonaera ver me European motfs woud appear aongsdegeometrc and styzed desgns even on radona ndgenous art

forms such as texes and ceremona drkng vesses (keros.33

Befre I 3 Andeans used abstrac desgns o convey meanng wihn an ndgenous frame of reference Wthn Tawantnsuyuartsans wove ceremona uncs (uncu) wth a wde varet ofcheckerboard geomerc desgns caed ucapu, arranged ndsnctve paterns As the unc pctured n fgure 9 ndcaes,artsan wove hese uncu n eaborae and beaufu repeatn g


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30 HAPTR FV

patterns of tuca pu, whch formed an ordered iconographc systemunderstood by ethnic groups throughout the empire. The SapaInca for example oten wore tuncs wth specific patterns for eachreligous holday (raymi) much as Roman Catholc prests woudlater wear vestments of dfferent colors at mass durng spefedtmes n the iturgical calendar The Sapa Inca also ordered alethnc groups n the empre to wear clothing wth distnctveabstract desgns so that they could be mmedatey identfied bytheir gab Moreover ceremonal keros were decorated withtuca"u or other geometrc desgns for use on specfc regousand secular occasions34

When the Inca conquered a regon they traditonay gaveleaders of newy subjugated peope presents of specalydesigned textes and keros as a sgn of ther ncorporation ntoTawantnsuyu Lkews the Sapa Inca presented gts of textesand kero with different design to alied natons who had adedn the conquest The sgnifcance of these gts contnued longater ther ntal presentation because they coud be ater

brought out nd dspayed to conure up the orginal eventeadng to ther producton In ths way abstract degn ontexties and drnkng veses could repreent Inca htoricadeed much lke a wrtten chronice or a reastc Europeanpantng could depct certain event.35

Wth the dirupton n tadtonal Andean artstc patternsfollowng the Spanh conquet ndgenous artists began toemploy fguatve degns to convey nowedge drectly ratherthan using abstract ymbolc motf Ceremona tunccontinued to be valued by Andean ethnc ords but ater 1532tey dsplayed mmetic mage fom the natura word. A the Poluncu pctured n fgure O demonstrate abstract tuca pu deignwere accompanied by two lion near the neck and repeatedrepreentation of uman heads n the upper secton of the uncuwearng the roya crown or macapaycha In a mar way artanbegan mxing fguratve and abtract desgn on keros. Thecolona kero in figure 11 for example s panted (rather thancaved as n the Inca perod) wth traditional abstact designs at

ANDN CULTURE ANO SIETY UNDER CNIL RULE 131

Fig. 9. Inca key checkerbord tunc (No 9147Textle Museum, Washington, DC.)


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,1

132 HAPTER FVE

the center, wie on te upper porian te rist lo pited more relstic depicion of te Sp Inc nd the coy.

Te eergence of figurtive r i conjucion wt pbetcwritig ppered most drmticy in Gun Pom's 398 ped ik drwgs i i E primer nueva cor6nica buen gbe. Teurope muscrip rdition ended to use pctures s mereiusrtios drwing te ierte reder from te pcture to tewrite words Suc illuáed mnuscrips o lowed llterte pero o ue he pcure pí! "wdow ito etex For Gun Po owever e piure nd e wrien textfored p of eme woe Appreny in he fin veronof e mnucrip he ued e sme nk ource i boh te ndpcure dicng tt bot were writen muneouyMoreover Gu Po ued word o negrte is compotions wi e written tet c drwng for exmpe d itec furer expined it cotex In ddiion e frequeyed cption n both Quecu nd Cin to compee te visu mesge provdng deeper meng no compeey

cptured i e drwng ven e lck of color i te compoos tend to blr ny dincio beween te wrie d viu exs encourging te reder o conider bot imutneouy Finy Gun Pom pced te fir word or wo of efoowing pge of writen e e botom rig coer of ecdrng In figure 5 owng quipucmyoc for exmpe theword "cntad in e ower righ i e firt word n te enungpge condor myor del do ee reyo Ti resembes tecnique ued y uopen ncrp pubier nd myhve represented tempt by Gun Po to give hiscompoition te ook f pubied book By nking picurend written ex in i wy however e wen we beyond nyEurope modes

Anden ide of pce lo rm he drwings in E prmer nueva cránca buen gbern Gun Pom mp of te ndieMpmund Cuca t e cener nd i ten divided ino fourr repreening te dviion of Twninuyu-w Antisuyuin e o Cincysuyu in e wes Cntuyu in e ou,

ANDEAN CULTURE AO SCIETY UDER LNAL RLE i 33

Fig. 10. Poli uncu (Pol Coleton, Lma Per)


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J 34 CHAPTER FIV

Fig. 1. Fgure of Inca and male unde ranbow on keo (quiro), ca 70, gum-based pant on wood (Mueo Inca, Cusc)

ANDE AN CULTRE ANO SC IETY UNDR C E 135

and Coasuyu n the east (see fgure 2). The northern and

western divsions conformed to the upper moety of the empre

(hanan) whch was assocated wth the sun, the mascue and

a that was dominant and supeo. The southern and eastern

dvsons coresponded to the hurn moety whch was ted to the

mon the femnne and subordnation Guaan Poma used ths

symbo dvson of space as a metaphor n approxmately two-

thrds of hs dawngs to dagram symbocay the defeat of hs

peope and to confm hs vson of a word tuned upsde down

The begnnngs of ths catastrophe can be seen n fgure 3, whch

shows the Inca Atahuapa meetng the Spansh conqustados at

Cajamaca The Inca st emans at the cente of the drawing

sbozng rder much as Cusc dd in the Mapamund) whe

hs foowers occupy the supero hanan space at the uppe ght

(vewer's eft) Paced beow the Andeans ae the conqustadors

ranked on a scae of descendng honor begnnng wth Dego de

Amagro on the eft in the hurn space) down to the east vaued

poston on the fa rght taken up by the Amerndian nterprete

Fepo Nevertheess the mpendng saugher and the coapseof the empe foowng Cajamarca woud ead to the chaos and

disorder chronced by Guaan Poma n the Buen gobiero.37

The union of word and mage to porray symbocay Guaan

Poma's vsion of the soca dsode can be seen most graphcay

n fgure 4 whch depcts a corregdor exchangng drnkng

vesses with an Andean. Here the oregdor and hs companons

a muatto and a mestzo occupy the superor hanan space In an

ordey word ths space woud rghtfuy beong to the Andean

kuaka and the dmnutve ndgenous serant, who are paced

nstead n the nferor hurn poston The tte at the top of the

drawng sets the context whe the daogue fowng down the

am of the coregdor and the Andean prode necessa detas

about the ncdent The coegdo tes hs Andean guest to drnk

a toast ("brndes tomes señor curaca), who repes in a garbe o

Quechua and Castan ! w serve you (apu muy seo nuqa

sevsqayk) The ingustc confuson of the kuraka s ony one

sgn of the utter coapse of de occasoned by the presence of


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136 CHAPTER FIVE

F.ig. 12. Mapamund G

Nueva cráca 983. (uama Poma,

· -84, 00-2)

ANDEAN CULRE AN SOCETY NE CONAL RLE 137


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[ 38 HAPER FIVE

the mulatto and the mestio (identified by the words on their

hats positioned between the Spaniard and the Andean. Guaan

Poma saw racial mixing as the bane of the region leading to the

disappearance of the Andean peopes aong wth ther anguage

and culture38 Words, pictures and symbolic use of space come

together in Guaan Poma to communicate hs anger over a world

turned upside down but figure 4 acheves this end by mixng

Andean cultural eliefs and European fgurative representation.

Pantng proved another artistic medium in whch ndgenous

artsts took up naturalstc figurative desgns during the colonial

perod whie mparng soe dstncty Andean stylstc motfs

According to numerous Spansh chroniclers painting had exsted

as a well-developed a form in Tawantinsuyu and the halls of the

Coricancha certainy contained numerous hstorical paintings.

Accordng to José de Acosta Inca pantings were crude and much

nferior o heir Mesoamercan counterparts but n fact ths

probably only meant that indigenous asts employed abstract

and geometrca motfs as on Andean keros and textiles rather

than mmetic figuratve images. None of these early compositions apparently survived the turulent conquest era and wh

the collapse of the Inca state whch had served as the princpal

patron of the as indigenous panting tradtons became radi

cay transformed by a European aristc deoogy.

After the conquest the Cathlic Church was in desperate need

of skilled indgenous artsts and atisans to decorate ther newly

buit plaes of worship and these peple were trained to work in

the European fguratve tradton Unlke Mexico where the church

rganized craf schools n the Andes most indgenous painters

received their instruction in relgus houses or n the prívate res

dences of European panters One of the most prominent panters

of early clonal Quto edro Bedón founded j ust such a church

insttute the Brtherhod f the Rosary Here Bedn traned one

of the late sixteenth century's most famus indgenous painters

Andrés Sánche Gallque wh produced the frst signed (and

therefre verifabe) pantngs by an ndgenous arst. Aer the

arrval of Bernard Bitt wh brught the talian style t the Andes

•

- --

NDEA CULTUR O SETY DE A RL J 39

\' � 1; .�

Fig. 14. A corregido excanging drnkng vessels wit an

Andean. (Guaan Poma Nuea coránca 505, 509)


21/46

140 CHAPTER FIV

Spansh clerical and secuar authoes made more sysemaic

effots to establsh workshops or trainng indigenous panters

Nevertheless. Andean painers produced works hat mixed

European and ndigenous asc stles 39

The apogee o ndigenous panting in he olonal ea ae

during he seveneenh enu wh the Cusco Schoo which

lourished unl approxmaely 1800 The former Inca capa had

aways been a cene of Andean paintng, bu a devasang eath

quake in 650 led o a remendous archtecural and arisc rebrh

as churchmen public offiials and prívae citizens ed to recon

sruc he city The cty's arsts had ormed guids o conro he

quality quanty, and pce o arwork but in 688 disputes within

these crat oganizations ed indigenous and meszo ariss o

orm heir own separae guild Members of hs Andean-mestizo

guild evenually developed heir own disncive hybid stye

The most amous paintngs to emerge rom the Cusco School

deal wih the Vgin Mar, he paroness of Cusco. who had

allegedly appeared in a miracle o save he city's Spanish popula

ton during the siege by Manco nca in 537 Many o Cusco'sndigenous itzens also embaced the veneraion of the Vgn

appaenty because they identiied her wih he Andean earth

moher. Pachamama or soe other emale deiy Regardess of the

c's origns in the old Inca capial he ndgenous artists paining

in he Cusco syle ignored European notons o perspecive and

space nstead, they creaed images o the Virgn hat presented

he n a fat wodimensonal tyle. caled "statue painng Among

he many represenaions of he Virgin ceated by indgenous

arsts he Vrgin o Behehem was much favored by he loca

cizenr among Cuscos devoional images As the pantng in

igure 5 emonstates. artists n the Cusco school typcally

depcted both he Vgn and er child dressed n elaboate

riangular-shaped vestmens whh resembed the shape of a

mounan Visualy ths technique merged he mage o f the Virgin

wth the Andean landscape and aso with s pre-Columbian

patroness. he earh moher Pachamama Moeover he intricae

oral brocade patern of boh gowns s omposed of epeitve

ANDAN CULU AN SOCY UND COOAL UL 41

geometic desgns emniscent of tucapu paterns n nca texies

What migh appear an overy stylzed si and archac panting of

he Virgn o Bethlehem, merey conveyed Andean aristic preer

ences in represening a uropean and Christian regious icon

Many panngs produced by coonial artiss (wheher Andean

creoe o castas) seved poliical no jus religious and eshetc

puposes By the egheenh centuy a radiion developed among

Andean kurakas to use radtonal Andean uncu keos and o

portrats to prove her heredtay claims to ofie As ae as 178

a viceregal visor general Anonio de Areche. camed tha such

porrats in particula abounded in he houses of ndans who

take hemseves o be nobles n order o sustain their desnt40

Soe of these portraits were even admied as evdence in court

cases deaing with dsputes over hereda rghts o ethnc

leadership In 738 o exampe he Marqués de Acanizes y

Oropesa aemped o remove Don Marcos Chguan from hs

ofice as kuraka o Huaylamba and Colquepaa for abusing hs

indgenous charges To deend his claim o oice. Don Marcos

provded an ol portrai o hmself dressed in he style of aSpnish roya standard beaer weang a mascapaycha o the

Sapa nca As figure 6 demonsraes hs arogant pose was sup

plemented by ncludng a coa o arms originally granted by he

Cown o Paulu Topa nca while he writen text n the carouche

on he painng's lower ight ss boh the honors besowed on

Don Marcos by viceregal offcas and his claim o be a

descendan o he nca royal amily Such porraits defan

assered Don Marcos Chguan's rght to his posion b connec

ing his aleged nca lneage wih hs many sevices to the Crown

Whle Don Marcos chose o dress in Spanish gab. many oher

membes of the nigenous elte such as the unknown Andean

woman pcured n igure 71adorned hemselves wh radtional

nca cosumes o prove her clams o staus and power in he

colonial society oncally colonial auhoies acceped hese

portraits as evdence uni the 78s, when oyal oficas began

conscatng hem fearig hat any such overt links o the n

pas woud only inflame he passons o indigenous people


22/46

142 CHAPER FlVE

Fig. 15 Virgn of Bethlehem, Cusca School egheenh

century ol on cnvs. (Muse o Ped de Osm Lm)

ANDEAN CULTUE AN SOCEY NDE COLOIA E

g 16 Portr o Don Mrcos Chgun c

1742, o on cns Mueo Inc Cusc

143


23/46

( 44 CHPR FIV

during what became known as the Great Age of Andean

Rebeions.41

During he colonia perod he aristc worlds of Europe an he

Andes merged, creaing dynamc new arisic pracices spanning

a number o medums-panngs exiles ceramics and

drawings In each area indigenous ariss paricipaed acivey n

shaping a colonial culural and arisic rder Afer he downfall of

he Inca sae Andean ariss eiher wen underground soppedcomposng or more ofen adaped o he new European arisic

ideo!ogy ndigenous painers wriers and weavers began

proucng ar n he European syle for churches public bui!ings

and prvate homes In his ransformaion Andean ariss

connued o produce eties and keros ofen wh Europeanstyle

fguraive images alongsie more radiional designs Even when

Andean paners of he Cusc School produced mages of he

Virgin hey dd so using a blend of European and ndigenous

artistic forms Finally hs new colonial ar coud even be urned

o potical puroses as indigenous leaders presened European

sye porrais as evidence o prove heir heredary righs o officen shor oer he long coonial era ndigenous artistic epressons

eoed by miing Aean and Spanish raiions o nk an

magined Adean pas wih he eer changing cutura presen

Changing Views of Geography and the Law

The imposion o European ideas o space geograpy prvae

propery and wrien law produced ongerm poliical and

cuura consequences over he cooia period Whie Andeans

acked a forma sysem of wrien law eacy how hey ensioned

geographica space se poíca! bounaries and deermined andownership remains uncear Accordng to soe epers he Inca

sae was urisdicona and ehnc ideniy huacas an oca

cusoms deermined he boundaries among dfferen groups his

argumen is srenghened by he Andean cusom of havng ehnic

groups cuiaing and a differen ecoogica ees whch made

ANDEAN CULTURE ND SOCITY UNDR COL ONIL RULE 145

Fig. 17. Portrit f an Unwn emale, ca 690,

l n canvas (Muse Inca Cusc)


24/46

J 46 CHAPER FIVE

it difficult to establish we-defined territoria boundares. Others

emphasize ha Tawantinsuyu did indeed sancion the use of

terriori boundaries among the four provinces of the empire and

o differentiate among ethnic groups and heir ancesra ands.Despite these differences of opinion, most schoars agree tha the

Adean peopes did no sanction individua ownership of ands

and as a resut, the spread of European ideas about prívae

propey and maintaining writen lega tites proved competelyaen o he peo ples of he Ades

he Inca defined religious and ceremonial space by organizing

iportan reigious shrines along lines of forty-one ritua sight

ines or ceques radiating from he Coricancha (he nca Templeof the Sun) in he heart of Cusc. Three of the four provnces in

TawantinsuyuChinchaysuyu Antisuyu, and Collasuyu

conained nine ceques while Cunisuyu had fourteen ceques

There were beeen 328 and 00 shrines arrayed along theseirreguar pathways and a leas soe of hem were asronomicay aigned th certain solar or lunar risings and setings

These ceques may even have represented a counting devie forthe nca calendar (if 328 is chosen as he officia number ofceques, i conforms o the number of days in their slar calendar)Given he importance of Adean religious shrines (huacas idefning ethnic idenities he ceque sysem migh aso have beenused o determine boundary ines among aylus and wih royal

panacas (religious corporations to honor deceased ruers

Despite this eaborae ceremonial organization of space, there is

at least soe evidence that Cusc was no he ony Andean site

to have a ceque system. Moreover, recen archaeoogical excava-

tons indicate ha the sight lnes may have been qute ireguar,

wth soe begnning a considerabe dtance outside of he

Coricancha. In al ikeihood, the Cusco ceque syste incorporaed preexisng systems of oher Andean groups and if it served

as a boundary among ayllu, i was an uneven one. Like he hree

fied system of assigning resources o he Inca the prieshoodand ocal comunities, as wel as the decima organzaion of

ethnic groups the ceque system was probaby incomplee and

ANDEN CULTURE O SCIETY UNDER CLNIL RUL E 14 7

sill evolvng when the Spaniards arrived in 532. I was an

atemp o assign ritual and ceremonia space and perhaps o

define ehnc boundaries bu he ceque sysem was apparenty

no fuy deveoped and did not extend in any cear way to

organize a boundaries among religious shrines and ethnic

groups by the ime of the uropean invasion42

Apart from the ceques, he Inca also appear o have employed

soe jurisdictiona and erritorial boundaries in he empire As thename Tawaninsuyu implies the empire was divided into four

unequal pars, which were partially defned by he four mar roads

emanaing from Cusc Moreover, no less astute an observer of

Adean cusoms than he sixteenthcentury offcial and entrepre

neur uan Polo de Ondegardo menioned boundary markers in

individua communities and beween and among provinces that

had soe recognizable erritoria definiion According to Polo,

. u

t t ; i

r n

.

Guaan Poma mentioned that Tupa Inca Yupanqui and Huayna

Capac esabished boundar lines beween the ehnic comuniiesof he coas and the highands, "so ha each one would serve he

royal auhority in their own terriory. 44 Guaan Poma aso impiedhat there were errioria dsputes in these regions so the Incaclaified boundary ines and regularized the abor servces tha eahgroup would render to the sate In addition, evera! chroniclers

menion boundary marker on the frontiers of Tawantinsuyu,esablishing he stae's erriorial extent


25/46

[ 48 CHAPTE FVE

Apart from such basic demarcations of dispued terriores and

communi lands it seems clear hat more flud ethnic boundaries.

deterined by a muliplcity of factors, also characterized Andean

divisions of geographical space In an ethnic mosaic such as he

Andes, where different groups lived n dispersed selements up

and down he mounainsdes, there could be no one-to-one

correspondence between language ethnicy, and clear territora

boundaries Evdence from he coonal period indicaes haindgenous groups defined their erritory by oponyms such as

hills swamps mounains, roads rrigation canals deserts, or the

fields of neighbors The Inca's decmal organizaion of the empre

and tribute assessments were also recorded on quipus according

o ethnc groupings not necessarily by bounded terrtories n a

region where temporar and permanent migrations o control

resources were commonplace and each regon contained

m ultiethnc enclaves this was infinitey more pragmatic than sric

teritorial demarcaions Moreover the Andeans did not sanction

the individual prvate ownersip of and and n soe regions such

as the north coast of Peru ethnic groups determined ownershipby use, seeng unworked land as avaiabe to anyone capabe of

culivating producivey45 n short ehnic boundaries wthin

Tawantinsuyu were unusually flexible by European sandards

Such Andean defnitons of geographical space differed

markedly from those employed by the European invaders afer

532 Te paniards brough wih them ideas about prívate

popey that put a premium on precisely defined geographicalboundaries valdated by written egal documents oreover the

Crown exercised control over the Andes through its polica! and

eccesiastica bureaucracies ha demanded more clearly defined

territorial jurisdictons for is varous agencies Viceroyalies

audiencias and corregimientos aong with church disonsamong bishoprcs dioceses and parishes al depended upon

more precise demarcations of the landscape than had obained

under Tawantinsuyu As a resut King Phip II ordered his offca

geographer (cronista mayr) for the ndies Juan López de Velasco

to conduc a geographca survey of the entie empre This

ANDEA CULTURE ANO SCIETY UNDE CA UE 149

nvolved consrucing a se of fify questions to be dsributed to

every admnsrative disrct of the ndies includng the vast

Andean region These surveys known as the Relacnes gegáfcas,

were compled n the Andes between 579 and 583

As part of ths massive survey he Crown ordered n quesons

ten and forty-two) ocal panis and indigenous auhories o

produce Europeanstye maps complete wih sreet plans

landmarks, and major geographical features The Crown furhercommanded hat these maps be writen on paper or parchmen

and sen with the wrien responses to he remander of the qes

tionnare Despie his direct royal command he Relacines

gegácas produced for he Andean region contained only five

such maps a compiled by local pansh authorities n contras,

the suvey for New pain consised of nne-two picorial maps

mostly drawn by ndgenous authorties46

Apparently, the lack of

a ormalized system of aphabeic wriing mmetic figurative art,

and fluid geographical boundaries (based argely on ethnic or

poltica! considerations rater than prvae property) a con

tributed to the failure of Andeans and colonal officas orespond to royal commands about producing maps

pansh ideas about maps well-defined geograpical bound

aries, and prvae propey encoded n written aws et an

enduring egacy for Andean sociees European conceps of

ndvidual ownership of lands and formaized written egal tiles

proved particuarly foreign and diffcul o grasp for indigenous

goups n fac probems of determning land ownershp and

assessing taxaton forced the Crown to order a formal review of a

landholdings he venta y composicin de ierras of 59 I Ths

process required that Andeans provide legally approved writen

evidence to substaniate clams to ther ands Because land use

was tied to local reigious shrines and ehnc deniies, tspoved an exremey difficult but important task By his time

however writen documents and Castlian lega principes had

forced Andeans to adopt foreign ideas about what constiuted a

just claim to ancestral lands As a result identiing and parces

by toponyms and huacas gave way to witten descriptions of


26/46

! 50 CHAPER FVE

physical boundary markers The mposton of a formal Castlan

ega deolog and ideas about ownershp communcated by the

wrtten word and European-stye maps symbozed new ways of

thnkng, of projectng potca! power. and of exercsng domnon

over the Andean peopes by the ate sxteenth century47

Castían aw aso demanded that Andeans dea n a word of

offcal records, wrtten n European aphabetc scrpt Indvdua

or collectve memory so precous to Andean communtes befre

132 was often ruled nadmssbl as evdence n courts unless

suppored by wrtten documentaton Morover athough alpha

betc teracy and the Castlan legal system proved foregn

medums for the Andean peopes they could not be crcumvnted

easly Wrtten documents requred a functona eve of teracy,

even f an ndvdua reed on scrbes to produce documentaton

needed n court cases Ths dd not mean that a Andeans coud

read and wrte Castlan even by the eghteenth centu but t

does ndcte that ever ncreasng numbers of ndgenous peope

had to operate n and become mar wth the lterate word of

colonal laws and customs It s no sma wonder that kurakassuch as Don Marcos Chguan used European-sye portrats and

wrtten documents to substantate ther clams to postons of

prestge and power n the Andean sphere

Conclusions

The cultural nterchange takng pace between Europeans and

Andeans over the coonal era s symbolzed by ndos adnos such

as Felpe Guaan Poma de Ayala Gven ther knowledge of

Castan and ndgenous tngues these pvota fgures could serve

a multpcy of roes as nterpreters wrters church ades.

pettoners and even as the leaders of ndgenous uprsngs As

Guaan Poma ndcated, they also stood outsde both the Andean

and the European socal spheres as "cultural mestzos, mstrusted

n both communtes At the same tme the ndos dnos were

aso byproducts of the complex coona sococutural rder For

ANDEAN CULTUR AND SOCITY NDR COONIA RL 5

hs part. Guaan Poma sought to take advantage of hs ambvalent

socetal roe by sevng the church n stampng out doaty and

ater as an author and reformer He also recommended that the

Kng place an ndo adno n ever communty as an overseer

(veedor) to montor the actvtes o both the European and Andean

communtes Athough Guaan Poma aed to get ths or any o

hs other deas mplemented the cultura evouton of the coonal

regme ultmately gave more power to ndos ladnos such as

Gaan Poma or to colonal kurakas who had the skls to navgate

n both worlds48

The mutual exchange of cutural values durng the coonal era

transformed the Andean worlds By the eghteenth century the

establshment o schools or kurakas and later or the wder

Andean communy spread lteracy n Castan the anguage of th

nvader rather than tradtona ndgenous tngues Aong wth the

expanson o alphabetc wrtng cae a ore ntmate knowledge

of the twn plars of Spansh coonal ruleChrstany and

Castlan aw A centra legal precept was the dea o prvate

propet vadated by wrtten documentaton whch fundamenta y atered the ways Andeans conceptualed geographcal space

and rghts to land water, and other essenta natural resources

Smary, Andean artstc producton changed under European

nfuences as fguratve representtons n pantng textles

carvngs, and ceramcs repaced tradtonal Andean pattes of

abstract geometrca desgns In many ways the od Andean

cutural order seemed to pass sowy away durng the colona era

Despte these cultural transformatons many Andean trad

tons have endured snce 32 to the present Texle weavng

remans an mportant art form that contnues to refect dstnctve

communy denttes and vaues Whle ndgenous weavers n

the Cusc regon, for exampe, have ncorporated new orms of

woo dferent ypes of fabrcs and fguratve pattes ther

unque texe desgns stl dstngush ethnc groups from one

another sybolzng reatonshps wthn the communy and ts

tes to the outsde world and the supeatura In ths way the old

nca custom of usng dress to defne ethnc endurs even to te


27/46

l 5 2 CHAER FIVE

present. Moreover, indgenous exiles continue o funcon at

two eves oe Europea and the other dscty Adean: hey

are sod marketpaces (frst brought o the Ades by the

Spaniards) to tourss and other outsiders but hrough her

disicve tradtioa desgs they reai denie nks o the

Adea past From he eary cooia period onwards it became

pontess o speak of auhetic Europea or Adea cuura

vaues; hese had become competey commged producing

new hybrd forms of cutura meag whch each coonia soca

group terpreed over me in ts ow way.

6

RELIGIOUS CON VESION AN THE

MPOSITION OF ÜTHODOXY

A common eror (among AndeansJ is thelr tendency o cay

wate on both shoudes, to have recouse to both egions

a once . Most of the ndians have not yet had thelr

huacas and conopas taken away om them thelr fesivas

distubed no their abuses and supestitions punished and

so they thnk heir íes compatibe with our ruth and thei

idoatry with our aith

Pabo osé de Araga 1621'

I ound a variey o opinions about this when arrived in

Lima; and among the seious and most imporant men thee

were those who tod me thee was much doat.

Othes od me that it doatryJ was the nvention and ¡a

poduct of heJ geed o the visiadoes who used thei tiesto enrch theseves and that this did seous njustice to

he ndians O]thers said that there was soe idoatry

but no as much as was caimed

Achbishop Gonzao de Campo 625

153


28/46

1 54 CHAPER SIX

THE SPANIH INVADER justfed ther overthrow of Tawantinsuyu n1532 by vowng to reap a harvest of ndgenous souls for theoman Catholc faith. n later years Spash ursts would echoand refine such arguments to defed their continued occupaonand colonzaton of the region itally, the dean peoplesseemed enthusast converts as thousands accepted baptsmexchaging her adherence to offcial nca res for oma

Catholcsm s the frst priess ntroduced he rtuals of theirfaih ndgeous converts eagerly embraced outward dispays ofCatholc worshp-the veneraton of the cross and colorful evtional objects ornae churches cults of the saints and the ruause of musc, dances ad prayer Over tme however manychurchmen suspected ndeans of puttig these Chsta rites tother own uses Whereas clergymen demaded hat convetsabandon their belefs for Chrisianty deans ofen incorporatedCatholic ritual and dogma into ther own religious frameworkmuch as they had done wth the offcal religon of the nca generatons earler Just as uropean and dean cultures became

commngled nto ew hybrid forms of meanng so too didCatholcsm ad !ndigenous relgous practces become "mutuallyetangled producng a consantly evolving mixture during threehunded years of coloal rule evertheless as the frst quotatonabove by the Jesu ablo José de rraga ndcates this stuatonproduced perodic tensons between deans and local clergyme By the seventeeth centu rriaga ad others promtedeforts to stamp ou or exrpate al deviant indgenous relgiouspractces by force ndeed rraga wrote a wdely used maual forCathoic inspectors o how to idenfy and oblterate such formsof dolat i 6

While clerical authortes experienced frustrao over the

n complee sprual con uest of the ndes they differed sharplyabout the problem's severity ad how to


29/46

156 CHAER SIX

interpreted Andean religíous practices from theír own bíasedChristin viewpoint, oten misunderstnding or misrepresentingindigenous beiefs in their repots and letters.

· The paricular religious concerns o each judge and his assistants also inenced the notons o what constituted dolatry ormerely represented "religious error Even when Europeansrecorded the testmony o Adeans verbatim translators had to

trn expressions n Qechua mara or a host of other indigenous languages into Castilian which ed to serious dstortions AQuecha word such as supay, or ample usally sígniied anpredctable spirit wth malevolent or ore benign quates yetmost scribes in idoatry trias endered it as Satan which gosslymisrepresented the meaning. Indgenous deendants or witnessesaso mixed both Chstian and tradtoal regious symbos andímages n ways that repesented the spirtua changes and mxturethat had occurred by the seventeeth centu. Moreover Andeansnder nterrogaton by prests or nspectors at doatry trials oen lied to protect themseves o to delect bame on others paic

arly loca enemes within the ayFinay many Andean communitíes edured multipe vistatons by extipators and residents grew experienced n how to givedetais or sppress vta ifrmation dependng on thei needsWhe the exípation trias ost momentum by the 750s howevercerica and ay ofcials expressed less interest in the persstenceo Andean religious practices and any wrten evidence aboutndigenos popula piety becomes much scacer drng theremande of the coonial perod t is no smal wonder thatcontemporaries and modern-day scholars aike have expressedwdey diferent ntepretations abot the process o relgiouschange n the Andes Nevertheess the tpi s centa to

understandng the evoution o Andean societies under Spanishule and sholars rom severa! discipnessuch as anthropoogyhisto and lterary or cltura studeshave witten voumin9uslyo the subject

RELIGIOUS CONVERSIO AN THE IMPOSIIO OF ORHODOY 57

The World of Andean Popular Religion

Wthin a generation o Tawantinsuyu's collapse popular adherence to the state religious cuts of the Inca aded except in theethnc hearland surounding Cusc and in the remte mountanexle kingdom o Vilcabamba until its capture by the Spanish inJune 15723 The whoe nexu o persona communty ocal and

regonal reigious traditions however proved more difict orSpanish priests and riars to uproot. The Andea peoples beievedthat the sacred penetrated every aspect o their wod pofondlynuencing daily lie experiences Mountains steams teesboulders and even mundane objects sch as small stones coudrepresent or evoke the dive Religious specialsts heaers andeve ordinary folk summoned these spiritua oces spoke withthem and prayed or their contnued suppor of human actvites.The identicaton o dvine powers wth the mateial word asonked Andean men and women to specfic geographical locationswhere thei gods shnes and holy places coud protect them rom

hman enemies and arbitrary orces o nature Religous mthsad practices united peope with their lad ther god nd theirpast

The princpal centers o divie power n Adean reigionsknown as hacas coud reside in a variety o objects in the naturallandcape Accoding to most religious taditios the huacas hadoce been godike men or women endowed wth ?upernaturapowers who roamed he earh and intevened in te aairs oothe deities and huma beigs This legendary past had een atme ed with ncerainty when good and evil were pittedagainst each othe with varied and npredictabe outcomes Aaricuar huaca oen sppored the fors o one or more ethnicgoups who sometimes saw themselves as progeny o the godOnce the huaca had accompished its destiny it commonly turnednto a mountain a stone o soe other object. The powers ofeach huaca remained invested in ths patcular porin o theAndean andsape and people associated with te deity caled wod continue to woship the place tyng the commnity

[ 58 CHAPER SIX LGOU CONV ON N ON OF OO OXY } 9


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I ¡

[ 58 CHAPER SIX

spiritually to the land itself. Myhs about huacas recaled the

origins of ethnic groups and helped to make sense of their historyand customs Andeans also prayed to their huacas fr adviceabout sowing, land feriity, access to water and a host of otherhuman probems For heir par huacas communicated throughAndean priess or rigious speciaists Neverheess hese

huacas coud be benevolent vengeful or even capricious and

hey required constan prayers sacrifices and offerings of cocaleaves or maize beer (chicha) In his way Andean peoples were

wedded to cus of paricuar deities who heped them deal with

the vagaries of drough pesilence crop faiure disease pain,defeat, and even deah in an unceran word4

While most huacas ercised influene in only a imiteddomain in the word soe exceptiona deities had regiona or

supraregioal foowings, such as Paria Caca and his sister ChaupiÑamca According to myths set down in the HuarochiríManuscrpt, Para Caa fst appeared as fve eggs that hatchdinto falons and then became men who founded the ethni group

that ultimately setled in he provine of Huarochirí

5

Paria Caca was a wise and immensey powerfu being of the highlands whoperformed wondrous deeds vanquishing other huacas and theirhum¡ worshipers whie advancing he cause of his favoredpeope During these struggles he gained conrol over an awe-inspiring andscape of mountains and akes that became the séatof his spiritual power

Aording to Andean egend Paria Caa was losely assoiated

with his sister Chaupi Ñamca, whose power entered in theowland region surrounding the Rimac River Again the myhs

compied in he Huarohir Manuscript indicate tha the power ofhese two sibings complemened each other in a perfec male-

femae symmetry atop the hierarchy of huaas To augment theiraready considerable spiritua power Paria Caca arranged hissister's marriage to another commanding coasta huaca PchaCamac In his way the dominant highland deity forged kinship

aianes with the two most infuenial male and female huacas ofthe oast giving them al an identity and supernaural powers

LGOU CONVON ND T MO N OF OODOXY } 9

that transcended any immediate locality or ethnic groupMoreover by pairing mae and female deities, the Andean cosmol-

ogy created a gendered hiearchy of spiritua power in whch godstended to contro traditionaly mae activities and goddessesfemae activities6

Despie he extensive domain of powerfu huacas such as PariaCaca mos manifesations of divne power were more ocalized

Special ineage gods (chancas), for ampe operated wihin hespiriua orbi of more powerful huacas Whereas most huacas

resided in feaures of he naura world chancas were usualy morehumbe figures of stone sometmes adorned wih coins wax oroher commonplace iems Christian priests oen found it hard to

distinguish between esser huaas and chancas but the ater

belonged to smaler ineage goups or extended families entrused with their care, whereas huacas perained to larger groupings, suchas an ayu The smal moveable chancas exercised spiriual powerover a host of househod tasks and according to custom these gods might be consulted befre approaching the loal huaca The

care and worship of a hanca was usuay entrusted o a memberof he lineage goup, and like more powerfu deiies chancasrequired prayers sacrfices and ritua chicha

Less powefu househod or persona deities caed cotopas. were usualy smal stones, often shaped like an anima (usuay analpaca or ama) or a food crop (such as corn or a potato) whichhad a direc onnection with fecundity Conopas were numerous

and in 16 7 hree Jesui priests aimed to have confiscated over2 500 of hem in the Chancay region alone. Andeans prayed andmade offerings to hese deities to control the care and heath of

ivesok agricutura! crops, and even to heal the sick Whereasentire communiies worshipped huacas on given feas days,

individuals made entreaties o their own personal conopas which were passed on from one generation o he next SometimesAndeans carried a pair of mae and female conopas whichcontinued he tradiion of gender omplementarity and alsocontribued o he symbolic onnecion of these deities withfertiiy7

160 CHAPER SIX LGOU ONVO ND T MOTON OF OTOOY [


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160 CHAPER SIX

An extemely mpotant aspect o Andean elgon wasancesto veneation and communites peseved the bones omummies o mpotant elatves called mallquis A sepaate seto piests made oeings to the mummies o deceased Incas andoher pominent figures, poviding ritual eals of chicha andothe oodstuffs suouning them wth utensls used n lifesuch as textes hoes, o weapons) and conveying them to

community regious celebrations. It s unlikely that less pomnent families maintained mallqus o most deceased elatives,but the pactice was wdespead Accoding to Andean eligoustraditons by pefoming specifc tuals and mummfcation thedead could each the fnal destnation o estng place calledpacarna. Ths tem also reeed to the communty's bthplace opoint of ogn n ths way the dead retuned o the ayllus roots.The ecently deceased mallquis formed a link wth the communty's ancent and saced ancestors the huacas Even ae aivingin pacaina the mallqus woud become angy the lvngelaives dd not veneate them popely at impotant riuals andon the annvesay o thei death which renfoced the ongoingneed to maintan a elationshp between the living and the dead8

The ente indgenous panoply of huacas chancas conopasand mallqus omed an essental pat of the cultual and elgousidentity of dfeent ethnc goups throughout the Andean egionAs successve waves o conqueors culmnatng n the se ofTawantnsuyu) execsed dominion over difeent ethnic goupsthe nvades appecated these ties between local peoples andthei deties As a esul the Inca foced subec peoples toworship he gods but they still espected local eligouspactices. This elationshp was symbolized by the Quechua wodmañay, which can be translated as a compromse a demand or an

alteaton n tadtional behavior This new elgous compomseevolved constantly, ncoporating old and new bele systems that

ecognized the dominance of the Incas spirtual powe wthoutabandoning local tadtons For ths eason egardless o thebutalty of conquest was the Inca and thei subect peoplesrecognzed the new mañay wth an exchange o gfs paticularly

LGOU ONVO ND T MOTON OF OTOOY [

tees and keos) that symbolzed the acceptance o the newelatonshp by both pates Fo Andean peoples abanonngthei deities and shines meant osaking thei cutue taditons,and hstoy. When the Spansh aived in the Andes they neitheundestood no accepted such a spiitual compomise; conve-sion equied a compete acceptance of Chstan pecepts leav-ng behnd any and al aspects of the "pagan Andean past

Andeans on the othe hand saw conveson to Catholicism as theestablishment of a new and continuously evolving eigous pacto mañay, whch alowed them to daw on both the spiitual powe·o Chstianity and tadtonal ndgenous detes Moeove indi-

viduals o goups might even make choices about whch Chistano Andean elgious concepts to ncopoate ony to everse oralter hem late Such undamental tensions characteized ealyefots by Spanish ceics to convet Andeans and late to mposeothodox Catholsm in the egon 9

Ealy Efots at Religious Convr

Given the tradtonal missionay zeal of Christanty, clergymenaccompanied al majo mltay expedtons n the Andes, but thepocess o evangelzaton proceeded slowly The Dominican FrayVcente de Valvede accompanied Pizaro's amy to Caamarca,and later became the fst bshop o Cusco n 1537. Aong wthmembes of the secula clegy between 533 and 540 theFanciscans, Mercedaans, and Domincans sen mssonaries tothe Andes. In 543 the frst bshop o Lima Fay Jerónmo deLoayza entered the viceregal capita and by the tme that theSocety of Jesus began sending mssonaries in 568, the othe

ordes already had established monasteies n al pincpal townsBoth the iars and secular priests also had begun minstering inual aeas Despte these impressive beginnngs, hweve theprocess o evangelzation in the Andes was thwated in many

aeas by dvisons wthn the chuch ove how to appoach theconveson pocess the apathy of many encomendos (who wee


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1 CHATER SIX RELIOIUS NVERSIN N TE IMPSITN F RTD 7


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¡,

1:

at Concepción fourteen years later. But it was not until Toledo' visita in 1570 that they agree to set up eleven doctrinas in theprovince Even then, the parishes were badly unerstaffe Thefriar responsibe fr the ocrinas in Jauja initially ha only ninepriests to ten to the spirtual nees of 21894 Aneans, makngadministration of the sacraments impossible !et alone anymeaningfu religious instruction Over tme the friars earne local

languages utiize the sermons an catechisms circlate afterthe Thir Provincial Council in 158283 establishe schoos andaministered the sacraments but the task remaine enormousan the numbers of weU-prepare, edicate cergy insuffcient 6

Compouning the problems cause by shortages of priestsan frars were sinister chages of clerical arrogance inefficiencyan even corruption Royal inspectors foun the Dominicanswho administere the parishes among the Lupaka peoples in therich provnce of Chucuito guity of wie-ranging abuses Theorer began preaching in the region in 1542 but civil strifeeayed their evangelization efforts until 1547 when the friarsestabishe seven parishes to propagate the faith After tweny

years of effort however local Lupaka leaers complaine thatfriars seldom eft their octrinas to minister in the surroundingrural areas leaving over fifteen thousan peope unbapt�zeMoreover because few Dominicans kew mara the most wieyspoken inigenous language, religious instruction became afarce; most of the Lupaka questione by Church inspectors in1567 id not ow even the ruiments of Catholic doctrine andfew ha receive the sacraments reguarly especiay penanceEven more isturbing were the constan compaints by Aeansof financia! corruption Drawing on the immense prestige that theorer initially enoye in the region the Dominicans allegely

extoe excessive amounts in salares extraorinary onationsfees and fines A this money went to enrich the friars an theorer which manage to buil seven churches an resiences inthe provinces an renovate severa others Loca resients asocompane of havng to donate unpai labor to construct thesebuiings The Dominicans apparently also emane lns from

the Lupaka, aborers to work them, personal serants and portersto carry goos for sale in Cusco Arequipa and La Paz Thesecomplaints about the Dominicans eventualy le Viceroy Toleoto expel the orer from Chucuito in November 572Responsibiiy for ministering to the Lupaka then fel to thesecular clergy the Augustinians and later to the Jesuits whoestablishe missions in Juli aong the shores of Lake Titicaca 17

Cultura difference also payed a role in thwarting the completeacceptance of Christianity by Aeans and nwhere was thismore apparent than in the sacrament of penance Because manyearly friars an priests di not know inigenous languageshearing meaningful confessions was virualy imossible espitecear Church requirements that baptize Aeans confess at eastonce annualy between Septuagésima Sunay an the eighth ayof Corpus Christi One of the principa compaints evie againstthe Dominicans in Chucuito for example was their failure tofulfil this uy except for inios lainos who oviously ewCastilian or Latin To facilitate the task Church leaers at theThir Provincial Council commissione confessional manuas inQuechua and ater Aymara which liste detaied questions forprests to ask each penitent Neverheess the task remainecomplex. Wors conveying Christian concepts such as sin orSatan di not have exact equivaents in most indigenous lan guages Moreover the notion of what constituted sin iffere inEuropean an Aean societies Fornication, for example was

viewe as a serous offense y clergymen while many Aneanmales apparently id not prize virginiy in women and tene tofvor spouses with sexua experience an proven erotic appetitesCoupes oen lived together for extende periods as a form oftri a marriage (sirinacuy). a practice that the Spanish clergy

abhorre viewing it as ittle more than a pretext for icentiousness In short religion reflecte deepy emee cultural beliefsn practices an Aneans an Spanish prests took many yearsto unerstan each othe As a resut Christian penance ecamea common locus for cutura misunerstaning an contestationurng the early colonia er 8

168 CHAPTER SIX LGOU ONVON ND MOON OF OOOXY 9


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Given the many problems in convertng Andeans to orthodoxRoman Cathoicism. it is hardly surprisng that traditiona Andeanreligious practices and hybrid orms of religious expression persisted, even permeating Chrstian rituas such as the CopusChrsti ceebrations in Cusco Athough the od capita owantisuyu with its wealthy and powerfu od Inca nobility stiintact was hardy tpica o most provnces the Corpus Christi

ceebratios did embody the mxture o idigeous and Christanreigious practices existing throughout the Andes The east oCorpus Christi rom late May to mid-June roughy coincided withthe aciet Inca ritua of ti Raymi commemorating the Su andthe harvest season Iti Raymi was ast celebrated by Manco Incai 1535 but Corpus Christi celebrations i Cusco bega as earyas the 550s From the outset impoant idigeous digitariescontued coming to Cusco or the estival wearing traditioalcothing and carryig embems o their paces O origin much asthey had done or Int Raymi The relgious processios pastChrista ch urchesoen buit a top Ica shresand thecarying o reigious igures paicuary the sants aso resoated

wth Andeas accustomed to smar processions with the godsad malquis Such cotiuties betwee the Corpus Christ ceebrations and the east o )ti Raym provide eoquet testioyto the was that Andeas drew o the sacred powers o theirtraditioa beiefs ad the ew aith Christaity19 For them oedid not exc ude the other

Taqui Onoy: The Rtur f Hacas

Aidst these eary eorts to convert Adeas to Chistiaity Luis

de vera a Spanish prest i Paricocha (n the provce oHuamaga discovered aarmig ews o an appaetly mileaa. ativst movemet caed Taqui qoy i 1564According toleaders o the movemet the Andean huacas were o ogercoied to mountais streams, and rocks, ad instead possessedhuma beings caled taquiongos. Accordig to testmoies o

Christian observers. those chosen by the huacas would "dance adtrembe and move in a circe, ad i the dance they caed o theDevl and on their huacas and idos. at the same time abjurng the true aith o esus Christ ad a! the teaching they had recevedrom Christian Priests2º he word taqu (signiyng in Quechua ahstorical dace ad onqoy a east to prevent disease or disasterstogether conveyed the dea o a dancng sckess that woud

purge the taquiogos o Spaish-Christian mpurities eavngthem ree to embrace their traditioal deities The huacas asospoke through these taquiongos complaiig that they werestavig for sacriices ad chicha Moreover the vegeu huacaswarned of a convusve struggle i which they woud vaquish theSpaiards ad their Godwhich oy ooked aer Europeans otAndeasAccording to the taquiogos idigenous peopes woudalso perish n this stugge they did ot reouce Christiaity orthe old ways repudiate tribute paymets and reuse mita serviceThe most pominent o these huacas were ot Ica deites butregioal gods such as iahuanaco Pacha Camac Ttcaca andChmborazo ad there is o direct evdece that the taquogos

attempted o jo orces with the Ica rebels at Vilcabambastead the movemet was conied to the provices oParincocha, ucaas Chocorbos Vilcashuamá. ad Andahuayas(a! in souther Huamaga where it onetheess attracted over8000 people n a egion with o more than 150000 habtats21

The Taqu qoy movemet emerged durig a period opoitica and ecoomic crisis n the Vceroyaty o Peru I imathe ractious members o the audiecia ad its weak-wed presdet ope Garca de Castro attempted to rue a kgdom rackedby thirty years o cv war amog the coquistadors and theompreset Ica rebeio in Vlcabamba Moreover the siver

ecoomy cetered i Potosí had reached a crisis as aborshortages ad iadequate eiig methods sowed produioMeanwhe, a group o roya commissioners oversaw an acmoious debae begiig 561 betwee advocates o makgencomienda grats heeditay ad iluential cergyme urgngther abotio, ed by the Domica Domigo de Sato Tomás

170 CAER SIX LIGIOUS ONVSION A TH lMPOSIIO OF OODOXY 171


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Poweful indigenous lods, epesented by the sympatheticmestizo awye Fancisco Falcón also pesented a plan to pay teCown to end the encomienda system and etun poitical poweo Andean leades making te situation even moe politicallychaged. Moeove egional economic cises and epidemicdiseases weighed heaviy on pooe egions su as sotenHuamanga whee the mita fo te Huancavelica mecuy mines

aleady ad poduced hadships In sho the years befoe teaival of Fancisco de Toledo in 1569 wee diffcl ones fo teSpanis colonizes and te Adean peopes Indeed Taqui Onqoywas only te mos visible and pominent of sevea! eligiousmovements and ebelions to eupt duing tese yeas of cisis in the 56s22

Spanis authoities esponded quicy and decisively to the thea of qui Onqoy dispacing a dedicated and moallyupigt piest Cistóba de Albonoz to captue and punis teaquiongos In an ani-idoay campaign at ased two yeas Albonoz arested ove eigt tousand paicipants and metedout punisments angng fom pemanent exie fo leades to

equiing tat lesse paicipants seve ocal piests o eceiemandatoy eligios instuction. Once Albonoz began is lealpoceedings qi Onqoy also saed to cumbe om wiin asmany paricipants soon denounced te movement beggedfogiveness and etuned to te Cuc. In a pblic ceemony inCusco te pincipal leades even confessed tat tey addeceived tei folowes becase "tey did no know anyting but to be poo and to acquie food toug te offerings [to tehuacasj23 Te available ecods indicate ta few etnic leadesopenly became taquiongos and tis bief popla outbustquicky dissipated

Te adica message of Taqui Onqoy caing fo a panAdeanaiance of uacas and tei uman coos to expel te invadesad limited appea outside of soten Huamanga By te I 56smost Adeans ad aleady begn to accept soe basic Eopeancultual and eigious pecepts and to incorpoate em into teiown lives. Tat pocess could not easily be evesed In fac soe

of qui Onqoy's basic pe mises wee ¡ mpegnatedwith uo peanand even Chistian ideas. In caling fo panenic unity fo example the taquiongos efeed to ei foowes as Indians (indios)a homogenizing concept intoduced by te Spanads fo themultiplicity of indigenous etnic gops in te Andes. The leadesalso alied thei disciples on a age mtietnic encomienda insouthen Hamanga ignoring taditional Adean ethnic cate

goies. Many of te leades wee aso baptized Chistians witnames such as Juan Chocne and Maía Magdaena. Finaly despiteei complete eecion of Cistanty te taqiongos peached tat te od gods wold initiate a new ode puged of pastimpuities. Tis messianic message ceainy dew pon Adeanelgious taditions abot cycles of cosmic catacysm and enewabut i also esembed Catholic symbolism concening apocalypticdeah and esuecion In sho qui Onqoy was itself a cuualand eigious ybid. By 1565 Chistianity coud not be excisedfom te Andes; it was a gowing par of te new eligiosundestanding tha was emeging in te Andes since te oveowof wantinsyu24

The First Campagns o Exte ldary, 1609-27

Gapic and deeply tobing evidence about he pesisence of Adean eigious pactices in 168 se in moion events leading o te fist systematic campaign o extipate idoaty in teViceoyaty of Pe Te news cae fist fom Fancisco de Avila apies wo ad seved since 1597 in te pais of Sn Damián deCheca (southeas of Lima in te povince of Huaochi) Avila wasan ambitios cucman fom Cusco of dubios paentage woan afoul of is paisiones in San Damin in 6 and again in67 fo alegedy expoiting indigenous abo taking longabsences fom is pais caging exobitant cleica fees tading in agicultua goods and engaging in scandalous sexualeationsips wit local women A of tese chages contavenede diectives of te Tid Povincial Council and ceica

l72 CHAPTER SIX RLGOUS CONVERSON ND THE MPOSTO OF ORTHODOY l 73


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nvestigaors removed Ava from hs pars and ncarcerated mn a Lma ja pendng e ouome of a curc nvesigation.Whe n a Fracsco de Ava raed supporters, who begncoecig formao sysematcay o e exsece of "paganregious rtua n Huarocirí wch promped church eaders toreease him fro custod Ava ten dramatized tese dscoveriesby reatg an incide in August 1608 a a feast of e

Assumption from a earby doctrina i Huarocr where heaeged tat Adean parshioers used Crsa rtuas to masktradtona rtes or the uacas Para Caca and Caup Ñamca.Ava presened a of hs formaon aong wit a arge cace ofconopas cancas maqus and a oca pres of e Caupamca cut (Hernado Pauccar) to te ew archbisop of LmaBartoomé Lobo Guerrero Such evdence of wdespread idoatryconvnced many ard-ie cerics to demad mmediate ao oobterate an resdue of Adean regous practices 25

Que apar from he appareny mxed moves for Avia'sreveatons he persstence of Andean regous pracices·produced e surprse among mos kowedgeabe cergymen.

The Lma Arcdocese admsered a vas area wh 6 parshespresded over b y 08 secuar c ergymen ad 67 frars 35Domncans 6 Mercederans 5 racscas and l Jesu)Accordng to the dctaes of te Counc of Tren eac of teseparshes soud ave sered o more ha two hundred to reehudred famies an dea at was ever aceved eve n LimaI more remte areas of the vceroat suc as Chucuto theumber of famies sedom fe beow four hundred to fvehundred per prest Even after secuar cergy he Augustiniansand the Jesuts ad repaced he Domincas n Cucuto b 52e arge numbers of digenous parshioers scattered

hrougout eac doctra forced e oen -prepared cergymeo hre assstans for admsterg the sacraments Most cericsand er asssats knew only rudimentary Aymara and wentey red readg prepaed sermos ta anguage e boredcofused parsioers apparet found t dffcut o understandanyg more an te mos basic topcs covered Moreover

churc manuas required eac pries to ask a batery of questionsn Amara o eac penent a confesson a ask at ook a easfifee mnutes for someone fuent n e anguage For eovrburdened press earg cofessons once auay forEaser was a gargantua ask tat took mos o do properySystematc regous struion and efforts o roo out idoary

were vr ua impossbe Uder these circumstances cergymen

Chucuito Lma and esewhere mus ave known a emxtures of Adea ad Chrsan pracces uncovered sodramatca by racsco de Ava Huarochr were actuacommopace ad undersadabe occurrences 26

Nevertheess Avia's reveatons made a mmedae mpresson o Arcbisop Lobo Guerrero who was aready sympatecto advocates of forcefu evangezao ad the exrpaon ofAdea reigious praces Te viceroy te Marqués deMontescaros ad the provca of the Jesus shared he arcbshop's etusiasm provdng a srong group of advocates for aega campag to extirpae doary in the archdocese. As a resuLobo Guerrero permied rancisco de Ava o gve a forma pub

sermo in Lat he catedra deaig wh e probem ofdoatry befre a assembage of he maor cerca and secuaroffcas on 3 December 609 Te prest used he occasn todeounce dgenous regous practces prasg the archbshopor emuatg he Cathoc zea of eary Churc evangeizers

The sermo was a compete success for racsco de AvaAog wth he vceroatys key potca and regous fgures thenow famous prest presded over a pubc act of fath (auto de fe) e cera square of Lima o 0 December where he gave apubc sermon Quechua ad Castan condemig doatry.Te e varous dos ad maqus coeced by Ava

Huarocr were pubcy bued or serg as a priest of tedgenous Chaup Ñamca cu Heando Pauccar was gven twoudred ases had s ar so and was seneced o exe na Jesut coege n Ce to receve Caoic nstruio. our daysaer ts spectace Francsco de Avia was ceared of a chargesof wrongdoig n Sa Damá27

J 7 4 CHAPTER SIX L!G!OU ONV!ON N !MO!!ON OF OODOY 1 75


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Achbshop Loo Guerrero uit on the momenum created y the auto de fe o name the ambitious Francisco de Avila judgenspector of idolar (juez visitador de idolarías) or he LmaAchdocese n eary Januar 1610, wih he auhority o begn acampaign agains dolar. In 1612 he archbishop graned hissame ile o wo eow enhusass o exrpaion, Diego Ramíezand Fernando de Avendaño Avia's irs inspecions in Huarchirí

and aer Yauyos were improvised affars wih the judge usuayaccompaned y a noar a represenave o he vceroy and woor hree Jesuis nsruc he Andeans on reormng herdoarous ways. Avia himse srongy favored Jesui pacpa

ton, and severa! members of he order such as Arraga evenbecame zealous proponens and theorecans o exrpaon. Theprocedures empoyed n he ras however, reied heavy on heearer campagns of Crsóba de Albooz agains qu Onqoyand rues aid down by he Holy Ofce o he Inquson whch byhs ime had no auhoriy over indgenous peope. Ava and hscohos conduced inqures n each vage, desroyed majorAndean relgous shrnes and bul a bonre o u a dos and

mummes foowed by punshmens and relgious nsruco.Over me he vsiaons acqured a more denie se o legal

and regous polcies governng her conduc, whch cuminaedn he pubicaon o Ariagas manual for exirpaors n 621. Thearchbshop deegaed hs exensve powers over maers o regous dscpine o he judge-nspecors who had jursdconover al ecclesasica auhores he righ o inspec any docrna examine he compeenc o oca press and dsmss hem,and dsciplne a convced idoaers Because he judgeinspecors coud no trave o ever parsh in he archdocese heynamed eams of exrpaors o fan ou across he region and asss

her eos. The "idea eams ypcay conssed o a cergyman(visiador), accompanied by an aorney (fscal) a noar, a scrbe,and wo or hree Jesu press Over me, he numbers nvovedin he vsiaons became ess preicabe paicuary as heJesuis began o lose enhusasm for he campagns by mdcenur. Neveheless, upon enerng a docrna he vsor ssued

an edict o grace giving everone in the communiy hree days ocome oward wih evdence about idoatr Each day he visior orhe parish pries ceeraed mass in the veacuar explaining thesources of religious error and demeaning a forms o idolarOnce hey had acquired he names o ikey dolaers and heocaion o Andean shrines and reigious icons he visior and hiseam woud begin inerrogaions, using oure whenever deemed

necessar A accused paies coud reain defense aorneys orprepare her own cases Vsaions !ased rom ony a ew days omany months, dependng on he probems enunered bu n acases he oca communy had o odge, eed and suppo heneeds of he visors and heir renues. Punshmens r hosefound guy depended on he severy of he crme and degree orepenance displayed. For grave offenses he visitors coudmpose he deah penay severe pubic lashngs or exile. Aer sconsrucion in 61 judges senenced he mos gievous idoaers o confinemen in he Sana Crz prson n Callao. Lessserous crmes coud meri puic humiaon erms servng ocapress or mandaor reigous nsrucon Al forms of dscplne

durng he nspecons were puc and usually accompaned hedesrucon of any huacas chancas conopas or mummes founddurng he nqur Fnaly, he vsor and he Jesus would preachand provide oher orms of regious nsruco n Andeanongues o members of he parsh. Alhough he exac proceduresfoowed in each doar ria vared a reeced ths mxure ofdeecon, punshmen, and regous educaion 28

The exrpaors sough a compee reform of ndigenusreligous pracices whch nvoved oh enforcing he esashedrues of Rman Cahoicism an sponsoring reigious educaonn he parishes. The judges vewed he Andean communes as areedng ground or a pes o ofenses Too oen he ndgenous conves o Cahocsm lapsed no dolar worshp offalse gods mmoray, and aure o heed he Ten Commandmens and he docrnes o Rman Cahocsm. A he same mehe exrpaors assumed ha he Andeans had an inerior capacyor undersandng, whch argey explaned heir regious


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178 CHAPTER SIX RLIGIOUS CONVERS ION AND H IMOSIION OF ORHOOXY 79


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publication of his pastora etter of 1649. Borrowing heaviy from

Aiaga's earer manua of 1621 the achbshops etter was a

passonate exhortation, which eied on caefuy chosen bibica

refeences to justfy a new idoatry campagn. He then named a

new cop of vistadoes de idoatrías, incudng sevea! aged

veterans of earie campaigns such as Fenando de Avendaño

Aonso Osrio, and Francsco Gamaa; Francisco de Avia had ded

earier in the year. Most wee ambitious, expeienced (and indeedqute aged) and we-educated creoe cegymen, dedcated to

imposing Roman Cathoic orthodoxy Viagómez timed the

depatue of hs doatry nspectos to concide with the

instaaton of a hoy ec, a piece of the true coss sent as a pesent

fom Pope Uban V. Befre departng fom Lima, the inspectos

marhed n processon to the catheda where Viagómez bessed

the whte ceemona bannes which contained a green cross ad

the motto written in red "Behod the cross of the Lod unting

advese factios31

Once n the provinces idoatry inspectos uncoveed inconto

vetibe evdence that Adeans ofen pacted a cuous and

upedictabe mxture of ndgenous and Christan ites. Wheninspector Benardo de Novoa entered the vage of Sa Pedo de

Acas (n Caatambo in 1657 fr exampe, he fund that Adean

reigious specaists, whom the nspectors termed dogmatizers

exercised a stong hod ove community affars. Accoding to oca

Christian witnesses, the feast of St. Peter (the viage patron)

onided wth the dean agrutua rte of Veosna In the

days precedg the Christan feast, the reigious head of the

community Hernando Hacas Poma, and hi feow dogmatizers

made offerngs of guinea pgs, ama bood chcha, ad coca

eaves to the huacas and maquis asking thei permsson to take

pat n the Christian festiva. On the day of the feast of St Peterthese dogmatzers poured chcha on the ground and spread out

coca eaves to honor the indigenous deites befe commencing

tradtiona dances to ceebrate Vecosina n the evening,

ndgenous minsters and seected viagers typicay met at the

home of the bearer of St Peters image in the ceebration where

HIS108- Andean Worlds (1)

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