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JIM PAUL: May you please take your seats.
Good morning. Let us begin. We are privileged this morning
to have with us two brothers, Liko and Kala, who are going to
lead us in a chant to convene this symposium. They are from
Waipahu and Wihole.
LIKO: Today we are going to be reciting
three oli. The first of which is a Pali whose intent is to
help clear the way so we have a nice, productive, positive
event today. The second is, the second oli asks and answers
the question where is the water of Kane? Where is the water of
life? The third is an invitation. It asks us all to drink of
the sweet waters together, to share the goodness of life. I
just wanted to add that in Hawaiian tradition water is always
equated with oli. You're going to here that word in this
chant, the word oli, in Hawaiian that means life itself and you
always hear it with Kane kawai oli. The God Kane with the
waters of life and I'd just like to offer up these 3 short
chants to start our day off today. (Chanting in Hawaiian)
JIM PAUL: Thank you Kala and Liko for
blessing us with those words. Please go ahead and take a seat.
Good morning again and welcome to this symposium this morning
on managing Hawaii's trust doctrine. My name is Jim Paul and
I'm a member of the program committee which has been working on
pulling this program together today. I want to note that this
entire symposium has been generously under written by the
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Hawaii Community Foundation for which we cannot give enough
thanks and an also being cosponsored by several organizations
and I'd like to mention them; the Hawaii State Department of
Health, the Hawaii State Coastal Zone Management, the Hawaii
State Office of Planning, the Hawaii State Office of
Environmental Quality Control, the Hawaii State Department of
Land and Natural Resources Division of Aquatic Resources, the
Hawaii County Planning Department, the Department of Urban and
Regional Planning here at the University of Hawaii, the
Environmental Law Program at the Richardson School of Law here
at the University, the Natural Resources Section of the Hawaii
State Bar Association, the Native Hawaii Bar Association,
Hawaii Styles and Friends and the American Fishery Society, and
we thank all of them for their support on this important topic.
We are priviledged to have with us today two of the
widely respected and well-known people in the United States,
with respect to the Public Trust Doctrine, Professor Joseph Sax
and Mr. Jan Stevens, who you will be hearing from here shortly.
We are also priviledged to have with us today, as I'm sure all
of you here know, a very wide and very remarkable for me cross
section of Hawaii's leaders and people who are very interested
in this doctrine and most of you, as you know, have played a
role in some way, some small and some very large, in the cases
and in the development of this doctrine and where it is today.
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Before we begin I'd like to go over some preliminary
matters which are important. First, each of you has received
and you should have received a black binder with a number of
written materials in it. The third page of that binder, as you
may already have noticed, has our schedule for today and as you
can see right now we are only 10 minutes behind but we're right
on schedule. Our schedule is packed and it is tight but we're
going to do our best to stay with it so that we do finish by 1
P. M.. We have only one break and that's for 15 minutes and
that's from 1030 to 1045. The bathrooms, as you may have
noticed, are right outside the auditorium and to my left if you
haven't noticed, and feel free during the presentation not to
have to wait until the break to use them if you wish. We have
some coffee and some snacks outside as you see, but it is very
important that we bring no food or drink into this auditorium.
We thank very much the School of Architecture for permitting
us to use this auditorium but school regulations prohibit any
food or drink and we'd all appreciate your cooperation in that
regard. Unfortunately we cannot permit any oral questions or
any oral inquiries today because of our schedule and simply
because we just do not have time to do that. We ask your
understanding with respect to this and we ask your courtesy in
complying with this rule. That does not mean that, however, we
will not have questions. In the material that you were given
there were 3 by 5 cards. Please feel free to submit written
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questions during any part of today with respect to any aspect
of this. If you don't have your 3 by 5 cards, there will be
students from the law school and from the university who will
be walking through the aisle during our presentation and they
have 3 by 5 cards. Please feel free to ask them. You'll see
at various times that students will be bringing those questions
up to the moderators and to others, and they will be dealt
with. There will be opportunities during the break and after
we finish at 1 o'clock to speak with, I hope, for each of you
that can't restrain yourself and I include myself in that
category, to speak with Professor Sax or Mr. Stevens or others
of our panelists today. Written materials, obviously you
haven't had a chance to read them and we understand that but I
recommend them to you, they are very interesting and in
addition to the schedule the fourth page, and ^it's ^ itself a
two sided page, has the biographies and ^it's ^ itself a very
brief biography of our speakers and our panelists today. We
will not be spending time, with one exception that I'll get to
in a moment, really to get into people's backgrounds. Please
refer to those biographies. We prefer to use our time to try
to get into the issues today. There are articles and comments
that have been included. Most of the panelists that you will
see today on the panels have submitted written pieces sharing
some of their thoughts with respect to the Public Trust
Doctrine and I think a very interesting array of perspectives
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from different points of view about the doctrine and what it
means to people who are in some way responsible for dealing
with it and implementing the doctrine.
There's also the last six pages, a very good
bibliography which Professor Denise Antolini has been very good
to put together with respect to the Public Trust Doctrine, a
wealth of information, easy to use and easy to see, for you to
take with you. There are also, as you might have noticed, a
couple of books on sale at heavily discounted prices that are
out front and you'll have an opportunity, if you haven't
already, to take a look at those further at the break and at
the end of the day and I recommend both of those to you highly.
As you can see this is being videotaped today by
Ouella, so it is important that I remind each of our speakers
and our panelists it is important that each of us, and I'm
reminding myself, that each of us speak into a microphone
today, not only for the purposes of the people here but for the
purposes of the recording. Finally and not the least
important, for those of you who have beepers and cell phones
with you, if you would please do each of us a favor and turn
them off now.
The catalyst for this symposium was the August, 2000
Waiahole ditch decision. Denise has asked me to please call it
the Waiahole water decision but I can't break the habit. I
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call it the Waiahole ditch decision. Several interested
parties who are involved in that case believed that a gathering
such as this was essential to focus on the Public Trust
Doctrine and specifically that doctrine as it has now been
established by that decision in Hawaii. By coincidence, both
of our speakers today, both Professor Sax and Jan Stevens, are
quoted by the Hawaii Supreme Court in that decision. We hope
by the end of today, by 1 o'clock that all of us here will have
a better understanding of certain issues such as just what is
Hawaii's Public Trust Doctrine, who is responsible for managing
and implementing that doctrine, what are the specific
responsibilities of the state and its subdivisions and
agencies, what does it mean on a day-to-day basis for
regulators, policy makers and managers of the state, and why is
it supportive of and consistent with many of the native
American and native Hawaiian notions of the relationship
between human beings and natural resources. ^it's ^ itself an
ambitious list of questions but I hope by 1 o'clock we all have
an opportunity to think about these questions.
It is now my pleasure to introduce Professor Denise
Antolini who will introduce our keynote speaker for the day,
Professor Joseph Sax. Because Denise's biography is not on
page four of your materials, permit me to just spend a brief
moment introducing her. Denise is an assistant professor at
the Richardson School of Law here at the university. She is
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very active in the law school's environmental program and has
been very active not only in this law school but in previous
live environmental issues across this state and elsewhere. She
was at the birth, if I can call it that, of the Waiahole ditch
case, a long long time ago but not too far away when she
represented the Waiahole, Waikane Community Association and
others before this case became a contested case here at the
water commission. Perhaps most importantly, she was a student
of Professor Sax's in his first year at the University of
California, Berkley, and she is looking forward to introducing
him today. Denise.
DENISE ANTOLINI: Aloha and good morning.
Especially in Hawaii, water is life and rain is literally and
figuratively, culturally and economically is a blessing. The
Hawaiian word for water, wai, is a beautiful word used to
describe so many special places with special sources of water
like Waiahole, Waikane, Waianu. The importance of water to
Hawaiian culture is evident in the term wai wai which means
wealth and Kanewai which means law. Yesterday I had the great
priviledge of accompanying Professor Joseph Sax and his wife
Ellie, and Jan Stevens and his wife Karen on a tour of the
Waiahole water system and stream. The morning was very gray
and very raining. Certain circumstances that might have
dampened the spirits of a less intrepid group of travellers but
Joe, Ellie, Jan and Karen were not only as you might guess very
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experienced travellers but each of them has visited Hawaii many
times over the past 30 years so as we began driving up the
Waiahole Valley Road into the misshrouded Pali, I think they
all knew we were in for an unforgettable Hawaiian adventure.
Suddenly we had a view between the dripping trees of
the stunningly steep cliffs ringing the back of Waihole Valley.
The spectacular cite of a symphony of gushing waterfalls
plunging down the Pali took our breath away. As we climbed up
the rough road to the tunnel, it quickly became evident to me
that yesterday, the day that these very special people came to
visit it, Waiahole stream was spectacularly high, perhaps at
record levels and the roaring sound was phenomenal and it was a
chicken skin experience. So why do I relate this story to you
as a way of introducing Professor Joseph Sax? For three
reasons.
First, to me the rain was a sign of blessing for
their visit to Hawaii. I hope they continue to enjoy every
minute of it and to come back often. Second, the full and wild
stream was a tribute in my mind to Joe. Without knowing it and
in a far away place that he probably never knew he would visit
and as a result of scholarship that he began over 30 years ago,
his wisdom and passion had had a real, immediate and
breathtaking impact. Yes, like so many of you in this room who
had some role and a little something to do with the restoration
of Waiahole stream, Joe was partially responsible for the fact
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that that stream was gushing and not trickling. The third
reason is that Joe and his lifetime of scholarship reminds me
of the vitality, the wealth and the blessing of our water in
Hawaii. For more than four decades, his contribution to law
teaching, legal scholarship and public policy have been like
those waterfalls, incredibly prolific, sometimes unexpected,
always enriching, fluid and inviting and powerful. He has
authored over eight books and over a hundred articles on law
and public policy that are listed in your bibliography in the
areas of endangered species, citizen suits, environmental
impact, statement law, property law, takings, public lands,
especially national parks, and of course water law and the
Public Trust Doctrine. His life of teaching and scholarship
has touched so many lives, lives of people he never knew and
probably will never meet. Decades of students, advocates,
communities, decision makers, litigators and most importantly,
he's touched the haina.
From my experiences, first as a student of his first
year when he arrived at Berkley, and as a public interest
litigator, and now as a law teacher teaching environmental law,
I am very grateful to him for his pioneering work, especially
in areas of citizen suit litigation and water law. Joe is
recognized throughout the country as one of the founding
fathers of modern environmental law, not only the Public Trust
Doctrine. He's not only a lawyer's lawyer but in my view he's
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a scholar's scholar. He makes a difference. His biography is
summarized in your materials but let me highlight for you what
other nationally recognized scholars themselves have said about
Joe Sax. In 1998 there was an extraordinary panel of scholars
from across the country at an annual conference of the American
Association of Law Schools in San Francisco and I was lucky to
be able to go to this panel discussion and it was five or six
distinguished scholars all there to discuss the scholarship of
Joe Sax. And what a tribute it was and the room was packed.
The convener of that panel, Richard Lazarus from Georgetown
University Law Center, said this about Joe, "If one was to ask
legal scholars to name the two or three most significant
natural resources law scholars of modern times, Professor Joe
Sax's name would be on everyone's list." Extraordinarily
engaging in person, he is even more so in his legal
scholarship. He presents a rare combination of passion and
intellect. He has, in his own work both as a teacher and
scholar, demonstrated the positive attention for bridging
academic scholarship and law reform. He has been a mentor, a
model and indeed an inspiration of many of those who teach and
practice natural resources law today. He is a historian, a
multi-disciplinarian, an inventor, a tinkerer, a first-class
lawyer with a passion and a vision. Also known as the 'dean of
water law', he is a master of rhetoric, he's a populace seen as
an optimist. Professor Sax, thank you again for coming to
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Hawaii. We thank you for inspiring us, for educating us, and
for your creative and impragmatic approach to environmental law
in the public interest. Aloha and welcome.
PROFESSOR SAX: Thank you very much. I
would like to start by forgiving Denise for her exaggerated
introduction. ^it's ^ itself comments like that assure that no
matter what one says in the speech itself, it's guaranteed to
be disappointing. I also want to thank Jim and others for
their hospitality to us on our visit here, both on behalf of
myself and my wife, and also to thank you two brothers for your
chant which was to me as a visitor a very special and unusual
treat and a wonderful way to introduce this session.
It's obvious to me just looking out at a large number
of people today that you have all come together to participate
in a very important symposium in which to discuss and to
inquire into the implications of a very important and
significant decision that was issued about a year ago by your
Hawaii Supreme Court. You will hear during the course of this
session from a number of people who are very broadly
experienced and extraordinarily knowledgeable about Hawaii law
and the history but unique and unusual legal history of this
state, a matter on which I am not an expert and can provide no
special knowledge. What I hope to be able to do today,
however, is to try to share with you some sense of how these
developments that you have been concerned with during the last
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years and months in Hawaii water and public trust law fit into
the more general context of water and public trust development
elsewhere in the United States to try to put your developments
into a prospective of what's been going on elsewhere in the
country. Let me start by saying simply water is unique among
resources and it's not unique simply because it sustains us,
though of course it does that.
Unlike other resources, unlike land or oil or timber
which are also essential to our modern lives, water, whether we
find it beneath the earth or in surface streams, is a moving
and a cyclical resource. Its supply is uncertain and
unchangeable from season to season and from year to year. By
its very nature, by its physical nature, it is a shared common
property. We cannot command it as a fixed object as we do with
land or with other minerals. The water we use today is not the
same water we'll use tomorrow and the water we use is routinely
used again and again by someone else downstream or downriver
and ultimately water returns to the sea. It is a continuum.
Surface water and underground water are parts of a single
integrated system. For these reasons the legal regime applied
to water is unlike any other and this has been true in every
state and in every nation and at all times. Water is never
owned in the usual sense. We acquire only use rights in it, or
what lawyers call a use of frock because water is inherently a
common resource. It is subject to common servitudes, the
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familiar ones such as the right of public navigation. We find
these concepts in various forms in all legal systems, not only
those familiar remnants of the Ancient Roman law that underlie
the modern Public Trust Doctrine which has stripped
privatization of the sea and the seashore, but also, for
example, the Spanish law, some elements of which are still
operative in the American Southwest.
One such concept is the Pueblo right which
establishes a common entitlement to water for the benefit of
the whole community or Pueblo in which therefore limits the
ability of anyone to invest in themselves private rights in
such water. You might be surprised to know that the city of
Los Angeles is a Pueblo and even today it holds Pueblo rights
in the Los Angeles River and in the ground water in the San
Fernando Valley distributary to the Los Angeles River.
Similarly in the 18th and 19th centuries, Spanish communities
in America constructed community ditches or sequias which
members of the community were obliged to maintain and such
facilities are still found and maintained in places like rural
New Mexico. Irrigation and early Indian communities in the
Southwest were also community and not individual efforts. All
these diverse laws from widely separated places on the globe
emphasize one idea - water is first and foremost and indelibly
a community resource whose fate tracks the communities' needs
as time goes on. Water evolves in the common law tradition,
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public trust law is common law founded on community water
rights. Public trust law evolves to meet community needs. The
public trust law is only one instrument in this more general
world. In western water law a whole panoply of distinctive
rules apply to water. All of which insulated in greater or
lesser degree from ordinary commodification. While one can
acquire these so-called use of frock /TRAE or use rights as
property rights in water and they are constitutionally
protected property rights. They can only subsist so long as
they are for beneficial use, only for the amount that's needed
for that beneficial use, only to the extent the water is not
wasted and the rights last only so long as the need remains.
One cannot hold water without using it merely as an investment
and non-use triggers forfeiture statutes that will return
unused water to the public. These are the general principals
of water law.
In more humid regions where riparian law prevails,
the central public precept of water law is that rivers belong
to the place where they arise. Traditional riparian law
permits use only to those whose land boarders the water and
prohibits water from being taken out of the watershed of origin
for use. Moreover, riparian doctrine traditionally restricted
demolition of natural flows, holding that the values of a river
must be protected for each successive resident and for the
downstream community. While some of these rules have given way
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in light of contemporary water needs, it is a striking fact
that elements of the riparian doctrine's community has been
making a strong resurgence in many places in the arid west.
Watershed restoration which watershed protection and
restoration, which has recently emerged as a new environmental
goal, is as old as the English common law of riparian rights
and natural flow. A number of western states, among them
Colorado, Montana and California have versions of so-called
areas of original laws and policies that are designed to assure
access to native waters to those communities in which waters
originate as against the fully commodified market property
approach to water and water rights.
There's one other feature of water law that reveals
its essential status as a common resource. I've already
adverted to its evolutionary character that permits it to adapt
to meet the changing needs of the community that depends upon
it. Because water is so central to the life of a community to
which it is a part, water has shown it's remarkably adaptable
to the needs of a community. Some of these transformations are
well-known. In preindustrial England and America, as I
mentioned just a moment ago, the natural flow doctrine
prevailed. Rivers were left to flow as they did did in the
state of nature which suited agricultural and pastural
landscapes prior to the 19th century. As industrialization got
under way, most prominently with the mills that powered the
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early industries of New England, natural flow doctrine yielded
to a more industry-friendly doctrine known as reasonable use.
The law changed to permit the versions to produce hydropower
and the natural flow doctrine gave way. The versions of it are
making a strong come back in the context of environmental
restoration. Similarly, the unique business needs of the
timber industry in the upper midwest, the lumber that built
places like Chicago, demanded a revised definition of what was
navigable water. One of the keystone concepts of traditional
water law, except during the winter when they could be skidded
across the snow, the only way to get the great white pine logs
to market was by floating them down the rivers but only waters
where tides ebbed in flow and where ships went carrying freight
were traditionally navigable public highways. So the courts
revised the notion of navigability and it narrowed the rights
of private land owners along these streams in the midwest by
determining that the river could be navigable even if it was
not effected by the tides and even if its suitability by
Congress was measured by the the movement of lumber and not by
ships. This is another classic example of the common laws
judicially-led evolution to accommodate the public and public
trust right in navigation.
As population moved west past the hundredth meridian,
the line dividing the so-called humid and arid regions of North
America, another and even more dramatic change occurred -
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riparianism, the very essence of water law in Anglo-American
tradition was simply not recognized in the West. Instead,
western states fashioned the prior appropriation system which,
among other things, abolished watershed restrictions and it
permitted water to be moved out of water basins where it was
needed for mining, later for irrigation and finally to support
municipal development in cities like Los Angeles, Denver,
Albuquerque, and San Francisco. Riparian landowners objected
that no such change could be acheived as against their
traditional riparian rights to the water and that such rights
were explicit in their land titles. Of course as we now know,
those claims too were overwhelmingly swept aside by the same
reasoning that had led to the modification of the natural flow
doctrine and to the redefinition of navigability. The courts
found that water was a community resource and that rights in
water were always contingent on the fundamental needs of the
community at the time reflecting natural conditions such as
aridity or the origin of social goals.
In a famous opinion in 1882 in Colorado, the Colorado
Supreme Court said that we conclude that the common law
doctrine is inapplicable here, imperative necessity unknown to
the countries which gave it birth, compelled the recognition of
another doctrine in conflict with the old. The evolutionary
character of water law has continued in a variety of contexts.
The principal of a coffin case that I just quoted and the
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commitment to beneficial which at that time meant economically
productive use as the source and limit of water rights, gave
rise to another Colorado case some 20 years later in which it
was determined that leaving water in streams would not serve as
a beneficial use and no one could acquire a right to leave
water in stream. Why? Because by the standards and the goals
of that day, water was considered too precious to be left in
the river. Indeed it was standard law that the only way to
perfect the beneficial's right of use was physically to take
the water out of the river and to apply it to some economic
purpose. When more contemporary values to protect fish and
riparian services, as well as recreation, came to the floor, it
was argued, as it had been when the appropriation doctrine
first displaced the riparian doctrine, that to treat instream
flows as beneficial and to allow an individual or a state
agency to appropriate water in stream for environmental
protection was to take away the established property rights of
others to appropriate the water. But the courts rejected this
claim just as they had rejected the previous traditional claims
and today in stream uses are everywhere considered beneficial,
even essential uses of water.
So once more history's wheel turned. I know that a
minute ago that Colorado eliminated riparian rights from the
very beginning of settlement. Many other western states, the
Dakota's, Oregon, California, retained some of these riparian
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rights at least for a while. Then in various ways with one
exception, Oklahoma, they either eliminated or restricted the
acquisition of future riparian rights. Though loss by nonuse
was absolutely antithetical to traditional riparian doctrine.
In each such instance, it was ascertained again that the
abolition of unused riparian rights was a violation of invested
property rights. Those claims too have failed. While
California courts struggled with this issue over many years,
they too have finally accepted that unused riparian rights can
be subordinated in order to foster more efficient and more
beneficial uses of water, as called for by the constitution's
mandate that water be used for reasonable and beneficial
purposes in the public interest.
Nearly a half century earlier, the California Supreme
Court had rejected the claims of riparians that they could use
water as extravagantly as they wished to benefit their lands
however great the adverse impact on others who had a need for
the water. This pre-existing riparian property right inherited
from the times of abundance, water was abolished by state
constitutional mandate in 1929, long after the common law
entitlement had been recognized. Yet again, the courts
rejected the claim that riparian's constitutionally protected
property rights had been violated. The courts held that
traditionally riparian perrogatives were no longer permissible
in light of the common interest in putting water to beneficial
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and reasonable use as understood by the needs of the time. I
could extend this list almost endlessly. To your relief I will
not, but the central point I'm trying to make I hope is obvious
at this point. The rules governing the use of water have
always been in a dynamic relationship with the evolving values
of the community. You will no doubt have noticed that in all
the examples I have given you so far, I have made little
mention of the Public Trust Doctrine, as such, and indeed the
examples I've provided did not rest explicitly on the public
trust. The fact is that Public Trust Doctrine is the
theoretical underpinning of a general legal superstructure that
submits water rights and water uses to evolving community
needs.
It is, however, in public trust cases that the courts
have most fully articulated the legal relationship between
private use and public entitlement. Public Trust Doctrine in
America is nothing new. It is generally traced back to a New
Jersey case in 1821 and to the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in
the famous Illinois Central case in 1892. In each case, the
central message was that the lands underlying navigable waters
could never be privatized to the detriment of fundamental
private rights and in the water, in the lands and in the water
overlying them. The trust is old but its applications to water
diversions and to environmental protections is often new and
recent. In congruence with the fundamental principal that I
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have been describing, doctrine adapts to emerging social goals
and needs. It is often mistakenly asserted that the public
trust deals with submerged lands, such as tide lands, and thus
that it has nothing to do with water uses such as water used by
irrigators or municipalities who divert water from rivers or
who pump ground water, but the public trust is centrally about
water. States took ownership of bottom lands, tide lands, in
the original 13 colonies and later in the public land states of
which Hawaii, of course, is not one precisely in order to
protect public uses in the overlying waters. Using that
traditionally embraced navigation, water-related commerce,
fishing and in some places, fouling, hunting for foul.
Restrictions on disposition of public trust bottom
lands were imposed primarily to prevent filling or other uses
that would limit use of the overlying waters or access to them.
But there should be no misapprehension about the fact the
Public Trust Doctrine is primarily a water doctrine and only
instrumentally a land document. In a time before modern
regulatory government existed, it was believed that bottom land
proprietorship was essential to control overlying water use.
While it's true that the 1983 Mono Lake decision in California
is the first case that expressly applied the public trust to
diversionary uses followed shortly thereafter by Idaho, whose
legislature has set itself up in opposition to the courts and
perhaps next by Nevada, you will find nothing in the public
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trust cases or in the literature to suggest that the public
trust protection of overlying waters excludes protection of
against diversionary uses. Indeed it could hardly be argued
that diversions that impaired public navigation, for example,
could not or would not be enjoined under the public trust even
if it's in its most traditional forms. The explanation for the
delayed application to appropriations for municipal use or
irrigation as we saw in the Mono Lake case or as you've seen in
your recent Hawaii case, is founded in the fact that the need
did not arise until social values evolved to recognize the need
to protect in stream and environmental values. Public Trust
Doctrine like water development generally has tracked community
goals and priorities. During the century and a half, dating
from the time of Arnold and Munley, the 1821 New Jersey case,
up to the era of the Mono Lake decision, our priorities were
overwhelmingly focused on the utilization of water to promote
settlement and economic development and that's what I was
describing earlier in the adoption of a new navigation doctrine
and the changes of riparian and the invasion of appropriation
doctrine. During those times, the public interest was viewed
as being promoted by encouraging diversionary uses, even to the
point of disallowing or forbidding in stream uses, as in the
case of Colorado as I mentioned a few minutes ago. Of course,
even in those days when the notion was that only by diverting
water by the water out of the stream can you make a beneficial
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use. Even then no one thought it was a good idea to diminish
fisheries or to destroy the biologic productivity of estuarial
areas. It was simply assumed that in the vastness of the
country those values would be taken care of in undeveloped
streams, that they would be protected in reservations such as
national parks or wildlife refuges, or that they would be dealt
with by technological fixes such as fish hatcheries which were
to compensate for the destruction of salmon habitat, for
example.
As to the economies of indigenous people, insofar as
they depended on water, it must be said tragically that for a
long time it was generally believed that the public interest
would be advanced by terminating traditional uses, repudiating
native culture and beliefs, and assimilating native people into
the mainstream economy. Today everywhere in the mainland West,
native American water rights in the form of federal reserve
rights are being ascertained and are being recognized even
though they have been ignored for more than a century. As with
trust rights, generally they do not expire simply because they
have been unacknowledged for no matter how long a period of
time. Today, each of these earlier inceptions that I've
described whether to indigenous people, as to economical
services, or as to threatened services or to species, each of
those has either been repudiated or sharply revised, just as
the various earlier conceptions of water rights were revised to
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meet the public priorities of their day. As water doctrine has
evolved, so has the common law Public Trust Doctrine, often in
phase with new statutes and new constitutional provisions that
made the trust explicit where it had previously been expressed
from common law decisions. In terms of the public trust,
probably the most significant modern decision was not the
national Audubon case, which was so well-known but probably but
an earlier case called Marks against Whitney, decided in 1971.
That case held the scope of the public trust protection could
evolve with changing public values and that the general purpose
of the trust to protect public rights in overlying water was
sufficient to encompass environmental values instream. As the
Court put it, "The public uses to which tidelands are subject
are sufficiently flexible to encompass changing public needs.
There is a growing public recognition that one of the most
important public uses is the preservation of those lands in
their natural state so that they may serve as ecological units
for scientific study and as environments that provide food and
habitat for birds and marine life." That's quoted from the
Court's opinion. One cannot contemplate the Marks' case
without recognizing that its conceptualization of the modern
public trust made national Audubon inevitable. After all, how
can one protect the marine environment without one? The water?
The adapted or evolutionary nature of the public trust has been
recognized in a number of states such as Washington and New
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Jersey. A few years after Marks against Whitney, the North
Dakota Supreme Court opined that planning must take into
account the impact of water use as a public trust obligation.
In New Jersey, the courts have focused attention on beach
access, recognizing the vastly increased importance of
recreational use of water in modern times.
A similar case arose recently in Connecticut where
limitation of beach access to town residents was challenged as
violation of the public trust and while the Court did not
accept that theory, it did hold that exclusion violated the
expressive and vocational rights under the Constitution.
Though Wisconsin Supreme Court recently found that
privatization of waters through what is called documinium, like
condominium, marinas violated the public trust. Another
adaptive use of Public Trust Doctrine to modern recreational
conditions and a recognition of public rather than opposed to
merely private uses of water. In Vermont, the court found that
when private uses of trust lands consisted with the trust such
as use for warfage, the trust restrictions reemerged and the
property cannot be treated as free of the public trust.
The public trust is of special importance as the
states have expressly recognized because it invokes not just
authority but in due on the part of government to protect
public rights. Agriculture says of the state have an
affirmative obligation to come forward and to take on the
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burden of ascertaining and implementing the public trust.
Moreover, the public trust is a continuing obligation. In
trust waters there can be no such thing as a permanent, once-
and-for-all, allocation of trust waters or land. That
principal is essential in acknowledging government
responsibilities to respond to changing public needs and
changing roles for water in the economy. National Audubon
affirmed that the public trust is a continuing obligation, that
it cannot be completed as to any given moment in time but must
remain open to accommodate new and changing conditions. That,
by the way, was not an invention of the national Audubon in
1983 but it had been the law in California since the 1920's
when it was articulated in an off-shore oil development case.
Similarly, in the California fish case going back to
1913, the courts held that grants of trust property must be
read as explicitly reserving public rights and public trust
uses as against assertions of permanent privatization. Other
states such as Arizona, have elevated the public trust to a
sovereign obligation, the Supreme Court says, "The Public Trust
Doctrine is a constitutional limit on legislative power." The
Illinois Supreme Court and the Illinois Federal District Court
had each turned over express legislative grants of trust
property to private entities make clear that they view the
trust as a constitutional mandate as had been the case in
Illinois Central a year earlier. The Washington Supreme Court
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said, "Courts review legislation under the public," I'm quoting
again, "Courts review legislation under the Public Trust
Doctrine with a heightened degree of judicial scrutiny as if
they were measuring that legislation against constitutional
protection." Each of these approaches in its own way is in
accord with the general constitutional view in western states
that water belongs to the people, that it can never be fully
privatized and that the public interest in water can never be
granted away.
As the New Jersey court put it a hundred and
eighty-seven years ago, "such a result could never be born in
law by a few people." Speaking more broadly it could be said
that the whole history of property is not one of fixety but of
adaptive change within an evolving social setting and this
process goes back as far as one might want to look. At one
time, only eldest sons could inherit. When that posture became
socially unacceptable, a dramatic change in property rights
occurred. Similarly and until much more recently, when a woman
married, all of her property became her husbands to dispose of
at sole will. As the status of women changed, legislatures
enacted Married Women's Property Acts, and ended the husband's
dominion over spouses' property. Well within the last century,
child labor laws, maximum wage and hour laws, minimum safety
standard for workers, all of those laws invalidated valuable,
contract water property rights that had previously been
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recognized. Sometimes new technological information such as
knowledge about radiation requires a formally valuable
equipment to be taken off the market. At one time, as some of
you may recall, every shoe store had a machine with an x-ray
that x-rayed your feet to make sure your shoes were not too
tight. Modern health laws made those valuable, property became
non property. The invention of the airplane forced us to
modify the notion that one owned his land from the center of
the earth to the top of the sky. Sometimes technology
increases property rights. Newly intrusive eavesdropping
equipment, for example, moves us to enlarge the definition of
what it means to trespass.
Sometimes social norms change. In the later 19th
century, when a number of states adopted prohibition on liquor
sales, stores and distilleries were left with liquor that they
could not even legally sale. Courts rejected the claim that
such laws violated property rights and the remaining stocks.
When the railroad was invented, noise and smoke that by
formally would be a nuisance, became an a future of
contemporary life that people were required to tolerate to some
extent. In light of this history, it can hardly come as a
surprise to anyone today that we should see property doctrines
evolving to bring about a reorientation of traditional
relationships between water being used devoted to diversionary
off stream uses and nystroem retention. That there should be
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increased restrictions to promote water quality and that the
law ignore claims of indigenous people should finally be given
recognition. Though the Public Trust Doctrine has been one
important means through which some of these reallocations has
been acheived, it is not the only one and many parallel changes
could take place and indeed are taking place through other
means. Even the most casual observer of contemporary resource
law is aware of the statutes like the Clean Water Act and the
Endangered Species Act have been instrumental in reallocation
diversions to create greater instream flows. Indeed within
recent decades we have seen instream flow rights recognized for
the first time in a number of states and have seen an a much
greater use by water permit agencies, as well as federal land
management agencies, to maintain and enlarge bypass flows so as
to protect instream resources downstream. The U. S. Forest
Service has utilized bypass flows as a condition on its
right-of-way renewals for its water projects and the same sort
of conditions are being required on hydropower licenses as they
come up for renewal. We have even seen these issues arising in
a setting of reopening of interstate water allocations in the
U. S. Supreme Court.
In addition, active litigation and settlements by
Indians to finalize reserved right claims for reservations have
made mainland and native people and their traditional claims
major factors in ongoing water reallocations that are taking
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place almost everywhere in the western states. Obviously, many
of these developments parallel changes that may be generated by
Hawaii's recent Waiahole ditch case. To be sure there are some
facts of that opinion that I'm sure will be discussed today
are, that are distinctive to Hawaii, or are at least our only
insipian to other states, such as the the application of the
trust to domestic use to ground water without explicit
reference to navigable waters and references to native and
traditional and customary uses.
Of course, California decisions also generated new
applications of old principals, as I'm sure Jan Stevens and his
talk will discuss in considerably more detail. In addition,
while the Hawaii opinion may suggest in a level of engaged
judicial oversight that has not, or at least has not yet been
water right's administration in other states under the Public
Trust Doctrine, regarding issues like burden of proof and
so-called precautionary principal. There are many examples,
some of which I've already noted of vigorous judicial
commitment in the states to protect public trust values, even
including invalidation of legislation that was determined to
undermind the public trust. Active implementation of public
rights in water reflecting contemporary public values, rather
than those of an earlier time would put Hawaii squarely in the
main stream of America's evolving water law system. Thanks.
JIM STEVENS: Thank you very much, Mr. Sax.
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Now I'd like to introduce Peter Adler. It's not true that he
needs no introduction. He is our moderator for the first panel
and as I said, take a look at page four of your materials and
learn about Peter Adburg because his name is first on the
biography list.
PETER ADLER: Good morning everybody.
Thank you, Jim. Thank you Professor Sax for a very thought ful
start to our symposium today. All of you I know have seen the
Hilo park system. At some point I want you to imagine
Schroeder, as you watched on Charlie Brown lying on their backs
staring at cloud formations and Charlie Brown asks Shroeder
what he sees and Schroeder says, "Well I see a brief
perceptualization of fairness, of truth, of health. I see a
resolution of /* /* /* life labor and management, state of the
union vigil. I see a transformation within the halls of
justice has been enabling this force for citizens in the
communities and vigilance. What do you see?" And Charlie
Brown says, "Well, it doesn't take a (inaudible)." It's time
for me to introduce our panel. Their bios are in front of you.
And if you put your name cards, that will also help identify
who you are. We're going to talk both about --s and duckies,
as well as reconceptualization, explicit in what we need to be
talking about. I want to occur to our panels to use the
microphones, this is being recorded. And if you have
questions, we'll have people running around so get your notes
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on cards and we'll try to get to at least a few of those.
The way we're going to do this panel is I'm going to
ask each of our pretty distinguished panel here today, all
lawyers, all attorneys and two members of the board of land and
naturalization resources, if you would take five minutes to try
to summarize what's in the papers that people have in front of
them but haven't yet had a chance to read and I know there will
be a little bit of bargaining and bickering and some out yield
of immediate care to somebody else so we won't watch you too
closely but I don't want you to go on too long. Oops. We have
a presentation so we have (inaudible introduction of the first
panel - Jan Stevens, Bill Tam, Jim Paul, Ken Kupchak, Tim Johns
and Gil Coloma-Agaran).
We have all lawyers except me. Okay so Jim, I'm
going to ask you to start, if you would with five minutes, if
you will tell us what's in your paper and again with as much
particularity on Hawaii application of public trust as you can.
JIM PAUL : Thank you, Peter. Let me see
if I can take less than five minutes. I have a paper that's in
the materials that is an attempt to summarize the Waiahole
ditch case with particular focus on the Public Trust Doctrine
and I've tried to do that by quoting excerpts, hopefully in an
organized way, that helps the reader understand what is a
lengthy and at times complex decision and to make it perhaps a
little easier to understand. I've also tried to pull out lists
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of what I believe are the duties of the state as a trustee of
the statewide water resources trust, referred to for the first
time by the Waiahole decision as a trustee. I tried to list
those duties as I believe they flow from the decision; tried to
suggest duties of water applicants, the burdens they must carry
as a result of those decisions; talked a little bit about the
burden of proof issues as set forth by the Supreme Court which
also may be, or certainly a candidate for, the most important
aspect of the decision for some people; and finally, tried to
talk a little bit about what the supreme court decision said
about the relationship between counties in particular, county
planning processes and the water commission.
Let me suggest that there are some fundamental
principals about the Public Trust Doctrine as a result of the
Waiahole ditch case, seven or eight fundamental principals of
the Hawaii Public Trust Doctrine. Briefly and with some
simplification for purposes of being brief. First, at its core
it provides enduring protection of certain precious natural
resources in Hawaii for the benefit of not only all people but
for the benefit of future generations. Second the state of
Hawaii is the trustee, the trustee of the public trust
resources with all of the duties that go with the notion of
being a trustee. Third, the Public Trust Doctrine is a
power ful property right of its own that in most circumstances
takes precedent over other property rights whether they are
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private property rights or governmental property rights.
Fourth, the Public Trust Doctrine requires principal public and
rational planning processes concerning the use and potential
destruction of public trust resources. Fifth, the burden is
squarely placed on those who seek to use the public trust
resources such as the Waiahole ditch water, squarely placed on
those who seek permits to use that water to prove that there
will be no significant harm to the public resource and the
court noted that that burden is higher in the case of private
commercial uses. Sixth, Professor Sax said the so-called
precautionary principal, when scientific data and analysis is
simply inadequate to assess the potential damage to resources
from requested uses. That lack of science should not be used
as a basis to permit the use, the degradation, or the
destruction of the public trust resource.
The science-based precautionary principal should
apply to protect resources when the harm from use or
consumptive activity cannot be measured with some degree of
confidence. Seventh, the Public Trust Doctrine closely mirrors
native Hawaiian and native American notions of stewardship and
of natural resources and the relationship between human beings
and those resources. And eighth, as Professor Sax has just
articulated and hopefully convincingly, the doctrine evolves
and it is a central feature of the doctrine that it has evolved
and it will continue to evolve. Peter.
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PETER ADLER : Thank you, Jim, and can I
ask you to go next so we can do this somewhat in the order as
we have it in the book.
KEN KUPCHAK: Thank you Peter. Despite the
fact that I've written an article in 1971 suggesting the burden
of proof as it is today in this decision, today I'm acting as
the devil's advocate, the ghost of Christmas future exclaiming
that the emperor has no clothes. Federal law suggests that
Hawaii's Public Trust Doctrine evolved or was born and new in
August, 1959, the moment of statehood. While we are in the
public resources in 1959. These 1959 resources are determined
by law and not by science. They are determined by legal
decisions and possibly how the government itself addressed
these rights and maybe even taxed them. In 1959, public trust
resources cannot be expanded without paying just compensation.
In 1978, constitutional amendments that we make cannot take
away previously recognized property rights. The highest courts
in Maine, Massachussetts, New Hampshire and New York have
acknowledged, as Professor Callings has indicated that if the
state courts drift from the historic trust morings, they risk
running a file of the Fifth Amendment.
In the last nine years, the U. S. Supreme Court has
twice reinforced this unpreviously recognized by Justice
Stewart in 1972, when he said his sudden change in state law,
unpredictable in terms of relevant precedence, won't ever take
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this claim. In 1992, a Lucas Court, which created the
background principal exception, noted that only objectable
reasonable application of relevant precedence would qualify.
This past year in Bush vs. Gore, Renquist, Scalia and Thomas
concur noted that state attempts to redefine background
principals can't undermind the takings claim. The second, the
(inaudible) previous decent was denial of certiorari by Scalia,
joined by O'Connor in 1994. In 1997, the New York Court of
Appeals was able to read these tea leaves and able to refuse to
expand the Public Trust Doctrine in unnavigable waters because
as David Callies says, "Because of the sudden and unstable
impacts of such a decision on private property rights." Let me
suggest that the reversal of City Mill on science may run a
file of discussion by the Supreme Court. If so, where else
does Waiahole lead us?
First, it's a lawyer's dream. There are no
standards. This case may create an unconstitutional broad
delegation of authority through the water commission. This
decision provides few clues as to what the public trust views,
purpose or value is today. Even more scary is that these
unloaded terms are said to possess, the continual potential to
evolve. The only place they seem to come to rest even
momentarily is at the Supreme Court. These concepts should
immediately intimidate any landowner, developer or lender.
Assuming that you could freeze the uses, purposes and values,
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we are also missing the next starting point which is, what is
the natural state of the streaming question? To what point do
we measure the natural state? Pre Matahuli, pre-Tahitian and
Marchatian immigration, pre-1989, pre-1978, pre-code. What
stream flow guarantees the perpetuation of a natural state? Is
a use mark flame required to determine this? What standard
ensure determination is not arbitrary? Assuming we can clear
these hurdles, what water use allocation guidelines are there?
Do instream uses trump diversions? What about the following
diversions? Drinking water, customary and tragression of uses,
agriculture, acriculture?
What justifies a distinction between agriculture and
acriculture and other private uses? That's between out stream
uses, are there any allocational guidelines? The court's
invested right dicta arguably is limited to the application to
distinguish between public trust uses and non public trust
uses. The Public Trust Doctrine provides little support for
favoring one private user over another. A use would either
seem to be a public trust use or not. Of course under the
police spire, the state could always take what it needed but it
had to pay for it. By trying exto facto shoehorn in and under
a Lucas footnote, the recently resurrected Public Trust
Doctrine, Hawaii seeks to avoid paying the piper. Will it be
success ful? We won't know until either the water commission
or the court actually denies the previously private use. The
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Waiahole community majority uses the words exclusive use but
it distinguishes private uses from public trust uses. This
might be a clue that the court did not mean to totally
disenfranchise private uses but rather merely subjected them to
rationing. One potential avenue through this maze might be to
recognize pre-existing off stream uses but to limit them to
their share of an intermittent and fluctuating surplus over the
predetermined minimum instream natural state flow. This
surplus might be divided prorata between the preexisting off
stream uses with reasonable and equally applied conservation
standards. New uses, however, might have to run the gauntlet
of prequalification regulation and justification.
Perhaps new uses might be allowed the extent that
either sufficient surplus remained or rights to a pre-existing
use were acquired. This might create a market on off stream
use entitlements, but only in favor of pre- qualified new uses.
To the extent that after some mystical guideline balancing,
off stream public trust uses trump instream or pre-existing off
stream private uses and survive the taking scrutiny. These
trump uses might also result in surplus. Without
legislative-adopted, equally applied guidelines, however, the
present system is subject to attacks of being arbitrary and a
breading ground for favoritism and graft. Bottom line,
however, is that it appears that my workload is guaranteed for
the future.
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PETER ADLER : Thank you, Ken and Tim if
you would go next.
TIM JOHNS: Thank you, Ken, and what do you
really think? I guess I see Bill Ila in the audience and I'd
like him to do my disclaimer for me. I am a member of the land
board and nothing I say today should indicate my preference to
vote one way or another in particular issues that might come in
front of me so I'm speaking today as a private citizen. You
can look at the paper that I put in, basically the question
that was posed to me was what is the public trust doctrine in
Hawaii and I tried to talk a little about it but basically it's
whatever the Supreme Court says it is. And I'm not trying to
be flip about that but basically it is a common law doctrine,
it has a grounding in the Constitution but it's an under
pinning that's floating around in some of these cases and it's
annual going to be brought into focus by the Supreme Court and
possibly by the water commission but I think ultimately by the
Supreme Court.
What I tried to do in my papers is even more brief
than what Jim did, was to talk about the lessons of Waiahole
and then to raise some questions and I thought it might be
instructive to think, it was instructive to me as a non-
Waiahole combatant to think about what the Waiahole water
decision might have kind of meant, what kind of themes are
floating around in them. One of them, there are two major
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themes that I saw and one of them was that the Waiahole, the
Public Trust Doctrine is an intragenerational, as well as an
intergenerational, doctrine so it's a way to have those --
doctrine so it's a way to protect certain public uses, to have
those uses distributed equitably among people today, different
types of uses today and also intergenerationally so generations
in the future are to be protected and that's very much in light
of native Hawaiian land management practices and theories. You
can take a look at, I described it in a little more detail in
there but basically it's intergenerationally, so not only
people today but people in the future. The second kind of
theme I saw was that the Public Trust Doctrine has espoused in
the Waiahole water case also describes it in a subsequentive
protective way, as well as procedurally protective so it sets
out certain subsequentive rights but it also, as Jim alluded
to, when he said the burden of proof is probably the most
important part of the decision, is that it also has a very
large procedural component to it as well. So for those of us
that are going to be wrestling with those decisions in the
future, the procedural part of it is going to be very important
and Jim spent quite a bit of time on his paper going through
how those procedural protections are set up so not only does it
set subsequentive rules but also protection. What's protected,
how it's protected, why it's protected but also talks about
what's protected and how it should be protected on a daily
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basis.
The other part of my paper talked about questions
about where, if you want to know what the Public Trust Doctrine
means now, if you read Waiahole very narrowly and very closely,
^it's ^ itself very clear what it means for the water
commission and the Waiahole participants. ^it's ^ itself less
clear what it might mean for Waiahole, I mean for the water
commission issues that come down the road that aren't, that
don't fit the same fact pattern as the Waiahole case. So, for
example, what if ^it's ^ itself a public versus a public use?
What is Waiahole, tell us about that instead of a public versus
a private use. So the first question is, what does it mean for
the Waiahole case and the water planning in general? And
that's pretty clear. I think the Supreme Court was pretty/AE
clear about that. ^it's ^ itself less clear when you start
talking about what does it mean for the water commission's
business in general. I think it's even less clear when you
start talking about the land board, what about the land's
division, what about Chris Vuen's planning department? How do
you apply the Waiahole decision to their actions with regard to
water decisions and then the next question I posed was, what
about non water resources, public trust resources or other
resources that are protected under the Constitution or held in
trust by the state for our people in this generation and in
future generations? Does that only cover water or does it
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cover land, or does it cover any other public trust resource?
So those are the four kinds of questions that
depending on how the Supreme Court and/or the bodies that are
going to be forced to implement and decide those questions,
that's going to determine what the Public Trust Doctrine is
going to look like in Hawaii in the next few years. And even
though Professor Sax said we are in the main stream, I think
that we're probably going to be a bit on the cutting edge as
well, depending on how those decisions, on how those questions
are answered.
PETER ADLER : Bill, if you would give us a
summary of what's in your paper.
BILL TAM: My paper was on the outside, it
wasn't in your booklet so if you don't have a copy now, pick it
up before you go out at the front desk. I would like to
disagree with the last two speakers, although they're old
friends. I have more faith actually in the decision and in the
water code than I've heard so far. I would begin perhaps by
reminding all of us that the Supreme Court in the McBride
decision pointed back to the source of title to land in Hawaii
so I'm less afraid of the takings argument for a very simple
reason. The background principals of property law in Hawaii
that justice Scalia referred to in the Lucas case and that the
McBride court referred to go back to the very principals of the
land commission and recognize that the Public Trust Doctrine in
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Hawaii is a function of Hawaii law, ^it's ^ itself not a
national rule and it's Hawaii law and the background principals
include this following statement that is embedded in the title
of all land in Hawaii. It says, and it's at the beginning of
what I had in my paper, "What is the nature of the extent of
that power which the King has bestowed on this board?" Which is
the land commission board. "It can be no other than this
private fuditory right as an individual participant in the
ownership, not in sovereign perrogative as head of nation.
Among these perrogatives effect lands of the following to
encourage you and the use and enforce the use of the lands for
the common good. These perrogatives, power and duty his
majesty ought not and air go cannot surrender. Hence, the
following confirmation of the board and the title consequently
on them must be understood as subject to these conditions. A
wise Public Trust Doctrine has been embedded, not necessarily
the title of the land itself always subject to that. So Ken's
notion that it depends on the 1959 determination of what the
rights case was an error. But under the police power of any
sovereign, there's always that ability to regulate. Hawaii
adopted the Public Trust Doctrine, not in the Waiahole
decision, not in the McBride decision, not in the 1978
(inaudible), not in statehood, not in territorial land, not
even in 1899 when the Republic Supreme Court formally adopted
the common law doctrine, King vs. Oahu Railway. Arguably,
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Public Trust Doctrine, which was part of common law in England
in the United States, was adopted at least in 1892 when
statutes 1-1, it exclusively said that the common law of
England, as amended by the common law of the United States and
the statutory law, is the law of Hawaii. There is also another
notion of public trust which I want to try to get people to
understand is -- it of related, there are express public trusts
as an admissions act, that is a different line of cases and a
different set of principals although they overlap. The
doctrine we're talking about here arises in judicial context
and has as a limitation on the power of government itself to
alienate those permanently those with trust assets.
In figuring out what the rules are for allocation
going forward, I think I'm more confident than Tim or Ken about
how to figure out the answers and I would offer for you the
following thought, it's in the paper in a general form and I
haven't gone into details. Think of the decision that anyone
in the government must make when they go to work in the
morning, and there are a lot of people here who are going to be
faced with this issue in the next couple of years, you get to
your desk in the morning and how do you actually do this? Now I
offer you the following suggestion : Think of an inverted
pyramid in which the fundamental questions have to be answered
before you can get to the secondary questions and the
fundamental questions are at a minimum what is necessary to
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protect the resource now and in the future. Now the Supreme
Court on page 146 of your decision says that looking at the
preface and the purposes of the water code that there is not a
categorical priority for protectional uses and that's true for
any particular instance where you have a specific decision you
have to make but in regard to the overall protection of
resources, it is necessarily a categorical imperative. It is
necessary that the resource be in existence before you allocate
it. So the issues that you have to sort through in these
questions must start sort of as a raindrop in the metaphorical
hydrologic cycle from the top and work its way down. There is
a series of rules with regard to how you allocate under the
common law. There are riparian doctrine rules and there is the
correlative use rules that is modified by the recent decision.
We're not operating a vacuum. Properly understood, those are
sorted out. They don't say how much you get under a particular
instance because that would depend on all the other repeating
uses and Hawaii pointed out that there is a very close parallel
between Public Trust Doctrine and, which is the secular western
way of describing how a lot of Hawaiian practices work so
Hawaii is particularly suited for the Public Trust Doctrine in
its own traditions and customs so people should look at those
as parallel in different vocabularies. They're doing the same
things, they're not at odds with each other. I think another
factor which tends to get forgotten in sort of these academic
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discussions about the law are geographic facts protecting
Hawaii and that's what we all have to keep in mind.
Although often unstated, we are on islands that are
bounded by shoreline and the ocean. We are here to grace the
mountains that catch enough of the rainfall coming by that they
graze and fill up, push off of them the water and streams,
unlike the Columbia River, doesn't run quickly particularly
down toward the ocean. It runs out in a dade. We, more than
other places on continental landmasses are constrained by the
limits and our interrelationships where prior appropriation
might work on the mainland, it's inappropriate in Hawaii, both
by custom and by geography. So the Public Trust Doctrine is
uniquely suited for describing a lot of the tradition that
already exists. The notion of caring for the future and for
future generations is embedded in the culture here. Joe Sax
did an article, talked about Ken Bowing's notion that we are
now like on spaceship earth. Well, our Hawaiian cousins
figured that out a long time ago, they came here --. I would
just like to mention one last thing, the last part of the paper
that I wrote, there was both a chronology, both of the evolving
nature of the Y water lines as Joe Sax mentioned, as well as
the conceptual evolution and I want to bring that to your
attention.
PETER ADLER: Thank you. I want to thank
each of you for continuing to be very brief. Gill, I want to
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invite you as a commentator to give out your comments on either
the points made or the issues that have been raised because
they're starting to come up.
GILL : Well, I appreciate the chance to
not have to write a paper and I put in writing what I really
think about some of these things. I just wanted to make a
couple of observations about some of the things that you've
said and about the Public Trust Doctrine itself. First, I want
you to stop and think about the fact that Peter said that this
entire panel here is made up of all lawyers except for himself.
The first question that you have to think about is, do you
want the only people who work on these types of issues to be
lawyers? (Laughter.) This is the Waiahole decision. I've been
carrying it around for a couple of weeks now. When I first
read the decision, I read it and this may be, is something that
maybe just for a lawyer is I actually read it because I was
sort of interested in seeing what they said. Now that I'm back
at the department, I had to read it again to see what they are
telling us to do and ^it's ^ itself a lot easier to say it than
to do it.
And the next thing I want to talk about is who the
trustee is. I think a lot of people who will read the decision
will say it's the water commission but it's also the state
legislature and that's something people should take seriously
and when I say it's a lot easier to say than to do, a lot of
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it's going to depend on what kind of resources the water
commission and other people are interested in doing or getting
the best scientific information you can have in order to allow
decision makers to move forward, you're going to need
resources. In a couple of weeks hopefully we are going to have
something coming from the water commission from some panel that
the Waiahole decision required that will be setting up a form
to look at pending some studies. We also have some legislative
proposals to help fund those studies as well. But what usually
happens, the usual rule is the executive proposes and
legislation disposes. And sometimes you don't get what you're
looking for. The other thing I wanted to make a comment on a
little bit, and I don't necessarily disagree with what Bill is
saying, but I think we have to be very careful in the notion of
whether or not the U. S. Constitution doesn't ultimately
control what happens in Hawaii if we're part of this country.
I know that you're saying that the origin of the trust is
really set in Hawaiian law and I don't know if you can say that
separate or apart from what U. S. Law is. I appreciate very
much what Jim Paul said in his summary of the case but I would
encourage everybody to try to read the whole thing. One thing
about summaries is that sometimes it depends on what you're
looking for in the decision. I mean if I've seen summaries
that focuses on something on page 65, for example, where the
Court said, "Apart from the question of historic practice,
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reasonness dictates that the public trust may have to
accommodate offstream diversions inconsistent with the mandate
of protection to the unavoidable impairment of public instream
uses and values. If that's all you have in summary of what the
Waiahole case says then that, suggests that, yeah, you can do
the diversions, you can do a lot of things but there's nothing
protective about it. The other last thing is really again
going back to who do you really want making the decisions and
the people that are appointed to these positions? What do they
have to know before becoming part of that panel?
PETER ADLER: Thank you. I want to pose
some questions to you and try to begin some discussion and this
is intended discussion and we don't assume there are right and
wrong answers but we're trying to tease out some of the
implications and some of the complexities, some of the future
complexities of the Waiahole decision. The first one I want to
ask you is I want to encourage you to engage in the authorized
practice of sociology for a second. I give you this sensation
because I'm a sociologist. And step out of being a lawyer.
This morning while these water junkies in this room are
thinking about water, there are people shopping at Safeway,
there are kids at the YMCA, there are people gardening, and in
the midst of a drought on the island of Hawaii, there is a
whole citizenry out there. What does this mean for them? What,
in fact, does this mean for people who don't know very much
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about water and who are preoccupied by many other things? And
I'm going to return to Bill. Bill, what does this mean for
them?
BILL TAM: I think there's a perception by
the general public that if you turn on your path and water is
there, and I think if there is one message that should get
across is that we're on an island and we're on the verge in our
lifetimes of this not actually pumping the ground water and
perhaps using a service water that's available. And at least
if you will write checks on that and if you need to understand
we're about to reach the limit of how many checks do we write
on the bank before we go to drive? And that should lead to a
lot of different kinds of concerns, among them conservation.
And we need to make sure that the next million gallons of water
will cost $7 million to develop and if you think about how you
would use that $7 million to develop conservation measures, it
may help more than a million gallons.
Those are the kinds of things that I think people
need to pay attention to because we can do them now while we
still have some lead time before, if you will, the barge that's
coming into the harbor rams the dock and the idea is that we
have some bumpers on there now before we hit the problems and I
think that's what the public needs to be aware of, that they
need to change some of their habits now to avoid the problems
later.
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PETER ADLER : Ken, same question, same
question. What does this mean for people who don't necessarily
know the intricacies but will be effected by it somehow?
KEN KUPCHAK: I guess I should keep my
devil's advocate hat on to be consistent as opposed to where I
might personally be on all these. One might argue that this is
one more strap on our economic foundation. One of the more
inflammatory lines that I cut out of my talk was that, "Once
more Hawaii retreats from the world of certainty and commerce
in favor of the mysticism of the dark ages." The bottom line
is that it's unlikely that there will be much private money
spent on water development in this state. I'd rather spend my
money in California or somewhere elsewhere I know the rules of
the game and that's the type of thing that Pash has been
criticized for bringing uncertainty to us, so in your pocket
book, it would be substantial.
PETER ADLER: Which raises the the next
question that I wanted to ask which was, where in fact if I'm
someone who wanted to use water, not old water I'm speaking
about, not just drinking out of a faucet. I want to use water
for tarrel. I want to use water for a development project. I
want to use water for additional municipal uses. Where do I go
to find the rules of the road now in post-Public Trust
Doctrine? Where do I go to find the rules? If I say, I really
want to do this, something's changed, where do I find the
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rules? Jim Paul, where are the rules?
JIM PAUL : Desalted water is coming and
that is not in any of the rules but it is coming and to try to
get a little bit ahead, I think it's too far away from us, I
don't think we should fear it and I think that to respond
earlier to your question and trying to avoid your last one, I
think people should take comfort that the system is working and
that it is not necessary that consumptive activity should, must
percede the draining of all streams and rivers and that it
won't happen and that there will be water here for future
generations and ^it's ^ itself a matter of checks and balances
in our government, as we know, and the Supreme Court has given
our government a tool in this very important decision to work
with to ensure that doesn't happen and it does mean that
desalted water is coming.
Where would I go? I would go to several different
places. Without getting too technical, you've got to go to the
water commission and if the water commission isn't involved in
a hands on way with your particular area of the state then
you're going to be going to cities and counties, looking at
their plans. You may be going to the board of water supply
depending on what you're doing and if there's a great deal at
steak, you're going to be going unfortunately to a lawyer
sooner or later.
KEN KUPCHAK: That's a great decision.
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PETER ADLER: There are those who say this
is the lawyers fault in this decision. Let's talk, Tim, if you
would about the role of counties. Jim said if I'm a potential
user of water I may have to go to the county. What is the
county going to have to do with it? What is the role of the
county in all this? I thought this was a commission function.
What are the counties going to have to do in this? There are
mayors and council people in here, what are you going to tell
them?
TIM JOHNS: I guess the short answer,
actually Waiahole did talk quite a bit about counties, what the
role relationship between the counties and the water commission
and I think for the counties their land use planning
perrogatives are still preserved but I think that they have to
be much more proactive in not only how they manage not only
their land but how their water, their land use decisions, but
also how the water use decisions are integrated into that so if
I was going to advise the counties, I'd say start planning
right now and start planning more, do the integrated water
resource plan.
I know on Oahu they've tried to do that but you need
to do that kind of comprehensive planning and I'd also say
you're going to need to step up to the plate and help fund the
work of the water commission if you want that trustee to do his
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job well, to really work together with the counties so that the
integration between the state level and county level of
planning is done effectively and so that would be my advice to
them post-Waiahole.
PETER ADLER: So one of the gists of this
is going to require a different kind of planning than you've
ever done. It sounds like that's going to be one of the
implications of this.
TIM JOHNS: Yes, I agree.
PETER ADLER: Let me turn it back over to
Bill and ask you what do you -- I have several questions, a
number of questions came up on this. What do you think the
implications are on for Hawaiians, the Hawaiian communities and
in particular does this impact them differentially, given it
favorably or infavorably given other trust obligations to
Hawaiians? What's the interface with that?
BILL TAM: Starting with Hawaiian Homes, I
think one of the benefits of this decision is a point that Tim
just made, affirmative duty to plan because Hawaiian Homes has
strong rights under Section 221 of the Hawaiian Homes
Commission Act and they're preserved, but the main question,
actually before the court right now in the Bolka case, is
whether Hawaiian Homes planning is far enough ahead so that it
is able to get water close enough to where it needs for it's
homestead as opposed to having to wait and go a further
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distance and therefore more expensive for water.
With regard to the pertinent rights, those rights
have been protected by every Supreme Court decision since the
1800's. They've never been in doubt. It's a matter of
exercising the appurtenant rights and the court will protect
them. The problem has been that people have not been able to
do that in a practical matter because it's expensive but the
terms of the legal rights, they are strongly there. In terms
of customary practices, the court again has strongly protected
it, it's a question of how in practice that maintained but the
rights are protected as far as how the rights, in terms of how
the law's developed, Those are not threatened. So it's an
issue of how would one go and protect them and get that raised
to a decision-maker.
PETER ADLER: Let me turn back to Ken if I
could because a question was very specifically addressed to you
and said, why did the changes arise in Waiahole and if it did,
why didn't any of the Leeward parties choose to sue?
KEN KUPCHAK: It might just be premature.
As I said in my paper, we have to wait until they actually deny
somebody some use.
PETER ADLER: So, ^it's ^ itself possible?
KEN KUPCHAK: Well, since the water code
came down and actually since the Kane Kane, people have been
trying to work together in hopes of avoiding that issue and I
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think everybody's still in that mode. They've directly put off
saying who owns the water and everybody's still trying to get
along with each other and I think that's the Hawaiian way and
we still try to do that but when they cut off one person's past
use and give it to another person, that will go to the U. S.
Supreme Court if they'll take it.
PETER ADLER: But doesn't the Waiahole
decision actually resoove some old conflicts or, I assume it
starts some new conflict but raises new issues and you've
outlined some of those. What are the conflicts that have been
resolved or some that are going to be raiseed?
KEN KUPCHAK: Well, I mean there are, it's
a long decision, there are a lot of things in it. I just
picked on the things that I thought tredded on the United
States Constitution. As I mentioned earlier, I wrote a Law
Review article in 1971 suggesting the burden of proof be
changed to the way they've done it here and although there are
Constitutional arguments against that, that might be the more
sane way to deal with it. There are a number of good things in
it in a procedural area, which Jim and others have talked
about. I've raised my points today just for discussion
purposes to make sure those points got on the table.
PETER ADLER: Does anyone else want to
comment on this, on the issue of takings?
BILL TAM: Well, if you elevate western
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notions of private property to the level of a religious
imperative, ^it's ^ itself not fashionable these days but to
some sort of Gihad, then you don't like the Public Trust
Doctrine because you can have, as Professor Sax said, no
enduring rights in that water. And this is perhaps a whole
other subject that we don't have time for but I don't think
that a takings claim by any of the parties to the Waiahole
ditch case is going to get very far and we can discuss that at
a different time.
PANEL: We will.
PETER ADLER: Sort of a little bit, let's
see if we can get (inaudible) I'd like to ask Tim if I could,
to sort of get a little more definitive about whether the
Waiahole decision impacts just quantity issues, is it just an
allocative decision? Does it impact submerged lands as
Professor Sax has been raising her other jurisdiction? Does it
impact quality issues, so what's the reach of this decision or
what we think it is?
TIM JOHNS: You mean water quality issues or
quality of life issues?
PETER ADLER: Water quality.
TIM JOHNS: Well, obviously because of the
protected, the definition of the protected uses, it does
involve, effect quality as well because some of the uses in it
include the preservation of instream so I think it's very clear
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that it also is going to impact not just quantity but quality
as well, so I think that was one of the more straight forward
questions out of Waiahole.
PETER ADLER: Okay, can you pass it back to
Bill Tams? What is the question comes up about implications
for stream restoration, lot's of questions about this. What
now are the implications of the decision of stream restoration
and where's that on the horizon?
BILL TAM : In 1988, the water commission
adopted basically the status quo as the instream flow standards
based upon the difficulty of determining from a scientific
point of view what it needed. The commission had talked with a
lot of the people from the mainland and looked at different
methods that are used there and found that the problem in
determining the instream flows from a biological point of view
in Hawaii are that they are short flashy streams, like the
Columbia River and other large rivers, and the fish life that
had developed had actually adapted to the highly variable
stream load. That makes it difficult to explain what is
necessary instream and Waiahole addressed that problem. I
think this is where there are two different standards in
science and right now I'll start with the cop out. One is the
level of science that's done where you reach some level of
certainty based on years and years of work and based upon
evidence and you make some narrow conclusions but a lot of peer
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review and you try to say something that's concrete and true
and I think in the extreme situation they're going to have to
make some presumptions without a whole lot of science as -- and
to err on the side, if you will, of making sure you don't make
a mistake. The danger of making a mistake and managing water
would be revokable faced with uncertainty and science. Those
two things would have to be handled in some way when the law
does that.
I think that what's going to have to be to be done in
the future will be some presumptions be made and it may not
have confirmed science behind it but it's what you have to do
until you get there and I think there's going to be a tree
hugger, if you will, in decisions in regard to service water
where you might have some areas that are essentially wild and
scenic waters, you don't touch them. There are some that are
totally diverted by the Army Corps, they are channelized and
they are almost gone for all intensive purposes and the hard
questions are going to be the immediate ones where the benefit
are still being sided either way. That's where the work is
going to be.
PETER ADLER: Let me ask you a follow-on
question either to you or to Jim Paul because several questions
were touched on. Is the Public Trust Doctrine or the decision,
the Waiahole decision, it's touched the issue of water
recharge, and the questions comes up in allocating lower
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people, what portion is going to be to accommodate water
recharge of the aquifers and the and the linkage between that
and stream flowing so I think what the question is what is
recharging and where is the Public Trust Doctrine or the
Waiahole decision touched on that piece? Does it touch that?
JIM STEVENS: I don't think it does
directly. Please correct me anyone in this room, if I'm wrong.
I think it does by implication but not directly. I think the
issue is pretty much left up in the air. Someone said during
the actual hearings before the water commission that if you
have seven hydrologists in the room that you'll get eight
different opinions about the extent of which you recharge the
aquifer.
PETER ADLER: So am I right that that
decision will go ultimately in the water commission? Is that
-- it will get worked out?
JIM STEVENS: Yes.
TIM JOHNS: I think it's, actually I think
it will, it wasn't addressed directly /* /* /* yeah, I think,
actually it will. Actually I think it will, it's, it may not
have been addressed directly but it will be, ^it's ^ itself
going to be addressed during the comprehensive planning. I
mean the amount of recharge and how that effects the aquifer
and how the unified system and how that effects the stream is
all going to play out during the planning because I think
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Waiahole does call for and require so it may not say you have
to do in for recharge but it's going to be picked up during the
planning aspects.
PETER ADLE: So is that the place where the
science will get wrestled through?
TIM JOHNS: Yes, and I think that the point
that both Bill and Jim touched on are the major points of
Waiahole is who should rightfully bare the risk of scientific
uncertainty and I think that Waiahole has made it clear who
needs to bare that risk and it shouldn't be on future
generations and the public trust, the public uses that are
being protected.
PETER ADLER: While you have the
microphone, a question has come in and I'm sorry this questions
is from a gentleman and it's specific but I think that's in the
nature of us trying to think these things through. The
question comes for you, Jim or Gill, and it very specifically
says that (inaudible) Waiahole make sense, it wasn't always
use ful and I want to remind you that this hearing took longer
than the O.J. Simpson trial. So was it useful, was it all
useful?
GIL COLOMA-AGARAN : I saw Mike Wilson in
the back. Actually the case isn't over yet. We just had oral
arguments on Monday but I'll tell you that, yeah, the case was
worthwhile. Basically one good thing that came out of it, we
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made a lot of jokes about lawyers here but but we had probably
the best lawyers in the state all involved in some way in the
case, so the case was well presented, you got a lot of
information. I mean I think Larry was here. What do you
think, Larry? No one wants to comment on this.
TIM JOHNS : I want to add one more thing
because I wasn't even in sync I just watched it on tv. So I
think that what another lesson of the process of Waiahole is
that we really need to be looking at it sometimes the
traditional method of a contested case or litigation, that
model may not be the best way to make the best policy decisions
about public resources and even though a lot of good came out
of the way that Waiahole was answered. I think that
environmental ADR, not just to pump the panel that we were on
last week, but I think to the extent that you can focus issues
and not have it be as broadbased, you might be able to actually
make these decisions a little bit more efficiently but I won't
practice law for about ten years so I'll refer to these guys
that are going to be paid for these long answers.
KEN KUPCHAK: I think that's right and one
we need to think about the use of the experts is not just to
get these two people against each other and disagree. If you
get most hydrologists together, Jim's comment notwithstanding,
there's a law in which they agree and what the decision-maker
doesn't know an area, at least to learn about it will be very
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use ful to narrow the scope of the disagreement so that they
then can focus on what does science tell you now. There are
some areas where the information may be asked but not to
present it to a decision-maker unfamiliar with the notion that
here are two people who totally disagree with each other,
mostly they don't. Mostly science is developed where there are
some areas where they may not have the same assumptions so I
think Jim's point on that is really good and ^it's ^ itself a
way of narrowing the actual case against time.
PETER ADLER: Professor Sax said if I heard
him right, that this basically applies to water and one of the
questions here is does Hawaii, given our differences between
other geography, does this apply to other natural resources as
well? Does this decision, will this extend into other natural
resources? Ken.
KEN KUPCHAK: Actually the court
specifically reserved that, they didn't say no so it is an open
issue. I just wanted to throw out one other thing while we're
on this point. Professor Sax indicated about how this is
evolving and people are using recreational and environmental
aesthetic concerns for the Public Trust Doctrine. In 1989 our
state Supreme Court and the Sandy Beach SMA case specifically
found, I believe, that the aesthetic and environmental concerns
did not arise to due process protected property rights so they
may want to throw that out with City Mill but that would be
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argued against the expansion of the Public Trust Doctrine in
that area.
PETER ADLER: Other comments?
BILL TAM: I think just briefly that
because our Constitution is quite different, it says that all
natural resources of our state are held in trust for the
benefit of the people that we, it is a little different than
what Professor Sax is talking about. He was talking about the
historical legal development of the doctrine and our
Constitution is different so I think the answer is yes, it does
go beyond water and the court did say explicitly in the
decision that, "The public trust demands," and I'm quoting,
"provision for wildlife, and scenic beauty."
TIM JOHNS: This is the second time that
the Constitutional amendment of 1978 has come up and I want to
reinforce the point that if rights existed prior to that date,
the state cannot take them away by Constitutional amendment, so
that issue would come up as well.
GIL COLOMA-AGARAN: I really think that
1978 Constitutional amendment is something that the people gave
to the government, really, more than anything else so that if
they didn't create a trust in 1978, created by the people and
^it's ^ itself a power and again its values being preserved for
the people. People can't take it away from the individual,
that's what the United States is all about.
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PETER ADLER: Just a few more things. What
are the next steps for enforcing the court's decision? Is
legislative action necessary? Will the legislature have to step
in? And there's some concerns on whether we can trust the
legislature to do that. Of course, that's why we have the
courts to set that straight. What's the legislative role on
the future on this decision? What's the outcome of legislation?
BILL TAM: Just very briefly, there are
some in this room who can't be as candid as they would like to
be I am sure, but right now we have a massive -- in my view in
this state with respect to this, these entire issues because we
need to develop the science necessary to make the decisions
about instream flow standard for most of the more than 350
perineal streams that we have here. It cannot be done without
money, it cannot be done without resources. The water code
took effect in 1987 and water code required that intermix
meaning flow standard be set for all of those streams or at
least most of them.
As we sit here, today there are only four streams
that have such standard and those are the four streams involved
in the watershed, subject to the Waiahole case so despite the
fact that the policy has been expressed because of inadequate
resources given to the water commission, they haven't been able
to do their job but unless the legislature, with some
leadership from the executive branch, gives that a priority
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despite the desires of the staff of the water commission and
despite the desires of those who have leadership
responsibilities for that process, ^it's ^ itself going to be
very very hard to happen and that's a short summary.
PETER ADLER: We have about 30 questions,
many of which are seeking specific legal provisions so I
encourage you to take a break on your own. I also want to
thank our panel. We are out of time and we'll see you in 15
minutes.
(Recess taken)
PETER ADLER: The speakers have been
speaking in a fashion which everybody cannot hear so let me
just remind all of the upcoming panel members and our next
speaker and others to please speak into the microphones and
please speak up. Please do that. All right, I would like to
introduce Bill Tam, who is going to introduce our next speaker,
Mr. Jan Stevens. Again I refer you to the biography, with
respect to a brief summary of Bill's back ground. Among many
other things, Bill was the lawyer to the water commission for
over ten years and as many of you know was the lawyer for the
water commission during many of the underlying proceedings for
the Waiahole case.
BILL TAM: Can you here me all right? This
morning we're honored to have a second speaker with enormous
experience in the area of the Public Trust Doctrine. Jan
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Stevens has been in the trenches for the last 35 or 40 years
trying to make the Public Trust Doctrine work in California.
His resume has those beautiful qualities of elegance and
intricacy where you don't need to say a whole lot more. He
graduated from the University of California, Berkley, Phi Beta
Kappa and editor of the Daily Californian. He graduated from
Bowl Hall and was associate editor of the Law Review and then
went to the California Attorney General's Office where he has
been, since 1961, the head of the land section representing the
California Coastal Commission, the State Lands Commission. His
list of cases is elegant in the same fashion. It begins with
12 cases in the United States Supreme Court as council of
record in natural resources representing the state of
California. Jan has been a friend of Hawaii also. He has been
here many times. He has been an aid in many ways that many of
you don't even understood or appreciate right now. He was for
a number of years the head of the Western Attorney General's
Legislation Action Committee which is the coordinating body
among all the natural resources lawyers in all the western
states and was responsible in that regard for coordinating work
among the western states in the United States Supreme Court, in
Congress and in 9th Circuit litigation. As head of that
committee, he served as a mentor to many people. He is
responsible for introducing Mr. Don Mon, who came to Hawaii,
who came here in 1987 and spoke at the state legislature and
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the water conference. Don Mon was the chair of the California
Water Resources Control Board. His presentation to a number of
legislatures was critical in making them realize the importance
of adopting a water code. Jan has also had the long standing
life of a public servant. He has brought undaunted courage to
that job. He has been a role model to other people in public
life as to how to behave and how to bring the issues to the
floor of the right forums. I introduce to you Jan Stevens.
JAN STEVENS: Thank you very much, Bill.
^it's ^ itself really a pleasure to be here in more ways than
one. I've enjoyed this program enormously. I think the chant
was extremely deeply moving and appropriate. The hospitality
has been exceptional, even for a place like Hawaii. I'll do my
best to try to assist you, not that the intellect here needs
that assistance, but to assist you in dealing with this complex
antidiluvian and ancient theory. I was interested to hear the
hearings likened to the O.J. Simpson trial and I thought about
what Johnny Cochran might have done with this and perhaps he
might have come up with an argument for water use like, "If the
use don't fit, you must change it." Maybe that would have
surprised the water board. I don't know. ^it's ^ itself hard
to simplify some of these matters but I do want to share some
of my feelings about the implementation of the trust and how
it's worked in four cases in California.
It's hard to really define the public trust and I
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think this group has done a great deal toward it and to
explaining what is a beautifully drafted and very thoughtfully
prepareded opinion of the Hawaiian Supreme Court. I know when
I was in one of my first public trust hearings in the
California Supreme Court, Justice Richardson, no relation to
yours but a very brilliant man, leaned over and very kindly
leaned over and smiled and said what is this thing that you
call a public trust that you're trying to impress upon Clear
Lake? And although there had been literally foot after foot of
pleadings filed trying to define it, obviously the court was
still interested and I stammered out something as I usually do,
about how it's in the interest of the public and property which
precedes that of individual owners and comes historically
through the years, and as usual, I thought the next day about a
capsulation that might have been much better which
unfortunately I could never have done at the court. I was
going to cite St. Paul and say, "It was the substance of things
hoped for and the evidence of things unseen." And perhaps this
is what it remains in Waiahole.
I also want to welcome Hawaii to the -- of berme
water. Remember Al Stigger said about the west it's about
water and I was somewhat surprised that a state that I thought
was blessed with large quantities of water would still be
suffering from the conflicts and the scarcities which has
pursued much of the arid west, particularly California.
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Basically I want to welcome you to the world of the water
buffalo which is historically is rampaged over lakes, rivers
and underground basins in the west defending what is perceived
to be their rights against a menacing crowd of fishermen, bird
watchers, biologists and environmentalists. The term water
buffalo, I think, is particularly suitable here, ^it's ^ itself
traditionally applied to defenders invested water rights,
members of a very small and archaing water lot bar. It can be
contrasted to the phrase, tree hugger, which is usually applied
by water buffalos to environmentalists. And others who
advocate environmental protection. The buffalo species, I
think, must exist in Hawaii because the dictionary defines it
as found in most tropical and subtropical regions. It's an
animal that when pestered wallows in the water in damp soil for
protection. For years the water buffalos had things pretty
much their own way. The water agencies believed they had no
alternative but to approve an appropriated permit if the water
was going to be put to an economic use. Riparians could draw
their water subject to little control and the owners of
underlying ground water could pump to their heart's content.
But as the gate of all American poet Dillon said, "The times
they were a changin'." And as Joseph Sax said, "Beneath the
murky navigable waters that are stirred an ancient doctrinal
beast capable of giving the water buffalo a good fight." The
Public Trust Doctrine goes back to Roman law and since I
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believe that that institutions are really the length of shadows
of individuals, I have a few pictures to illustrate the origins
of the public trust. This is a picture of the Emperor
Justinian and I like this pictures of the Emperor Justinian who
really is the ancient father of the public trust unlike
Professor Joe Sax who is the modern and youth ful father of the
public trust. Because it illustrates a primary factor of the
public trust and that is that it is a sovereign attribute of
government. Nothing could look more sovereign than the Emperor
Justinian and what we have to remember about the public trust
is that it's an attribute of sovereignty that cannot be dealt
away by legislatures or by administrative agencies. It is a
central function of government, this trusteeship, this duty
going back to Roman law that reflects that some things like the
air, the waters, their beds and banks cannot be reduced to that
kind of private ownership and that law can -- Blackstone
recognized as private property. Even in those days, the
tidelands and the waters over them were held in trust for the
people and as Joe pointed out the New Jersey Court stated in
1921 that reducing them to positive session was in was a
concept that violated the law of nature and the Constitution of
a well- ordered society and which never could be unborn by a
free people.
This was only 30 years after the revolution and I
think their words were rather meaningful. Now this principal,
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of course, was carried through and articulated by, in the
Illinois Central decision in 1892 by an otherwise rather
conservative justice and but one, once again, that you can see
was a person of decided views and of firm character, Justice
Steven Field, a Californian originally who served on the
California Court and the United States Supreme Court and wrote
an eloquent opinion in the Illinois central saying essentially
that the legislature has no power to dispose of the people's
interest in the navigable waters surrounding them. This has
pervaded the law of every state since then. It is the
principal that inspired the Veheman Declaration in the words of
the Mona Lake decision, that the trust is an affirmation of the
duty of the state to protect the people's common heritage of
streams, lakes marshlands and tidelands. At the same time,
logic was compelling the conclusion that the rule of law
protecting the waters of the state as Joe once again said,
necessarily extends beyond merely the beds and banks of
commercially navigable rivers and lakes.
In the 19th century, commerce was important and we
didn't necessarily have much time for recreation or bird
watching but the public trust is a common law concept and it
has evolved in a number of different ways to protect these
rights in not only commercially navigable rivers but in rivers
that are capable of recreational use, which rivers would
support fisheries and riparian values. There is another basis
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for this and that is the fact that when you do things in the
tributaries of large navigable waters, they can effect
navigable waters, they can obstruct navigation and they can
pollute the waters and they can destroy public trust values
which historically and traditionally exist within the larger
water bodies. So back in 1884 when -- began tearing down
mountains in upper northern California were preventing their
--to obstruct the American and Sacramento Rivers way down
stream and wipe out farmers, the California Supreme Court
upheld the prohibition of hydraulic mining. It didn't occur on
the river itself, it occurred way up there but it was really
ruining public trust values in the rivers and the public trust
applies. Whether it was inevitable that this would lead to
National Audubon, an opinion which so eloquently explained why
the public trust should protect the waters of Mona Lake, which
was described by by some alias lawyers as a saline scum. From
destruction by diversions for economic purposes of the highest
sort, many many miles of the way, the facts of these opinion,
have been widely publicized. Previously before 1941, the city
of Los Angeles had extended it's 200-mile long aqueduct to the
Mona Basin. Mona Lake, before the aqueducts diversion was the
largest body of water entirely within the state. It's one of
the oldest states within the country. It's large population of
rhinds, shrimps and flies made it one of the virtual alien
travel lodge frequented by large numbers of California grills,
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and other birds that were fellow annual migrants. The Los
Angeles aqueduct, which originally pushed up to the Owen's
Valley to take it's water was extended into the Mona Basin and
started diverting the water going into the Mona Lake and this,
of course, once again is an individual who fathered the Los
Angeles aqueduct, Bill Mulholland, a magnificent character, the
subject of a recent book by his daughter who barreled this
200-mile plus aqueduct from Los Angeles into the mountains of
California, surreptitiously caused the water rights to be
purchased from the farmers in the Owens Valley and then when
the water first came through the aqueducts, he said, "Go ahead,
take it."
This is the father of the modern day Los Angeles.
Now by the time the National Audubon case had been filed by a
small crew of environmentalists who represented on a pro bono
case by Morrison and Forrester and in 1979, the city had
largely drained all of it's lake, had begun diverting water
from the Mona Lake Basin and had greatly increased amounts
through a second aqueduct. We have a few illustrations.
Essentially this shows the aqueduct, it shows Mona Lake, it
shows the way in which L.A. pushed up through the Valley for
hundreds of miles in order to get to that water. Since 1941
when the diversions began, the lake had dropped over 40 feet.
It's shriddity had nearly doubled where even Brian flies and
Saline creatures would not even be able to survive. This is an
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illustration of what many people believe to be the ultimate
solution to Los Angeles' water supply. It is still not enough.
Nearly 15,000 acres of dry land lake bed had been exposed,
giving rise to toxic dust storms and creating a land bridge to
Naked Island, then the principal nesting place for the
California gulls. This is a picture under, down of the Mona
Lake as it had been increasingly drained. Ordinarily water
would have been surrounding those fantastic --s with the saline
waters. The lake had been greatly reduced by then, of course.
There was a land bridge created to the the principal nesting
places I had occassion to look at and there were a number of
physical measures taken by the enterprising engineers by the
L.A. Department of Water and Power to take care of this without
losing any water which, of course, is L.A.'s goal.
Now you must realize that by then, by now most of the
Owens Valley, and the Mona Basin as well, were owned by the
City Department of Water and Power. There was some forest
service land left, very little private land left and when you
went through that whole pristine area of the Sierra, you would
see L.A. Department of Water and Power trucks everywhere
carrying out their duties to make sure that the water went down
to this great city.
Well these are the islands within the lake. Naked
Island is once again, had been so greeted by that second line
down there as to permit any kind of predators to march on the
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island. And L.A. tried a number of things. They tried
blasting to increase the channel and that didn't work. They
put up big fences, coyote-proof fences supposedly, and we went
out there and saw the coyote tracks pacing up and down until
they found a place to where they could jump in, take a short
swim and have a delicious meal. It wasn't very hard to realize
that the only solution to saving Mona Lake and preventing it
from becoming that saline scum that the city already determined
that it would become was by increasing the amount of water
going into it, which by necessity was going to result in
decreasing the amount of water going to Los Angeles. Well, you
can imagine what a gargantuan struggle ensued from this. This
theory, this public trust theory which was the subject of the
lawsuit filed in 1979, represented an application not yet
applied to water diversions in California, except by
indirection, by the injunctions to prohibit the use of water
that effected things down stream by -- by debris. So
essentially we went through a great many maneuvers through
state and federal courts until this matter finally reached the
California Supreme Court and the Court issued it's historic
National Audubon opinion holding that, "appropriated water
rights and the Public Trust Doctrine were a part of an
integrated system of water and law that permitted Audubon to
pursue the public trust against the city. Now the court
realized that the Public Trust Doctrine was in a collision
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course, as it said, with the prorated rights systems. These
were rights that the city had believed it secured fair and
square. They were rights that hithered to the administrative
agency that was charged with administering the water rights
system believed it had no alternative but to grant regardless
of predictions of harm to the public trust values and the
fisheries of the state. And the court stressed three basic
principals, all of them rooted in trust law. One is that the,
it was really much clearer than that. To start with, of
course, under the Public Trust Doctrine, every citizen has
standing to bring an action to protect the public trust. That
was no problem. So the Mona Lake committee, this small band
from all over the heroes in the Mona Basin who were virtually
penniless but dedicated to bring this action, as did the
National Audubon Society. The public trust applied to
non-navigable tributaries and it imposed the duty of continuous
supervision and control over the public trust values of Mona
Lake, a large lake navigable in California. It required the
consideration of trust impacts in evaluating the water rights
of the city. It imposed the duty to protect just impacts
whenever feasible and it imposed the duty which was not found
by past decisions made with respect to those water rights. The
rights were not frozen in law. These principals prevented any
party, the court said, from acquiring an invested right to
appropriate water in a manner harm ful to the interest
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protected by the public trust. Now there was a caveat, just as
this was in the Waiahole case. The court said nevertheless, is
a matter of current and historical necessity, the legislature
may authorize the diversion of water to distant parts of the
state even though unavoidable harm to trust uses of the source
stream may result. The court recognized, in other words, that
water had been going for many many years to Los Angeles and the
city was somewhat dependant on it although not entirely, and
this requires a balancing. With the balancing it involves the
state's affirmative duty to take the public trust into account
in planning an allocation of water resources and to protect
trust uses whenever feasible. In the Mona Lake dispute, the
board, as I said essentially had thrown up its hands. In 1940
when L.A. perfected its permits, it said it was powerless to do
it. The California Court, 40 years ago said that this is not
an accurate reflection of the public trust and that neither the
legislature or the water board or any judicial body in this
case has determined that the needs of Los Angeles outweigh the
needs of the Mona Basin and that the benefits are worth the
price. Nor has any responsible body determined whether some
lesser taking will better balance the diverse interests
involved. Accordingly the court held that all uses of water
including public trust uses must now conform to both public
trust considerations and the standard of reasonable use.
Well, this case went two places on remand. First it
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went to the Superior Court in El Dorado County by assignment
from the judicial council for initial consideration and
implementation of the California Supreme Court case. And it
was assigned to a judge who was an ex-district attorney whose
previous experience was exclusively criminal and who expressed
active disinterest and annoyance at being battled with such a
monstrous case of, -- by bands of attorneys who flew in from
all over the states to pester him. He handled it between
preliminary hearings and felony prosecutions and it went for
two and-a-half months on a preliminary injunction ordinarily
determined what kind of order should be issued against L.A.
pending a final determination against its water rights. This
was perhaps the 8th or 9th year of the Mona Lake litigation, a
short case by water rights standards but one that was dear to
us. I remember one time he was planning a trip, actually to
Hawaii, and when one of the experts submitted a graph
indicating water consumption in L.A. showing a horizontal line
followed by a large semi-circular and another horizontal line
and he said that reminded him of what he was going to look like
lying on the beach in Waikiki. Anyway, he issued a preliminary
injunction and he directed the city to keep from making any
more diversions pending a final determination because the lake
was endangered of irreparable harm. It went back to the water
board for consideration with new directions now from the
Caifornia Supreme Court and the water board. After another two
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or three months of hearings came up with a solution designed to
preserve the habitat, to prevent dust storms on the exposeed
lake bed, to protect the shrimp, brian flies and the scenic
values of the lake. It didn't order that the lake be restored
to its prediversions levels. It left some water for Los
Angeles. But it directed the city not to take out any water
from the lake until the lake had reached the level 16 feet
above it's previous diversion stage. In other words, there
were still some 10 feet that the lake could be raised in order
to acheive it's origin pristine state before diversion but the
--, or the board decided that in balancing these interests
these trust interests, the best answer was to raise it far
enough to preserve the two, prevent the dust storms and to
enhance the ecological and scenic values.
Los Angeles decided against the advice of their
lawyers not to appeal this decision. They felt that they had
had enough, that the handwriting was on the wall and that the
environmental balance must be restored at least in part to a
basin which under the 19th century philosophy of Eleanor Horn,
Bill Mulholland could be utterly despoiled in order to benefit
the growth of that great city in southern California. Since
National Audubon, of course, we have had three occassions in
which to implement the public trust. The public trust preacher
has been liberated from it's historical shackles as Joe Sax
once titled it, very amusing Law Review article, and it's
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appeared in varying forms and guidance. I always envisioned it
as something that lurched below the water's navigable lakes and
rivers and tidelands but obviously as you can see it has a
great deal of strength today and it has the ability to come out
of those waters and to actually divert flood gates and to stop
canals and extractions where previously people could have their
untravelled access. There is a number of ways in which the
creature has appeared. There are statutes which express the
public trust and as the panel indicated here there are
Constitutional provisions as well, which can be characterized
as manners in which the legislature has implemented his duty as
trustee in order to implement the public trust duty that the
state has. One California statute expresses one of it's
purposes by providing that the use of its water for recreation
and preservation, for the enhancement of fish and wildlife is
beneficial. Another one provides that fish must be kept in
good condition below damns and other structures and the
California appellate court expressly said that this is a
legislative implementation of the Public Trust Doctrine.
As we pointed out earlier, the Idaho Supreme Court,
the Montana Supreme Court recognized the public trust. The
Nevada Court indicated that it may be willing to when the time
is right and now, of course, the Supreme Court of Hawaii has
recognizeed the application. And you now face the duty of
implementing its principals and water allocations, which as
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Gill pointed out, is somewhat more difficult than enunciating
those eloquent principals which so accurately afflict the
general law. And I was struck by the similarities between
National Audubon and the Waiahole ditch decision. I think they
go beyond their agreement on their legal principals, as
important as that may be. Both cases involve the reallocation
of water from large and costly structures built at the turn of
the century to address growing needs. In both cases the court
expressed a much broader view of the powers of the state under
the Public Trust Doctrine than did the administrative agency
that was charged in administering these water rights. And in
both cases a number of parties in --- reflected a sort of
who's who of all the economic and economic, political and
environmental powers of the state. What about the world after
National Audubon in California? Well, in the first place I
should point out that the dire predictions made by the L.A.
Water and Power about the future of the economy and our
civilization and in light of this alleged instability brought
to the water rights system did not come true. Initially the
city published pamphlets suggesting inner city school children
would have to go without drinkable water and affordable power
if their diversions were restricted at all. Well, this did not
happen. In effect, of course, the city went around along with
the water board's decision and the decision was sweetened.
There were some -- made for the city for water reuse programs.
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There were adjustments made in the form of conservation and
the metropolitan water district was happy to increase its
sales. Colorado River water, which goes along with state water
project water from the San Joaquin Delta, down to Los Angeles
to satisfy its needs. It may be that the city doesn't have
that firm certainty of free portable water that it had prior to
National Audubon but maybe it never really had a right to that
certainty as we've suggested before. The last big drought in
California saw lawns withering in the north and people
blatantly washing their cars in the south unaware that there
was any problem.
This is a security which was false to begin with and
that we can no longer afford today, I think. Now as I said a
few cases have arisen since then and I think they're indicative
of the kind of experience that might be of benefit to you. In
one case, the court decided the case after reference to the
water board for an expert opinion and recommendation and
another one, the superior decided the case all by itself
without the help of the water board and in the next one, the
water board itself attempting to deal with public trust issues
so there's kind of an array of manners in which we can deal
with this thing. The first one involves the invariable defense
fund vs. East Bay Municipal Utility District, another 20-year
case in the water law field in which the public trust was
ejected at a later date when it first emerged from those waters
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as you saw the creature do. This was the effort by of East Bay
MUD to get its contract rights to water from the lower American
river. Now when Folsom Damn was built to widen the river, it
was widely expected that there would be large amounts of water
available through the bureau of reclamation for all kinds of
users, both within the American River basin and outside the
basin and East Bay MUD, which is East Bay water supplier saw a
great opportunity to supplement its existing supplies of Sierra
waters. As you can see, Folsom, the East Bay had attempted to
draw an aqueduct of its own from the American River to the
Mokola, so without a pointer I'll attempt to point out at
least, there's Folsom Damn, in 1959 or 60, there is the Folsom
south canal, edging it's way down to the McKulney River and
East Bay, Space Bay's McKulney's aqueduct, which for years has
been used as the source of pure mountain water for the people
of the San Francisco/East Bay area. It would be a simple
matter to exercise your rights under the old regime to sit and
extend and complete the aqueduct and to take this wonderful
mountain water, under 150 acre feed a year down to the people
of the East Bay. Initially only the environmental defense fund
saw a problem in this but by the time the National Audubon had
come down, both the State Department of Fishing Game and the
State Lands Commission felt that there might be a problem as
well. The case was filed, as I said, in the Superior Trial
Court in Almeida county and the judge initially felt that he
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didn't use the water board so a reference was made, a statutory
reference to the board for findings and recommendations. The
board spent 3 and a half years studying the matter, came out
with a multi-volume series of findings and recommendations and
a million dollar bill for the parties, and the judge essential
/AE found these recommendations lacking.
Basically the water board staff, a traditionally
oriented group at this time felt that this case was a difficult
case. The delivery of the water in that contract would not
cause significant harm to reasonable uses of the lower American
River. But what about the Supreme Court's admonition that harm
to the trust should be avoided whenever feasible. Well, the
water board staff found that none of the alternative diversions
proposed was as feasible as East Bay MUD's proposed diversion.
The plaintiffs had suggested that the water be taken out of
the Sacramento river where there's much more control, it's a
bigger water supply and Shasta Damn, rather than the Folsom
Damn initially determined how much water was going down.
Nevertheless the board recommended that East Bay MUD be allowed
to divert from the point that it wished to divert from, subject
to reasonable limitations. It also suggested that the board
study all water rights on the lower American River, a
resolution which the board adopted but as of now some 20 years,
10 years later has done nothing about. The trial court took a
different attack. The trial court, and this once again was a
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judge without prior water law experience, a judge appointed by
Governer Jerry Brown, who had previously been a criminal
defense lawyer and who had represented I think some rap stars
and other people but a judge who was extraordinarily capable of
grasping the issues and analyzing a public trust case in a
manner which really really gratifies one's faith in the
judiciary. The Court found that there was a cumulative impact,
that basically although the individual extraction by East Bay
MUD might not cause irreparable harm to the river and it's
resources, that impined with other extractions that are being
planned from the river, you could end up with a very trickling
kind of stream after 20 years of additional growth. The Court
found that a balancing process was necessary. And this is
important because the Court also rejected the plaintiff's
views. The plaintiff said that there was a feasible
alternative by which all public trust harm could be avoided and
that feasible alternative was to drive them down to the
Sacramento River and make them take the water out there so that
American River water could flow down the American River into
the Sacramento to the confluence, be used for recreation, be
useed by fish, birds and riparian values and then could be used
by East Bay MUD. It's a principal of water law that multiple
use is certainly better and more reasonable than single uses so
this seemed to make a lot of sense but the judge said I'm going
to weigh this. He was visibly effected by substantial evidence
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brought up by East Bay that the water was much purer and less
susceptible to health problems if it came from the sea areas
than if it came from the Sacramento River where many farmers
upstream had been irrigating and conducting various things.
Furthermore, it was felt that recognition must be
given to East Bay's long continued contract rights. They had
been paying for this water for 20 years, remember, and hadn't
received a drop. This was a take or pay contract as was
customarily employs and they just couldn't use it so the Court
imposed standards upon East Bay MUD and imposed a physical
solution saying that essentially they could extract the water
only if certain conditions were met. Minimum flows were
established in the river to keep the fish healthy and, I think
it's backward again, and to protect the American River parkway,
which was one of the most remarkable parkways in the state at
the time used by some 5 million people a year and had riparian
vegetation and creatures all the way down 30 miles from Folsom
Damn to the American River.
Okay, the next one. The Court held that East Bay MUD
may take it's water but only if these minimum flows to protect
fisheries were protected. They rejected a number of arguments
that didn't come up at Audubon. For instance, the East Bay
argued that the project had been expressly authorized by
Congress and by the legislature and thus therefore this
amounted to an overruling of the trust by legislation. The
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Court found no such project authorizations. Statutes must be
construed consistently to imply that this trust is not to be
revoked and that's the case here. The trust applies to
contractors for water as well as for those who hold the water
rights themselves. East Bay was a contractor. It applies to
artificial flows, if it didn't apply to artificial flows
virtually no river in California would be subject to the public
trust because they're all regulated. It applies a standard of
feasibility which implies a balancing task but nevertheless
comes out to prevent harm if it can be prevented reasonably.
It considers cumulative impacts and, at last as I said, it
provides a physical solution rather than a draconian refusal to
do this. Well, once again this is an opinion by the trial
court which was not taken up to the appellate courts and this
was one which I personally took part. I felt like we were sort
of universities in a bottle there because both sides felt that
there were issues in the judge's opinion that could be
corrected. Neither side was really satisfied with the solution
the judge had reached and on the last day an appeal could be
filed, I received a phone call from the lead council for East
Bay MUD saying, "Well, are you going to file an appeal, because
if you do we are." And I said, "No, not unless you do." So we
luckily, he was a gentleman and we agreed that neither side
would file an appeal and neither side did, so the judge's trial
court opinion resolved these major public trust issues in a
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major river in California.
The next case involved a judge in Sacramento County
who was dealing with Putin Creek, a creek which flows through
in part from the University of California in Davis was
drastically reduced by diversions and damns created in the
1950's to supply water to four cities in the Sacramento Valley.
Originally 375,000-acre feet a year went through Kudo creek by
the time the diversions took place they were reduced to
something like 17 to 27 thousand. Piton Creek was described by
the Court as a treasure, a home for birds, wild life, birds
fish and vegetation, a place where you can watch fish, watch
birds and fish in a new, kick back and enjoy the sights and
sounds and smells. A branch ran through the University of
California at Davis, professors conducted research classes
there, school children were brought for nature studies. A
coalition of environmentalists joined by the city of Davis and
the university alleged that the creek was suffering badly from
diversions to the extent that 22 miles of it's habitat had been
destroyed. The Court basically agreed. It found the existing
release schedule which was to the benefit of domestic use in
the cities had confined native fish to a very short breach of
habitat at that time to below diversion damn, favored exotics
over natives, jeopardized spawning, dried up trees and
vegetation and had a negative effect on the educational
resources. This, the Court held, was a violation of the public
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trust both in it's common law form and as implemented in the
fish and games section requiring that fish be kept in good
condition below damns.
The Court held that the precedent for these schedules
was inadequate. Once again, release flows were established 40
years ago and were reconsidered under national Audubon. The
judge said, "In a sense I feel that the I think the Salano
parties, the city feels this water belongs to them. They do
call it project water but I think the law says it belongs to
all of us." So the judge set releases, not as high as the
plaintiff environmentalists had hoped they'd be, amounting only
really to an additional 7 percent out of the water that the
cities were then extracting but enough, in the Court's opinion,
for the saving of the fisheries in there. And fisheries are
seen to be a significant aspect to every public trust case that
we looked at so far. There are lots of public trust uses on
the lower American that the judge could have and did consider
in addition to fisheries such as rafting, such as riparian
vegetation and aesthetic values but the Court set a baseline
and protection of fisheries in the assumption that once you did
that you had enough water for these other purposes. Fisheries
biologists should take heart at the attitude taken by the
Courts to date. The last case as was the case again on which
appeal was filed I should say, appeals were filed by the
parties, months went by of negotiation, the Court of Appeals
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failed to set the matter for hearing and at the last minute
before the Court set the matter, a settlement was reached at
the trial court level. Both sides decided that they were
better off resolving this matter in a way that concerned water
both to the environment and to the cities rather than take it
back up for another decade of uncertainty and I'm not sure
what.
Finally, the Uva River is a decision of the State
Water Board which it undertook directly. Under state law, any
individual may file a complaint with the water board regarding
existing use of water, and in this case a coalition of
fisheries groups contended that the waterflows in the Uva River
were insufficient to keep fish in good condition, thus
violating both the common law public trust and the statutes
which implement the public trust. The board was not ready to
be as liberal as it was in the Mona Lake case because the
electrical energy crisis was underway and there was a
substantial amount of hydropower coming from these works as
well. So aleutian order setting an interim flow schedule
enough to accommodate hydroelectric production and at the same
time, enough to provide more water for the fish and this time
they were attacked by the environmentalists that they weren't
taking enough measures to protect threatened species under
state and federal acts and that they were not implementing
state statutes saying it was the policy of the state to
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conserve threatened and endangered species. The board
characterized these provisions as policy statements, which must
be taken into account as part of the balancing process which
the other courts had undertaken, with respect to public trust
values and did not compel that in every case the balance be
struck in favor of the endangered or threatened species
whenever any additional flow would benefit those species. In
other words it was kind of a compromise. Then the board
rejected complaints that this decision did not evaluate flow
requirement to protect other trust resources in the river. In
these cases, they were small craft navigation, swimming
warmwater fish. Petitioners did not explain specifically how
their uses would be adversely effected and they did not specify
which changes were requested so procedurally they had dropped
the ball and the board pointed that out. The board wove
together as the Hawaii Court had done this series of public
trust statutory directions and public trust consideration
including a Stream Flow Protections Standards Act, the Keep
Fish In Good Condition Statute, the Salmon Seal and Trout and
Anatomy Fisheries Act, the California E.S.A., the Federal
E.S.A., and the Public Trust Doctrine. And based on all of
these, held that reevaluation of the water rights was in order
to establish instream flow requirements and that minimum flows
would be increased but not to the extent recommended by the
Fish and Game Department.
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No one was entirely happy and in this case, the water
agencies effected have taken up a court challenge to it but it
does represent one of the most comprehensive efforts the board
has done to implement public trust principals through a network
of decisions guided by statutory directions. And perhaps this
pattern, if not the result, is one we should look at. The
common law doctrine is somewhat amorphus. While it's powerful
and effective, it doesn't really provide a focus directive
which can be provided by the legislature which in the final
analysis is the trustee for the people of the state in
implementing the trust. Well, what lessons can we learn from
California encounters of the public trust kind. The trust
doctrine isn't a cure-all for the resolution of competing water
uses. It does provide some salutary guidelines and protections
for resources that were sadly neglected in past allocations of
water. It requires a consideration of trust values in
determining the using of water, requires the avoidance of harm
to those values whenever feasible. It reminds state agencies
and property rights advocates alike that the state's power and
future to protect trust values is a continuing one and the
issuance of a riparian water rights permit does not place water
beyond the reach of those protections.
What it does not do is revoke Mark Twain's
observation that while whiskey is for drinking, water is for
fighting over. The long fierce battles between water buffalos
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and tree huggers are going to go on. Cases are going to last
for generations as water rights matters often do. The spirit
of Lee Kause will survive the 21th century battle over this but
two good results are emerging. First the legislative and
administrative agencies have been encouraged or prodded to
consider the impacts of these actions on public trust values,
legislative guidelines are emerging the water rights agencies
have slowly begun to consider values beyond the ones that they
have traditionally followed. All of these cases except the Uva
River were settled at the trial Court or board level
begrudgingly but nevertheless realistically, the public trust,
that ancient Behemoth, hidden for so long under the waters has
emerged to confront the water buffalo. His appearance on the
field should do much to even up what was such an uneven battle
in past decades. Thank you.
PETER ADLER: Thank you very much, Jim.
Jim will now turn into our commentator for our next panel which
is going to be chaired by Kim Lowry. Professor Kim Lowry, who
you know from our biography, which again is the forth page of
your materials, among many other things is the chair of the
Department of Urban and Regional Planning. Kim.
KIM LOWRY: Thank you, Jim. We've heard a great deal
this morning about the public trust as legal doctrine and our
task on this panel is to grasp some of the practical issues of
implementing the public trust doctrine. Planners and resource
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managers have to deal with drawing up use rules, making plans,
making recommendations for regulatory decisions, and all those
other things that we associate with management. To extend
Peter's metaphor, it's the planners and the managers who have
to line these duckies up. The practical problem for those who
are the planners and the manager is how is the public trust
going to be manifested in the everyday work that they do? How
is their work going to be different if they take the public
trust seriously? Joining me on the panel are five or six people
who are directly involved in management, incorporated the
public trust in management decisions or whose management work
is effected by public trust decisions. From the far end we
have Charlene Hoe, who is the executive director of the
strategic planning section of Kamehameha schools. And Jan
Stevens is joining us and Colin Hippe and next to him is
Senator Colleen Hanabusa from the 21th district and also Vice
President of the Senate. And finally Chris Vuen and oh, I
don't want to leave Bill out, he's the Administrator of the
Aquatic Resources, Parkland and Natural Resources. We've
invited each of the panelists to make a short introductory
statement that summarizes the key points in their paper and
then we'll go straight to the questions from that. So with
that in mind I'm going to start at this end if you would and
I'll ask you Chris if you would begin. And again please make
sure that you use the microphone.
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CHRIS VUEN: Good morning and hello
everyone and I'm impressed at everyone who's taken their
Saturday morning off to talk about this important topic.
People often discuss that you have a distinguished panel. I
want to recognize that we have a very distinguished audience
including people that were directly involved in the Waiahole
decision as public advocates, attorneys, members of the
commission, decision-makers. We have many people in the
community who have worked hard on water issues without
recognition or compensation over many many years and I also
want to say Aloha to many of the members of the D.O.N.R. Who
deal with these kinds of issues on a daily basis and are
responsible for a lot of the day-to-day management of the
things we have been talking about here this morning.
I'm not going to talk about water very much. We've
heard a lot about water this morning. I could give a long
explanation and it's always very useful to talk about where
you're coming from and your background and I could spend a long
time talking about my transition from environmental activist to
now a government bureaucrat with a stop as an attorney along
the way. I have to confess that, but I guess to take one fact
from my background, I grew up in Hilo. As a result, it's hard
for me to completely relate to the scarcity of water. We have
135 inches of rain and I grew up near a stream, -- Stream
where I, as a youth, enjoyed instream benefits, made beneficial
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use of the stream flow. Today we recognize many species of the
Oahu as an endangered species. As I grew up we young fellows
in the neighborhood recognized it as a delightful thing to
spear and heat and certainly we won't do that anymore but I
thought I would talk about something a little bit different
than just water.
The question came up in the earlier panel, what are
the implications of the public trust doctrine for other natural
resources? And I started off my paper by quoting from the
Hawaii State Constitution which says that, "all public natural
resources are a public trust." Now I want to say something
right at the outset about this and that is I think it's also
something that Professor Sax said and it's the public trust
doctrine as discussed here today and as discussed by Professor
Sax and in the Waiahole water decision is not going to be
imported wholesale into all public natural resources and as I,
I'm going to talk in just a minute about what are public
natural resources. As we talk about what those are, you'll see
that there are many aspects of water law that don't apply that
are not going to apply. And I wanted to discuss this this
morning as a way of reminding us and reminding those of us who
are responsible in a more direct way for the stewardship of
those resources that yes, our state Constitution says that
those are something that are a matter of being held in trust.
I think that the overall direction that is being given to us by
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the Waiahole decision is that the long-term health of those
resources is what we must put first when we're making the hard
decisions that we have to make.
Public natural resources, what are they? Let's start
with the things that I think we'd all agree with. Air, that's
a big one. Bill is in charge of aquatic resources, fish,
wildlife, wild animals that live around us, not so wild
sometimes, public lands, lands owned by the people of Hawaii,
geothermal energy. Another big one, the sea and the seabed as
far as and in so far as their under state jurisdiction and in
so far as the state has control of them. The big areas. How
does this, how is this going to be a legal handle. I look at
it and my role, my role is to, as a planning director is to try
to guide our decision-makers in our counties so that they don't
make mistakes that have to be undone some day in the courts. I
think that a lot of law, legal decisions are made as a result
of public decision-makers making decisions that are, that's
duty to be undone and laws are made in those respects and in
the first line of action are people that make the decisions in
the first place and you need to make those in a very very
careful way. When I started working, one of the first things
that I told my staff, as a guide or principal we were going to
go under, something that's taught to carpenters, measure twice,
cut once. You know, take a good hard look at what you're
doing. Take a hard look at it again before you make a decision
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that can't be undone. One of the areas where, which maybe
public natural resources that are not so obvious. I spoke
earlier about public lands. Well, what about and this is a
tie-in to water. We've talked about water being a public trust
resource, our groundwater here and in all the islands depends
on upland water recharge. The Mauka lands, much of this
fortunately isn't public ownership. It behooves us as managers
of that public land to look at the, at those aspects of
managing those lands and seeing that those are managed properly
for upland, for recharge. But there are also private lands.
To what extent are private lands to which water is recharge?
Water recharge is dependent upon the aquifers depend, what
extent are those embedded with some kind of public trust for
that purpose and just to finish and on the areas that are
specifically in my paper, where I think that it, where the
Court may some day step in one of these areas outside of the
water and say a mistake has been made. It's in the area of
automatic approval. We had legislature in 1998 passed a law
that essentially says that all business and development related
permits including those that are used in land use,
environmental regulators the like can be automatically approved
if the --al body does not act upon them in a set amount of time
and thinking about the bodies that are making the decisions
whether B, L, and R, our own planning commission, the land use
commission but the most likely way for there to be a real
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stupid decision coming out of one of these bodies is if they
happen to blow the timeframe at some point and enact something
by an automatic approval and I'd suggest that some day if a
particularly -- and damning decision is made by act of an
automatic approval, the courts may come in and say that the
natural resource that's being jeopardized by that decision is a
public trust and like the Illinois Central, like these other
public trust cases, step in and are you -- them for them. Okay
and there's a couple of things I'd like to say and I'll
entertain questions about, I just want to say, if I could just
say one more thing on a theme and I want to say this to try to
explain to those of you in the public why sometimes people like
myself who have jobs now in the government don't do what we
ought to do or don't do as good a job as we should do and you
have to, we do a much better job in regulation and management.
In the Waiahole water case, it was very important and
there was a question that was set up. Was that something that
was worth the effort? I think it was absolutely something that
was worth the effort but think Waiahole water case. You had
maybe 15 attorneys in the room, you had commissioners, you had
transcribers, you had some of the brightest people in the
state, maybe 25 people from the state in a room discussing the
allocation of water. All that water depends upon recharge from
upland forests. Folks you don't have 20 to 25 people out there
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working on those upland forests, fixing the fences, making sure
that alien plants don't spread in the forest. We need to do a
much better job in active management.
Moderator: Thanks. This is passing the
mic to Bill, if you will. I want to remind you that there's an
opportunity to write down your questions and people will be
coming around and picking up your questions and we're going to
try to get to some of your questions and we're going to try to
make time so again, panelists give us the headlines so that way
we'll have some time for questions. Okay, Bill.
BILL DEVICK: I'm not a lawyer. I just
want to say is not a lawyer. I don't want to, I need to start
with a disclaimer, I'm not a lawyer. Is not a lawyer as such I
don't want to keep my thinking bound by legal principal. I
look at the public trust and I see a tool and I see a tool that
should be interpreted in the broadest possible sense. If we
look at what the decision making has done in the past, things
have really gotten rather messed up. If we look at fisheries,
they've collapsed. If we look at what's happening in streams,
we've got lots of problems. If we look at the land, we have
serious problems. Why is this happening? Because
decision-making has largely been focused on economic interests.
I see public trust as both a philosophy and a potential tool
to shift that thinking, to shift the balance in decision-making
towards protection conservation, thinking about the future,
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rather than simple immediate, economic advantage.
Obviously we'd like to have this and obviously it's
much easier said than done. One thing that is seriously
lacking in achieving this level of consideration is good
science, good understanding of what it is that we're dealing
with. There is a major -- principal which is frequently
associated with public trust and it can be used at least by
some people as an excuse to not collect the information. If we
don't know, that becomes a curetment for not making a decision,
especially towards protecting our conservation so we need the
science. If we don't have that, if we don't have the good
information, if in terms of want we simply fall back to the
pre-sautionary principal. What is going to be happening is
that we're going to be making the lawyers on the first panel
very happy. They're going to go to work and we're going to go
home.
MODERATOR : Thank you.
COLLEEN HANABUSA: Thank you. I think we
have a logistical problem here. Thank you. I guess on the
panel I'm one of those who you look to to have something wise
to say about where the legislature is going to go because after
all we are deemed to be the state and the trustees of the
public trust doctrine. All I have to say is that the reason
why you do not have the kind of legislation that many are
looking for is because of the fact that you do have so many
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types of views, a lot of them conflicting, that have to be
balanced and we do not, we the legislature, do not balance that
well, at all.
The Waiahole decision is very significant to me, not
so much as an attorney but as a lawmaker because of certain
things that the Supreme Court said that I think will impact how
we look at the public trust doctrine, how we look at the whole
area of the water rights into the future and that is, I think,
best stated by the decent of Justice Remeal that when he
pointed out that in his opinion the majority trumped the water
code by this nebulous common law doctrine called the public
trust. And of course he wasn't the minority but what this does
in fact tell us is that when the Supreme Court of my high has
now actively interjected themselves in a way that I don't
believe they have in the past, they are saying that they are
the ultimate entity that it determines whether or not we the
state has fulfilled our public trust in terms of the natural
resources, not only constitutionally mandated but also mandated
in common law principal.
What it tells us in the legislature is as the Court
did say in the majority that we are unable to advocate our
trust responsibilities whether it is by way of the water code
or even the water commission, in my opinion constitutionally
established by the people in the Constitutional Amendment. But
what does this then mean in terms of the legislature? We are
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undisputed the trustees, but what does that then mean for us in
terms of how we then exercise the issue of the public trust and
the management of this resource and I will tell you I don't
know whether the legislature as an entity has any idea as to
how to do it. It will continue to basically advocate it to the
water commission as the entity that should be making those
decisions and it will continue to be lobbied by all those
various interest groups to change that water code which
everyone will feel somehow effects how this necessary natural
resource is managed and the result will be probably what you
all have seen. Many of your faces are very familiar because
you're in our offices on various sides of various issues and
you know for the most part what happens is practically nothing.
And let me give you an example, how many of you know what visa
is, I mean it's a Constitutional requirement and basically
nothing has happened and every time there's a move toward visa
and there's a move against it around what's really interesting
is many times that move is done by both sides, what we would
consider both sides of the issue. Both environmentalists don't
want it done in a certain way and the people who represent
development, they don't want it touched. So we end up at
status quo, sort of at every juncture and we're almost at, what
it seems to me is that we have sort of an artificial balance
here and it isn't until one group is going to push that the
other group is going to react to. Let me give you another
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example, we all know Pash, the infamous Pash decision,
gathering rights, native Hawaiian rights. If you ever come to
a decision where people start saying, "Let's codify, let's do
something about it." I think you'll be surprised that both
sides of that issue will say let it be. We think it's working
cause no one wants anyone else to get a one-upmanship on it.
This legislature is probably going to continue on that way as
long as the people that are represented maintain that. When
that balance shifts by the election process and whatever party
preference or whatever the elections may be. I will say that
there will be a shift in that balance and at that point in
time, my estimate will be that there probably will be more
lawsuits filed and it will be filed under the Public Trust
Doctrine because that resource and as you see the sentiments of
the communities today and especially in these economic times
and the events of September 11th, I believe you will find,
excuse me, more and more of these types of decisions made with
the more immediate future in mind and for that you will have
sacrifices made, as well as what people would like to say are
the public trust and the future.
People are looking more to what is immediate and not
even saying, if there isn't an answer for the immediate, how
can you look for the future, what are you preserving it for?
So these are the kinds of issues that the legislature is going
to be faced with and unfortunately I believe that the concept
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of the public trust in the near immediate future will be fine
if we can just keep it in the balance that it is now. Thank
you.
MODERATOR: Colin.
COLIN HIPPE: Aloha. We were asked to not
so much focus our energies on what the decision itself says in
terms of the doctrine. We've heard about it and from my
perspective, this is a Seminole case. This is a case that for
someone who is a Hawaiian rights advocate is long overdue but
all it does in my opinion is says something we already knew
already existed. If you look at the materials I prepared, I
began with the very simple statement and it was this, "Without
a resource, you can have no practice." For me, Waiahole
represents an opinion which basically says that we will care
about the protection of the resources. In my paper that I
presented, I go on and talk about some of the doctrine, some of
the rules that were in the case and I guess the fundamental
things that I think have changed and for all of you who are
planners or who are bureaucrats or who are people who are
deeply concerned about how we're going to meet this objective.
The basic thing that has changed is what we have just
said, that those who make decisions about water are trustees,
there is a picture in that case and I'm a person who loves
pictures and the picture is a picture of an umpire and if you
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read the case it talks about how people who make these
decisions, trustees must already be umpires passively calling
balls and strikes. Now Barry Bonds just hit 72 and I know that
many of you here probably, in fact let me just see a show of
hands. How many of you here play softball? You know, I got to
say that you folks really need to spend more time on
recreation.
The problem when you're playing soft ball,
particularly if you're playing as an adult and I don't do it as
much because my knees are gone but the problem with playing
softball is that they only give you one umpire when you're an
adult playing in a makuli game. And when you're in the makuli
league playing softball, that umpire's in position behind the
batter and there might be a play at second base and I want you
just to imagine for a second a rather -- umpire standing behind
the batter and there's a steal on and the batter runs to second
base and the umpire, looking through the pitcher, calls the
play at second base. It's a close play, the throw was from the
outfield. It is from behind the second baseman because he's
looking from the outfield receiving the throw and that umpire
stands at home plate, takes not one step to move out in the
field to be able to see what's going on. For me when I read
that language in the opinion and it's there, you know I've had
some experiences with that situation where the umpire is
cemented into the ground and is not doing the things that he or
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she needs to do which is to get out there, into the field. And
see what's going on, ask the questions, get the data, do the
analysis, and form a conclusion. And we know, you know, we
know that science is evolving. We know that what we know, will
know tomorrow will not nearly match what we knew yesterday and
it is that way with science. But this case says if you don't
know then you need to adopt some precautionary principals which
protect the resource. You can read all about that in what I've
basically written because it's there. I don't want to take any
more time but if you just remember that one principal. No more
are we going to stand for umpires standing cemented behind home
plate. They are going to have to get out there, ask the
questions and are going to have to make decisions. I wasn't
really going to talk about this but Senator Hanabusa, you made
just such a perfect segre for what I'm going to say now. I
work for the office of Hawaiian affairs and everything that
I've said is my own opinion but imagine public trustees that
are elected. What does that mean? Senator Hanabusa, I tried to
indicate that. You have your constituencies and you have your
political issues that need to be resolved, you have the need to
have yourself elected in two years if you're a representative
or four years if you happen to be in the Senate. How does that
body go about implementing the public trust, one which is
long-term and not short-term. I could write volumes about how
that structure could lead to some very interesting situations
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at the office of Hawaiian affairs. And a lot of it is
structural but the legislature has a role to play here and I
see the role that the legislature has to play that it has to
provide the resources, the resources for those people to go out
and to be able to go out and to be able to do the studies that
are necessary to make the decisions. How many planning
departments have biologists on their staffs? How many county
planning departments have biologists on their staffs? You know
those are the kinds of questions we need to be asking. How
many of them really have people who are cultural experts so
they can define what it is that practice is, so that they did
define what it is that needs to be protected.
I conclude my paper with a very, I think something
that all of us know whether you are Kama' aina, who you are
munahole, whoever you are, you are on this island, you live on
islands and you have a responsibility to -- aina and for me the
thing that this case represents and it's just another case in a
developing doctrine that our Supreme Court has embraced and it
is this that we must -- hanai, we must protect the land and the
water and we must protect the rights of those people to be able
to practice their traditional and customary ways with respect
to that resource.
MODERATOR: Thanks Colin.
CHARLIE HOE: I'm here on behalf of myself
and on behalf of (inaudible) and the fact, the question is why
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am I here was one that I have in the very beginning. Perhaps
it has to do with my job and not as an administrator of any
governmental office or the regulator on any level but simply as
a citizen. I came to the issue of water back in the earlier
1970's and I came to it being much younger and naive than I am
at this particular moment in time and looking for this
Constitution which to me was quite clear, that we were to take
care of our natural resources and of course that water being
primary to that. And I was concerned about it because our
family was trying to reopen some -- that had gone into some
remission for a period of time as the older generation passed
away and the younger generation had yet to take over.
(Inaudible) and as we tried to do that, tried to access our
equipment rights that came with the land that we found that the
streams that had preferred previous to that in the experience
to our family and the experience of our family been
sufficiently ongoing fully sufficient to the all of the -- in
our particular area was nearly dry. So we did, we went to all
of those agencies, all of those people we saw were the
caretakers of that resource and asked them for assistance. Can
you help us find the cause? Can you help us find the solution?
To the person and this was at the county, at the state and at
the federal level, we were told it's not our business and
furthermore it's not really a big problem and it's just you
folks in that little particular community.
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Well, we didn't quite believe that and so our
particular community said well, let's go ask. Let's go
statewide and see if our problem is just unique to our area or
is it broader than that and we actually took up our family, and
I say we because whatever we've done on these issues over the
years, we've taken individual personal responsibility to do it
and we've never done it alone. It's always been multiple
people coming together with positive energies to find solutions
rather than reasons why we cannot do problem solving. So a
group of people within our communities bundled up our family in
our jalopies, sent our trucks to the main islands and literally
went community to community asking, "Are you folks having water
problems and what are those water problems?" And to the
community and we went from Kauai to Molokai, Maui, to the big
island, all around and to the various communities asking that
question and two of the communities that we visited there were
having water problems. And no one up to that point had really
said okay, what can we maybe do about this and as we started
talking collectively statewide, one of the ideas that came to
us is that maybe what we can do is start with our own state
Constitution and maybe what we can do is take a look at the
list that look at the wording that currently says, take care of
our water and state resources, and make it a little bit
stronger, a little bit clearer, that not only do we
collectively have that responsibility but our government, of
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which we are a part, has the responsibility to take the lead,
has the responsibility to set aside resources, both human and
financial, and to take that task on directly.
I ended up being the person with the short straw and
was sent off to the Constitutional Convention in 1978 and
becoming part of that effort and I mean a very small part of a
very broad effort statewide to try to make that language more
clear so that we would have something to go to, some forum to
go to, rather than for more than the economic voice, which from
our prospective at that point seemed to be the only voice at
the table in making decisions relevant to water resources.
Provided the forum, more voices could be at the table to look
at the long-term care for our water resources, to look to the
perpetuity of the health for that resource, not just how can we
make a dollar in my time and in my generation. I think we have
before us an imperfect vehicle with our water code and I think
we're in the process collectively as a broad community of
having an ongoing dialogue of how do we best take care of this
resource. It's not going to be resolved by one act.
The Waiahole decision is a very important decision,
as I'll agree with Colin to my left, and it provides a very
important step forward that we need to be actively supporting
and working toward resolutions and I also agree that there are
multiple needs that we need to balance and how do you we do
that? With an eyetooth forever, not just today, with an
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eyetooth forever. It takes leadership, yes, from our
legislature but maybe more importantly from all of us. I think
that I have strong faith and many minds coming together to look
for resolution over the years from the time of the
Constitutional Convention initially again, I was much more
naive. My hopes were, okay, the Constitution says we're going
to have this entity, we're going to create this forum, we're
going to have this water code and instantaneously and we're
going to have a chance to have a voice and as you know it's
been ten years to define what the water code would actually be
and how we could get a water commission and all of those
balances, all of those competing voices were part of that
dialogue for nearly ten years. Through the course of that,
though, I think there was an agreement on the need to care for
the resource. To me that's the hope, that common ground there,
that's the hope.
MODERATOR: I have a lot of questions that
are coming in but I'm going to ask the panel to take off on an
issue that was raised by the Senator, she said that there's
legislative uncertainty about what to do next about the public
trust so if Senator Hanabusca or one from all over the
colleagues was to organize an informal forum bringing people
together from the executive branch or in the environmental
coalition or anywhere else in the community and asked them the
question, if we take the Public Trust Doctrine seriously, what
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two or three things ought we be doing to better implement?
What would you recommend? So Colin do you want to start? You
mentioned already having biologists, what else could you
recommend?
COLIN HIPPE: The one thing I would
recommend to the legislature is to bring their checkbook.
MODERATOR: I'd basically recommend
something similarly but let me give an example. We have an
incredible public highway system and the reason is that when
you buy gasoline, a chunk of the money from buying gasoline
goes into a fund that builds up and we have this, as a result
we have this incredible public highway system. Every month you
write a check to your local board of water supply that pays,
and that money goes to pay for the pipeline, maintenance
repair, pumping costs, reservoirs and the like and none of that
goes to managing and protecting the resources. And what we
need to do is find ways to make sure that that is part of the
equation and in what people, and people recognize that and when
you get out your checkbook and are paying for water every month
and we've got to get serious about looking at the public trust
and saying, "Gee, the long- term protection of the resources is
what's most important," and you've got to look at it and say
that that's just as important as pumping it underground.
BILL DEVICK: I thought as an easy solution
to this, obviously we have to -- that require but much of it
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too is attitude. We have to change people's ways of thinking.
I think it's down to education. I'm not sure that there is
not already a lot of potential in the existing system to direct
some of the effort to try to inform the public and especially
to inform kids because kids can influence their parents so
rather than at this point saying pull out the checkbook
especially considering the state of the economy. I would like
to see some greater effort on the part of the entire state
government to direct efforts toward informing people and
possibly if there was the legislative mandate of this pointed
and not in that direction.
MODERATOR: Jan, I think I'm going to --
when it comes to giving people advice, do you have any?
JAN STEVENS: I think it's hard but I think
the previous leaders have indicated some really good things. I
know in our state the Department of Fish and Game is
historically understaffed and underfunded and it makes it very
difficult to come up with adequate evaluations of things even
when there is a statute that provides them with the statutory
direction to give an opinion and there isn't one to keep fish
in good condition or a number of other legislative directives,
some of them conflicting, but a most of them in the direction
of this kind of evaluation. You have to finance the bad
quickly. Secondly, I think this idea of the public education
is a good one. Maybe it's tied to the funding thing. I know
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the tobacco fund in California has been extraordinarily
successful in putting up billboards and having public education
campaigns that's resulted in California being one of the lowest
smoking rights in the country so I know there's a lot to do
with public attitudes and with the culture as well, so you have
to have statutory tools, you have to fund their implementation
and I think public education is a big part of it. This is a
smart panel.
CHARLENE HOE: I would do all of the above
but I would also add that when we're first thinking about in
terms of creating the water forum and creating the water flow
and trying to have a forum outside of the courts to discuss
some of these issues and to come to resolution on behalf of the
community we weren't thinking of recreating the course although
that's always a tool and operation so if there were forums to
have multiple lines to come to the table, whether it's a round
table format or some form of corroboration that could be done
on an ongoing bases to help inform decision-making, I think
that would be a valuable step forward.
SENATOR COLLEEN HANABUSA: That's okay. I
expected to hear about funding and that's not unusual but let
me say that I think it's an educational process and it's a
priority and it's not only changing the community's focus but
also the decision-makers. Let me give you an example. After
the Waiahole decision came up, the one thing that I thought was
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very clear was that there was an emphasis and I think an equal
emphasis placed on experience and traditional Hawaiian water
resource management techniques so I introduced a bill that
would have added or required one member, originally it was one
member, on the water commission to have those kinds of skills.
Of course, it's --, people didn't know how to define it but I
said, I think you know the Supreme Court said that is one of
the important aspects of our public trust so we should have
someone. Because to me, yes, we did advocate our
responsibility to basically the commission and the commission
should have someone like that. And the bill got amended to
include someone with those characteristics. And let me tell
you what happened, Oahu testified in favor of it and Kailua
testified in favor of it and I believe the Life of the Land
did, but Department of Land and Natural Resources, I don't know
if Gill is here, but they testified against it and so did the
county of Kauai and some of my colleagues who I would have
thought would be strong advocates for this, also voted for it
with reservation.
The reason is, as I stated earlier, is because people
view it as we're sort of in an equilibrium now and anything
could upset this balance and it may require, it may then result
in something worse happening. So when we look it at it and
when we look at the funding or when we look at any other points
what you've got to understand is our structure as well. Yes we
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make policy, we talk about money. Most of those issues come
from the administrative branch. I see my good friend Bill
there. Ask Bill. He has problems in the Waianaie boat harbor.
We give him all of the money he wants but that's not all the
money he wants. But that's all the money the department will
tell us that he needs. So it's all of that, so it comes back
to our structure. So if you really want to start to institute
change, you've got to start with what people must first
understand what the public trust is and I would say most people
don't understand that there is this thing called a public
trust, what it means to water and it's even more fundamental
than that, that it is a natural resource that must be reserved
for the future. We as legislatures say yeah, we read it, we
understand it. But unless everyone else is there practicing
that to the point that it goes up to the administrative branch
and comes down, things like money, things like getting people
together and passing legislation, it isn't going to work. It's
not going to work. Until those people understand it and for
them to understand it, it's got to come from the grass roots.
Thank you.
MODERATOR: We have lots of wonderful
questions up here. Let me ask just a few in the remaining
time. What does the Public Trust Doctrine mean for the
practice of ocean leasing in Hawaii, particularly as to the
emergence of marine aquaculture? Anybody like to comment? Well,
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I have a feeling that somebody wants one of those lawyers to.
COLIN HIPPE: I'll take a swing. It seems
to me that this question of ocean leasing obviously would be
occurring in navigable waters so the trust doctrine would be
implicated and there have been bills in the legislature over
the last several years which talk about a water column, talk
about the submerged lands, talk about the water above the
submerged land, talk about the surface water. And that's
something which is presently under the jurisdiction of the
Department of Land and Natural Resources, the resource
managers. But I think ocean leasing is really important when
you look at it from a view that this is all one big circle. It
rains, it flows down to the ocean and then it recycles itself
again. But we're also concerned not just with the resource
itself. When we define resource, we mean those things that
live there. At least from the Hawaiian prospective we have
been on record on numerous occasions raising issues having to
do with the protection of the resource itself by these kinds of
ocean leasing endeavors and I will predict that they will
increase in the future and I will predict that in our economic
situation that some of the kinds of proposed activities, sea
vents, sea caves, floating city, perhaps something along those
lines will probably increase as the need for additional revenue
sources and food increases.
MODERATOR: Another question that the
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University of Hawaii has developed a science state and research
center has created a --- sign protocol to protect or restore
against feeding flows instream ecosystem negatively. Why is it
that EMR cut the funding for this? (Laughter) I'm going to help
out. The public trust doctrine has developed and financed a
safe level equivalent to the unified federal policy immerses
water -- approached the federal land and resource management.
Any comments on how the state can better finance and implement
an integrated watershed approach?
COLLEEN HANABUSA: Let me try that. We did
try many versions of the bill on the watershed on and it was
the funding on that was to increase, I believe one version was
to increase maybe 10 cents and whatever the board or water
supply would have collected and various versions of tapping on
to existing water, I guess you could call it, water cost and
we're able to get it and transferring it to watershed or -- it
into that special one for that particular purpose. It's like
anything else that looks, smells, talks, sounds like a tax. If
you do anything like that, the general public comes forward and
you are faced with people saying you are finding, the
government is finding another way of taxing us.
That is why it's so important for the people to
understand the necessity to preserve and it's only if you get
the general public at that point that you're going to be able
to look at any kind of funding mechanism which would take care
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of things such as watersheds and so forth. Short of that, it's
going to continue the way it is.
MODERATOR: Our time is running short so I
want to give the panel an opportunity to comment. We talked a
lot about the positive aspects of the Public Trust Doctrine
today and I'm curious to hear your comments about what worries
you or what you see as an uncertainty or the remnants of what
we haven't talked about. Any observations about that? Anybody?
What are the down sides?
COLLEEN HANABUSA: The down side is the
trustee. Primarily us in the legislature - 76 of us, you
know, 51 in the House, 25 in the Senate. All elected as Tom
had pointed out, some with two year terms, some with four year
terms or maybe with all of us with three year terms next year
and the priority with how people are looking at that. You have
many people who are out there and will say, they're
environmentalists or they're sensitive to the what-not the
preservation of the natural resources and they will do whatever
is necessary for a reelection if that's their priority or for
special interest if that's the way they're concerned so the
down side on the Public Trust Doctrine and the way that I read
the Waiahole decision and one of the things that I was
concerned about is that they made it clear that legislature is
the trustee and the legislature should not advocate the
responsibility. To me the smartest thing that happened was to
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create the commission itself. People and to designate the
criteria of the people to sit on it and to basically have these
people with the expertise and not to rely on the legislative
body. So the problem as I see it is that if the Public Trust
Doctrine can be kept in its most pure form and as much as I
said in my piece that I was concerned about the active role of
the courts. I would have to say that that is probably going to
be the saving grace in all of this but the down side is the
trustees because there is no Public Trust Doctrine unless you
have government and that's a threshold, no government, no
public trust. That's the presumption and you must have
government in some form or another and government is the
downfall to me as to the public trust.
MODERATOR: Anyone want to say anything
uplifting? I want to thank the panel. I also want to thank all
of you because there are some terrific questions that you
handed in. I'm going to pass these to the members of the panel
so they'll have an opportunity to get some of these. Thanks
very much to all of you.
JIM PAUL: And let me ask that you save
those questions because those of us on the program committee
are going to try to put all of the questions that have come in,
in writing on a website that will grow out of this symposium
and so that those questions will not be lost and will be used
in some other ways so please go ahead and show them to the
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panel but please save them so that we can use them in that
fashion.
Also I want to confirm that the additional black
books have arrived so those of you who did not receive them can
get them when you leave. But Professor Sax, if you would be so
kind to try to sum up for us perhaps in ten minutes.
PROFESSOR SAX: Well, the panel ended with
the question, does anyone want to say anything uplifting and
I'll volunteer. First, I think you're very fortunate. I was
amazed at the depth of knowledge, the commitment, the energy
that was expressed by the various people from this state who
have been on the two panels. I just think it's extraordinary
and you should feel very good about that. It seems to me that
that's a very good sign and I don't think there are very many
places that you'd be able to put together panels like that.
Let me just say a couple of things about what I would
take home from what I heard today. I thought the point that
the public trust is a philosophy and a tool was right on the
mark. I think that's exactly right. I think it creates an
opportunity to revise priorities, to utilize good science, to
turn things around from the way they've traditionally been done
so in the planning process, in the management and
administrative processes that are going to go on. Resources
will be looked at first and they'll be looked at in the context
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of good data about what the potential losses and potential
opportunities are. I want to say something about a question
that was raised, did the Court or does the Court, as a result
of a decision like this arrogate to its authority as against
the legislature? I think if you handle things right that's not
the case at all. I think if you handle things right and at
home you picked up some of this from what Jan Stevens said, the
presence of a Court which indicates a strong commitment to such
a doctrine and a willingness in an energetic way to see that
it's enforced. What it does if things work right is that it
empowers the legislature to move forward, let's say it pushes
the legislature to move forward on some agenda items that
perhaps have not gotten adequate attention. It energizes
administrative agencies to act and it stands ready in the
background to make sure that they do their jobs so it's there
if you play it right to help you get the job done and to create
some incentives to move in ways that you haven't been able to
do before but you've got to take advantage of that. I want to
say something also that about the fact that comments were made
about water controversies that go on and on and on and are
endless but I think again if you listen carefully to what Jan
was saying and the examples that he gave, the experience in
California has basically been that in light of the potential of
have having endless litigation, it has induced people to sit
down and to try to work out solutions and in most of these
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cases we have worked out solutions that don't give anybody all
that they want but create a kind of resolution that's
acceptable to everybody and gives to resources a great deal
more than they've had traditionally and I think that that's a
very positive experience and one that you might want to look
for some potential guidance. I think another point that Jan
made that I would also want to emphasize is that in the
aftermath of the Mono Lake case that was viewed as a very
radical decision by a court that had sort of stepped outside of
it's ordinary role. There was a lot of talk about collapse and
catastrophe and nothing could be built anymore and people won't
water and that food would not be available and every bad thing
that you can think of. And as you can see, we're still in
business. Things haven't collapsed and people have responded
in a positive way and that's something I think to be encouraged
about.
On a legal note that arose on the first panel, that
is the concerns that were expressed about whether the kind of
public trust interpretation you have is the taking property. I
just want to say a brief word about that. These are questions
that undoubtedly whether in this state or in others will
eventually find their way to the Supreme Court. My own
observation is that the critical issues that the U. S. Supreme
Court will want to look it is, what is the state law? The Court
has been traditionally very differential to state's
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interpretation to what their own law is. I mean, you heard me
and Jan refer to some states like Montana, Idaho and so forth.
You heard one of the panelists refer to states like Maine and
New York. The reason we referred to different states I think
because Maine and New York are classic cases of states that
have taken a very narrow view of the public trust and if you
have a state that takes a broad view of the public trust I
think you can expect. I mean the Supreme Court of the United
States will tend to kind of follow where the states go, so
states that have taken a narrow view are likely to have a much
more limited public trust. I think another question and I
don't know the answer to it in regard to Hawaii but another
question that's important is whether the Court ultimately will
take the view that these are rights and commitments that have
in fact been a part of your law for a long time going way back
or whether they are very new ideas, rather the Court itself
innovated or that came only at the time of your most recent
Constitution which was 1978.
Those are the types of questions that I don't know
the answers to but those will be critical questions. It is a
doctrine that's come up in many circumstances where courts
would say, yes here is a provision that you see only in a
relatively recent law but in fact it was simply an affirmation
by the legislation or by a Constitutional Convention of
something that in fact had been the accepted principals in the
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state for a long long time and that's I think one question that
will at some point will arise in the Hawaiian situation if your
Public Trust Doctrine is challenged on Constitutional grounds.
Finally I just want to say obviously Public Trust Doctrine is
a very important potential tool. It isn't a cure all, it isn't
going to solve all of your resource problems but it is an
important and valuable tool as long as it's used right.
Someone who's worked on environmental issues now for 40 years,
I want to say you are not going to solve all of your problems.
This is a world of never ending struggle. It just goes on and
on and on and you don't move forward as rapidly as you like to
but if you're moving forward even if, you know, you'd like to
go by miles but you're actually going by inches, at least
you're moving forward and as long as you keep at it, you know
you'll get there eventually. And the fact of the matter is, I
mean, that there never is enough money and everyone has that
problem. And there are always power ful forces with projects
that want to misuse resources and I think you have to face up
to the reality and you work against it and now it appears that
you've got some new or newly recognized and powerful tools to
help you in that and you have a lot of knowledgeable and
committed people to work on it and from across the water, we
wish you good luck.
MODERATOR: Joe, thank you very much. January
Stevens, where are you? Will you come up here for just a moment
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and Denise and Donna, will you please come up here for a
moment. We have two special little gifts, little mementos
that we would like to present to you at this time. They are
specially made, recently made wooden bowls of wood that have
been recently engraved in honor of their trip here to visit
with us here today and thank you very very much. I want to say
thank you again to the Hawaii community Foundation for
literally making this possible. Without their financial
support and their understanding of the importance of this topic
and their willingness to go the extra mile to make this happen
despite our limited budget which we creatively used to pull
this off. I want to thank them very very much and all of the
other sponsors I mentioned at the offset who have been very
important in this. I want to especially, where did Donna go?
Donna is right here. Donna, who is the executive director of
Hawaii's Styles and Friends is also the reason why this
symposium took place because she has been working 15- 18 hours
per day. And a special thanks to the pro bono efforts of our
moderators, Peter Adler and Kim Lowry, for helping us and to
Ouella for making a record of this and again for those of you
who are interested in having a copy of the record, I'm told you
should check with Donna. That may be possible and I want to
thank especially Denise Antolini and Bill Tam who with me and
Donna worked on the program committee for this. Good Job. And
thank you all very much. I want to second the comments that
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Chris Vuen said that this is a remarkable distinguished
audience with a lot of people who have had a lot to do with
this issue and related issues and as you can see we touched
with incredible speed, on many topics today and scratched the
surface on many of them and a conversation that, as the
panelists have said and others have said, needs to continue and
I'm sure will continue. Thank you very much.