Gorgias of Plato - Forgotten Books

GORGIAS OF PLATO

WITH ENGLISH NOTES , INTRODUCTION, AND

APPENDIX

W. H. THOMPSON , D D.

LATE “ASTER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,AND REGIUS PROFESSOR OF GREEK

Ac? dpa . e! n: #4!a év 1-

02: won't-moi} wpaxnxbs chm , 113 1300:

e ac —AUCTOR MAGN . MORAL.

LON DON

GEORGE BELL AND SONS

AND NEW Y ORK

CONTENTS.

nan

PREFACE

INTRODUCTION TO THE GORGIAS

THE GORGIAS . TextNotes

APPENDIX—THE FRAGMENTS OF GOBGIAS

INDEX I.

PL. GOR.

PREFACE.

OF the more immrtant changes adopted in the text of

this edition, or suggested in the notes . the follow ing is a

li st

I . Inp. 3 (4 4 8, B) n’

for f il m.

2 . In p. 14 (4 54 , D) for ydp a?) I give d'

pa w ith

O lympiodorus , and w ith Dr Badham c’

c-

rév for c’

o-n

’

v.

3 . Inp . 16 (4 56, B) exoém ,at Dob roe’

s suggestion,

for éhoow a .

4 . p. 2 2 (4 60, O) for ov’

xofiv dwafyxn76v

8fx a t o v ( Ivan, 76v 3 % 3 L'

xacov Bodkw fia t 3 t’

xaw. wpdw ew,

I add a’

a’

afterBofixeo-Gat, and w ithWoolsey and Hirschigomit the words fimopmév to 76v 85

’

inclusive .

5. p. 53 (478, E) I ought to have received into the

te xt the emendation of Dob ree recommended in the

notes , 6 zxwv x a x ia v for oc

3'

w d3udav.

6 . p. 56 (4 81) for the solecistic dvaMo xmat in tran

s itive sense, which, strange to say, has stood in all

editions hitherto , I give dvaMa-

xy.

7. p. 64 (4 87) for mfa a'

pa , I v enture to suggest the

stereotyped A ttic rp t"(inn.

8 . Inpp . 69, 70 (4 90, O, and 4 91, A) the prep. wept,

b racketed by Hirschig, should be ex pelled from the tex t .

9 . p. 73 (4 92 , E) Dr Badham’s ex cellent emenda

tion u’

mfor «is is adopted , and jus tified in the note .

10. p. 73 (4 93 , c) I ought to have mentioned the

same critic’

s ingenious conjecture m um ole?

i c ‘t‘

w

PREFACE .

1576 1 1 57mm for the received c’

vru t x u‘

ig p c'

v e’

a'

rw 61rd

T l. drown.

11. p. 79 (4 96, D) I omit w ith Badham Kai e’

yui

b efore p aved .

12 . p . 88 (501, C) the words ‘

rfiv afirfiv shouldcease to stand in the tex t.

13 . p. 104 (512 ) for «at rofirov o'

vwia u cv, I now

prefer o’

vria'

a .

Of these changes some, it will be seen,rest on the

authority of Olympiodorus , w hose lemmata are perfectlydistinguishab le from his commentary. In no case havehis readings b een adopted w ithout regard to their

intrinsic merit, as compared with those of our surv ivingMSS . ,

the oldest of which is more recent than thatwhich he used by at leas t four centuries . The two

emendations suggested by Dob ree (“criticorum prin

ceps ,”as Cobet calls him) seem to need no recommenda

tion. Students of Plato can only regret that he did notbestow on their fav ourite author more of the time and

pains spent on the m inor orators . To the suggestions

of the eminent Dutch scholar Cobet, and to those of

his meritorious disciple M . Hirschig, I have always

given careful attention,

even when they have not

commended themselves to my judgment. The latter

scholar pub li shed in 1859 an elaborate examination of

the arguments contained in this dialogue and in the

Philebus , with a view to removing the non sequitursintroduced by unintelligent or ofiioious copyists . Thi sbook reached my hands before I had finished my com

mentary. The following ex tract gives a fair idea of its

scope and methodNon poeni tet me investigationis et correctionis

disputationum quas dix i,imprimis quod pro ineptiis

1 Exploratio argumentationum Socraticarum inquibus scribaelabefaotarunt medios Flatonia dialogos , Gorgiam et Philebum.

Trajeoti ad Rhenum ap . Kemink et fi l.

PREFACE .

genuinam disserendi sub tili tatem auctori reddere mihicontigit, sed etiam quod, cum omnes de hujus generisemendationibus judicare pos sint, eas omnibus me pro

baturum spero, tam philosophia et caeteris quam gram

maticis . Atque illos his leotis cautiores fore in lau

dandis Platonis scriptis confido, simulque in hi s lucu

lentissima exempla visuros,unde liquido discant, quid

pos s it critica et quam late pateat ejus provincia . Verumerunt fortass e qui hujusmodi emendationes minus certas

es se suspicentur. Sed certo scio omnes mihi assensuros

nullas esse posse certiores . Habet enim Socratica dis

s erendi ratio mathematicam fere sub tilitatem, et tantam

dvdq v logicam sive dialecticam (s it v enia verb is ) utcorrigenti ipsa quaeque disputatio certissima praebeat

argumenta, et poetam emendans na ex metro quidemev identiora petere possit. Fieri enim potest ut metrum

plures voces admittat, argumentationes autem illae par

tibus tam firmo et rationis et orationis vinculo connex is

constant , a t um tantum vow quemque locum occupwre

p oss it, alia, val idem s ignificans , omnem dvaC-ymyv tallat.”

Of German editions more recent than Stallbaum’s

late st,I know nothing b ut what may b e learnt from

Cron’s Beitrage z ur Erkl

'

arung des Platonischen Gor

gias whi ch reached me a few weeks ago, and which Ihave cursorily inspected, long however after this bookwas in print. Of the older editions of the Gorgias I

must not omit to speak w ith respect of that (pub lishedin his early manhood) of the late venerab le P resident ofM agdalenCollege, Oxford, Dr Routh . A st and Heindorf

have of course been consulted,and I can also speak w ith

praise of a very useful edition by M r Woolsey, formerlyProfes sor of Greek in Y ale College, U .S .A .

In the annotations , which in the main w ere written

some ten years ago , I have endeavoured, as in those tothe Phaedrus , to call the student

’s attention to the

1 Leipz ig, Teubner ,

PREFACE .

sub stance as well as to the words of the dialogue. In

doing this I have inmany cases ventured to criticiz e myauthor’

s premis ses . This , I trust, has been done w ithcandour, and w ith due allowance for the circumstances

of the time and his own personal antecedents . It is

certainly true that many of the arguments in thisDialogue are more logical than convincing;but it is

also true that its purely ethical conclus ions are as sound

as they are nob le and elevating. Of this , as of so manyw orks of genius (if I may be allowed the quotation), itis the spirit that giveth life nor is there one of the

whole series of dialogues that may b e more safely re

commended to b eginners in the study of P lato and his

philosophy.

The Introduction prefix ed to the Dialogue aims onlyat conveying a clear and connected notion

,from the

Editor’s standing

-point,of its general drift and purpose.

A much more elaborate analys is was of course poss ib le 3but in such compositions there is always a danger of the

details ob structing the student’s v iew

,and making it

diffi cult for him to see the wood for the trees .

”

The fragments of Gorgias , printed in the Appendix ,seemed neces sary in order to enab le the student to

form an independent judgment of the character of hi s

w ritings , and of the fairnes s of the treatment whichthe great rhetorician receives in this dialogue . The col

lectionw ill be found slightly more complete than thoseof previous editors .

TRINITY COLLEGE , CAMBRIDGE,December, 1870.

INTRODUCTION.

01“ the genuine Platonic Dialogues , the majority are named

after some one of the different persons who b ear a part in thediscuss ion. Sometimes thi s distinction is conferred on the

interlocutor who contributes the greatest or next to Socrates

the greates t share towards the elucidation of the subjectdebated, as Timaeus , Critias , Parmenides ;sometimes again

on the most resolute or most formidab le of Socrates’oppo

neuts , as in the Protagoras , Philebus , Hippies , Euthydemus .

A third set of dialogues are named after persons whos e partinthe discus s ion is subordinate , but who appear to have b eens ingled out in tes timony of the respect and affectionof the

author. Such is the Phaedo,such the Charmides , and pro

bab ly the Lysis . It cannot be said that the Gorgias falls intoany one of these three clas ses . The part which the greatrhetorician b ears in the dialogue is comparatively ins ignificant. As the mos t distingui shed of the as sembled group heis naturally the first object of Socrates

’curios ity, and for a

while,notwiths tanding the intimation given at the com

mencement that he is exhausted by a previous display, heseems the destined victim of the philosopher’s dialecticalprowess . But the encounter betweenSocrates and Gorgias isbut a preliminary skirmish. The triumph or the defeat of themaster is prevented by the officious z eal of his disciple Polus ;whose retreat again is covered by the impetuous advance of

their eloquent and reckless host. Not only is the larger halfof the dialogue devoted to the s ingle combat betweenfi’nexam

x ii GORGIAS.

and Calli cles , but whether we regard the comparative importance of the subjects dis cussed

,or the earnest tone as

sumed and maintained to the end, we are led to conclude

that inthis latter portion we are to look for the main scopeand intended result of the entire discuss ion.

Such is in effect the view adopted by the Neo - Platonist

Olympiodorus1,in the introduction to his Scholia on the

Gorgias , whose theory of the axon as he calls it, of the

dialogue, though perhaps incomplete, is well worthy of at

tention. Some, says this philosopher, think that the purposeof the author is mspl fiqropua

‘

js Beakexofiva i ,—to discus s theArt of Rhetoric,—and they accordingly prefix to the dialoguethe words still found in the MSS ., I

‘opyias f) « cpl firrropucfis.

But, he justly ob serves , this were to characteriz e the whole bya part, and that not the larger part, xai yap midi « one: clc

‘

w

o i r owfiroc Myoa. Others , he adds, conceive that Jus tice and

Injustice fermthe subject of the dialogue : an account truer

perhaps thanthe former, but still,he thinks , inadequate and

partial. Much less canhe admit the absurd notionof a thirdclass of expos itors , who pretend that the contemplation of the

dq vp-

yés or Creator of the world, is the object to whichPlato would conduct his readers . This notab le explanation(a fair specimen, by the way, of the mystical interpretationsof Proclus and some other later Platonis ts ) is founded, saysOlympiodorus , on the cons ideration that the oqp covpyés (itmay be presumed under hi s exoteric name Zeus ) is introducedin the concluding mythus . His own account

,it appears to

me,is worthy of the reputation of Olympiodorus for com

parative2good sense and ins ight into his mas ter

’s meaning.

1 Given by Routh, p . 561 of his ed . The entire Commentary is

printed in the Supplement u

tg j shn’

s Jahi'b ii cher’Lnlflx iv” from a

hitherto unedited MS ., a copy of what profess to be contemporarynoteso f the oral lectures of the master.

9 I say“comparative ”—for Olymp . is a Neo -Platonis t, and repeats

much of the nonsense of hi s predecessors . But the Greeks , even in

their decline , were excellent interpreters . The commentaries of Sim

plicius onAris totle are , with the single exceptionof those of Alexander,the best ever written;and he was a member of the Neo -P latonic

brotherhood, onwhom Justinianplanted his armed heel . Proclus was

INTRODUCTION . x' ”

than?» ob serves , 3n omnes mire? wept 76 v a’

pxa'

iv"Br,

Bmhexdfim u 76 v (bcpovmiiv épar e’

ni n)» nohcrtxfiv :6:as is to discuss the ethical

"

It_o;p1ainsl

at leas t to a cons iderable extent, the later as well as the

earlier discuss ions ;whereas, if we as sume that the mainend

of the dialogue is to bring the art of rhetoric and its pro

fessors into discredit, we can ass ign'

no suffi cient motive forthe importance as s igned to a character like Callicles , whoheartily despises the profess ion of a Sophist

,and hates the

schools and their pedantry;and who, though he makes an

exception in favour of a polished and brilliant man of the

world like Gorgias 2, would probab ly regard the frigid pedantries of his disciple Polus with a contempt as hearty as the

author of the Phaedrus could himself have des ired. Had

Plato serious ly harboured the intention of des troying the

reputation of Gorgias , whether as a thinker or a speaker, itwould have cost him little troub le to put words into his

mouth which would have seemed to his readers sufficient for

either purpose 3 . Had he wished, for instance, to impair hisdialectical reputation, what expedient more obvious than to

by nature a weak ves sel ’

;but evenin him treasure may occas ionallybe found .

1 P . 4 , ed. Jahn. « ohm-m6: is often used by the later Platonis tswhere other writers whfldh avfi feferred yidméc. In such pas sages it

is used ina semi -mystical sense , to denote the relation of the Philoso

pher to his true country, the « 6M: év ofipamfi dvaxcmévnof which

P lato sublimely speaks inthe ninth book of the Republic (592 B ).2 See Diod . x ii . 53 , swam : AéEewc éEéwAnfe 7 059

’

AOnva iovc dur ac eé¢uet¢ Ka i d ukohé 'yovc. Diodorus here refers to the

first vis it of Gorgias to Athens , 4 2 7, as one of the Leontineembassy, which is mentioned also by Thucydides , though he seems to

have considered it beneath the dignity of hi story to mentionthe namesof the persons who composed it. Olymp ., who repeats the account of

D iodorus , adds , onwhat authority we know not, c e 63. p er’

a im-

o i?

new ». But the present interview is supposed to take place more thantwenty years later.

8 An ethical dogma of Gorgias, which is mentioned not without

respect by Aris totle , is critically handled in the Menon(71 E but

in this dialogue no s imilar opinion is attributed to him, the moral

heresies refuted being those of Polus and of Sm okes .

x iv GORGIAS .

lead the veteran speculator into a discus sion on« the or

non- existent,” the title of a metaphys ical work of Gorgias,

of which Aris totle or his epitomator has given us a careful

analys is ;fragments of which work, a good deal caricatured

it is true, are paraded with much complacency by Gorgias’

pupil Euth'

ydemus in the dialogue which bears the name of

this latter Sophist. Or if his rhetorical success had roused

that spirit of envious emulation with which, according to

Athenaeus and others, Plato was so strongly imbued, whatwas eas ier than to have put into his mouth an c

’

m’

da fic: or

panegyrical oration,’full of pointless antitheses and glitteringwith meretricious ornament, like that famous Funeral Orationwhich is condemned by the very Scholiast 1 who quotes it, asenunciating superficial thoughts in pompous and stilted

phrase” ? That Plato was not afraid to let his Sophists telltheir own tale in their choices t manner, is clear from the

instances of the e’

qrida frs deli vered by Protagoras in the

dialogue so named (p. and of the epistle, as suredly a

genuine work of Lysias , which is read aloud inthe Phaedrus .The discourse of Protagoras meets with the unqualified ap

probation of an eminent modern historian, and is quite as

moral in its tendency, and at leas t as elegant in s tyle, as anyof the polished platitudes of the estimable Isocrates .” We

hear,however, nothing of this kind from Gorgias, and as if to

guard against poss ib le disappointment, we are warned at the

outset of the dialogue, that the orator has already perorated,and that we are to expect no second display from the ex

hausted phys ical powers of the now elderly statesman3 . And

1 OnHermogenes . See Spengel, Artt. Scriptt. pp . 78 , 79 , 80.

9 aq uati

c '

ya‘

p dw aBOa o'

wupopria’

ac Aéfu s 6 I‘op

'

yiac dw afac

éwm'okawr épac 61n£ayy éhhcg « apie ce: Ka i ouo ro'

rchcfirocc

xal éuowxa‘ra

'

pw occ Kahhm izmv 6"do wpoaxo'

pwc'rdv Ao

'

yov.

Sickening his readers with the lavish and continued use of ornamentalfigures of speech,with clauses of exactly the same length, and sentenceswhich rhyme at the end or at the beginning.

”This speech, or what

remains of it, will be found inthe Appendix .

8ynpa

'

a'

xow oc, according to Philos tratus , p . 4 93 , in 4 27.

when he first came to Athens as ambassador from Leontini;and

therefore a very old man at the period when the conversation issupp osed to be held. viz . at or about a s . 405;if we adopt the strict

INTRODUCTION .

intruth, if we examine carefully that part of the dialogue inwhich Gorgias takes a part, and the few incidental remarks

put into his mouth in the course of the conversation withPolus and Callicles , we cannot but feel the jus tice of Mr

Grote’s ob servation that the treatment he receives in this

dialogue is respectful rather thancontumelious . It is true he

is forced into certainadmi ss ions not favourab le to the art he

profess es ;true also that he shows himself no adept inthe artof definition. This art, on which Greek philosophers lay so

much s tress , is mentioned as one of the two philosophical inventions of which Socrates was the undisputed author. It is

not likely that Sophocles would have defined Poetry betterthanGorgias defines Rhetoric l z and we know from Xenophonhow poor a figure Pericles made when his irreverent wardAlcib iades , fresh from a dim -

p436wi th Socrates 2, importunedhim for a Socratic definition of Law. on the

.

whole, if byany perverse fortune this dialogue had b een los t, and the

works of Gorgias had come downto us entire , there is reas onto doub t whether his reputationwould have stood so high as

it does at present. However this may be, enough has beensaid to show that the Gorgias is not a direct attack upon thegreat Rhetor or his Opinions : and it is still more evident thatit is not, like the Phaedrus , a critical treatise on the Art of

Rhetoric. Here, as in that d ialogue, Plato recogniz es , it

mus t be granted, the distinctionb etweena false rhetoric and

a true : but his exposure of the former,instead of being

reasoned out on sound aesthetic and psychological principles,as in the Phaedrus, is conducted in a spirit of mockery and

view of the Platonic chronology advocated by Mr Cope in a note on

p . 4 5 of his Translation.

1 Compare Phaedr. 269 B , 05 xpn‘

xahewa ivew cl 'rw ec mi dr ummip euo: dmhéycadac a

’

déva'ro: éy évov‘ro dp iaaada t 'ri 71-01

"pnr op cmi,

K.T .A. This reads like a good-humoured apology for past severities;

or like a caution to the reader not to exaggerate the intellectualdeficiencies of the Sophists and Rhetoricians who succumb to thedialectical skill of Socrates , as he worries them with inquiries into theart éa'n of the matters onwhich they discourse or the arts and sciencesthey profess .

9 Memorab . i. 2 . 40.

xvi GORGIAs .

caricature, skilfully covered by a show of dialectical precis ion.

He treats Rhetoric in the Gorgias much as he treats So

phistic in the Sophist : and stoops, intentionally or not, to

the artifice of putting the abuse of a thing for its use. But

whatever its philosophical value, this part of the conversation

has not only a high dramatic propriety, but leads , as we shallsee

,by an easy and natural sequence to the later and more

important discus s ions .

In the second Act1, so to speak, of the Gorgias , the partof respondent is undertaken by Polus. Of this Rhetor wehave but few and scanty notices . What little we know leadsus to think that he was no unfit subject for the exercise of

Plato’s comic powers : and if the remark attributed to Gor

gias by Athenaeus , «is Kal i ) : IIAd‘raw iapfiifi w (What a

mas ter inthe art of lampooning is Plato l), was ever mad e, itis certainlymore characteristic of this second portion of the

dialogue than of the firs t. Gorgias himself could not havedes ired a better foil to set off his talents and character

,than

that whi ch is afforded by the presence of his faithful famulus .

The juvenile ardour of Polus 2 appears to have attracted thenotice of others bes ide Socrates ;for Aristotle 3 , in enumerat

ing various punning accusations brought against persons whohad the mi sfortune to bear names sus ceptible of this speciesof wit

,condescends to mention one of which Polus was the

subject . His coltis humour betrays him into many misadventures in the course of the discuss ion. At the outset

hi s indiscreet z eal provokes a most disparaging description of

the art in which he gloried. Rhetoric, he is informed, is no

art, but the counterfeit of an art. It seeks not Good butPleasure : flattering the mental as the confectioner fiatters

the b odily palate . It recks no more of the health of the soul

to which it serves up its highly flavoured compos itions , than

the cook is troub led by the vis ionof the dyspepsy or podagra

1 P . 4 61 seq.

3 Gorg . 4 63 Hdil os 3 66 ue'

oc fow l Ka i 6569 ,“ This colt Polus is

young and hot.3 Rhetoric, b n. c. 2 3 , 2 9 , aid o f: 61,

“ Colt by name andcolt by nature.

INTROD UCTION . X

which lurk beneath his covers . Both alike have attained

their object, so long as the taste of the consumer is gratified.

The sarcasm implied inthis comparisonwas calculated to

touch Polus in a tender part. He had himself composed a

work on Rhetoric, and Socrates l had just read it. To thatwork he had prefixed the very word Te

'

xm;by way of title .

This term, as every reader of the Phaedrus knows , was ap

propriated by the Rhetoricians to Rhetoric as the art xar’

egoxév, or Kahl ua-n;765v r ep ai r, as Polus and Gorgias agree in

calling it. So generally was this sens e recogniz ed , that r;Haihov—r) d axor

—rj Tw iov without the addition of

Myaw,would have conveyed to a Greek the idea of a treatise

onRhetoric, by Polus , Corax, or Tis ias , as the cas e might be.

And as réxmj meant Rhetoric, so rcxvoypd¢or meant a rhetori

cal teacher. Of this réxm;of Polus , there canbe little doubt,

as indeed the Scholias t 2 relates , that Plato has preserved a

characteristic fragment (perhaps the initial sentence) in theopening scene of this Dialogue 3 .This same treatise is the subject of a bantering notice in

the Phaedrus , p. 2 67, where Polus is ridiculed for paradingcertainnovel terms of art

, diplasiology, gnomology, eiconology,and certain others not specified, which b e borrowed from a

b rother rhetoricianLicymnius to help in the constructionof

an elegant style”(dropdrmv Amvp vimv d e

’ka’

mp e’

dwpq’

aaro"pd:71

-

01c a im-

s tar). Polus 4 was by no means the earliest of the

1 P . 4 62 , 6» c vyypdup a‘n 3 67d Euayxoc dvév v, where the

Schol. observes , in: r od-ran dfihov, mix 6 i f a

’

pxfis Il uihou Ao'

yos

a br oaxe’

dw s 17v a’

Aha‘

9 (pac t p 23 £5 a irr oa'

xediov [[6o 'ra i’

rra clari ty, wpoc'

u'y'

ypa ilt d

p ara»

3 P . 4 4 8, woAAa i 'réxvm 6v dudpuiwow s lain ch: 7 13 1: épnrcip téiv

e’

pwelpwc edpnp éva c' épwezp ia p év ya

‘

p wore? 7 6v a ldiya tip d'

w

aropcfieaflac Ka 'ra

'‘réxvnv, dwczp ia 62* a nd r dxnv

' éxa'

c-

rwv 63 T od-nor

p ar akapfldvoucw dhkoc 5AM»: dither», 7 6 v 6% dp im mv o i dpw 'rm.

4 If, as seems not improbable, Polus handled rhetoric rather in an

aesthetics ] than in a practical manner, the comparison of his 1'5v

with that of the fancy -cook will appear more pointed and appropriate .

Plato , though he had deeply studied, systematically depreciates thefine arts : poetry, painting, and music (p . as well as rhetoric, he

reckons among the arts thatminis ter to Pleasure rather than to Good .

x GORGIAS .

r exvo'

ypdcpm—he had beenpreceded by Corax and Tis ias and

probab ly by others . As Polus and his book have b othperished, and as no plea in their favour has been entered byany ancient or modernapologist of departed charlatanism, no

great injus tice will probab ly be done to his memory if weaccept as sufficiently faithful the certainly life - like portrait

with which Plato has presented us, and, as suming that he

was a Euphuist and a coxcomb, res ign ourselves without

misgiving to the amusement which his maladroit proceed ingsare intended to afford . We have indeed the les s compunctionon this head

,as Polus himself is thoroughly unaware of

Socrates’satire. Even when informed (p. 4 63 ) that Rhetoric

is the counterfeit of a branch of the art Politic,

” he asks

with amus ing nai vete, “Very well then, is it a fine thingor the contrary ?” as if Socrates had uttered a truism whichhe had heard a hundred times . Not so Gorgias , who is at

once struck with the s ing ularity of the remark which Polus,

true to his name, doth gambol from,

”and putting his dis

ciple as ide with little ceremony, calls upon Socrates for a

fuller explanation of his meaning1. A very delicate touch

This is undoubtedly one of the shallow places in hi s philosophy. We

may trace in his way of treating such subjects , a vestige of that

Socratic utilitarianism, which, in the hands of the Cynic school,

degenerated into a worship of the physically and morally hideous .

Plato is , however, inconsistent with himself in this disparagement of

the fine in comparison with the useful arts . In the Philebus he

distingui shes between pure and impure pleasure , and censures those

who, like the coarse and really sensual Antisthenes , aflect to condemn

all pleasure as evil. [Compare Phileh. p . 4 4 c, where the speakercondemns the duaxepa

'

o'

p a'ra of those who detest pleasure in all its

forms , xa i ueuopmé'rwv byréc, a pas sage generally allowed to

refer to Antisthenes .] It is indeed not a little remarkab le that Plato ’

s

ownwritings furnish the means of completely refuting those low v iews

of the nature and object of the fine arts which alone could justify his

disparaging treatment of them in this dialogue and in the Republic.

At the same time it is impos sible to deny the force of this portion of

the Gorgias , considered as an argumentum ad hominem in relation to

Polus and hi s much-boasted 'réxvn: for there is no reason to suppose

that Polus was prepared with any aesthetical theory sounder or purer

than that exemplifi ed inthe ebévrera , of which he ofi ers us a specimen

in the passage (p . 4 4 8) quoted above .

1 a’

AAa'

'ro ii‘rou p air 3a , cuo l d'

clwé 7rd}: Aé‘

yetc.

XX GORGIAS .

flaw in the reas oning on which it is built. So much can

hardly be said in favour of the paradox 068d : Bother-m

Kauai}: womb ,or as it is sometimes worded

, 063 619 in) » xaxds .

The distinctionbetweenBadham: and 80e pm, betweenWilland Judgment, is sufficiently ob vious ;but Socrates

’reas oning

is of that d prion'

type which alternately vexes and amuses

in the early dialogues ;and his conclus ion that every s in

is but an error of opinion is one against whi ch the commonsense of mankind rebels . The parad ox is , however, too closelyconnected with the leading principles of the Socratical ethics

,

that Virtue and Knowledge are one, to allow us to doubt thatit was seriously maintained by Socrates , even if we had notthe independent tes timonies of Xenophon and of Aristotle to

appeal to 1.Not indeed that Plato aflirms this dogma, that Virtue is

Knowledge, in the Gorgias . It was one of those Socraticprejudices from which he gradually emancipated hims elf, ashis Ethical views matme d and in the pres ent dialogue heproposes a theory of Virtue sub s tantially the same with thatwhich is more fully developed in the Repub lic. The passagein the Gorgias which contains this newer theory occurs at a

later stage of the dialogue, in that long and animated dis

cus s ion with Callicles in which the exagitator omnium

rhetorum proves hims elf a consummate mas ter of the art

which he has beendisparaging. The Virtue or Excellence, heargues , of any thing which contains a multiplicity of parts ,whether such parts b e vitally or only mechanically con

h ooted—whether the thing spoken of b e characteriz ed as a

on t o : or a «Soy—cons is ts in the Law,order

,or arrangement

proper to the organism in question3 . In living materialorganiz ations this order or harmony of parts is called Health;in the case of the human Soul it is called Temperance,Jus tice or Righteousness , Goodness or Virtue and the regu

lating cause bears the name of Law or Right 3 . This descrip

1 Aristotle , Ethics , b. iii. 6 Ken. Mom. iii . 9 . 4 .

1 P . 503 i ii—507c .

3 504 I) , r ate dd \Iv 59 ‘ra'

fca'l “rs Ka i Koa'mio'

ca't vépmo

'

v 11: rea l

vo'

p oc, 306 1: Kai vo'

pmo ry iy vow a i Ka i adap tor'rufi‘

ra 6'

3w : dmaw c évn

INTR0D U0TI0N X

tion, if we compare it wi th those given in the purely Socraticdialogues , the Laches , for instance, the Charmides , or the

Protagoras , wi ll be seen to mark an epoch in Plato’s mental

growth, or, what is the same thing, in the History of Moral

Science . Order or Harmony is the germinal idea of the

Repub lic, as it gives unity and coherence to the parts,other

wis e ill- connected, of the present dialogue. We shall illustrate this new s tanding- point by a fuller comparison of the

two works and with parts of other dialogues , early and late .

First,then, every reader of the Repub lic knows that the

Platonic durawmim) repres ents not any s ingle feeling or facultyof the soul , but the just proportionof the whole

, as shown inthe correlation of its constituent parts . The same concep

tion is expres sed, as we have s een, though les s completely,in

the Gorgias 1. The readers of the Republic also know how

nearly the descriptions there givenof thes e two virtues am e

c v’

m;and omgbpoo-évq coincide, and we should be at a los s to

account for Plato’s us ing the former rather than the latter

word to des ignate the virtue which is to include all othervirtues

,did we not know that his choice was determined by

his peculiar theory of the exact parallelism between the con

stituent elements of the State and of the individual Man,and

by the consequent neces s ity of denoting the correspondingvirtues of each and every part of each by one and the same

word . Whatever objections may b e raised against the pro

priety of thi s terminology, the fact is so, that inthe Repub licthe descriptiongivenof the particular virtue of Jus tice is ineffect a description of Virtue in general.

’

Apeni in thatdialogue is ducacom im) , and dura i oo

'

tivq is dpc'nj. In the Gorgias

too, p. 506, we find the same thing predicated of ripen;whichwas predicated in p. 504 of c a¢pom$vq, that it cons ists in

Koo-

pas or r65“ , anorder or constitution or right s tate of the

“re Ka i awcpp oo'éun: compared with 506 E , xéa

'

p oc w e a"pa é

'

y'

yeuo'

p euoc

év éxdc 'rcp 6 éxdc r ou o lxe'

i oe n’

yaedv wap éxec gram-

ou 7 6 w du'rwu,

s ank.

1 This definition of Justice was preserved among the traditions ofthe Old Academy. Thus , inthe ao -called

"Opal. Er evc iwwou, we read,

Ama toa éun' Op o'

vom \[q 59 « p69 a il -nit) , Ka i ebr aEia 'rdiu 'r iia

\Iv fiv p apa» « p69 dhhnha.

PL . GOR.

xxii GORGIAS .

soul. As in the former passage Olkd ‘OO tim], s o here ammpomi

w)

is made synonymous with cipe'nj 1.

This , we repeat, is a proof that when Plato wrote the

Gorgias his ethical theory had grown into something differentfrom that of Socrates , who taught that ripen;and e

’

mm '

rq ,

virtue and science, are one : all special virtues being resolvedinto true theories of certain external relations ;courage, for

instance , being but the exact knowledge of what was reallyto be dreaded, temperance the knowledge of what was trulypleasurable, and so on. And to this Socratic theory Platoadheres in his earlier dialogues ;whereas in those of his

maturity e’

m o-rrq is dethroned from the exclus ive supremacy

which Socrates as s igned to her. At the conclus ion of thatabstruse and closely reasoned dialogue, the Philebus (pp. 65

,

a pas sage occurs, containing inbrief language a summaryof the whole intricate argument, and as s igning their relativeprecedence to three principles , pe

’

rpov, c’

m a-nipq, and down,

which had severally claimed to be cons idered the dyadév or

highest Good . The Philebus is indeed anethico-metaphys icalrather than, like the Gorgias , anethico -political dialogue, andtherefore the more ab stract term p e

’

rpov is preferred to xo’

c pos

or The same as sociations , however, are sugges ted by

all three terms : for if Meas ure or Law is the supreme principle of the Universe, co- ordinate with the Creative Reason,it must als o be the ruling principle in the microcosm called

man;cognate but superior to the human intellect 2,whose

nob lest employment is to trace out the Law or Idea inal l its

varied manifestations . This theory of virtue as an Order,

Constitution, or, as it is called in a parallel passage of the

Repub lic (b . iv. 4 4 3 D), a Harmony, was probably sugges ted

to Plato by Pythagorean teaching ;but as Plato handles it,

1 n(i'

pa cw¢pwu \pvxn‘

dy afin'

. A pas sage by the way illus trative ofAris totle

’s drift, whenhe censures 'rovc Maw euwa'

av'rac 'njv up s'nir ,

‘those who unified virtue overmuch.

1 I say the“human intellect

”advisedly : for Plato inmore than

one passage seems to identify the Supreme Good with the divine

intelligence. This s ide of a difi‘icult Platonic question is well argued

by Bonitz ina short treatise De Idea Boni ,’ Dresden, 183 7.

3 The pas sage in the Gorgias bearing on this subject is , however,

xx iii

the theory is neither extravagant nor unfruitful, for both hereand in the Republic he carefully avoids confus ing the s ign

with the thing s ignified, anerror into which the Pythagoreans ,like other “dreamers in the dawn of science,

”s eem to have

beenbetrayed.

Enough has beensaid to show the sub stantial identity of

the notions of Justice or Virtue which are b riefly sketched inthe Gorgias , and thoroughly worked out in the Republic.

We shall now see that there is a corresponding congruityb etween the political ideas , and still more in the tone of

political feeling and sentiment which pervades the larger and

the smaller dialogue.

Plato’s contempt and dislike of the Athenian democracy

are notorious . In the Repub lic1 he represents Democracy asbut one degree better than ab solute government or tyranny,and in a picture, evidently a grotesque likeness of Athensand Athenian society, he gives a description, half humorous ,half contemptuous , of the results of unb ridled liberty. Thisis followed by anequally vivid portrait of one whom he calls

the dqp oxpanxds (i t/6p, the man whose principles and dis

pos ition are framed upon the democratic model. Now of

this ‘democratic man,

’allowing for the personal traits necos

sary for dramatic effect,the Callicles of the Gorgias 2 may be

cons idered a fair specimen. He is a free and enlightenedcitiz enof the freest state in the world ;one to whom his lus tsare law

,keen of wit and ready of speech, without prejudice

and without principle, to whom virtue and its semb lance are

alike contempt ible : he is one who “calls shame s illiness , and

temperance cowardice, and moderation and frugal living theattributes of b inds and mechanics 3 one who yields himselfhardly sumcient to support Schleiermacher’

s inference that the dialogue

cannot have been written until after its author’

s return from hi s

sojourn inMagna Graecia, i .s . 3 881 B. viii . p . 557seq.

3 Compare p . 513 A, v3 » 6% dpa dc? a s air dp o u i'r a ‘r o v

y l‘

yveo'Om “n;d rip s: 7 6 v

’

AOnva iwu, cl uéhhu c r od-rep « pocdnluie

s lum xa l p é'

ya dévaUOac 7 2? 1 6A“ .

3 v ii»newa ided rihcfli d'nrra d Mégour ee—c wdipoc évnv 6% a’

va vdp t’

av

Kakofivr ec dc Ka i xoap a’

av dawa'

vnv «is a'

ypouciav Ita l

duchevflep iav o60 a», Rep . 560 D . Comp . Gorg . 4 3 1 .

X GORGIAS'.

in turn to the instincts of his intellectual and his phys icalnature;whose life is spent in gratifying the des ire that forthe time is uppermost;giving one day to wine and mus ic,

another to idle pas time, a third it may b e to literature and

phi losophy1. Frequently too he engages inpolitics , and ris es

onhis feet in the assemb ly, speaking and acting with equalreckles snes s : Kai mir e fl: 0576 dvdq mirofi '

rq'

i

Big) , (i706 7586» r e 81) not e’

Aw de’

piov Kai paxdpcov t ol d » 76» Bier

m irror, xpij'rat mire? did wands

”.

This description and its impersonation in Callicles are

equally happy specimens of Plato’s talent for the higher

comedy. His tragic powers also are exemplified in pas sagesof both dialogues , remarkab le for their excellence and for

their resemb lance. Those who have once read will not eas ilyforget that opening passage of the second book of the Re

pub lic, inwhich a comparison is instituted b etween the idealJus t Man and the ideal Unjust Man, for the purpose of

ascertaining whether of the two is the happier 3 . The can

didates,like statues at anexhib ition

, are stripped and cleaned

for the inspectionof the judges 4 : the unjus t man is denuded

of all moral scruples , the jus t man of all worldly prudenceand of all the outward advantages whi ch a reputation for

hones ty confers on a man wise in his generation. Each isendued with the intellectual qualities which will make him

perfect inhis own bus iness ;the unjus t man with boundlesscunning and perfect worldly wisdom,

his rival with intelligence enough, and not more than enough, to render him

perfectly jus t ;the unjus t man will consequently,by the

hypothes is , have es tab lished a character for perfect justiceand fair dealing, while the just man, who is to know nothingof the art of s eeming, will seem to the vulgar eye as great a

1 Compare Gorg. 4 84 D .

9 Compare Gorg. 4 91 D , 7 0f»: dhtflc’ovc Aéyecc r obs: «aidipovac : mox,601

‘

6p66‘

i : Btwc‘ép cvov

'ra‘

c p év éw cflvp iac 'ra‘

e a im-

o i; «is

p ay in ac s lum. xal mi xoha'

gew ,trunk.

3 Rep . ii . 3 61 D , txa'

r epov «iia'w'

ep dvdp ta'

v'ra elc ‘njv «p low éxxaea i

pu c T ofu a'

vdpo‘

i v.

INTROD UCTION . X

scoundrel as his rival €8 1. This b eing supposed, it is nolonger dimcult, says Glaucon in the dialogue, to foretell thefortunes of the two. The unjust manis of course promised a

career of uninterrupted enjoyment, victory over his enemies,

wealth,popularity among men, and, if costly sacrifices avail

with heaven, the favour of the gods . Of his opponent martyrdom is the too certain doom : he will b e scourged, tor

mented, cast into prison, and will end a life of misery upon

the cros s . Whether of the two, it is asked,is the happier

man3 .

This,it is clear

,is but a statement in its most abstract

form 3of the ques tion discussed with Polus in the second,

and wi th Callicles in the third act of the Gorgias , and theprophecy in the latter pas sage 4 of the condemnation and

death of Socrates completes the resemb lance . Only, as

Glauconcomplains (Rep . p. 3 58 D), as if with reference to thi s

dialogue, the cas e of the just man is not represented quite so

unfavourab ly as it ought to be, in order to the final and

irrevers ib le decis ion of the suit b etween him and hi s rival.From which it would s eem as if Plato himself had b eendissatisfied with the too has ty decision of the question at

is sue which Socrates in the Gorgias pronounces , and ac

cordingly it is much more elaborately discussed inthe Republic : the arb itrator declining to adjudicate untilmany previousques tions are disposed of;in fact until the definition of

Jus tice,moral and political, is satisfactorily made out, and

the various s tages and modifications of Injustice discriminated.

1#1166» 665a» e

'

xé'rw 'rn

‘

v p e'

ylm nv a’

6m iac, 3 61 C.

1 This pas sage is perhaps glanced at by Arist. Eth. N . i . 3 : r dxa

66 Ka i p dhkov w e ‘rého c woAc‘rtKOG 67r0Aa'

Bo z .

(pa in f u l 66 61ro6eea'

r épa Ka i a il-m. 600cc? '

ya‘

p évdéxeafla i Ka i xadeédewExov

'ra w ir a

’

pe'njv, i? 6ca

‘

Bios , Ka i « p69 7 067 019 xaxowa

xa l a’

r uxei‘

u ‘ra‘

p éyw r a'

7 6v 6’

067m {dim-

u 006eie «Burnoutone», 6 1M'i Oé a'w 6m ¢ vk d 1~r wm

3 P . 4 69 B , :7won 3 y e dwoflmiaxwu a'

6lc éAew dv and (Wh at .

fir m» 6’

6 a’

woxr wm’

m, s a nk. The case of Archelaus follows , pp . 4 70,

4 71;an ins tance of succes sful wickedness to which Polus points with

triumph.

4 P . 52 1 B , c.

X GORGIAS .

In the tenth book, however, Socrates sums up, and deliverssentence according to the evidence. And even here thereis this analogy between the Gorgias and the Repub lic, thatboth end with mythical descriptions of the doom whichawaits the righteous and the unrighteous after the soul shallbe parted from the body. The scenery of the myth in theGorgias is far less elaborate than that in the Republic : butthe inference intended to be drawn is evidently the same in

both cas es .

To b ring the points of resemblance between the two

dialogues into yet clearer light, it may be well to quote infree translation, and with a few unimportant omiss ions

,a

pas sage of some length but great interest from the seventhof the thirteen Epistles attributed to Plato 1. Inthis document, profess ing to be written when its author had reachedan advanced age, Plato (if Plato it is ) prefaces a detailed

his tory of his dealings with Syracuse and her successiverulers , by a b rief summary of his early political experiencesinAthens 3. While young,

”he says , I, like so many others ,

resolved that as soon as I became my ownmaster I would

try my fortune inpub lic life. This resolution of mine coin

cided with certain changes in the state of Athens,which I

shall describe. The thenmuch-abused constitution under

went a radical change;and the government in its altered

form was entrusted to a body of fifty-one magistrates , of

whom eleven administered affairs in the city, and ten in

Peiraeus . Over these twenty-one was set a board of Thirtywith ab solute powers Among the fifty

- one were several ofmy own kindred and acquaintance, who soon invited me totake part in carrying out a policy which they thought would

1 The case for the Platonic Epistles has of late gained greatly from

Mr Grote’

s masterly historical analys is of their contents ;while an

eminent scholar of a totally different type, Gabriel Cob et, has pro .

nounced infavour of their genuinenes s ongrounds purely philological.

This most fastidious of critics declares that no one but Plato could

have writtenthem. But however the questionof‘

authorship is decided ,

the authori ty of the seventh Epistle, of which the eighth is properly apart, has never beenimpugned by any competent scholar.

3 r ed: p . 3 2 4 c to 3 26 B.

xxviii GORGIAS.

ters of the principal pub lic men,and the laws and cus toms

prevalent at the time;the longer I cons idered and the older

I grew, the more difi cult it appeared to me to governAthenson right principles . In the firs t place it was impos s ib le toact without a party;which the universal corr uptionrendered

it difficult to find ready made, and which it was not easy toconstruct anew; in the next place both laws and manners

were degenerating with fearful rapidi ty. The consequencewas that, full as I had once been of political enthusiasm,

the

spectacle of the general disorder and confusion almost turned

my brain: and though I would not desist from looking out

for some Opportunity of mending the pres ent state of thingsand was prepared to hide my time

, I finally arrived at the

clear conviction that all existing forms of government are

radically wrong;and that their reformation will require a

machinery of extraordinary power, working under unusuallyfavourable circumstances .

Thus I was constrained to say, that it is true philosophyalone which can enlighten us to discern the principles of

justice Whether in the State or in the Indiv idual;and thataccordingly the crimes and misery of mankind will neverhave an end

,until either the highest clas s of philosophic

thinkers shall step into the seats of power, or the exis ting

rulers shall by some miracle become imbued with philosophicideas .

”

In this passage there is scarcely an express ion of whichwe do not hear the echo either in the Gorgias or in the

Repub lic. The tone of political despair which pervades theformer dialogue, and the equal scorn poured on the pro

fess ions of the rhetor of the agora and the rhetor of the

schools , as exemplified in Callicles and in Polus ;all the in

tolerance and all the exaggerationwhich mark its polemical

passages , find, if not their complete apology, at leas t theirexplanation and palliation in the sad tale of his political

experiences which Plato unfolds to his correspondents in theletter just quoted. His hopes of serving his country hadtwice beenb lighted. The severity of the firs t disappointmentmay be inferred from the fact that among the Thirty and

INTROD UCTION . XX

their subordinates were men endeared to him by literarysympathies as well as by near relationship. Critias and

Charmides are names that figure inhis earlies t dialogues ;onewas his uncle, the other his cous inby the mother

’s s ide and

of Charmides he himself says that he was duh60 0d)“ Kai min:

mus ic, a description also applicab le to Critias . Glaucon1too , his maternal grandfather, was one of the Piraeic Decem

virate . Add to this,that Plato was an Eupatrid both by

father’s and mother’s s ide;and his aristocratical prejudices ,derived from his ancestors, and fed by a naturally nice and

fas tidious temper, a dvaxépu a (pric es ) : dyew ofic, to use his

ownphras e 3 , would incline him to augur well of any attemptto reform and remodel the state onLacedaemonianprinciples ,evenhad the enterpris e Men confided to persons les s knownand trus ted thanthose friends and patrons of his youth, withwhom he had spent many anhour in the society of the man

who was to him the ideal of all that was wise and good in

humanity. Disappointed in the hopes he had formed of the

aristocratic party, he was the better prepared to take a favourable view of the proceedings of the people

’s friends whentheir

hour of triumph came : and for some time their conduct was

such as to encourage his reviving hopes of operatinga beneficialchange inpublic and private morality by the methods (whichSocrates himself by no means despised) of the rhetor and

legislator. The extens ive knowledge which the author of the

Phaedrus displays of the writings of the leaders of both thegreat schools of oratory, the Attic and the Sicilian, may leadto the conjecture that he had at one period of his life studied

rhetoric with a view to its public practice : and one can

hardly doubt that under modemm favourab le circumstances ,his success as a speaker would have been brilliant. It is

even probab le that the interval which elapsed between the

overthrow of the Thirty and the death of Socrates—an in

terval of from three to four years—was employed by Platoin s tudies preparatory to political life. That he ever ascendedthe bema during this period we do not indeed learn. He

1 So Taylor, Life of Lys ias , p . xlv, note k.3 InPhilebus , 4 4 o.

XXX GORGIAS .

was not more thantwenty- s ix years of age at its commence

ment, and we know that Demosthenes did not begin to speakinpub lic until he had entered onhis thirtieth year. Poss ib ly

,

too, the unsettled state of parties to which he alludes in the

Epistle above quoted, may have contributed to the delay.

He himself says , Bpaddr epov p air, th at: 65’

p t 6pm: 6 « cpl

«prin t er r6 Kowd x01nohcnxc‘

: fmflvp t'a.

But whatever degree of maturity Plato’s purpose may

have attained, it was checked at once and for ever by theunrighteous sentence passed upon his Master and Friend .

It was this that forced uponhim the convictionthat oligarchsand democrats were alike unprincipled , and that the task of

forming a third party, sufliciently honest and sufficientlypowerful to effect a radical reform of Athenian institutions ,was a mere impos s ib ility, and the hopes founded on such a

contingency chimerical. We know from other authorities,

that immediately after the perpetrationof that great judicialcrime, he retired from Athens , and took refuge in the neighbouring city of Megara, where Euclides , a native of thatplace, a friend and admiring disciple of Socrates , and the

founder of the Megarian sect,is said to have received him

under his roof. That res idence, and his sub sequent travels ,may have contributed inmore ways thanone towards matur

ing and enlarging his philosophical views : but we have it onhis own word

,or the word at leas t of the author of that

seventh Epistle, that the two mos t important practical convictions of his life

,— the hopeles snes s of any attempt to amend

the existing laws and practice of the Greek communities byany of the ordinary and constitutional means , and the necos

sity, and under given circumstances the feas ib ility, of an

entire re cons truction of the political fab ric on principles of

pure reasonand philosophy—that these two convictions datefrom the death of Socrates , and were the result of conclusionsdelib erately drawn from that and his former experiences inAthens . Of the first of these convictions, as it seems to me,the Gorgias is the pub lic vindication: of the latter, the

Repub lic. Of the time and place at which these dialog ueswere composed , we have no dis tinct tes timony;but it is

INTRODUCTION . X

difi cult to believe that the Gorgias could have been writtenanywhere but at Athens ;and we cannot but incline to the

conjecture that it was the first or one of the first writtenafter

his return, which according to more than one witness must

have takenplace about four years after the death of Socrates ,that is to say not later than 3 95 B.c.

1 Plato’s deep and

pass ionate disapproval of Athenian institutions does not seemto have deterred him from serving in his country

’s armies ,

and bearing his part in three distinct engagements, at

Tanagra, at Corinth, and at Delium. His performance of themilitary duties of a citizen may have encourap d his friends

inAthens to hope that his quarrel with the Athenianpeoplewas now made up, and that the dispos ition to pub lic li fe ofwhich he had twice before shown indications , would nowripen into act. Regard for his own safety may have b eenone of the cons iderations by which his friends would urge

him to cultivate the power of pub lic or judicial speaking : for,they may have plausibly urged, it was the want of this ac

complishment that sealed the doom of Socrates .

’

Avroxr eve?

(3 Indra) » 6 Bovhdp evos‘, m l eiaaxdric'

u d c ducaa'

rrjptov 67161rd”) p oxdrypoii dvdpairrov Ital (pav

'

hov, by a vulgar leatherseller like Anytus , or a wretched scrib bler for the stage suchas Meletus , may have been among the warnings given bysome friendly Callicles 3. Or, these cons iderations apart, whatnobler end could be pursued by anAthenian of family, thanthe acquisitionof influence and wealth and distinction intheState;or what nob ler art than that of bridling and tamingthe multitude, and riding into power ontheir backs ? Theytoo

, his friends and well-wishers , had philosophized in their1 The fabulous extent and durationassigned to Plato

’

s travels byhis later biographers neednot cause any embarrassment. The accounts

are so discrepant and so ill o supported as to excite our wonder at the

trouble which modern scholars have taken to manufacture them into

his tory. As usual in such cases , the later the narrative, the betterinformed we find the narrator. The doctrine of development

”alone

could give value to the discoveries of Lactantius and other Chris tian

Apologis ts who have favoured us wi th Platonic Itineraries ;but the

PaganApuleius , and, i na les s degree , the more accurate Cicero , have

lent their names to very questionable statements .

3 See Gorg. p . 52 1 B , o.

Xxx ll GORGIAS .

time : for philosophy was doubtles s an elegant amusement1

for a young man of rank and leisure, and an excellent train

ing for the mind, as his fellow-pupil Isocrates , now makinghis fortune by his pen, had substantial reasons for acknow

lodging.

The speech of Callicles is indeed throughout more applicab le to the circums tances of a comparatively young man,who

,like Plato on his firs t return to Athens

,had hi s pro

fes s ion to choose, than to an elderly and inveterate dialectician, such as Socrates mus t have seemed at the time whenthis conversation is supposed to take place. The readers of

Plato will be at no loss for parallel instances of pas sages inwhich his contemporaries would recogniz e the author under

the mask of his hero,or in which the opinions

,the parties,

and the personages of his own time are antedated by some

twenty or thirty years.But the best argument infavour of our hypothes is is , that

it affords a point of view from which the various divis ionsand subdivis ions of the dialogue group themselves into unity.

The Gorgias is in effect an’

Anohoyia t rwvor. It contains

his reas ons for preferring, under existing circumstances,the

contemplative to the active, the philosophic to the rhetoricallife . The philosopher, as Socrates says 3 , is the only truemaster of the science of Politics . The end of that science

and of the art founded upon it is not to pander to the inclinations of a people, but to make them wiser, juster, and by

1 d uhoa'oqfla ydp 7 0‘rit c3 d pa

‘rev xap iev (Iv 'r t9 (167 06

p cr p iws' fidnrra i 6» ijhucigr éa

‘

v 66 wepaw épw 7 06 66 607 09

éu6i a 'rp idty, di acptlopa‘

aw7w a'

vOpuiwwv . éa‘

v '

ya‘

p xa l arduv eb¢mi9 5,xa l 759 ijAcx lac duhoa

'

odi fi, a’

va'

yxnwa'

v‘rwv dweipov y cy ovéua c

émriv, a?

» xp il émremov GIN “ 7dr p éAAow a xaAdv xa’

yado‘

v xal

éc eceac dv6pa, Ka i '

ya‘

p 7 631: 06pm: dw ctpoa'

yi'

yuov'ra r v 6 w

xar a‘

w ill w éhw , Ka l 78 v Aé‘

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INTRODUCTION . xxxiii

that means happier 1. The only true rhetoric is that of the

philosopher who is ab le to persuade his fellow- citiz ens to cul

tivate these virtues in themselves, and to embody them in

their legis lation. Consequently 2 , the true rhetoricianmus tbe just himself, and acquaia with the principles of justice.

How then is it poss ible that one who holds these principlescan take part in the administration of a s tate like that of

Athens , where the statesman is but the tool,the Buixovos , or

upper servant, of the Demus 3 , hired for the purpose of sup

plying its outward needs , and gratifying its pass ions of vainglory and amb ition? As the

,ends pursued by the ab les t of

the only statesmen pos s ib le in a popular government, are

such as no wise man can es teem ; so the means they are

compelled to employ are such as no hones t mancan stoop to .

The mos t approved of these means is Rhetoric, the Rhetorictaught by Gorgias and practised by Callicles , the wohcr cxijs

pap iov elBo v, or semb lance of that true Rhetoric ‘1 which isauxiliary to the higher and only true art Politic, the art of

producing jus tice in the s ouls of individual citiz ens , and inthat aggregate of souls we call the State.

To complete this statement, it was necessary to des cribethe true nature of Jus tice

,which

, as we have seen, Plato

expres ses interms sub stantially,and as far as they go, literally

the same as those which he employs inthe Republic.

With the same object in view, he seeks to es tab lish theessential difference of Pleasure and Good

,which is done

briefly, but accurately enough for the purpose we as sumed 5.

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«170 606. If we compare this with a pas sage in the Protagoras , we

shall see that Plato’s views onthis subject had undergone an important

change during the interval between the compositionof that dialogue

and the Gorgias . 0! 1m 3xe7c dAAo «pa'

vai. alum 76 n“

rniu

GORGIAS .

The questionis determined on its ownmerits inthe Philebus ,

which contains , as it seems to me, the most satisfactory

analys is of Pleas ure and its ingredients that is to be found inany Greek writer

,and in which the discuss ion is of a more

searching and speculative kind thanthat in the Gorgias . In

the Philebus, there is little doub t that the tenets of the

Cyrenaic school are attacked;but I cannot, with Schleiermacher, detect any such polemical reference in the Gorgias ;where the “hedonistic sentiments put into the mouth of

Callicles are the express ion of mere practical 1ibertinismseeking arguments in defence of its own practice , and are

totally unlike the scientific sensualism attributed to Ari3

Throughout the whole dialogue there reigns a spirit of

pas s ionate vehemence, scarcely reconcilab le with a scientific

or speculative purpose, but thoroughly consistent with thatmore practical object of justifying ab stinence from po liticalactionina depraved commonwealth which I suppose Plato tohave had in view when he wrote. Bitter indeed must havebeen his feelings on revis iting the guilty city for the first

time after his master’s death : deep his abhorrence of that

art whose professors , repres ented by the rhetor Lycon,had

mainly contributed to the perpetration of that crime : not

over- friendly his feelings towards the poets who had con

spired with the rhetoricians in their attack upon the man

whom both hated with nearly equal hatred. His dis like of

pub lic life, at leas t inAthens ,never left him. It is expres sedin the Theaetetus 1, but with more of scorn than of anger :

but there is not one of his dialogues inwhich the pub lic menof the bes t times of the Athenian History, such men as

Pericles and Miltiades and Cimon,are treated with such

indiscriminating severity as in the Gorgias 3 .

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certainly that of hi s later life, it seems irrational to doubt that theProtagoras was the earlier productionof the two.

1 P . 172 c seq.

2 Compare e .g. Protagoras , 819 E , 3 22 A, and still more the

xxxvi GORGIAS .

sentence of the pas sage quoted above from the seventhEpistle : Ac’yew 7e G

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before ob served, the texts on which the Gorgias and the

Repub lic are respectively founded ;and when Plato goes on

to say, that these ideas had been formed in his mind beforehe first vis ited S icily1 it is difi cult to avoid theinference that the Gorgias was writtenand the Repub lic at

least b egunat the period last specified.It is also a general opinion that the idea of a female

commonwealth exhib ited by Aris tophanes in the Eccles iaz ass o was written by the comic poet in ridicule of the

Platonic commonwealth 3 . The Ecclesiaz usae was representedin the year 3 92 ;it seems therefore poss ible that at this datesome part at least of the Repub lic was written, and had beenpub licly read, if we may not say pub lished, inAthens .

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‘1 Meineke has evenpointed out two pas sages , one inthis play, andone inthe Plutus , inwhich, as he supposes , Plato himself is ridiculed

under the name of Aristyllus , the diminutive of Plato’s original name

Aristocles ,which, if he ever bore it, was inherited from his grandfather.

Com. Gr. i . p . 281. I confess , however, that such an allusion seemstoo far-fetched to have been intelligible to anAthenian or any other

audience . The Aristyllus in question was probably some personnotorious for low profiigacy, and quite unconnected with Plato.

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GORGIAs . [4 47B

shall hear him then, whenyou think proper to pay me a vis it atmy house ; for Gorgias is my gues t, and will exhibit to you .’Schleiermacher infers from this , that the scene of the conversationis not the house of Callicles, as commonly supposed, but agymnasium or other place of public resort. The draw ,

whichmarvellously ofi ends Stallbaum , may thus be defended, and

the (30e Myer: t mnc Ow of Socr. explained. I

cannot believe with Ast that firm is here used imperatively, orwith Schleierm. that the and before ér c8el£era¢ is in ap odosi .

Hemsterhuis conjectured 6 for retaining the vulg.fioéw e, but has found no follower among the odd.

Page 2 . a 8mkex01’

ivac] Besigning himself to the loss of theformal mecca , Socr. hopes that Gorgias will not at any rate beindisposed for a conversation. The words 8M »: ét l8e¢£w are

equivalent to ér l8eéw, am,» This use of 6AM : is

familiar to readers of Plato, and will b e found illus trated inthenote onp. 473 o.

'1 otor] Nothing like inquiring athead-quarters .

” Best go to the fountain-head.” “ Il n’

y a

rientel que de parlor a. lui mesme Nichts besser alsihnselbst fragen InDemosth. Mid . 52 9, we find,

0101! dxoéew (181 001 09 véuov, the art. before the infin. being omitted;as it i s likewise inAristoph. Aves 966, 08881 016v €01"1 631 £1 01 . On the other hand 1 6 is inserted both here and below,p. 4 81B, as well as in Xen. Oec . 8 . 14 adduced by Matth. (Gr.

Gr. § 54 1, InLys istr. 185, 78p 01011 6 ¢UmAvam pdn) ,

the inf. , or word answering to the inf., is suppressed. The Schol.on the last passage erroneously explains the phrase by 088421

w er. 8 éxékeue 708v] Comp. Philostratus , Vitt. Soph. p. 4 87,0xe8lov X6701: Pap

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i. d.umOne MS. has dt expwn, anaoris t inadmiss ible in thi s sense ,

inanAttic writer. dr oxpro‘fivat occurs inthe sense of answering ’

inthe 2nd Alcib . 14 9n, and is one among many indications of thespuriousness of that dialogue. as dwoxp we

‘

i] So the Bodl.The other M88. and odd. except Hermann’

s have dr oxplrec.

Chaerephonmeans to say, If such has been your pas t success ,you will have no difficulty in answering any question I may

proposePage 3 .

'1'

Hpbamos]The Schol. cautions us against confoundmg this Herodicus with Herodicus the Selymbrian, also a phy

NOTES .

sician, of whom see anamus ing notice inBepubl. iii . 4 06. The

brother of Aristophon presently mentioned was no less a personthan the famous Polygnotus , who painted the Lesche at Delphi .This is proved by anepigram quoted by the Schol.

7pd¢e IIoM '

yvm'

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ykaocpc’

bw os

vlés, r epacp évnv’

IMov dxpé r ohrv.

Also by a pas sage in the Ion, p . 53 2 a. 1 t The MSS.

have rim . Olymp. reads which had been conjectured byButtmann, incons iderationof the following 87 6p . 1 9

'

0 Xat

pe¢c2w] This speech of Polus was a part of his réxmj, or treatise onRhetoric, of whi ch we hear below, p . 4 62 0. So the Schol. onHermogenes , p . 18 (Bhetores Graeci Walz . iv. doer m l 110M :

8 I‘

opytov év 1'éxvy ¢n0 lv

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oq r éx r a t 8! dr

0p 0’

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w éur e cpla : (L. émrelpws)e bpnuévac. Comp. Arist. Metaph. i . l , 1) ne‘v 78p épa '

apla 11‘w

@ 10 1 Iléihos, M70111, _3 6 M AXIM

1 exvé'

w] Compare Philebus , p. 58, 113 11 h ave, a":

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bv .

Page 4 . 1 002 Bovkonévq: 801 19 ] Thi s sufi ciently commonidiom is illustrated inall theGrammars , as inDonaldson, 4 58 99 .

It is imitated inLatinby Sallus t and Tacitus . a ma;i d)This construction (for not écm 61 : times) , which is

illus trated by Stallb . is especi afiym e case of thewords 81

’

il\os andM ph Soph. Ant. 4 00, elm 1 678'

M anagua/Zia». taxes, and in its intrans . sense , are

more frequently used with participles , as ih. v. 20, «What: ydp 1"xahxaivow

’

€1 09. Stallb . quotes three instances from Plato inwhich dy a'

yxai'

os is similarly used, among these the passage below,4 4 9 c. 1 4 (500 6p 18 Eur poaaév 00¢ lit erat ure] Chéréphon

t’a mis sur la vole par des examples (Cousin) . is used

s imilarly in Theaet. 179 D, 0xe1r1'éov 85 dpxijs, 60 0 a};

81 01 4281011 0 1. The active is found inlike sense inClitoph. 408 D.It is nearly equivalent to 8¢1rye2000¢ (pm eire, p raemons trare) , asHeindorf remarks . Comp. 4 55 D, c181 8: yap Icahn?” 8¢1ryrj0¢o, ‘haveshownme the way.

’ The allusionhere is to the examples of thephys ician

—

and'painter above proposed by Chaerephon. Observe

the hendiadys , for“

02011-

5p, Kata:

dwexplvw, m l 19v elr é. Comp. 8r e7pd¢ap emTheaet. 171E.

The 089 whi ch used to stand after was , though g enui n e-Am

[4 4 3 p.

Heind ., is now properly omitted by the edd. It is absent fromthe Bod]. ac 0 mm xal m om] Olymp. in 1 a m ., 0,

xapannpcj’

énwr ér m vjpova xal incus'

1'

01l

érwrfipovas. Kat ér 193‘ '

Axxtfird8y et'

prrrar. Ad v. dAXovs int.881 0p x. Plene infra 0, 78p 42371 £7 10” i réxvns circ a,

«0 2 8v m l 8AM » Mropa . Conviv . 196 E , 110:t 8 068:

0046 : nin e m l 870 w» (Ast) . 8 2 010' m l 1163M :

fipfaro] such as was'

the exordium of Polus ,’ as if he had said010v dpxijv fipfaro, as in Soph. 2 4 2 B, 1 600. dpxfiv dv dpéan

'

o

X87011 Tim. 3 6 E , 9610 1! dpxijv f} arc .

Page 5 . 1 888’

80 6pm0xve'

i] Sup. 4 47D , elr é ,uor, (8 Panic ,

8A1)”Myer KaN uxMjs 88c, 81"ét a'néxka dr oxplv at 8 89

0e épw'rqi;

’

Altnfiij, x0 2 78p 81) 1 0 610. 80 11776 )

Many . After 81 00810014 some few codd. give vat. Buttmann

would receive this into the text, as the answer of Gorgias to therequest made by Soor. He urges that the general ér dw exm ofGorgias did not imply all that Socr. here requires of him. Toevade the dimculty Ast proposes str ep for 80 6p. It is , I think ,conceivable that Socr. refers to a boas t which he regards as

notorious , and which Gorgias presently repeats , p.178éva. 8v év

fipaxvrépms, L 1 3 8. 811107016? will thus have its natural meaningthe profession you habitually make.

’I hesitate between this

view and the expedient proposed by Buttm. Sext. Empir. (adv.

Matth. ii . 7) gives a well-known anecdote in illustration of thecontrast between dialectical brevi ty and rhetorical fi ifi useness

e rwv 8 Ka ma): épm fiels 811p 8¢a¢épe¢ pyropmfis ,0 ca1pé¢as xei

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aas €981; p év

0 110 1;:o 18 01p6~nvhov Kai ppaxz) 8¢axexrmfis 1 8.1 1am l8£wua,

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’

ovcar.

Bigt as regards the sense. For the use of dvaq i‘

ar comp.Legg. i. 64 3 o;Soph . 24 2 B, and the note on 4 4 8 D above. Tr.,

There are answers , Socr., which cannot choose but be diffuse. JNot but what I will try to be as brief as pos sible.

’ '1 m l 78p

08] This boast was common to Gorgias and his mas ter Tis ias .See Phaedr. 2 67B. O T061011mjv] Olymp . reads uérr

which is perhaps better. 2 3 yé 0011] So Heind. SomeMSS . have ya only, some 00v Only, but both are required by usage.Hirschig in a recent tract insis ts on expelling dr oxptaea ,

reading i yap al 79‘00v 8 ndwoxplvet So Hipp. Maj . 2 91 E,

[4 50n

mixed game of chance and skill, like our backgammon, is to b eunderstood by The ‘

speech cons isted in calling outthe number of each throw of the dice;the actioninmoving thepieces to the best advantage under the cirggms tances . éf (008

6x61 16 1 e épyov x01 18» Myor 78p 81111 0 1! 1 8: 110 2

8118 870110 ! 1 110'

010» s"

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13 1plex1 0 (so. 1s Aesch . Ag . init.)171 1 1 0106101 . B 11182 3 11: I imagine that he means

gags, for the

draughtmencan ardly have beenmade to serve a oub le purposeeven though they were, as he says , like a split die (81601-11118 1 x85011311 1p163v 1p1

'

ya'

wwr t eptexép eros) . 2 8 08x 81 1]‘not but what ,

taken at your word, you did say as much as that ’ & c. Protag.

3 3 6 D , 08x 81 1 1101 01110 111 émMjwm v 621 01,‘though he does

make believe and protest that he has no memory.’ 8 0 x01

81 0Adfio1 (iv and a captions Opponent, if so di sposed , mightreply, Oh, so it is arithmetic you mean whenyou say8v0 x ep0 £r ew , ¢1Xove1xeiv

Page 8 . 6”101 vvv] Most MSS . have 161 . Bekker reads

081 on the authority of one or two. I have res tored the enclitic,which Dindorf replaces likewise in Sophis t. p. 2 2 4 c , '

101 81) var

0 111078.w 0816 for the vulg . 81) 1161! (Ad Steph. Thes . n. p.So inXen. Hell. v. 1. 3 2 , (1 e WV 110! épw dn . Nonest enim our

poeticum putetur mm encliticum , quod prosec quoque tribuerevidetur Schol. ad Eur. Hoe. 975 Matth.

”(Dind. ibid. tom. v.

p. The temporal adverb is out of place here , and the

reading 089 was probably a gloss on the original mm or The

same account may be given of which is found in another MS.

On the quantity of the enclitic vw see the accurate remarks of

Mr J. Wordsworth in the Philological Museum, i . p. 2 2 6.

1 6 1 11111 1 61] After this word 71 1601: stands in the MSS . Bekkerand all subsequent edd . have b rackewd it. It is so palpably a

gloss that it is better removed. 80’

éxdTepa m xdrm 871 0]800 here and in 4 53 n is used for 1 600 or 81160 0 . Soph . Oed . B.

1271, 80089 513 0811 830011116 my 080’

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Xen. Cyr. v. 2 9, 5707011 aus pdxovs 08x 80 0v: 08 8116100 1

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others give d m,and so the Ziir . edd. But this could only

mean,‘as many as there may b e of either "sort,’ whereas the

meaning required is , ‘how many either may b e’

;i .a. how manyunits there are, or ‘may be ,

’ in any particular odd or evennumber. The potential m dxm wi ll give this sense

,but we

should have expected to find as in the pas sage of

4 51 3 ] NOTES.

thi s dial. just referred to we have 800 1501 61 and 80011 é01 tv, and in

Theaet. 198 0 01101 1530001 1 600: 1 1: 111110118: 1 v7xdr e 1 One

MS . has 1m dve1, though apparently retaining din—Arithmetic,in its popular acceptation among the Greeks, was limited toNotationor Numeration: speculative or scientifi c Arithmetic tooka much wider range , including the s cience of the forms and

properties of numbers , as developed for instance inthe four booksof Euclid succeeding the sixth. Logistic inlike manner was bothpopular and philosophical, the former being confined to the fourrules and their applications. It is evident that Socr. is herespeaking only of the pop ular Arithmetic and Logistic : Olympiodorus is therefore wide of the mark when he says , 1) 1181 64110

11171 1111) wept 1 8 61801 081 13 11 (so. 108 1101 1 06 1 6p11 1 08) 1) 8%107101 1111;r cpt cans—for his statement, if true, is inapplicableto the passage before us . Those who are interested in the

history of Greek mathematics may consult upon this pointKlugel

’s Mathematisches Wiirterbuch, i. 174 fol., comparing Plat.

Politic. 299 s , and Phileh. 56 o fol. The theorem giveninTheaet.147D is anelegant specimenof the higher Arithmetic. 18 xv

povpévwr]‘which accomplish ’

or‘achieve ’

: nearly : 81ar pa1 1 cpém v, with whi ch it is coupled below (D ) . xvpoflr = to givevalidity to the will or act of another. 1 9 01 £1

‘those who frame amendments in the assembly,’i .s . uponthe p robouleumata brought downfrom the Council. The

force of the following words will be at once evident from an

inscription in Boeckh (No . 18, 61910 1 3flovhjj,dvaypdtllm 8% 4 0 16111111 01 18» Haplavov 1 p8£evov x0 2 ril e/171

51 111! 081 8»

1 08: 81761 001 89 8101117. The honours decreed by theCouncil to this Phanocritus had been more limi ted, and the

orator Cephalus adds this ‘rider.’ In Aesch. c. Ctes. p. 71,

127, we find 01511/paus e used in the corresponding sense of aclause in a bill : 110 2 118811! £1 W¢£0001 1 x0 2

00¢é01 epov x02 1 1xp61 epov 087711011110‘he inserts a much

harsher provision.