Harold Crouch : Government and Society in Malaysia Chap. 3 The
Government
Harold Crouch : Government and Society in MalaysiaChap. 3 The
GovernmentThe continuity based on the essential stability of the
government, despite constant political tensions and occasional
upheavalsGovernment form of semipermanent coalition of
representatives from the main communal groupsFrom Alliance to
Barisan NasionalProblem: lay not so much in the relations between
the leaders of UMNO, MCA & MICPurposes of formation of the
BNBringing former opposition parties into the governmentBN allowed
UMNO to consolidate further its control over the government.The
Constituent PartiesThe Alliance:Portrayed as defenders of
upper-class interestsExploit communal issues to win votes look to
the material needs of their supportersPatronage machines
distributing - to ensure a winning margin of votesUMNODistribution
of patronage consolidating support within a political party & a
source of dissensionNEP produced business opportunitiesIdeology
expressed in terms of Malay privileges & dominationWon -
universal approval from the entire Malay communityThe Peninsular
Non-Malay PartiesConcerned with serving elite interests in the
Chinese & Indian communitiesProviding benefits to non-elite
classes to mobilize electoral supportPreserve the non-Malay
position constant threatMCA1959 - internal crisis; Dr. Lim Chong
EuParty continued to espouse causesMany Chinese recognized that it
did have an established position in government and access to UMNO
leadersThe memory of 1969 remained vividGerakanNever abandoned its
multicommunal ideology1982 recruited several prominent activities
in the Chinese education movement Koh Tsu KoonMICLess confident
& felt the need for leaders who had close ties with
governmentIndian plantation workers need patron;to protect them in
times of need & vulnerable to retribution if they sided with
the oppositionPeninsulaParties dominated by the elites of the
ethnic communities low level of political sophistication &
mobilizationUnder less pressure to ensure the material well being
of ordinary votersEast MalaysiaPatronage politics concentrated on
the elite and revolved to a large extent around timber
concessionsTo consolidate political support from the elite of all
ethnic communitiesResponsiveness of the BN parties to societal
pressures enhanced by the intraparty rivalriesIntraparty
factionalismCentered on personal rivalries & distribution of
patronageRespond to grassroots aspirations &
expectationIntraparty competitionResponsive to the demands &
expectations of their grassroots supporters
Ensured that Malay interests would always be emphasizedNon-Malay
interests could not totally ignoredBN cohesive enough to defeat
opposition parties in election but not enough to repress opposition
altogetherHarold Crouch : Government and Society in MalaysiaChap. 4
Opposition Parties & Election1963;Bias of the electoral system
against non-bumiputeras in peninsula was reinforced by the
inclusion of the 2 East Malaysian statesElectoral system contained
built-in advantages for the Malay communityElectoral system ensured
Malay domination did not guarantee victory for the current
governing coalition1974 mobilizing support;Banning open-air public
ralliesPermitted to hold indoor ceramah (talk) sessions with much
smaller audiencesThe Opposition PartiesAlways maintained solidThe
Malay OppositionPAS remain controlKelantanContinued as major force
in TerengganuExpanded its influence in Kedah & PerlisPattern of
voting behavior:Party stressing religion to be more successfully4
northern Malay-majority states have a greater sense of separate
identity in contrast with other states with large non-Malay
communitiesThe pressures on the Malay community to remain united
politically would be less strong in states (majority is
Malay)Claimed that UMNO had betrayed both the Islamic & Malay
struggleClose association with non-Malay partners in the
AlliancePAS embarked on an Islamization policy adoption of Islamic
criminal lawNew penal code hudud penaltiesNational constitution set
limits on the types of penalties that could be imposed by state law
in criminal mattersNational government not willing to change the
constitutions1970s & 80s : PAS attracted significant support
among urban & rural MalaysInflux under the NEPMalay migrants
from rural areas to townMigrants might be more traditionally
religiousMigrants in urban squatter areas might feel disoriented
& frustrated in their new environmentThe Non-Malay
OppositionThe Chinese were divided betweenWho believed that the
community had no alternative to accepting Malay political
dominationBelieved that the Chinese should assert themselves in
defense of their rightsDAP got its support from non-MalaysAligned
itself with other parties 1982, PSRM; 1990, Semangat 46 to attract
Malay votesStrong in urban areas & new villages major Chinese
communityDisadvantages:Lack of access to the patronage
networkAdvantages:MCA & Gerakan not able to protect the
interests of individual ChineseElectionOpposition parties - the
share of seats undergone sharp ups and downs but the voters,
remained steady1995 DAP suffered a devastating loss of both votes
& seatsMosquito parties (small opposition parties) - Appear /
reappear at elections, drawing votes away from the main opposition
parties in key constituenciesConclusionMalaysian electoral system
could not described as fairElections held regularly & continued
to be vigorously contested by opposition partiesAble to mobilize
substantial shares of the votes & win power at the state
levelMalaysia Towards a Topology of an Electoral One-party
StateChin Huat Wong, James Chin & Norani
OthmanIntroductionDemocratic status of Malaysia is plagued by 2
issues:Elections have not been free and fairNever experienced party
alternationElectoral one-party state:Help to understand both the
democratization prospect of MalaysiaIntermediate regime type
between democratic one-party predominance and de jure one-party
statesPempel - uncommon democracies Dominant party plays the game
well to keep itself in powerIt can continue enacting and
implementing policies which reinforce its power base2. The
emergence and growth of a dominant partyMalaysia - Arguably free to
form a party & participate in electionsWinning support in
elections & co-opting other parties before/after electionsThe
competition for dominance, 1952-19692 developments that
substantially shaped political landscape before 1955:Launching of
the Malayan Union in 1946Communist insurgency launched in 1948The
post-riot coalition governments (1970-1973)3 goals:Reduction of
politicking ethnic harmony & improve Malays
economicModification of Westminster Democracy to fit better with
Malaysias socio-political realityThe grand coalition Barisan
Nasional (1974-now)Sartori hegemonic party allocates
administrative, parliamentary & governmental positions to the
second-class parties3. The construction and maintenance of
electoral dominanceControl of enfranchisementGovernment tighten the
procedure for citizenship applicationChanges of international and
interstate boundariesTo ensure the dominance of Bumiputera
allocation of parliamentary seats in Sarawak & SabahMalaysias
boundary was redrawn to protect the alliances dominancePartitions
to safeguard electoral power-baseMal-apportionment and
gerrymandering of constituenciesTo discriminate against the
Malay-based oppositionsEffect severe violation of the one person
one vote principleOther electoral irregularitiesPhantom
votersOmission & involuntary transfer of votersNon-transparency
in postal voting4. The blurring of state and party linesAspect of
the state-party fusionIdeologyEconomy redistributionPoliticization
of state institutionThe erosion of federalism4 tactics to eliminate
their state-level rivalsAdministrative & economic
discrimination against the state governmentsPolitical persecution
including selective investigation and persecutionTriggering
defection of opposition lawmakersDirect federal interventionThe
demise of local democracyDeprives the electorate & the
opposition parties the experience of regime changeInhibits
centripetal competitionReduce the weighting of patronage in federal
& state politics5. Prospects and conclusionElectoral &
administrative features of UMNOs electoral one-party state remained
intact after the 2008 electionsElectoral one-party state may stay
beyond the lifespan of the dominant partyChallenges for Malaysias
democratizationSocio-political level to necessitate & sustain 2
multiethnic coalitions/blocsInstitutional level prevented from
perpetuating its power through electoral manipulations &
state-party fusion