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Heritage in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(IPCC) Assessment Reports: A Lexical Assessment
Journal: Journal of Heritage Tourism
Manuscript ID: Draft
Manuscript Type: Special Issue Paper
Keywords: cultural heritage, Cultural landscape, indigenous heritage, heritage tourism , climate change, IPCC
Abstract:
A lexical analysis is conducted of the five Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) assessments reports undertaken between 1990 and 2014. The analysis indicates that the term heritage is little used in the reports although it has become more widely used over time in different chapters. In contrast, reference to indigenous culture and heritage has
greatly increased. The implications are discussed especially for the way in which the IPCC frames culture and heritage. Implications for research communication are briefly discussed.
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Heritage in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Assessment
Reports: A Lexical Assessment
A lexical analysis is conducted of the five Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(IPCC) assessments reports undertaken between 1990 and 2014. The analysis indicates
that the term heritage is little used in the reports although it has become more widely
used over time in different chapters. In contrast, reference to indigenous culture and
heritage has greatly increased. The implications are discussed especially for the way in
which the IPCC frames culture and heritage. Implications for research communication
are briefly discussed.
Keywords: cultural landscape, heritage tourism, climate change, cultural heritage,
indigenous heritage, IPCC
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) provides the most authoritative
assessments of the science of climate change. The United Nations (UN), through the
World Meteorological Organization (WMO) and UN Environment Program (UNEP), has
mandated the IPCC to periodically (every 5-7 years) “assess on a comprehensive,
objective, open and transparent basis the best available scientific, technical and socio-
economic information on climate change from around the world” (IPCC, 2004, p. 1). The
IPCC reports critically assess and synthesize the state of knowledge on observed and
projected climate change, its causes, observed and possible impacts, and potential
options for adaptation and mitigation.
Systematic longitudinal analyses of the subject matter, references and citations of
journals and reports, such as those of the IPCC, help to identify changing emphases in
scientific communication and subject matter and are regarded as an essential
component of scientometric analysis and the sociology of knowledge (MacDonald, Wells,
Cordes, Hutton, Cossarini & Soomai, 2010; Lin & Luyt, 2012; Gasper, Portocarrero & St.
Clair, 2013; Bornmann & Marx, 2014). A number of studies have been conducted of IPCC
reports and their influence (e.g. Bjurström & Polk, 2011; Ford, Vanderbilt & Berrang-
Ford, 2012; Belter & Seidel, 2013; Jankó, Móricz & Vancsó, 2014; Berrang-Ford, Pearce &
Ford, 2015), including with respect to tourism (Amelung, Moreno & Scott, 2008; Hall,
2008).
The most thorough analysis of tourism and related subjects in IPCC reports was
conducted by Scott, Hall and Gössling (2016) who reported on all five major IPCC
assessments of climate change: The First Assessment report (FAR), Second Assessment
(SAR), Third Assessment (TAR), Fourth Assessment (AR4) and Fifth Assessment (AR5).
The most recent assessment IPCC report was AR5 released in 2013 and 2014. The AR5
structure is consistent with that of TAR and AR4, and consisted of three Working Group
(WG) reports: 1 – The Physical Science Basis (released September 2013) (IPCC, 2013); 2
– Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability (released March 2014), divided into two parts:
Part A on global and sectoral aspects (IPCC, 2014c) and Part B on regional aspects (IPCC
2014d); and 3 – Climate Change Mitigation (released April 2014) (IPCC, 2014e).
Cumulatively, the three AR5 Working Groups assessed more than 30,000 scientific
papers and responded to over 2,000 expert and government reviewers over three
rounds of review (IPCC, 2014a). The Synthesis Report, written by the IPCC Secretariat
and coordinating authors from all three Working Groups (IPCC, 2014a), synthesises and
integrates the findings of the three working groups to provide policy-relevant scientific
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information to the international community. The final text of the Synthesis Report –
Summary for Policy Makers is approved line-by-line by the 194 IPCC member countries
(IPCC, 2014b).
Scott et al. (2016) noted that a number of major impacts that are a focus of research in
2015, including the impact of sea level rise (SLR) on coastal tourism and recreation,
impacts on skiing, and the effect of climate change on biodiversity for tourism and
recreation (e.g. fishing), were identified in the early FAR and SAR WG2 reports. They
also highlighted that there were significant regional differences in reporting on tourism
and climate change as well as highlighting considerable knowledge gaps in some regions
such as Africa, the Americas and Asia, at least as reported by the IPCC. Australia and
New Zealand represented the most well developed tourism discussions, summarizing
evidence on a range of impacts, the level of awareness and concern of tourism
stakeholders, and the limits of adaptation. Several regional gaps were also identified
with respect to tourism resources, such as biodiversity, water and inter-linkages
between international tourism and security. A number of these relationships and
knowledge gaps have been observed in other reviews of heritage, climate change and
sustainability (Barthel-Bouchier, 2012; Harvey & Perry, 2015; Hall, Baird, James & Ram,
in press). However, neither Scott et al. (2016) nor the earlier review by Hall (2008)
noted the relative significance of heritage or heritage tourism within the IPCC
assessments.
A lexical analysis was therefore undertaken on the five IPCC assessment reports.
Electronic searches were conducted for the terms heritage and cultural heritage. In
addition, a search for the term indigenous was conducted when used in a cultural
context. Terms were not included in the count when they were in the reference list, sub-
titles of sections or used in different context (e.g. "indigenous species" or "heritage of
databases") . The findings are indicated in tables 1 and 2. All searches were cross-
checked. Comparisons with tourism and cognate terms are provided.
<INSERT TABLE 1 AND 2 ABOUT HERE>
Heritage
Table 1 indicates that heritage has received little attention in the IPCC reports with the
most coverage in proportional terms being in FAR. However, it is noticeable that over
time attention to the heritage has spread through a wider number of chapters. Arguably
the area which has received the most coverage with respect to heritage is threat of sea
level rise and changes to marine ecosystems in island and coastal environments. For
example, in SAR, Bijlsma et al. (1996, p. 306) suggest “monetary valuation is not always
appropriate when cultural and heritage assets are threatened by climate change and sea
level rise. Small islands often are particularly threatened, including their distinct ways
of life and possibly even their distinct cultures. The same applies to heritage and other
culturally significant sites on the coast.” In the equivalent chapter in AR4 Mimura et al.
(2007) noted the relationship between heritage and the economic importance of
tourism on small islands and concluded that there was a high degree of confidence that
the effects of climate change on tourism are likely to be direct and indirect, and largely
negative: “Tourism is the major contributor to GDP and employment in many small
islands. Sea-level rise and increased sea water temperature will cause accelerated beach
erosion, degradation of coral reefs, and bleaching. In addition, a loss of cultural heritage
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from inundation and flooding reduces the amenity value for coastal users” (Mimura et
al., 2007: 689).
In AR5 the relationship between heritage and climate change was also positioned in the
context of the cultural services provided by marine ecosystems (see also Hall et al., in
press). Following a discussion of the impacts of climate change on the marine visitor
economy Pörtner et al. (2014, p.453) suggest
Some heritage benefits of preserving marine ecosystems consist of the economic
value of a healthy, diverse ecosystem to future generations. Any climate-related
biodiversity loss or pollution of marine ecosystems would decrease the bank of
resources for future opportunities…… As with spiritual and aesthetic benefits,
maintaining heritage benefits under climate change poses challenges for managers
concerning equity and ethics as well as multigenerational (and possibly multi-
cultural) ethical questions.
Arguably the most detailed discussion of the potential effects of climate change on built
heritage is to be found in the European chapter of AR5 in a section on cultural heritage
and landscapes. Kovats et al. (2014, p. 1292) state that
Climate change will affect culturally valued buildings… through extreme events
and chronic damage to materials…. Cultural heritage is a non-renewable resource
and impacts from environmental changes are assessed over long time scales…
Climate change may also affect indoor environments where cultural heritage is
preserved … as well as visitor behavior at heritage sites.
They also go on to suggest that climate change and sea level rise will affect maritime
heritage in the form of shipwrecks and other submerged archaeology, as well as
presumably in coastal regions, in addition to highlighting that “Europe has many unique
rural landscapes, which reflect the cultural heritage that has evolved from centuries of
human intervention. … Many, if not all, of these cultural landscapes are sensitive to
climate change and even small changes in the climate could have significant impacts”
(Kovats et al., 2014, p. 1293). Similar issues with respect to cultural heritage and
landscapes of cultural significnce have also been identified in the Australian and New
Zealand chapter (Hennessy et al., 2007).
Indigenous cultures
In examining table 2 it is obvious that there has been a gradual increase in reference to
indigenous culture and knowledge over time. A number of the focal points for
indigenous cultural knowledge and practices are similar to those for heritage. For
example, in commenting on marine ecosystem cultural services Pörtner et al. (2014,
p.453) note, “Climate change may endanger harvests of marine species with spiritual
and aesthetic importance to indigenous cultures, raising ethical questions about cultural
preservation”. Significantly, cultural responses to climate science, policy, impacts and
extreme events are being increasingly recognised as being integral in developing
adaptation and mitigation responses to climate change. Indeed, the human security
chapter in AR5 (Adger et al., 2014) finds.
Climate change will compromise the cultural values that are important for
community and individual well-being (medium evidence, high agreement). The
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effect of climate change on culture will vary across societies and over time,
depending on cultural resilience and the mechanisms for maintaining and
transferring knowledge. Changing weather and climatic conditions threaten
cultural practices embedded in livelihoods and expressed in narratives, world
views, identity, community cohesion, and sense of place. Loss of land and
displacement, for example on small islands and coastal communities, has well
documented negative cultural and well-being impacts(Adger et al., 2014, p. 758).
These insights are also specifically applied to indigenous, local, and traditional forms of
knowledge which are regarded as
… a major resource for adapting to climate change (robust evidence, high
agreement). Natural resource dependent communities, including indigenous
peoples, have a long history of adapting to highly variable and changing social and
ecological conditions. But the salience of indigenous, local, and traditional
knowledge will be challenged by climate change impacts. Such forms of knowledge
are often neglected in policy and research, and their mutual recognition and
integration with scientific knowledge will increase the effectiveness of adaptation
(Adger et al., 2014, p. 758).
From a heritage perspective the chapter also notes how “cultural practices have been
affected by changes in climate and associated impacts on natural capital” and “that
further significant changes in the natural resource base on which many cultures depend
would directly affect the cultural core, worldviews, cosmologies, and mythological
symbols of indigenous cultures” (Adger et al., 2014, p.763-764).
The growth in reference to indigenous culture in the IPCC is arguably not just a response
to the increased risks climate change poses to indigenous people but also growing
awareness of the value of indigenous perspectives on climate change adaptation (Jacob,
McDaniels & Hinch, 2010; Petheram, Zander, Campbell, High & Stacey, 2010). It
arguably also reflects the growing influence of the non-economic social sciences in the
IPCC reports and their emphasis on socio-cultural dimensions of climate change (Adger
Barnett, Brown, Marshall, & O’Brien, 2013; Brown, 2014). However, if this is the case it
also raises issues about the place of heritage in the cultural or social turn in climate
change research and the positioning of the concept of heritage within modernity rather
than in the cultural practices of indigenous peoples.
Conclusions
The IPCC assessment reports are the leading syntheses of climate change research and
are essential for policy making. This note has provided a lexical assessment of heritage
within the five IPCC assessments. It has found that heritage has had limited attention in
the reports although the range of chapters in which it has appeared has increased
overtime. In contrast, indigenous cultural knowledge and practices have received far
more consideration, even though they are not usually termed as a form of heritage.
Tourism is regarded as a significant dimension of heritage and, to a more limited extent,
indigenous culture in the IPCC assessments.
These shifts are arguably part of the broader processes by which climate change as well
as the scientific assessment of climate change are framed. The growth in attention to
cultural factors in the IPCC assessments reflects broader debates about the way in which
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global climate change has historically been constructed in narrowly technical and
reductionist scientific terms by the IPCC and other international and national scientific
bodies on climate change and that this promotes certain kind of knowledge at the
expense of others (Demeritt 2001a, 2001b, 2006; Gössling, Hall, Peeters & Scott, 2010;
Hall, 2007, 2011, 2013). “By treating the objective physical properties of [greenhouse
gases] in isolation from the surrounding social relations serves to conceal, normalize,
and thereby reproduce those unequal social relations”(Demeritt 2001a: 316). Similarly,
Wainwright (2010) suggests that although climate scientists engage in debates about
the meaning of their results, they rarely reopen the ‘black boxes” that are taken for
granted in their research. Culture and, therefore, heritage are intrinsically part of that
black box. Yet heritage does not fit easily into the dominant natural science ontologies of
the IPCC framework, especially when it is isolated from other ontological forms such as
those of indigenous and traditional cultures. If heritage is the ‘things we want to keep’
(Hall & McArthur, 1993), then it also means that it is an inherently contested concept the
status of which may not be shared by all stakeholders even if it receives jurisdictional
recognition (Jopp, DeLacy & Mair, 2010; Marshall, Marshall, Abdulla, Rouphael & Ali,
2011; Zeppell, 2012).
The significance of heritage may not easily be measured nor its ‘value’ be ascertained
solely through economic analysis. Yet this is clearly a major challenge for the heritage
community given the policy significance of the IPCC and similar institutions on climate
change. If heritage is what we want to keep, even more so in the face of climate change,
then heritage researchers and professionals clearly need to find ways in which to better
communicate the value of heritage at a time of change not only to policy-makers,
planners and the public, but also, given the results of this analysis, their fellow
researchers.
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Table 1 Comparison of Heritage and heritage related content* in IPCC
Assessments
FAR SAR TAR AR4 AR5
Working group 1
None none none none none
Number of pages in WG1
(excluding annex and index)
328 532 786 940 1310
Working group 2
Summary, overview and
technical report
1 3 2 2
Methods 2
Regional
Africa
Asia
Australia & New Zealand 2 1 1
Europe 8
Central & South America 1
North America 3
Polar Regions 1
Small Islands and coast zones 2 2 4
Oceans
Regional Chapter Total 2 9 5 9
Sectoral
Freshwater resources 1
Ecosystems 18
Food, fiber, forests 1
Coastal and low-lying areas 1
ocean 2
Industry and society 1 2
Human health
Rural areas
Urban areas 4
Economic sectors 1
All adaptation chapters 2 2
Emergent risks & key
vulnerabilities
1
Sectoral Chapter Total 2 - 2 14
All WG2 Chapters 19 4 14 9 23
Number of pages in WG2 report 278 852 970 868 1731
Average cites per page 0.068 0.005 0.014 0.010 0.013
Tourism and cognate terms
Average cites per page1
0.263 0.232 0.328 0.370 0.260
All WG3 Chapters 2 4 0 1 3
Number of pages in WG3 report 268 439 687 808 1246
Average cites per page 0.007 0.009 0.00 0.001 0.002
Tourism and cognate terms
Average cites per page1
0.119 0.039 0.019 0.010 0.027
1. From Scott et al. (2016)
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Table 2 Comparison of indigenous (culture) content
FAR SAR TAR AR4 AR5
Working group 1
Number of pages in WG1
(excluding annex and index)
328 532 786 940 1310
Working group 2
Summary, overview and
technical report
4 8 16 41
method 2
Regional
Africa 12 8
Asia 6
Australia & New Zealand 13 8 18
Europe 2
Central & South America 1 3 18
North America 9 14
Polar Regions 18 20 35
Small Islands and coast
zones
1 1 4
Oceans
Forest 1
Rangelands 1
Cryosphere 1
Regional Chapter Total 0 4 32 53 105
Sectoral
Freshwater resources 1
Ecosystems 9 1 4
Food, fiber, forests 3 6
Coastal and low-lying areas 3 2
ocean
Land use
1 1
Industry and society 1 2 2
Fisheries 1
Human health 36
Rural areas 4
Urban areas
All adaptation chapters 4 36
Emergent risks & key
vulnerabilities
11
Sectoral Chapter Total 1 11 21 46 49
All WG2 Chapters 0 19 51 117 195
Number of pages in WG2
report
278 852 970 868 1731
Average cites per page 0.004 0.022 0.053 0.138 0.117
All WG3 Chapters 4 1 2 3 32
Number of pages in WG3
report
268 439 687 808 1246
Average cites per page 0.015 0.002 0.003 0.004 0.026
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