Harnessing Indigenous Institutions in Decentralized Governance of Public Services

Harnessing Indigenous Institutions in Decentralized Governance of Public Services: An Examination of Household Solid Waste Collection in Accra, Ghana

a thesis presented to the Faculty of Architecture and Planning COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Y

Masters Thesis in Urban Planning Columbia University Sedzro | 1


Abstract

The governance of public services has become increasingly important to sustained economic

development and spatial management in Sub-Saharan cities. Therefore, administration of public

services that facilitates a paradigmatic shift towards participatory local development that

prescribes interaction between various institutional actors and stakeholders is key to

management of these urban areas. This study examines opportunities for institutional expansion

of governance, specifically, household solid waste collection in Accra. It solicits the perspective of

end users in low and middle-income neighborhoods, District Assembly representatives, who are

elected members of Ghana’s decentralized government structure, and chiefs, the highest tier of

leadership within the indigenous political system. Through the collection of primary data, this

research investigates the legitimacy of an informal institutional actor to suggest new institutional

arrangements that could influence the delivery of household waste collection in middle and low-

income neighborhoods of Accra.


Table of Contents

Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ 2

Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 5 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 6 Literature Review ............................................................................................................................. 8

Decentralization of Governance in Urban Public Administration in Africa .................................. 9 Decentralized Government in Ghana: District Assemblies and their Sub-Unit ......................... 11 Sub-Units of Assemblies ........................................................................................................... 12 Public/ Private Partnerships’ Role in the Provision of Solid Household Waste Collection Service in Accra ........................................................................................................................ 13 The Chieftaincy in Ghana: A Modern Ghanaian Institution ...................................................... 15

Methodology .................................................................................................................................. 17

Research Design ....................................................................................................................... 17 Interviews with the Local Leadership ........................................................................................ 21

Results ........................................................................................................................................... 22

Statistical Analysis of Community Survey ................................................................................. 23 Demographic Overview ............................................................................................................. 24

Level of Service & Waste Disposal Practices ....................................................................... 28 Political Awareness and Willingness to Pay ......................................................................... 30

Interviews with Chiefs and Assembly Members ........................................................................ 37 Discussion ..................................................................................................................................... 40

Limitations of Analysis .......................................................................................................... 41 Areas for Further Investigation: ............................................................................................ 41 Planning Recommendations ................................................................................................. 41

Bibliography ................................................................................................................................... 44

Interview Questions (District Assembly Members ..................................................................... 46 Appendix A: ............................................................................................................................... 46


Dedicated to Jude, Ezra, Sara, and the lost BB. Also, for the Rev. Sedzro, my mother and Prof. Aheto, my olu.

Thank you for your unconditional love, unwavering support, and ceaseless encouragement.


Acknowledgements

It is with sincere gratitude that I begin by recognizing the sound guidance of my thesis committee

and jury: Dr. Smita Srinivas, my principal investigator and thesis advisor at the Graduate School

of Architecture, Planning, and Preservation, and, and Dr. Malanding Jaiteh, lecturer at the School

for International and Public Affairs and Senior Associate at the Earth Institute. Thank you both for

standing firm with me throughout this entire process.

My sincerest thanks to the African Studies Institute at Columbia University for their financial

support of this work. Especially, Dr. Souleymane Bachir Diagne, the former Director of the

Institute and current Professor of Philosophy at Columbia’s School for International and Public

Affairs. Thank you for taking a chance on me by funding this research.

I am also deeply appreciative of Professor Andrew Scherer of the Graduate School of

Architecture, Planning, and Preservation, and Ghanaian scholars, Dr. Martin Obeng-Ababio of the

University of Ghana, Department of Geography and Resource Development, and Dr. Joseph Atsu

Ayee, Professor of Commonwealth Studies at the University of London, for their time and input on

this project.

To Ketor Yaoh, Almanzia Opeyo, MSP, and Anika Nailah, I am infinitely grateful. Without your

diligence, thoughtfulness, and sweat equity, this work would not have come together.

To my field research team, specifically, Bright Amudzi, Samuel Baaye, Melvin Bandua, Florence

Addo, Alex Adadevor, and Ebenezer Asamani—I deeply appreciate your hard work.

Finally, to Dr. Denis Francesconi—thank you for carrying me through the final mile of this process.


Introduction

The African continent can be characterized as a menagerie of ethnic and cultural

identities often converging on a volatile political landscape (United Nations 2014, p.37). Its post-

colonial tapestry of unstable political regimes and fragmented institutions, along with steady

economic decline in the last half of twentieth century, paints a picture that often seems grim.

Nonetheless, these cycles of social, economic, and political tumult are punctuated by periods of

peace, stability, and growth. In fact, the continent has been experiencing such pockets of

prosperity, allowing it to become an increasingly important hub of activity in the global

marketplace.

In its 2014 Africa’s Pulse report, for example, the World Bank projected an increase in

GDP of 5.3 percent in 2014, and 5.5 percent in 2015 (p.2) across the continent. In essence, the

countries of Sub-Saharan Africa have the fastest rates of economic growth on the globe. This,

coupled with a doubling of the African continent’s population to 2 billion by 2027(United Nations

State of African Cities 2010, p. 2) and rapid urbanization, has given rise to a consumer class.

At the center of this growth is a changing landscape that includes urban areas, which

have become the nexus for economic, social, and political activity. Cohen (2004) notes, that in

Sub-Saharan Africa, though urban growth has been partially decoupled from economic

development, there still remains a strong correlation between urbanization and globalization,

making cities important to global commerce (p.24). Moreover, the World Bank identifies Ghana,

Kenya, Mauritius, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia as frontier

markets. These nations have attracted much of the net capital flows for the continent, particularly

in foreign direct investment (World Bank 2014).

This increase in commerce has also prompted infrastructure improvements across the

board. Notably, aviation infrastructure has received a significant boost with reported passenger

traffic making gains of 7.5% in 2012, reaching 163 million passenger journeys per annum.

Recent projections also show an annual average growth of 6% over the next five years with


increased aircraft movements of approximately 2.67 million trips per annum (Center for Aviation,

2014).1

Though aviation infrastructure has improved exponentially in the last decade, the majority

of the continent’s urban dwellers still contend with inadequate sanitation infrastructure, limited or

no access to clean water, and crowded living conditions. Nigeria, the most populous country on

the continent, is a prime example of such a phenomenon. This nation, which is the home to half

of continent’s population, approximately 185 million people, presents the paradox of a large

consumer class that has little or no access to basic services. The economic capital, Lagos, is

home to over 10 million urban dwellers who live in informal settlements categorized as slums with

limited or no access to basic water or sanitation services (Agbola and Agunbiade 2009)2. This

means that nearly half of the urban core’s 22 million residents live in sub-standard conditions

despite the city’s prominence as an economic powerhouse on the continent.

Accra, which is 455 km away from Lagos, receives the benefits of close proximity to this

hub of consumer activity. It has a burgeoning middle class, a product of 6% average increase in

GDP over the last decade (World Bank 2015 Global Economic Prospects -Forecast). In essence,

Accra’s proximity to Lagos (approximately 6 hours by road and less than two hours by plane), its

strategic position as an aviation hub in West Africa, and its rapid expansion over the last decade,

make it a city of great importance in West Africa, the densest region in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Moreover, Ghana’s stable political institutions over the last three decades reinforce its status as a

frontier economy.

This research seeks to harness a unique opportunity to investigate the interplay between

indigenous institutions and local government units as they relate to the administration of public

services. In particular, household refuse collection has become an important public service, given

Accra’s rising consumer class. This study asks, “Are local chiefs legitimate institutional actors in

the governance of solid household waste in Accra?” It delves into this inquiry by soliciting

feedback from three stakeholders—end users, local government representatives (District

Assembly members), and traditional authorities, namely, chiefs themselves, in order to


understand how governance of solid household waste collection can be expanded. As

demonstrated by the 2014/2015 Ebola outbreaks in Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra, poor governance

and weak institutional capacity over urban areas has global repercussions. Namely, the

interconnectedness of cities through aviation infrastructure make sovereign states more

vulnerable to public health risks as people, goods, and services move in and out of the

increasingly globalizing urban areas of Africa.

Literature Review

In 1990, approximately 68.7% of the Ghana’s population dwelled in areas classified as

slums. By 2005, this number declined drastically to approximately 38.1 % (U.N. Settlements

Report 2010). Moreover, the country achieved middle-income status in November of 2010, with

the telecommunications and banking sectors making up over half of the national economy. This

newfound status has enabled the nation to access the same capital markets as larger economies,

such as China and Indonesia. The increase in economic activity has also brought internal and

external migration into city centers. As Ghana approaches a critical point in its national

development, the question of how local development, the main objective of the decentralization

policies of 1988, can be balanced with the national agenda of macroeconomic growth becomes

paramount.

This review provides a purposive sample of the literature on decentralization as it relates

to public administration of urban areas in Ghana. It then hones in on the constitutional

underpinnings of decentralization, focusing on the core arguments around governance. The

review then moves to a historic overview of the agency arrangements that have influenced the

governance of solid household waste collection in Ghana.

By focusing on the key arguments within the literature on the public private partnerships

that have formed the present institutional arrangements of household refuse collection and

management in Accra, the review situates the central query—is the chieftaincy a legitimate

institutional actor in the governance of solid household waste collection? Finally, in reviewing the


key themes in decentralization in Ghana and chieftaincy, the review touches upon core

arguments within the discourse of historical and sociological institutional theory that validate the

need to explore the chieftaincy, an indigenous institution, as a legitimate actor in the public

administration of urban areas.

Decentralization of Governance in Urban Public Administration in Africa

There are three aspects of governance that can be identified in the literature on public

administration in Africa—governance as a broader term than government; governance as a set of

rules and processes, and governance as an analytical framework. In these disparate contexts,

governance references the coordination, regulation or oversight of affairs between institutional

actors in specific sectors, or environments such as a city, region or nation. (Hufty 2009; Nuissl

and Heinrichs, 2011). In general, governance connotes the process of decision-making and

implementation of administrative functions across a locale. It entails complementary relationships

of government and non-government actors.

In the literature on localized governance, there are distinctions made between

decentralized governance and ‘multi-level governance’ (Stilwell and Troy 2000). Theoretically,

decentralized governance emphasizes partnership amongst different segments of society (Davila

2009) while ‘multi-level government’ just establishes new subordinate units to the central units.

Rondelli (1981, p. 137) provides a definition of decentralization which posits this form of

governance as the:

…transfer or delegation of legal and political authority to plan, make decisions and manage public functions from the central government and its agencies to field organisations of those agencies, subordinate units of government, semi-autonomous public corporations, area wide or regional development authorities; functional authorities, or autonomous local governmental organization.

Implicit in this definition is the collaborative relationship that must exist between central

governments and their subordinate units for governance to truly be decentralized. However, in

the case of African states, a “recentralization” phenomenon often results from decentralization

efforts due to budgeting controls imposed on local units by the center in order to manage limited

resource flows. This problem is further compounded by the inevitable impossibility of revenue


sharing due to unclear criteria for determining the size of allocations among local units (Wunch

2001). Though the fiscal management is a theme that looms large with the decentralization

literature, it is by no means the dominant focus.

A vast sub-set of the decentralization literature on Ghana, in line with the general

literature on decentralization in Africa, focuses on evaluating the management of local services

vis-a-vis decentralized structures. Ayee (1996), Wunch (2001), Bruce and Knox (2009), and

Agyemang (2011), all provide varying assessments of the shortcomings of decentralized policies

at various points in Ghana’s history. Key themes that emerge in this literature include devolution

of powers that focuses heavily on the lack of fiscal controls given to sub-governmental units

(Crook and Naab 1990). Bruce and Knox 2009, define devolution of power as a case in which

significant decision-making power is transferred to local institutions. This allows the local authority

to act autonomously, creating a localized institution. Conversely, they note that simply moving

decision making to the local level is not create a panacea for corruption. This argument connects

to another key topic within the literature—transparency and accountability. Bruce and Knox

(2009) argue for a clarification of functions—some belonging at the central unit, and others

remaining at the local level in order to facilitate efficiency. Named examples of centralized

functions include the delivery of a technology or the maintenance of universal national standards.

However, for the purposes of this review, we will focus on the key arguments in

decentralization’s role in democratizing public administration. To contextualize the debate on

democratization, a historical overview of the constitutional and policy mandates that have shaped

the current District Assembly structure must be touched upon. The architectural blueprint for

present-day local government structures in Ghana began with the 1969 Constitution of Ghana.

This document engendered a three-tier structure of local government (Agyemang 2011). The

shift from multi-level government to decentralized administration became core to rhetoric around

local governance in Ghana with Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), a military regime

led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings in the 1980s.

The ideological intent of the PNDC’s decentralization policies was to put development

agendas in the hands of local administrative units. The regime sought to "promote people's


participation and ownership of the machinery of government by shifting the process of

governance from a command to a consultation process, by transferring power, authority,

functions, competences, and resources to the district level" (Goel 2010).

This attempt by the PNDC to localize development established the current district

Assembly structure in Ghana. In an assessment of the role of district capitals in regional

development, Owusu (2005) examines Ghana’s decentralization program, specifically, the Local

Government Act of 1993, article 462, which established the legal framework for local

governmental units. This legislation explicitly laid out the separation of planning functions where

planning activities are to be centralized at the national level and then disseminated throughout

other planning agencies, including local government or Assemblies. The 1993 policy gave

authority to local governmental units by endowing the Assemblies with the local powers to

exercise the development agenda, (Crook 1994) and (Gough 1999). Other legislation followed

that was intended to facilitate decentralized government included:

1) Civil Service Law of 1993 (PNDC Law 327)

2) National Development Planning Commission Act (Republic of Ghana, 1994a)

3) National Development Planning (Systems) Act (Republic of Ghana, 1993c)

4) Local Government (Urban, Zonal, and Town Councils and Unit Committees)

established instrument of 1994, LI 1589 (Republic of Ghana, 1994b)

5) District Assemblies Common Act Fund, 1993 (Republic of Ghana, 1993b)

Decentralized Government in Ghana: District Assemblies and their Sub-Unit

The primary local governmental body charged with the development of local areas are

Assemblies. Two thirds of each Assembly is made up of officials elected through non-partisan

local election. The other one third is comprised of political appointees from the central

government (Local Government Act 1993). District Assemblies (DA) have over 70% of the

membership appointed through presidential order with local interest groups electing the remaining

30%. District Chief Executives (DCE) who are nominated by the President and approved by the

District Assemblies head daily operations and perform administrative functions at the district scale.


Area Councils (AC) act as local revenue collectors on behalf of the DA, 50% of which remain at

the district level. Usually ACs have 20 members consisting mainly four DA members, and ten Unit

Committee members plus five central government appointees, selected by the CDE. UCs are

partially elected units made up of ten elected members and five government appointees selected

by the DCE (Oppong Koranteng and Larbi 2008).

Categories of Assemblies:

Metropolitan areas with populations of 250,000 or more

Municipal areas with populations of over between 95,000 and 250,000

District usually small to medium–sized towns or villages with populations no greater than 75,000

Source:(Naustdalis, 1992)

Sub-Units of Assemblies

Within each Assembly are sub-district structures that function as local administrative

committees. The primary function of these units is to provide consultation/ recommendations to

the local bureaucracies. These sub-district structures have limited to no fiscal controls with which

to assert their authority. They include unit committees that are formed for populations of 500,

1,000 and 1,500 respectively in both urban and rural areas. Another unit of the sub-district

structure is urban, area, and zonal committees. These committees are formed for settlements

with populations of 15,000 or above (urban), under 5,000 (area), and under 3,000 (zonal), and

have no budgetary powers, though they function as neighborhood level bureaucracies (Owusu

2005).

An additional tier of localized administration in Accra is the sub-metropolitan areas. The

sub-metropolitan administrative designation comprises several electoral districts. Administrative

powers are given to this tier of local governance. Nonetheless, administrative coordination and

revenue collection remains a problem. Sub-metropolitan offices still lack the human resource

capacity to effectively collect revenue. The present payment collection arrangement places the

function of revenue collection in the hands of private waste collectors. This shift of function has

not resulted in a more effective financing of the system. These decentralized structures have also


played a vital role in administration of public goods and services. In the case of household solid

waste collection, from the 1980s until the early 1990s, the provision of this was a function carried

out solely by the public sector. However, by the early 1990s the neo-liberal push to bring

efficiency to government facilitated the privatization of public services.

This brief review of the varying tiers of administration within the local government

structure and the legislation history that shaped their current function or dysfunction, provides

grounds for many of the core arguments around democratization of local governance, which

Shalnik (1996) name as key to democratizing local governance. Specially, arguments around

pluralism, transparency, and accountability abound within the literature. Shalnik, in a 30-year

analysis argues for the expansion of power of a post-colonial state that incorporates the institution

of naam, the indigenous chieftaincy of northern Ghana, to limit fragmentation of the power of the

state and minimize civil unrest. Shalnik further argues the success of a democracy that hinges on

its ability to subject all individuals, regardless of their status within a hierarchy of power, to the

rule of law. Additionally, other authors, such as Wunch (2008), argue that evolution or what is

labeled as “democratic decentralization” often involves the redistribution of authority, resources,

and accountability from the "center" to some subordinate political unit, while the center retains

ultimate control.

Public/ Private Partnerships’ Role in the Provision of Solid Household Waste Collection Service in Accra

An example of how decentralization of governance has influenced arguments around

democratization of services can be seen in the provision of solid waste collection services in

Accra. Accra went from 450,000 in 1960, 900,000 in 1970 to 1.3 million by 1984. The capital

continued to experience rapid growth with an urbanization rate of 4% per year (Melissa Project

2000). According to Colan Consult (1998) approximately 80% of the population lived in low-

income high density neighborhoods, 17% in middle income, and 3% in high income

neighborhoods. Near economic collapse in the 1970s and 1980s impacted the waste

management system in Accra until 1985, when the Solid Waste Management Department was


established under the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA). The department was unable to reach

the target of collecting 60% of the 1,200 tons of waste generated in metropolis daily due to

inadequate equipment. Moreover, by-laws promulgated that no citizen was allowed to opt out of

the paying fee. The rate was set by the AMA with little or no consultation of citizenry regarding

willingness-to-pay (WTP). Privatization became part of official policy in 1995 (Owusu Boadi and

Kuitunen, 2003).

In 1999, a Canadian-Ghanaian public/private partnership (PPP) initiated a monopoly in

solid waste collection service. The memorandum of understanding (MOU) stipulated that AMA

procure new collection and disposal equipment for City and Country Waste (CCW) on a 5-year

lease at a total cost of $10.3 billion (using a Canadian loan). The AMA turned over all its holdings

to CCW—trucks, equipment, and workshops.

In lower income areas, there were no costs recovered with the provision of communal

dumpsters, while door-to-door service fees were never recovered, though the cost per ton to

deliver service rose exponentially within a short period of time. Communal dumpsters were

collected once per day. Door-to-collection was provided twice per week. Reliability of haulage

improved with CCW. Coverage of the urban core went from 60% collect rates (1995) to 70%

collection rates in 1999, while privatization went from 60% to 70% in 1998 to 100% by 1999.

Overall, the volume of waste collected increased (Broekeman and Obirig-Opareh).

On the fiscal side, city officials were providing such services at a loss. For example,

approximately of 0.17 % for the Gross National Product (GDP) was utilized to administer solid

household collection services in 1994 with a lion's share of budget allocations going toward

collection and transportation services, rather than the development of proper disposal sites,

equipment acquisition, and maintenance (World Bank 1994). Collection fees were based on a

respective communities’ wealth, ability to pay and the quality of services desired. Therefore, lower

income neighborhoods were placed at a disadvantage, since the quality of the services provided

to these communities suffered. These people had a lower WTP due to income elasticity of

environmental services.


The issue of provision of services in lower income neighborhoods was never truly

resolved as Accra continued to expand spatially, while growing in terms of population size. A

2013 report from the chief executive officer of the People’s Dialogue on Human Settlement noted

that 80% of Accra’s residents live in slums. According to the officer,

There are basically two definitions we can ascribe to a slum. We identified five key areas; the one that talks about improved sanitation, the one that talks about clean water, the physical condition of the house, tenure security and overcrowding (Briamah 2013).

In the center of these slums, competing leadership structures, a result of a push toward

decentralization, have attempted to manage the administration of services in these areas.

Traditionally, chiefs, the heads of the indigenous political and cultural leadership, maintain strong

ties with their communities. Their involvement in party politics has at times undermined authority

and legitimacy, weakened communal cohesion and created division (Arhin 1985, Busia, 1951;

Crook 1986). In the process, the chiefs’capacity to act as the custodians of tradition, custom,

law and order, justice and peace in their communities has been eroded (Kpekojo, Union for

African Population Studies in Dakar). However, there is evidence that the institution still has

relevance in the local development agenda, especially in poorer, indigenous communities within

Accra.

The Chieftaincy in Ghana: A Modern Ghanaian Institution

In labelling the chieftaincy as an institution, this research takes the position that this

indigenous system is not an aggregation of individual action or a pattern of interaction between

individuals (Cook 1999). Instead, this research upholds the claim that higher order factors rooted

in formal and informal procedures, norms, routines, and conventions put into place a structure

above the individual level constraining or constituting the interests and political participation of

actors (Amenta and Kelley 2010).

Chiefs play a vital role in local development and governance by acting as. “custodians of

natural resources, (especially land); play a lead role in fighting for social development of their

people; leadership role in the drive to educate their people; have arbitration and representational


roles and have the potential to facilitate accountability to the people; and are guardians of

traditional heritage being expected to guide and sustain traditional norms, values, principals, and

service as the link between the external community and his people” (Arhin, 1985, Ray, 2003A;

2003b).

Modern-day traditional authorities (the institution of the chieftaincy) contend with issues of

legitimacy according to Bamfro (2000). The erosion of the institution’s cultural and political power

stems from Ghana’s strong ties to Christianity. Also, the rise of formal education has undermined

the institution along with British colonial rule. Nonetheless, the institution still has cultural

significance for Ghanaians (Owusu-Yeboah 2010). Though the chieftaincy’s legitimacy has been

eroded by a number of factors, it is still viable because of the institution’s ties to national and

cultural identity.

Conversely, the modern day chieftaincy has an ill-defined relationship with local

governmental units. Disputes over stools across ethnic groups have painted a negative picture of

the chieftaincy. Ayee (2007) posits that this phenomenon has perpetuated a perception there that

chiefs will bring this type of discord into operation in governmental units if given institutional

representation in local government. Land disputes are a current area where legitimacy between

local government units (DA’s) and the chieftaincy is contended. These traditional authorities, who

in the past have derived income from the management of land, have now found this livelihood

threatened due to competing claims of jurisdiction from local governmental units (Ayemang 2011)

In order to unearth these claims of legitimacy, an exploration of the institutional theory,

specifically social instructional theory was undertaken. Appiah Obeng and Boateng Agyenim

(2011) identify the chieftaincy as a stakeholder in Accra’s solid waste management system. The

authority of contemporary chiefs has been tied to land and natural resource management. In

Ghana, a chief or a family stool owns 80% of land area. Furthermore, Ayee’s research on the role

of the chieftaincy in local development identifies marked differences between the institution of the

chieftaincy within the rural and urban context. He posits that in the rural context, the institution of

the chieftaincy is used as substitution for local governance. In urban settings, it often works in

competition with the local municipal authorities, the District Assemblies.


This research builds on the ideas presented by Ayee, and Appiah Obeng and Boateng

Agyenim (2011) by posing the question, are chieftaincy a legitimate institutional actor in the

administration of solid household waste collection? In asking this question, the research attempts

to explore how alternative institutional arrangements could potentially influence the delivery of

solid household waste collection in Accra.

Methodology

Within the context of this study, governance of household waste is relegated to attitudes,

behaviors, and willingness to pay (WTP) for waste collection services. According to Appiah

Obeng and Boateng Agyenim (2012), the stakeholders that greatly influence residents within the

Accra’s system of waste management include pressure groups, traditional leaders (chiefs), clan

and family gates, religious groups, social clubs, community based organizations, and community

watch-dog groups. In asking if local chiefs are legitimate institutional actors in the governance of

solid household waste in Accra, this study provided a snapshot of the political economy of public

services in Accra vis-à-vis three key stakeholders within the solid waste management system. It

did this to uncover the opportunities for institutional expansion of governance of public services.

Furthermore, it hypothesized, that chiefs, who represent the highest level of authority within the

indigenous leadership structure, have cultural, social, and political power that can be harnessed

in the governance of household waste collection in Accra.

Research Design

The methods used include quantitative data gathered through a survey administered to

members of the community and qualitative data generated through interviews with District

Assembly members from the neighborhoods sampled, as well as local chiefs. The survey

measured the level of waste collection services available in lower (3rd and 4th class) and middle-

income (2nd class) areas of Accra.


Class Income per Annum

Class Income

First (1st) $4000 or above

Second (2nd) $1,100-$3,999

Third (3rd) $793 to 1,099

Fourth (4th) $793 or below

Source: Shared Growth 2010, AMA

A sample pulled from a sub-set of predetermined neighborhoods within the Accra

Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) was polled. This subset was based on what the AMA defines as

the hardest-to-serve areas within the metropolitan service area (MSA). According to the AMA,

poverty within the city is defined as “the segment of the population that verifiably lacks information,

power, and resources and is usually excluded from development intervention” (Shared Growth

2010). Using this definition, the focus of this segment of the research was on communities that

fall into the following categories: mixed, migrant, and traditionally Ga. Using these groupings as a

guideline for neighborhood selection, the study focused on soliciting feedback from households

within the following communities in Accra:

Qualitative data was generated through interviews with local leaders from both the chieftaincy

and the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA). These interviews served as a vehicle to collect data

on:

challenges of governance in Accra from the perspective of chiefs and assembly members

the dynamics that exist between the local chiefs of Accra and their respective assembly

representatives to identify where the points of contention lie

the general limitations of governance of various parts of Accra, specifically, in indigenous

communities of Accra


Quantitative data was gathered through a community survey and was used to measure

several areas of inquiry. The first area of inquiry was to test the claim of Appiah Obeng and

Boateng Agyenim (2011) which states,

All aspects of the institutional matrix play crucial roles to ensure sustainability in the delivery of waste management services and account for the differences observed in the quality and sustainability of services between developing countries and their developed counterparts. It is also noted that, the effects of informal institutions on the whole institutional matrix is more pronounced in developing countries than in developed countries (p. 36-37). This research did so by identifying two stakeholders, the local chiefs and locally elected

Assembly member. In the community survey, respondents were asked which of the two

stakeholders would most likely influence his or her “willingness to pay” (WTP) for waste services.

The score of each institutional actor’s influence was used as a basis for understanding the

institution’s legitimacy in the public eye.

When one speaks of the public in Ghana, it is also important to note that there are

approximately 100 cultural and linguistic groups within the country’s borders. The major linguistic

groups include the Ga, Ewes, Ashantis, the Braun Ahafros, Hausas, Nzema, Akans, and Frafras.

Moreover, the cosmopolitan nature of the city also has people of different social classes living

within the same area. According to the Accra Metropolitan Assembly, there are four main

socioeconomic categories that communities can be classified as within the metropolis.

Consequently, the community survey was also used to gauge the type and frequency of service

available in select 2nd, 3rd, and 4th class neighborhoods of Accra.

Neighborhoods categorized as “mixed” have a mixture of both ethnic groups and

households falling within two or more income categories. The neighborhoods identified as

“Traditionally Ga” include areas of the city inhabited by the indigenous people of Accra, the Ga.

These areas are normally classified as 3rd and 4th class and have high concentrations of poverty.

Ethnically Mixed Migrant (3rd & 4th Class)

Ethnically Mixed (2nd & 3rd Class)

Indigenous Ga (primarily 4th class)

Alajo Kokomlemle Chockor

Kwashieman Dansoman Jamestown

Kotobabi Odokor Osu Alata

Sika

Sticky Note

for GIS analysis - Alajo: left direction coming out of the main entrance and then went around and entered went in clockwise direction from the high street set a 3 mile buffer around the station. ayawaso east responses


New Town Kaneshie Osu Aneho

Russia Adabraka Mamprobi

Institutional Review Process and Survey Administration

An analysis was conducted to determine whether the frequency of service for household

solid waste collection in 15 communities across the Accra’s center city varied based on income.

All data collection tools were submitted to and underwent a review process by Columbia

University’s Institutional Review Board. These materials were submitted in English to the Board.

Both reviewers from Columbia University as well as the University of Ghana at Legon, gauged the

appropriateness of questions. All translated materials were submitted in English to Columbia

University’s IRB for review. The English surveys were then translated to a local language, either

Twi or Ga, by field reviewers as they canvassed each community. This was done in order to

protect the interests of potential respondents who were deemed vulnerable due to their limited

English proficiency and literacy skills, as Ghana has a literacy rate of approximately 67%

(UNICEF 2010). This review process assured that any questions asked to respondents did not

violate any Ghanaian laws.

A community survey was administered by five male undergraduates from the University

of Ghana at Legon who were paid through funds provided by Columbia University’s Institute for

African Studies. These field surveyors polled community members between January 2 and

January 28, 2013. All field reviewers from the University of Ghana at Legon were recruited

independently of any departmental connections to the university. The author, who also served as

the lead researcher, supervised the teams of field reviewers for this project.

The community survey was created on FormHub, a web-based platform hosted by

Columbia University’s Modi Research Lab. Survey forms were downloaded via smart phones.

This webform was then used as a script for conducting the survey as well as a means for

collecting respondent answers via smart phones. All survey interviews were conducted in a local

language (Twi or Ga) as well as in English by the five University of Ghana undergraduates. These

Sika

Sticky Note

Submetro- Osu Klottey / Russia more scattered non circle; zigzag


reviewers, in accordance with the protocols established through the institutional review process,

gained verbal consent from each participant before polling commenced.

Using the aforementioned criteria as a guide, reviewers went out in pairs to the above

listed neighborhoods, sampling every fifth household within a 2-kilometer radius of a community

marketplace or transportation station. All neighborhoods canvassed were done so on foot. The

five undergraduate reviewers convened with the lead researcher on a daily basis to discuss any

technical issues concerning the survey. In addition, all research associates participated in weekly

debriefs with the lead researcher to discuss key themes that arose during neighborhood polling.

Themes that emerged from conversations with community members were discussed by all

reviewers and then recorded to understand their relation to trends cited in scholarly literature.

These themes have been compiled and interpreted alongside the key findings from the statistical

analysis of the community survey found in the Results and Discussion sections of this study.

Interviews with the Local Leadership

The chieftaincy often acts as a substitute for local governance in rural areas where

resources are scarce. In the urban settings where resources are bit more bountiful, the

chieftaincy often works in competition with the local bureaucracies (Ayee 2007, p.8). In order to

unpack this phenomenon identified by Ayee, interviews were conducted with both locally elected

Assembly members and chiefs.

In accordance with customary law, all chiefs were presented a small monetary tribute of

no more than $30 USD, as well as a drink that was offered before an interview was granted. This

tribute symbolized a token of gratitude to both the chief and his entourage for their time. The

amount was based on what an individual can afford. The tribute has symbolic meaning but is not

the primary means through which modern chiefs generate their livelihood.

Before chiefs were contacted, approvals from both the Ministry of Chieftaincy and Culture

and the Regional House of Chiefs were obtained in December of 2012 to the Accra Metropolitan

Assembly (AMA). These approvals were initially processed through a formal introductory letter

furnished by Dr. Obeng-Ababio of University of Ghana at Legon’s Geography and Planning and

Columbia University. Upon receipt, a formal application was then placed with both the Ministry of


Chieftaincy, as well as Regional House of Chiefs. Review of the application, which included the

questions to be asked of the chiefs (please refer to Appendix A for a list of questions), resulted in

the designation of a liaison. The Accra Reagent to the Regional House of Chiefs and the Ministry

of Chieftaincy facilitated all contact with local chiefs.

A similar approval process was undertaken in order to obtain access to locally elected

Assembly members. First, a letter of introduction was submitted in July of 2012. Upon approval, a

liaison was assigned from the Assembly’s Planning Department. This liaison furnished a list of

Assembly members throughout the areas of focus. All initial contact with locally elected Assembly

members was made via telephone by the lead researcher. All subsequent contact occurred in

person. A letter of introduction from the AMA was presented to each member, along with a

Columbia University identification card before interviews commenced.

All interviews were conducted by the lead researcher and consisted of a set of

predetermined questions for both District Assembly members as well as chiefs. All interviews

were conducted in English, and recorded with the verbal consent of each participant in

accordance with the Institutional Review Board of Columbia University. These questions were

approved through a review process by both the University of Ghana at Legon and Columbia

University’s Institutional Review Board. Interviews with local chiefs functioned as a mechanism for

understanding their role in the development agenda in relation to their subjects, as well as to local

and central governments or Assemblies. The questions asked of both chiefs and Assembly

members can be found in Appendix A.

Results

The statistical analysis of this study provided evidence that locally elected Assembly

members could potentially influence the “willingness to pay” (WTP) of citizens with higher

educational attainment. However, chiefs seemed more influential amongst the lowest income and

uneducated segments of the sample population. Review of qualitative analysis showed that both


Assembly members and chiefs both see value in coordination to build capacity around

governance and local development.

A review of the District Assembly Common Fund Act illustrates that fiscal decentralization

has yet to occur in Ghana. Each individual interviewed discussed concerns about the lack of

proper taxation mechanisms, and fragmentation of governance. Moreover, interviews with local

leaders confirmed that there are no policy or legislative mechanisms for revenue collection at the

local level. As stated by Appiah Obeng and Boateng Agyenim, the function of formal institutions

must be the financial sustainability of the system. Conversely, household solid waste collection, in

its current state is still a development project, not an established public service. In other words,

even though chiefs, for example, have proven to be successful stakeholders in local development

efforts, the system is still in its evolutionary infancy.

The incorporation of Chief stakeholders into the waste management system would be

beneficial on two levels—it would allow local governments to expand their capacity and it would

allow for waste management services to be marketed in a different way to the public. The rhetoric

which currently surrounds waste collection is marketed to citizens as a public service, though the

waste management system is still quite underdeveloped. Incorporating rhetoric around this

service to include the local development agenda will allow for the citizens’ participation and buy-in

as it relates to willingness-to-pay (WTP) and attitudes toward their immediate environment. It

would also allow the development of such services to be brought closer to the people, by

facilitating informal mechanisms of accountability normally created when citizens are actively

involved in the planning of their systems and services. Moreover, Ghana’s current legislation

allows for the formation of special committees for development as it relates to waste.

Statistical Analysis of Community Survey

There were approximately 600 individuals who responded to the community survey

across the 15 communities. These communities, which are outlined in detail in the methodology

section of this study, varied in income classifications devised by the AMA. From each


neighborhood, every 5th household was polled. A minimum of 30 samples was collected from

each of the 15 neighborhoods. Within each sample there was variability in the response rates

based on the question being asked. The questions that received the highest response rates were

queries into marital status, living arrangements, education level, waste collection services

available to a respondent based on the neighborhood in which they reside. Other queries into

income and politics had much lower response rates.

This portion of analysis provides a statistical overview of findings and is broken up into

three main sections. The first subsection provides demographic and descriptive statistics on the

population. The second subsection reviews the types of waste disposal services available in each

of the 15 neighborhoods. It also provides data on the ways in which residents reported disposing

of their waste. The final subsection delves into five areas of inquiry to answer the question that is

core to the analysis - who is more likely to influence willingness to pay for waste services, the

locally elected assembly member or the chief?

Demographic Overview

The study sample comprised of approximately 52% females and 48% males, each of

whom were asked about their marital status. These respondents reported being either divorced

(3%), married (41%), widowed, (3%), or unmarried (54%). Exactly 598 individuals responded to

this question.


Inquiries into an individual’s educational status received 598 responses. Thirty three

percent (33%) of the respondents reported completing secondary school. The next highest grade

completed by respondents was junior high schools (29%). Approximately 7% reported

completing part of their elementary, 7% reported completing their university education, 7%

reported completing some elementary schooling and 6.5 % reported completing some other form

of training. In the remaining sample population reported individuals reported having elementary

education (6%), polytechnic training (4%), or teachers training teacher’s training (0.5%).


Of the households polled, 597 people reported the number of individuals living at their

respective domiciles. Approximately 47% of respondents reported living in a household that was

comprised of 2-4 people. Only 8% of the population reported living alone while the remaining

45% lived in households of more than six people signaling a high population density in these

neighborhoods. Another question which received a high response rate (n=598) was the query

into the occupancy status of the respondent. Approximately, 41% of individuals polled reported

owning the unit they resided in, while 45% reported renting their premises. Another 14% reported

staying with someone. When asked if they were the primary occupant of their domicile, 69%

reported that they were not the primary occupant, while 31% reported that they were the primary

occupant.

Questions regarding income were also asked. These questions had a lower rate of

response with 516 people reporting how they earn their income. Approximately 76% of those

polled reported living in household having 1-2 income earners. The remaining 24% reported


having 4 to 9 individuals earning an income within their household with 0.2% of the population

reporting that no one in their household was currently generating an income. Other income-

related questions asked had to do with monthly household income. Income was broken up into

five brackets.

The number of respondents for this question was 418. Nearly half of the population,

approximately 48%, fell into the bracket 1, while the 26% fell into bracket 2. The remaining 36%

of the population fell into bracket 3 (11.5%), bracket 5 (7.5%) and bracket 4 (6.7%).

Other questions asked in relation to income were the sources of income. Approximately

507 individuals gave responses to this query. Within the entire population, 53% of respondents

reported generating income from petty trading, while 23% reported deriving income from skilled or

unskilled labor. The remainder of the population reported being business owners (5%), office

workers (4%), or unemployed 15%, or at an institution for higher learning (0.2%). The graphic

entitled Sources of Income by Gender shows that these two sources of income were heavily

gendered with the majority of women reporting that their income came from trading while most

men reported generating their incomes from skilled or manual labor.


Level of Service & Waste Disposal Practices

The types of waste disposal services available to them, each respondent’s knowledge of

who their local representative is, and how likely that person would be in influencing their

willingness to pay for waste disposal services were also asked. A sub-set of questions were

asked of individuals within the population which focused on the level and types of waste collection

services available to them in their neighborhood. Eighty-two (82%) of the 595 respondents

reported paying for waste collection services while the remaining 18% reported not paying for

these services. A total of 590 people responded to queries regarding the means through which

they dispose of their household refuse. Five percent of respondents reported burning their

household waste while 82% reported dumping their waste. The remaining 13% reported burying

their waste.


When asked about the types of waste disposal services available to them, 590 individual

responded. Twenty-three (23%) percent reported having door to door service available to them

while 43% reported having their refuse picked up by a private collection agency. Another 25%

reported payment to dump rubbish in a communal dumpster was the primary service available to

them while a small, minor 3% not having any waste collection service available to them.


Political Awareness and Willingness to Pay

An analysis was conducted to determine which stakeholder which would likely impact a

citizen’s willingness to pay for waste services. Approximately 537 people responded to this query

with 56% reporting that no one would impact their willingness to pay (WTP). An additional 36%

named their assembly member as the political figure most likely to impact their WTP, while only

an additional 5% identified their local chief. The remaining 3% identified other political actors,

such as their pastor and local minister as the person most likely to impact their WTP.


Other queries into an individual’s awareness of who their local officials are yielded the an

almost perfect respondent rate. Approximately 598 responded to queries about their local

chief. Responses showed that 77% did not know who their local chief was, while the remain 23%

reported knowing who their chief was. When asked about their local elected assembly member,

54% of the 596 individuals who responded reported knowing who their representative was while

46% reported not knowing their local official.

A more complex analysis was conducted to understand the relationship between

willingness to pay (WTP) and other variables within the sample. These led to 9 areas of inquiry in

which the following questions were answered:

a. Does an individual’s willingness to pay vary based on their status as a head of

household?

b. Does who influences a person’s WTP vary based on their sub-metro of residence?

c. What is the predominant service available to residents according to their Submetro of

residence?

d. Does the type of service used by a household vary based on income?

e. Does the local leader who influences WTP vary based on a household’s income?


A. WTP BASED ON HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD STATUS

More than half (56%) of the 537 individuals, who responded to these queries, reported that no

one would impact their WTP.

Key Finding: Assembly members were the most likely local leader able to influence a head of

household’s WTP. Of those who responded 73 or 54% reported being head of their household.

B. WHO INFLUENCES WTP BASED ON SUB-METRO OF RESIDENCE


SUB

METROPOLI

TAN AREA

STAKEHOLDER

INFLUENCE

WTP

Ablekuma

Central

Ablekum

a North

Ablekum

a South

Ayawas

o

Central

Ayawas

o East

Okai

Koi

Osu

Klotte

y

Assembly

member

19 37 10 51 46 20 12

Chief 3 1 0 4 12 1 1

No One 22 66 14 32 72 57 35

Other 0 0 0 8 4 1 2

TOTALS 44 104 24 95 134 79 50

n= 540

Key Finding: the sub-metro in which respondents reported that a community leader would most

likely influence their WTP was Ayawaso East. These respondents represent 54% of those polled

in the the Ayawaso East. Accra’s central business district is located in Ayawaso Central as well

as the AMA headquarters. The high incidence of positive responses in favor of the assembly

member suggests that the Metropolitan Assembly’s management of waste services is stronger in

commercial districts of the city than in residential.

C. SERVICES AVAILABLE ACCORDING TO SUBMETRO


A total of 576 individuals/ households across seven of Accra’s nine sub-metropolitan areas were

included in this analysis. The distribution of services was consistent with the AMA

reports. However, the findings of this report revealed an error in how the measurement was

taken.

Key Findings: Private waste collection firm makes up 43% of services available to respondents.

In sub-metropolitan areas which included large numbers of mixed-income neighborhoods,

communal dumpsters were the primary means of disposal for most residents.


D. DOES THE TYPE OF SERVICE USED BY A HOUSEHOLD VARY BASED ON INCOME?

bracket 1: ₵50 to ₵250 ($25-$125)

bracket 2: ₵250 to ₵500 ($125-$250)

bracket 3: ₵500 to ₵750 ($250- $375)

bracket 4: ₵750 to ₵1,000 ($375-$500)

bracket 5: ₵1,000 or above ($500 or above)

Key Findings: Forty-seven percent (47%) of all residents polled fall into income first income

bracket. The responses of households that fell into this income category was consistent with the

responses of the population as a whole. The private waste collect service has the highest

frequency of use was the collection by a private waste firm, 40% of all respondents who reported


falling into income bracket 1 used this type of service. Within the entire respondent population

37% of households polled reported using a private waste collection service. The next type of

service that was most frequently used by respondents was door-to-door collection; 29% of all

respondents reported using this type of service. 3

E. WTP BASED ON INCOME

The total number of individuals that were included in this measure was 380, with the majority of

respondents falling into the lowest income bracket.

3 There was no separation between private waste firms which provide door-to-door collection and

those who provide services through a communal dumpster. These two variables should have

been separated out allowing for a clearer picture of what types of services are available to city

residents from each of these neighborhoods--the snapshot would have been clearer.


Key Findings: More than half of individuals polled (52%) reported that no one would influence

their WTP for waste disposal services. Of the remaining respondents polled 39% reported that

their assembly member would be the person who influenced their WTP. Those in the lowest

income brackets reported that the chief would influence their willingness to pay as opposed to no

one in the upper income brackets reporting that the chief would have any influence

them. Consistently, regardless of income level, citizens reported Assembly members as having

more influence than chiefs, but less influence overall.

Interviews with Chiefs and Assembly Members

Qualitative data in the form of interviews were also collected for analysis. These

interviews were conducted with locally elected Assembly members as well as chiefs. Key themes

in questions asked included each stakeholder’s perspective on the scope of his or her authority

(theoretical, geographical, and operational), his or her role in the administration of waste

collection within his or her jurisdiction, and the barriers to the proper deployment of his or her

duties as they understood their duties. In this analysis there were three chiefs—a divisional, a

sub-divisional, and a paramount chief interviewed (refer to Appendix B for hierarchy of chiefs in

Ga Traditional Area partially encompassed within the AMA’s jurisdiction). There were also four

locally elected Assembly members interviewed. There were no working relationships or

jurisdictional crossover amongst any of the individuals interviewed. Interviews were conducted

based on availability. Time and budget constraints limited the number of local leaders contacted.

4 MantƐ is pronounced (man-ché) which means chief in the Ga (Gá ) language.

Name Title Area of Authority

Nii Okaidji III Gbsese 4 MantƐ (Chief of Gbese)/

Reagent of Ga Traditional Area

Gbese Traditional Area

Nii Nortey Owuo Osu MantƐ (Paramount Chief of Osu) Osu Traditional Area


Interviews with traditional leaders (chiefs) confirmed themes in Ghanaian scholarly

literature dedicated to the institution of the chieftaincy. All chiefs reported that their level of

participation in local governance was limited to being informed by officials from the Assembly of

local development projects. All chiefs were asked what their level of involvement in the

governance of waste services was in their local area. The Gbsese MantƐ, Nii Okaidji III, stated

that he took no part in any initiatives connected to waste and environmental management. A

lawyer by profession, the Gbese MantƐ discussed the constitutional powers of chiefs during his

interview. According to the MantƐ, the only taxes a traditional authority or a chief can levy on his

people are land taxes. Additionally, levies can only be imposed on the citizenry on behalf of a

stool and may only be used for the development of a traditional area according to constitutional

as well as traditional law.

When asked about the present function they served as leaders of their traditional areas,

the chiefs unanimously saw themselves as leaders in local development. They all expressed

limitations to this power as it relates to administration of public services. All chiefs also stated

that their role was to bring infrastructure to their area. The management and administration of

said infrastructure was not commented on by any of these individuals. The Osu MantsƐ simply

stated, “The government doesn’t work with us anymore. We suffer on our own.”

Nii Ayee Odokor MantƐ & Sub-Divisional Chief Asare Stool

Honorable Mohammad

Norgah

Assembly Representative and Chairman

of Klottey Sub-District Council

Adabraka

Honorable Elizabeth

Adamako

Assembly Representative Kokomlemle

Honorable Prince

Tamakloe

Assembly Representative Pig Farm

Kotobabi

Honorable Aziz Sununu Assembly Representative Alajo


Moreover, during interviews with the chiefs, all expressed that their role is relegated to

that of a cultural and religious figure. Any efforts to bring development and progress to their

subjects are often limited by their role as chief. Many expressed that they used personal

connections, and not their stool as a means of attracting development to their areas. When

asked what was their biggest challenge, all said education of the Ga people. These indigenous

people are often the poorest and most disenfranchised in Accra.

Interviews with Assembly members yielded a different set of themes. For instance, the

Honorable Prince Tamakloe reported receiving no financial support or budgetary support from his

sub-metro office. During his interview, this Assembly recounted a successful effort to procure

funding from an international aid agency. Funding secured was then used for the construction of

a new community library. When asked about his dealings with the local chief in his constituencies,

Honorable Tamakloe reported that he had no dealings with this individual. The Honorable

Mohammad Norgah, as well as the Honorable Aziz Sununu, also reported having never

collaborated with their local chiefs on any projects. However, the Honorable Elizabeth Adamako,

reported coordinating with the local chief on a constant basis. According to Honorable Adamako,

administration of her area would be impossible without him. She said, “The people here come in

and out. They sleep in Circle5, and in the morning, they overwhelm our limited systems with their

human and other waste. It’s a real problem because most don’t have some small pesewas to pay

for the public latrine so they relieve themselves in the gutters. It’s really a problem.” The

Honorable Adamako went on to express that her local chief has been a great help in helping her

combat this problem as well as issues with road traffic management, and regulation of hawkers in

high traffic areas. When asked if this coordination was encouraged by the local, Mrs. Adamako

stated, “No, I had to do it myself.”

Key themes that emerged from all conversations are that governance is fragmented in

Accra. The evidence provided by the interviews reaffirms the assertion made by Joseph Ayee

5 Kwame Nkrumah Circle is the second largest transit hub in Accra, with Accra Central-Makola being the largest. This

hub is often overcrowded everyday with individuals making transfers throughout the Greater Accra Metropolitan area (outside the Center City), as well as new arrivals to the city. The commercial activity that occurs within these transit hubs is often accompanied by transient populations who sleep in market stalls or parked buses at night. These individuals often relieve themselves in open sewers or plastic bags that they litter the streets with on a daily basis.


regarding the relationship between local chiefs and urban Assemblies. Though governance and

local development is occurring in Accra, it appears fragmented. Fragmentation is often a result of

variability in how local leaders carry out their duties, the differences in the resources available to

these leaders, and lack of official mechanisms for these leaders to communicate and coordinate

with one another.

Another key theme that arose from conversations is access to revenue. Evidence exists

from these interviews that revenue collection remains a problem in Accra. Moreover, the timely

disbursement of revenue limits the ability of both the Assembly member and the local chief to

perform their duties appropriately. The Honorable Adamako mentioned the imposition of an

indirect tax, as done with street lights, to finance waste services. This tax can be in the form of

tariff on widely used product, such as mobile phone units, in order to ensure payment across the

board. Other themes that arose from these conversations included the need for education of the

public and mechanisms for transparency in the Assembly hierarchy.

Discussion

In this study, local governance of solid waste collection was examined in order to explore

opportunities to shift Ghana’s decentralization program to include alternative institutions, such as

local chiefs. Strong evidence exists in the statistical analysis that coordination between the chiefs

and the Assembly in Accra would help in the propagation of the local development agenda. This

study was an attempt to unpack some of the tensions amongst intuitional actors through empirical

research.

What the Chieftaincy Has to Offer the Local Development Agenda:

It is evident in scholarly literature that informal institutions—in the case of Ghana,

indigenous institutions (the chieftaincy)—still have a strong influence on the populace. Implicit in

this institution are standards around community and social welfare.


Limitations of Analysis:

Though the statistical analysis was able to reveal that there are opportunities within

Ghana’s informal and formal institutions for greater centralization of governance, it failed to

provide clear evidence of which institution is more legitimate in the eyes of the citizenry. What it

did prove through statistical analysis is that public sector management of the waste collection

system is important to proper sustainment of Accra’s waste disposal system. It also showed that

WTP is greatly influenced by value proposition articulated by public administrators. Simply put,

lower income segments of Accra’s citizenry can be influenced by institutional actors such as

Assembly representatives and chiefs.

Areas for Further Investigation:

There is a dearth in the scholarly literature of the operational challenges of public

services within Accra that is empirically based. Though this research attempts to understand the

institutional context as it relates to culture, policy, and politics, its findings are limited. Further

investigation is needed to connect the theories in development literature and decentralization of

governance to the institutional frameworks that guide governance in Ghana. What this research

showed is that opportunities for integration of informal and formal institutions can bolster the

organizational processes of governance across the AMA. What it cannot demonstrate is how

operationally, this could happen, using either the chief (the informal institution) or the local

Assembly member (the formal institution).

Planning Recommendations

Harrison, “On the Edge of Reason: Planning and Urban Futures in Africa”: argues that

planning and spatial policymaking should be divorced from the notion that planning is

autonomous of the rational-scientific process of the technocrat or the planner/ expert. Future

directed action emerges from the interaction between multiple actors. Srinivas, further supports

this assertion in her examination of welfare institutions in southern India. She posits that

institutional actors outside of the western notion of the “state” do not want to be absorbed into


western style governance for resource or power sharing because of loss of autonomy. Her core

argument is that local governments should embrace these points of contention because this is

where true planning happens, in contended spaces. This same phenomenon can be seen in

Accra, where the “interface of the two institutions [chieftaincy and municipal government] has

often brought into collision two parallel institutions of local governance, each deriving its

legitimacy from different sources and, thus, creating a conflictual situation of crisis of legitimacy.”

Ahjond Garmestani, argues that rational approach to planning takes a linear approach to

systems management as it relates to the environment. He also identifies as non-linear, those

changes in a system that result in impacts to the environment. In the case of Accra, the dialogue/

tension must continue to unpack the opportunities to enhance the administration of public

services. What the study attempted to understand is under what conditions can this tenuous

relationship be harnessed for the public good in general, and for disenfranchised neighborhoods,

specifically. What the data shows is that chieftaincy is still a legitimate institution for poorer, less

educated segments of the polled neighborhoods. This is of particular significance, since these

neighborhoods are the hardest to serve. In creating a more democratic institutional landscape,

the Accra Metropolitan Assembly stands to gain a partner in the management of attitudes and

conduct of the metropolis’s lower income citizenry.

What the data shows is that chieftaincy is still a legitimate institution for poorer, less formally

educated segments of the polled neighborhoods. This is of particular significance since these

neighborhoods are the hardest to serve. In creating a more democratic institutional landscape,

the Accra Metropolitan Assembly stands to gain a partner in the administration of this public

service.

Beyond the chieftaincy, other institutional actors, such as informal waste collectors, religious

figureheads, and other opinion leaders within the community must be involved in the governance

of waste in order to assure fairness and quality for all. Since governance is a dynamic process,

the question of legitimacy of an institution is not quite as important as configuration of formal

agreements between the municipal authority and each stakeholder or institutional actor. New

institutional actors must be included in the management of waste collection in order to improve


the limited oversight capacity of municipal authority as well as Assembly members in lower

income areas. The roles must be clearly defined and articulated within the following areas:

a. Jurisdiction

b. Roles and Responsibilities

c. Reporting

d. Evaluation

e. Transparency (accountability and external access)

f. Public engagement

For a paradigmatic shift to occur in the spatial management of a city like Accra, an iterative

process must be undertaken where roles are clearly defined and revisited. Governance is a

dynamic phenomenon with many players moving in and out of the conversation. For public

administration of a service such as household refuse collection to be responsive to the needs

of citizenry, the movement toward democratization must be reflected in the formalization of

well-defined institutional arrangements.


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Interview Questions (District Assembly Members)

Appendix A: Opening Script: It is a well-known fact that waste has become a problem in Accra. There have been several efforts to try to tackle the issue. All have had limited success. Being an assembly member, you know this community and what works and what doesn’t here. It is for this reason I am here to seek your input. I am a student from Columbia University conducting research on the issue of waste collection in Accra. a) When were you elected? How many term have you served as an Assembly member? b) As an Assembly member, what are some of the challenges you face in performing her duties? c) What do you feel your role as an Assembly member? d) What are the biggest barriers (administrative, social, political) to implementation of effective sanitation/waste disposal system in your sub-metro? e) How is the Council working to address these issues? f) What are areas with the greatest need? g) How do you work with the chiefs and people in the area to help solve the problem? h) What are the main hindrances to sustainable waste management in your district? i) In what ways do you feel that the central government can assist with the problem of waste in Accra? j) What are the unique ways in which the community as a whole can help with waste management? k) What are the attitudes of the people in your district towards paying for waste management and disposal in their areas? l) What measures are being put in place by Assembly to solve the waste management problem in your area? m) How do you feel the central government can work with traditional leaders, opinion leaders, youths, and communities to help address the issue waste management in Ghana and Accra? n) What roles do you feel traditional authorities (or opinion leaders, religious leaders, etc.) can play in helping solve the problem of waste in your area? In the metropolis of Accra as a whole. o) Any other relevant information on waste management in Ghana?

Harnessing Indigenous Institutions in Decentralized Governance of Public Services

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