Grammatical Function-Changing Morphology , III Anti-P assive &Applicatives of V arious Kinds Matthew A. Tucker Linguistics 105: Morphology Fall 2012 November 9, 2012 Matthew A. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 1 / 18
Grammatical Function-ChangingMorphology,III
Anti-Passive& Applicatives of Various Kinds
Matthew A. Tucker
Linguistics 105: MorphologyFall 2012
November 9, 2012
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 1 / 18
Administration
Homeworks
• Should have been contacted about HW #5 by now.
• Do not stop working on your paper.
• Do you want me to have OH on Monday for HW # 6?
Other
• More talk about Mohanan (1995) on Monday.
• Stay tuned for updates about Marantz (1997).
Today: More exotic grammatical-function changing morphology!
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 2 / 18
Administration
Homeworks
• Should have been contacted about HW #5 by now.
• Do not stop working on your paper.
• Do you want me to have OH on Monday for HW # 6?
Other
• More talk about Mohanan (1995) on Monday.
• Stay tuned for updates about Marantz (1997).
Today: More exotic grammatical-function changing morphology!
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 2 / 18
Administration
Homeworks
• Should have been contacted about HW #5 by now.
• Do not stop working on your paper.
• Do you want me to have OH on Monday for HW # 6?
Other
• More talk about Mohanan (1995) on Monday.
• Stay tuned for updates about Marantz (1997).
Today: More exotic grammatical-function changing morphology!
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 2 / 18
Administration
Homeworks
• Should have been contacted about HW #5 by now.
• Do not stop working on your paper.
• Do you want me to have OH on Monday for HW # 6?
Other
• More talk about Mohanan (1995) on Monday.
• Stay tuned for updates about Marantz (1997).
Today: More exotic grammatical-function changing morphology!
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 2 / 18
Administration
Homeworks
• Should have been contacted about HW #5 by now.
• Do not stop working on your paper.
• Do you want me to have OH on Monday for HW # 6?
Other
• More talk about Mohanan (1995) on Monday.
• Stay tuned for updates about Marantz (1997).
Today: More exotic grammatical-function changing morphology!
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 2 / 18
Administration
Homeworks
• Should have been contacted about HW #5 by now.
• Do not stop working on your paper.
• Do you want me to have OH on Monday for HW # 6?
Other
• More talk about Mohanan (1995) on Monday.
• Stay tuned for updates about Marantz (1997).
Today: More exotic grammatical-function changing morphology!
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 2 / 18
Anti-Passives
Anti-Passives
1 Anti-Passives
2 Applicatives
3 TheMirror Principle
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 3 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Preliminaries
The Passive
• [ αnom [ V0 βacc ]] −→ [ __ [ V0 βnom]]
• ⇒ Passive is elimination of the unmarked case-bearing argument.
• Q: What would this process look like in an Erg∼Abs language?
The Antipassive
• [ αerg [ V0 βabs ]] −→ [ αabs [ V0 __ ]]
• ⇒ Anti-passive is elimination of the absolutive argument of atransitive.
• Underlying object variably realized as an oblique (PP).
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 4 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Preliminaries
The Passive
• [ αnom [ V0 βacc ]] −→ [ __ [ V0 βnom]]
• ⇒ Passive is elimination of the unmarked case-bearing argument.
• Q: What would this process look like in an Erg∼Abs language?
The Antipassive
• [ αerg [ V0 βabs ]] −→ [ αabs [ V0 __ ]]
• ⇒ Anti-passive is elimination of the absolutive argument of atransitive.
• Underlying object variably realized as an oblique (PP).
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 4 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Preliminaries
The Passive
• [ αnom [ V0 βacc ]] −→ [ __ [ V0 βnom]]
• ⇒ Passive is elimination of the unmarked case-bearing argument.
• Q: What would this process look like in an Erg∼Abs language?
The Antipassive
• [ αerg [ V0 βabs ]] −→ [ αabs [ V0 __ ]]
• ⇒ Anti-passive is elimination of the absolutive argument of atransitive.
• Underlying object variably realized as an oblique (PP).
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 4 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Preliminaries
The Passive
• [ αnom [ V0 βacc ]] −→ [ __ [ V0 βnom]]
• ⇒ Passive is elimination of the unmarked case-bearing argument.
• Q: What would this process look like in an Erg∼Abs language?
The Antipassive
• [ αerg [ V0 βabs ]] −→ [ αabs [ V0 __ ]]
• ⇒ Anti-passive is elimination of the absolutive argument of atransitive.
• Underlying object variably realized as an oblique (PP).
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 4 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Preliminaries
The Passive
• [ αnom [ V0 βacc ]] −→ [ __ [ V0 βnom]]
• ⇒ Passive is elimination of the unmarked case-bearing argument.
• Q: What would this process look like in an Erg∼Abs language?
The Antipassive
• [ αerg [ V0 βabs ]] −→ [ αabs [ V0 __ ]]
• ⇒ Anti-passive is elimination of the absolutive argument of atransitive.
• Underlying object variably realized as an oblique (PP).
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 4 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Preliminaries
The Passive
• [ αnom [ V0 βacc ]] −→ [ __ [ V0 βnom]]
• ⇒ Passive is elimination of the unmarked case-bearing argument.
• Q: What would this process look like in an Erg∼Abs language?
The Antipassive
• [ αerg [ V0 βabs ]] −→ [ αabs [ V0 __ ]]
• ⇒ Anti-passive is elimination of the absolutive argument of atransitive.
• Underlying object variably realized as an oblique (PP).
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 4 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, I
(1) Dyirbal (Pama-nyungan; NE Queensland, Austrailia)
a. Balait.abs
yuhutree.abs
baNgulhe.erg
yara-Nguman-erg
gunba-ncut-tns
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man cut the tree with an axe.”
b. Bayihe.abs
yaraman.abs
gunba-l-Nanyucut-antipass-tns
baguit.dat
yugu-gutree-dat
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man was cutting the tree with an axe.”
(2) Greelandic Eskimo:
a. Miirqa-tchild-abs.pl
paartake.care.of
-ai.-ind.3sg:3pl
“She takes care of the children.”
b. Miirqu-nikchild-inst.pl
paara-Sitake.care.of-antipass
-vuq.-ind.3sg
“She takes care of the children.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 5 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, I
(1) Dyirbal (Pama-nyungan; NE Queensland, Austrailia)
a. Balait.abs
yuhutree.abs
baNgulhe.erg
yara-Nguman-erg
gunba-ncut-tns
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man cut the tree with an axe.”
b. Bayihe.abs
yaraman.abs
gunba-l-Nanyucut-antipass-tns
baguit.dat
yugu-gutree-dat
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man was cutting the tree with an axe.”
(2) Greelandic Eskimo:
a. Miirqa-tchild-abs.pl
paartake.care.of
-ai.-ind.3sg:3pl
“She takes care of the children.”
b. Miirqu-nikchild-inst.pl
paara-Sitake.care.of-antipass
-vuq.-ind.3sg
“She takes care of the children.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 5 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, I
(1) Dyirbal (Pama-nyungan; NE Queensland, Austrailia)
a. Balait.abs
yuhutree.abs
baNgulhe.erg
yara-Nguman-erg
gunba-ncut-tns
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man cut the tree with an axe.”
b. Bayihe.abs
yaraman.abs
gunba-l-Nanyucut-antipass-tns
baguit.dat
yugu-gutree-dat
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man was cutting the tree with an axe.”
(2) Greelandic Eskimo:
a. Miirqa-tchild-abs.pl
paartake.care.of
-ai.-ind.3sg:3pl
“She takes care of the children.”
b. Miirqu-nikchild-inst.pl
paara-Sitake.care.of-antipass
-vuq.-ind.3sg
“She takes care of the children.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 5 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, I
(1) Dyirbal (Pama-nyungan; NE Queensland, Austrailia)
a. Balait.abs
yuhutree.abs
baNgulhe.erg
yara-Nguman-erg
gunba-ncut-tns
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man cut the tree with an axe.”
b. Bayihe.abs
yaraman.abs
gunba-l-Nanyucut-antipass-tns
baguit.dat
yugu-gutree-dat
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man was cutting the tree with an axe.”
(2) Greelandic Eskimo:
a. Miirqa-tchild-abs.pl
paartake.care.of
-ai.-ind.3sg:3pl
“She takes care of the children.”
b. Miirqu-nikchild-inst.pl
paara-Sitake.care.of-antipass
-vuq.-ind.3sg
“She takes care of the children.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 5 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, I
(1) Dyirbal (Pama-nyungan; NE Queensland, Austrailia)
a. Balait.abs
yuhutree.abs
baNgulhe.erg
yara-Nguman-erg
gunba-ncut-tns
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man cut the tree with an axe.”
b. Bayihe.abs
yaraman.abs
gunba-l-Nanyucut-antipass-tns
baguit.dat
yugu-gutree-dat
baNguit.inst
barri-Ngu.axe-inst
“The man was cutting the tree with an axe.”
(2) Greelandic Eskimo:
a. Miirqa-tchild-abs.pl
paartake.care.of
-ai.-ind.3sg:3pl
“She takes care of the children.”
b. Miirqu-nikchild-inst.pl
paara-Sitake.care.of-antipass
-vuq.-ind.3sg
“She takes care of the children.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 5 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, II
(3) Chamorro:
a. Ha-konne’agr-catch
ithe
peskadotfisherman
ithe
guihan.fish
“The fisherman caught the fish.”
b. Mangonne’antipass.catch
(guihan)(fish)
ithe
peskadot.fisherman
“The fisherman caught {something, a fish}.”
• Other properties sometimes involved:• Semantic properties of the object trigger antipassive.• Certain tenses/aspects seem to require antipassive.• Some languages forbid expression of the internal argument.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 6 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, II
(3) Chamorro:
a. Ha-konne’agr-catch
ithe
peskadotfisherman
ithe
guihan.fish
“The fisherman caught the fish.”
b. Mangonne’antipass.catch
(guihan)(fish)
ithe
peskadot.fisherman
“The fisherman caught {something, a fish}.”
• Other properties sometimes involved:• Semantic properties of the object trigger antipassive.• Certain tenses/aspects seem to require antipassive.• Some languages forbid expression of the internal argument.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 6 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, II
(3) Chamorro:
a. Ha-konne’agr-catch
ithe
peskadotfisherman
ithe
guihan.fish
“The fisherman caught the fish.”
b. Mangonne’antipass.catch
(guihan)(fish)
ithe
peskadot.fisherman
“The fisherman caught {something, a fish}.”
• Other properties sometimes involved:• Semantic properties of the object trigger antipassive.• Certain tenses/aspects seem to require antipassive.• Some languages forbid expression of the internal argument.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 6 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, II
(3) Chamorro:
a. Ha-konne’agr-catch
ithe
peskadotfisherman
ithe
guihan.fish
“The fisherman caught the fish.”
b. Mangonne’antipass.catch
(guihan)(fish)
ithe
peskadot.fisherman
“The fisherman caught {something, a fish}.”
• Other properties sometimes involved:• Semantic properties of the object trigger antipassive.• Certain tenses/aspects seem to require antipassive.• Some languages forbid expression of the internal argument.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 6 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, II
(3) Chamorro:
a. Ha-konne’agr-catch
ithe
peskadotfisherman
ithe
guihan.fish
“The fisherman caught the fish.”
b. Mangonne’antipass.catch
(guihan)(fish)
ithe
peskadot.fisherman
“The fisherman caught {something, a fish}.”
• Other properties sometimes involved:• Semantic properties of the object trigger antipassive.• Certain tenses/aspects seem to require antipassive.• Some languages forbid expression of the internal argument.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 6 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, II
(3) Chamorro:
a. Ha-konne’agr-catch
ithe
peskadotfisherman
ithe
guihan.fish
“The fisherman caught the fish.”
b. Mangonne’antipass.catch
(guihan)(fish)
ithe
peskadot.fisherman
“The fisherman caught {something, a fish}.”
• Other properties sometimes involved:• Semantic properties of the object trigger antipassive.• Certain tenses/aspects seem to require antipassive.• Some languages forbid expression of the internal argument.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 6 / 18
Anti-Passives
Antipassive Examples, II
(3) Chamorro:
a. Ha-konne’agr-catch
ithe
peskadotfisherman
ithe
guihan.fish
“The fisherman caught the fish.”
b. Mangonne’antipass.catch
(guihan)(fish)
ithe
peskadot.fisherman
“The fisherman caught {something, a fish}.”
• Other properties sometimes involved:• Semantic properties of the object trigger antipassive.• Certain tenses/aspects seem to require antipassive.• Some languages forbid expression of the internal argument.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 6 / 18
Applicatives
Applicatives
1 Anti-Passives
2 Applicatives
3 TheMirror Principle
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 7 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Preliminaries
• So far: GF-changing that affects a grammatical case or structurallyassigned θ−role.
• However, many of the world’s languages have morphology whichallows what would otherwise be an adjunct or oblique to berealized as an argument.
Applicatives
An applicative adds an object as an argument expressing {an oblique,an indirect object}.
(4) English Ditransitive Alternations, I — Indirect Objects:
a. Shawn gave the flowers to Gus.
b. Shawn gave Gus the flowers.
(5) English Ditransitive Alternations, II — Benefactives:
a. Jesse baked something special for Walter.
b. Jesse baked Walter something special.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 8 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Preliminaries
• So far: GF-changing that affects a grammatical case or structurallyassigned θ−role.
• However, many of the world’s languages have morphology whichallows what would otherwise be an adjunct or oblique to berealized as an argument.
Applicatives
An applicative adds an object as an argument expressing {an oblique,an indirect object}.
(4) English Ditransitive Alternations, I — Indirect Objects:
a. Shawn gave the flowers to Gus.
b. Shawn gave Gus the flowers.
(5) English Ditransitive Alternations, II — Benefactives:
a. Jesse baked something special for Walter.
b. Jesse baked Walter something special.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 8 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Preliminaries
• So far: GF-changing that affects a grammatical case or structurallyassigned θ−role.
• However, many of the world’s languages have morphology whichallows what would otherwise be an adjunct or oblique to berealized as an argument.
Applicatives
An applicative adds an object as an argument expressing {an oblique,an indirect object}.
(4) English Ditransitive Alternations, I — Indirect Objects:
a. Shawn gave the flowers to Gus.
b. Shawn gave Gus the flowers.
(5) English Ditransitive Alternations, II — Benefactives:
a. Jesse baked something special for Walter.
b. Jesse baked Walter something special.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 8 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Preliminaries
• So far: GF-changing that affects a grammatical case or structurallyassigned θ−role.
• However, many of the world’s languages have morphology whichallows what would otherwise be an adjunct or oblique to berealized as an argument.
Applicatives
An applicative adds an object as an argument expressing {an oblique,an indirect object}.
(4) English Ditransitive Alternations, I — Indirect Objects:
a. Shawn gave the flowers to Gus.
b. Shawn gave Gus the flowers.
(5) English Ditransitive Alternations, II — Benefactives:
a. Jesse baked something special for Walter.
b. Jesse baked Walter something special.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 8 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Preliminaries
• So far: GF-changing that affects a grammatical case or structurallyassigned θ−role.
• However, many of the world’s languages have morphology whichallows what would otherwise be an adjunct or oblique to berealized as an argument.
Applicatives
An applicative adds an object as an argument expressing {an oblique,an indirect object}.
(4) English Ditransitive Alternations, I — Indirect Objects:
a. Shawn gave the flowers to Gus.
b. Shawn gave Gus the flowers.
(5) English Ditransitive Alternations, II — Benefactives:
a. Jesse baked something special for Walter.
b. Jesse baked Walter something special.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 8 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Preliminaries
• So far: GF-changing that affects a grammatical case or structurallyassigned θ−role.
• However, many of the world’s languages have morphology whichallows what would otherwise be an adjunct or oblique to berealized as an argument.
Applicatives
An applicative adds an object as an argument expressing {an oblique,an indirect object}.
(4) English Ditransitive Alternations, I — Indirect Objects:
a. Shawn gave the flowers to Gus.
b. Shawn gave Gus the flowers.
(5) English Ditransitive Alternations, II — Benefactives:
a. Jesse baked something special for Walter.
b. Jesse baked Walter something special.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 8 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Preliminaries
• So far: GF-changing that affects a grammatical case or structurallyassigned θ−role.
• However, many of the world’s languages have morphology whichallows what would otherwise be an adjunct or oblique to berealized as an argument.
Applicatives
An applicative adds an object as an argument expressing {an oblique,an indirect object}.
(4) English Ditransitive Alternations, I — Indirect Objects:
a. Shawn gave the flowers to Gus.
b. Shawn gave Gus the flowers.
(5) English Ditransitive Alternations, II — Benefactives:
a. Jesse baked something special for Walter.
b. Jesse baked Walter something special.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 8 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Preliminaries
• So far: GF-changing that affects a grammatical case or structurallyassigned θ−role.
• However, many of the world’s languages have morphology whichallows what would otherwise be an adjunct or oblique to berealized as an argument.
Applicatives
An applicative adds an object as an argument expressing {an oblique,an indirect object}.
(4) English Ditransitive Alternations, I — Indirect Objects:
a. Shawn gave the flowers to Gus.
b. Shawn gave Gus the flowers.
(5) English Ditransitive Alternations, II — Benefactives:
a. Jesse baked something special for Walter.
b. Jesse baked Walter something special.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 8 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Preliminaries
• So far: GF-changing that affects a grammatical case or structurallyassigned θ−role.
• However, many of the world’s languages have morphology whichallows what would otherwise be an adjunct or oblique to berealized as an argument.
Applicatives
An applicative adds an object as an argument expressing {an oblique,an indirect object}.
(4) English Ditransitive Alternations, I — Indirect Objects:
a. Shawn gave the flowers to Gus.
b. Shawn gave Gus the flowers.
(5) English Ditransitive Alternations, II — Benefactives:
a. Jesse baked something special for Walter.
b. Jesse baked Walter something special.
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 8 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Benefactives
(6) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mfumuchief
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot for the chief.”
(7) Indonesian:
a. SayaI
memanggangbake
rotibreak
untukfor
Eric.Eric
“I baked bread for Eric.”
b. SayaI
menanggang-kanbake-appl
EricEric
roti.bread
“I baked Eric bread.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 9 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Benefactives
(6) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mfumuchief
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot for the chief.”
(7) Indonesian:
a. SayaI
memanggangbake
rotibreak
untukfor
Eric.Eric
“I baked bread for Eric.”
b. SayaI
menanggang-kanbake-appl
EricEric
roti.bread
“I baked Eric bread.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 9 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Benefactives
(6) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mfumuchief
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot for the chief.”
(7) Indonesian:
a. SayaI
memanggangbake
rotibreak
untukfor
Eric.Eric
“I baked bread for Eric.”
b. SayaI
menanggang-kanbake-appl
EricEric
roti.bread
“I baked Eric bread.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 9 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Benefactives
(6) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mfumuchief
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot for the chief.”
(7) Indonesian:
a. SayaI
memanggangbake
rotibreak
untukfor
Eric.Eric
“I baked bread for Eric.”
b. SayaI
menanggang-kanbake-appl
EricEric
roti.bread
“I baked Eric bread.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 9 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Benefactives
(6) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mfumuchief
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot for the chief.”
(7) Indonesian:
a. SayaI
memanggangbake
rotibreak
untukfor
Eric.Eric
“I baked bread for Eric.”
b. SayaI
menanggang-kanbake-appl
EricEric
roti.bread
“I baked Eric bread.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 9 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Locatives
(8) Kinyarwanda (Bantu; Rwanda):
a. Umwaanachild
y-a-taa-yeagr-past-throw-asp
igitabobook
muin
maazi.water
“The child has thrown the book in the water.”
b. Umwaanachild
y-a-taa-ye-moagr-past-throw-asp-appl
amaaziwater
igitabo.book
“The child has thrown the book into the water.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 10 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Locatives
(8) Kinyarwanda (Bantu; Rwanda):
a. Umwaanachild
y-a-taa-yeagr-past-throw-asp
igitabobook
muin
maazi.water
“The child has thrown the book in the water.”
b. Umwaanachild
y-a-taa-ye-moagr-past-throw-asp-appl
amaaziwater
igitabo.book
“The child has thrown the book into the water.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 10 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Locatives
(8) Kinyarwanda (Bantu; Rwanda):
a. Umwaanachild
y-a-taa-yeagr-past-throw-asp
igitabobook
muin
maazi.water
“The child has thrown the book in the water.”
b. Umwaanachild
y-a-taa-ye-moagr-past-throw-asp-appl
amaaziwater
igitabo.book
“The child has thrown the book into the water.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 10 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Instrumentals
(9) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mpeniknife
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot with a knife.”
(10) Kinyarwanda:
a. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-aagr-pres-write-asp
ibaruwaletter
n’-iikaramu.with-pen
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
b. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-iish-aagr-preswrite-appl-asp
ikaramupen
ibaruwa.letter
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 11 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Instrumentals
(9) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mpeniknife
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot with a knife.”
(10) Kinyarwanda:
a. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-aagr-pres-write-asp
ibaruwaletter
n’-iikaramu.with-pen
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
b. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-iish-aagr-preswrite-appl-asp
ikaramupen
ibaruwa.letter
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 11 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Instrumentals
(9) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mpeniknife
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot with a knife.”
(10) Kinyarwanda:
a. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-aagr-pres-write-asp
ibaruwaletter
n’-iikaramu.with-pen
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
b. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-iish-aagr-preswrite-appl-asp
ikaramupen
ibaruwa.letter
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 11 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Instrumentals
(9) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mpeniknife
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot with a knife.”
(10) Kinyarwanda:
a. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-aagr-pres-write-asp
ibaruwaletter
n’-iikaramu.with-pen
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
b. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-iish-aagr-preswrite-appl-asp
ikaramupen
ibaruwa.letter
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 11 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Instrumentals
(9) Chichewa (Bantu, Malawi):
a. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-aagr-tns-mold-fv
mtsuko.waterpot.
“Mavuto molded the waterpot.”
b. MavutoMavuto
a-na-umb-ir-aagr-tns-mold-appl-fv
mpeniknife
mtsuko.waterpot
“Mavuto molded the waterpot with a knife.”
(10) Kinyarwanda:
a. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-aagr-pres-write-asp
ibaruwaletter
n’-iikaramu.with-pen
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
b. Umugaboman
a-ra-andik-iish-aagr-preswrite-appl-asp
ikaramupen
ibaruwa.letter
“The man is writing a letter with the pen.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 11 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Possessor Raising
(11) Luganda:
a. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
okugululeg
kwaof
Kapere.Kapere
“S/he will break Kapere’s leg.”
b. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
KapereKapere
okugulu.leg
“She will break Kapere’s leg.”
(12) Hebrew:
a. GilGil
higdilelarged
etacc
ha-tmunathe-picture
Selof
Rina.Rina
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture”
b. GilGil
higdilenlarged
le-Rinato-Rina
etacc
ha-tmuna.the-picture
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 12 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Possessor Raising
(11) Luganda:
a. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
okugululeg
kwaof
Kapere.Kapere
“S/he will break Kapere’s leg.”
b. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
KapereKapere
okugulu.leg
“She will break Kapere’s leg.”
(12) Hebrew:
a. GilGil
higdilelarged
etacc
ha-tmunathe-picture
Selof
Rina.Rina
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture”
b. GilGil
higdilenlarged
le-Rinato-Rina
etacc
ha-tmuna.the-picture
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 12 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Possessor Raising
(11) Luganda:
a. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
okugululeg
kwaof
Kapere.Kapere
“S/he will break Kapere’s leg.”
b. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
KapereKapere
okugulu.leg
“She will break Kapere’s leg.”
(12) Hebrew:
a. GilGil
higdilelarged
etacc
ha-tmunathe-picture
Selof
Rina.Rina
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture”
b. GilGil
higdilenlarged
le-Rinato-Rina
etacc
ha-tmuna.the-picture
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 12 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Possessor Raising
(11) Luganda:
a. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
okugululeg
kwaof
Kapere.Kapere
“S/he will break Kapere’s leg.”
b. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
KapereKapere
okugulu.leg
“She will break Kapere’s leg.”
(12) Hebrew:
a. GilGil
higdilelarged
etacc
ha-tmunathe-picture
Selof
Rina.Rina
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture”
b. GilGil
higdilenlarged
le-Rinato-Rina
etacc
ha-tmuna.the-picture
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 12 / 18
Applicatives
Applicative Examples— Possessor Raising
(11) Luganda:
a. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
okugululeg
kwaof
Kapere.Kapere
“S/he will break Kapere’s leg.”
b. A-li-menyaagr-fut-break
KapereKapere
okugulu.leg
“She will break Kapere’s leg.”
(12) Hebrew:
a. GilGil
higdilelarged
etacc
ha-tmunathe-picture
Selof
Rina.Rina
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture”
b. GilGil
higdilenlarged
le-Rinato-Rina
etacc
ha-tmuna.the-picture
“Gil enlarged Rina’s picture.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 12 / 18
Applicatives
Theorizing the Applicative
Basic Premise
The applicative morpheme introduces a verbal head V which selectsfor the applied argument.
VP
DPV VapplP
DPVappl DP
Object
Subject
Applied
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 13 / 18
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle
1 Anti-Passives
2 Applicatives
3 TheMirror Principle
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 14 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Morpheme Scope and GF-Morphology Ordering
• Data like this does exist.
(13) Quechua (Isolate Family?; Andes Mountains):
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
(14) Bemba (Bantu; Zambia):
a. Naa-mon-an-ya1.sg.subj-past-see-recip-caus
MwapeMwape
naand
Mutumba.Mutumba
“I made Mwape and Mutumba see each other.”
b. MwapeMwape
naand
ChilufyaChilufya
baa-mon-eshy-ana3.pl.subj-see-caus-recip
Mutumba.Mutumba.
“Mwape and Chilfuya made each other see Mutumba.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 15 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Morpheme Scope and GF-Morphology Ordering
• Data like this does exist.
(13) Quechua (Isolate Family?; Andes Mountains):
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
(14) Bemba (Bantu; Zambia):
a. Naa-mon-an-ya1.sg.subj-past-see-recip-caus
MwapeMwape
naand
Mutumba.Mutumba
“I made Mwape and Mutumba see each other.”
b. MwapeMwape
naand
ChilufyaChilufya
baa-mon-eshy-ana3.pl.subj-see-caus-recip
Mutumba.Mutumba.
“Mwape and Chilfuya made each other see Mutumba.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 15 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Morpheme Scope and GF-Morphology Ordering
• Data like this does exist.
(13) Quechua (Isolate Family?; Andes Mountains):
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
(14) Bemba (Bantu; Zambia):
a. Naa-mon-an-ya1.sg.subj-past-see-recip-caus
MwapeMwape
naand
Mutumba.Mutumba
“I made Mwape and Mutumba see each other.”
b. MwapeMwape
naand
ChilufyaChilufya
baa-mon-eshy-ana3.pl.subj-see-caus-recip
Mutumba.Mutumba.
“Mwape and Chilfuya made each other see Mutumba.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 15 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Morpheme Scope and GF-Morphology Ordering
• Data like this does exist.
(13) Quechua (Isolate Family?; Andes Mountains):
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
(14) Bemba (Bantu; Zambia):
a. Naa-mon-an-ya1.sg.subj-past-see-recip-caus
MwapeMwape
naand
Mutumba.Mutumba
“I made Mwape and Mutumba see each other.”
b. MwapeMwape
naand
ChilufyaChilufya
baa-mon-eshy-ana3.pl.subj-see-caus-recip
Mutumba.Mutumba.
“Mwape and Chilfuya made each other see Mutumba.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 15 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Morpheme Scope and GF-Morphology Ordering
• Data like this does exist.
(13) Quechua (Isolate Family?; Andes Mountains):
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
(14) Bemba (Bantu; Zambia):
a. Naa-mon-an-ya1.sg.subj-past-see-recip-caus
MwapeMwape
naand
Mutumba.Mutumba
“I made Mwape and Mutumba see each other.”
b. MwapeMwape
naand
ChilufyaChilufya
baa-mon-eshy-ana3.pl.subj-see-caus-recip
Mutumba.Mutumba.
“Mwape and Chilfuya made each other see Mutumba.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 15 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Morpheme Scope and GF-Morphology Ordering
• Data like this does exist.
(13) Quechua (Isolate Family?; Andes Mountains):
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
(14) Bemba (Bantu; Zambia):
a. Naa-mon-an-ya1.sg.subj-past-see-recip-caus
MwapeMwape
naand
Mutumba.Mutumba
“I made Mwape and Mutumba see each other.”
b. MwapeMwape
naand
ChilufyaChilufya
baa-mon-eshy-ana3.pl.subj-see-caus-recip
Mutumba.Mutumba.
“Mwape and Chilfuya made each other see Mutumba.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 15 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Morpheme Scope and GF-Morphology Ordering
• Data like this does exist.
(13) Quechua (Isolate Family?; Andes Mountains):
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
(14) Bemba (Bantu; Zambia):
a. Naa-mon-an-ya1.sg.subj-past-see-recip-caus
MwapeMwape
naand
Mutumba.Mutumba
“I made Mwape and Mutumba see each other.”
b. MwapeMwape
naand
ChilufyaChilufya
baa-mon-eshy-ana3.pl.subj-see-caus-recip
Mutumba.Mutumba.
“Mwape and Chilfuya made each other see Mutumba.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 15 / 18
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle (Baker, 1985:375)
Morphological derivations must directly reflect syntactic derivationsand vice-versa.
• Ordering is, in a sense, “root out” or “bottom up” in the tree.
(15) Quechua, one more time:
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 16 / 18
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle (Baker, 1985:375)
Morphological derivations must directly reflect syntactic derivationsand vice-versa.
• Ordering is, in a sense, “root out” or “bottom up” in the tree.
(15) Quechua, one more time:
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 16 / 18
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle (Baker, 1985:375)
Morphological derivations must directly reflect syntactic derivationsand vice-versa.
• Ordering is, in a sense, “root out” or “bottom up” in the tree.
(15) Quechua, one more time:
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 16 / 18
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle (Baker, 1985:375)
Morphological derivations must directly reflect syntactic derivationsand vice-versa.
• Ordering is, in a sense, “root out” or “bottom up” in the tree.
(15) Quechua, one more time:
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 16 / 18
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle
TheMirror Principle (Baker, 1985:375)
Morphological derivations must directly reflect syntactic derivationsand vice-versa.
• Ordering is, in a sense, “root out” or “bottom up” in the tree.
(15) Quechua, one more time:
a. Maqa-naku-ya-chi-n.beat-recip-dur-caus-3.sg
“Hei is causing themj to beat [each other]j.”
b. Maqa-chi-naku-rka-n.beat-caus-recip-pl-3.sg
“Theyj let someonei beat [each other]j.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 16 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Explaining Feeding/Bleeding Relationships
(16) Cichewa:
a. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-aagr-past-hand-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
kwato
mtsikana.girl
“The zebras handed the crowbar to the girl.”
b. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-er-aagr-past-hand-appl-asp
mtsikanagirl
mpiringidzo.crowbar
“The zebras handed the girl the crowbar.”
c. Mpiringidzocrowbar
u-na-perek-edw-aagr-past-hand-pass-asp
kwato
mtsikanagirl
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The crowbar was handed to the girl by the zebras.”
d. Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-er-edw-aagr-past-hand-appl-pass-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
e. * Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-edw-er-aagr-past-hand-pass-appl-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 17 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Explaining Feeding/Bleeding Relationships
(16) Cichewa:
a. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-aagr-past-hand-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
kwato
mtsikana.girl
“The zebras handed the crowbar to the girl.”
b. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-er-aagr-past-hand-appl-asp
mtsikanagirl
mpiringidzo.crowbar
“The zebras handed the girl the crowbar.”
c. Mpiringidzocrowbar
u-na-perek-edw-aagr-past-hand-pass-asp
kwato
mtsikanagirl
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The crowbar was handed to the girl by the zebras.”
d. Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-er-edw-aagr-past-hand-appl-pass-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
e. * Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-edw-er-aagr-past-hand-pass-appl-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 17 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Explaining Feeding/Bleeding Relationships
(16) Cichewa:
a. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-aagr-past-hand-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
kwato
mtsikana.girl
“The zebras handed the crowbar to the girl.”
b. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-er-aagr-past-hand-appl-asp
mtsikanagirl
mpiringidzo.crowbar
“The zebras handed the girl the crowbar.”
c. Mpiringidzocrowbar
u-na-perek-edw-aagr-past-hand-pass-asp
kwato
mtsikanagirl
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The crowbar was handed to the girl by the zebras.”
d. Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-er-edw-aagr-past-hand-appl-pass-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
e. * Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-edw-er-aagr-past-hand-pass-appl-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 17 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Explaining Feeding/Bleeding Relationships
(16) Cichewa:
a. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-aagr-past-hand-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
kwato
mtsikana.girl
“The zebras handed the crowbar to the girl.”
b. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-er-aagr-past-hand-appl-asp
mtsikanagirl
mpiringidzo.crowbar
“The zebras handed the girl the crowbar.”
c. Mpiringidzocrowbar
u-na-perek-edw-aagr-past-hand-pass-asp
kwato
mtsikanagirl
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The crowbar was handed to the girl by the zebras.”
d. Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-er-edw-aagr-past-hand-appl-pass-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
e. * Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-edw-er-aagr-past-hand-pass-appl-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 17 / 18
TheMirror Principle
Explaining Feeding/Bleeding Relationships
(16) Cichewa:
a. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-aagr-past-hand-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
kwato
mtsikana.girl
“The zebras handed the crowbar to the girl.”
b. Mbidzizebras
zi-na-perek-er-aagr-past-hand-appl-asp
mtsikanagirl
mpiringidzo.crowbar
“The zebras handed the girl the crowbar.”
c. Mpiringidzocrowbar
u-na-perek-edw-aagr-past-hand-pass-asp
kwato
mtsikanagirl
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The crowbar was handed to the girl by the zebras.”
d. Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-er-edw-aagr-past-hand-appl-pass-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
e. * Mtsikanagirl
a-na-perek-edw-er-aagr-past-hand-pass-appl-asp
mpiringidzocrowbar
ndiby
mbidzi.zebras
“The girl was handed the crowbar by the zebras.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 17 / 18
TheMirror Principle
As Promised
An Abazan (Caucasian; Russia/Turkey)applicative of an applicative of an applicative
(What does it mean?!):
(17) y-abs.3.sg.neut-
c@-com-
r-appl.3.pl-
z-ben-
a-appl.3.sg.n-
la-instr-
è-erg.1.pl-
cjpa
do--t’dyn
“We did it with her for them with it.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 18 / 18
TheMirror Principle
As Promised
An Abazan (Caucasian; Russia/Turkey)applicative of an applicative of an applicative
(What does it mean?!):
(17) y-abs.3.sg.neut-
c@-com-
r-appl.3.pl-
z-ben-
a-appl.3.sg.n-
la-instr-
è-erg.1.pl-
cjpa
do--t’dyn
“We did it with her for them with it.”
MatthewA. Tucker (Ling 105) GF-Changing, III November 9, 2012 18 / 18