Gold and Salt: Provadiya-Solnitsata and the Varna Chalcolithic Cemetery

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REDAKTOREN

VASSIL NIKOLOV

SALT AND GOLD: PROVADIA-SOLNITSATA

AND THE VARNA CHALCOLITHIC CEMETERY

In the early 1970s, the world’s prehistoric establishment was amazed by the sensational news of thediscovery of the Late Chalcolithic cemetery on the lake Varna shore, very close to the western Black Seacoast (fig. 1). The reason for this great interest in this event was not only the discovery of the cemeteryitself but also thousands of exquisitely made gold artefacts and other prestigious items made of copper,minerals, stone, flint, obsidian and Mediterranean mollusks, as well as hundreds of pottery vessels foundinside (Ivanov 1991). Until then, and actually up to date, the Old World has not witnessed such a concen-tration of wealth from the second half of the 5th millennium BC. From 1972 to 1991, Ivan Ivanov excavatedmore than 300 burials, about 80% of which are formal inhumations in a crouched or extended supine posi-tion. Most of them contain common grave goods for that period and, as an exception, small gold artefacts.However, a small part of these graves have considerably more gold and copper items. Of particular interestis a male grave with a large amount of gold ornaments and copper tools, with two ceramic vessels paintedin gold, a bow with arrows and a sceptre. Undoubtedly, a higher representative of the social hierarchy,possibly a tribal chief and priest, was placed in that grave. The remaining ca. 20% of the graves are ceno-taphs, i.e. pits containing grave goods but lacking skeletal remains. The cenotaphs vary in type and wealthand obviously reflect rites related to people of different ranks. Especially interesting in this group of graves

487ARCHÄOLOGISCHES KORRESPONDENZBLATT 40 · 2010

Fig. 1 Map showing the positionof Provadia-Solnitsata (P.) and theVarna Chalcolithic cemetery (V.) inthe West Pontic area. – (E. Anas ta -sova).

are the three clay masks with gold artefacts on them, modeled on the bottom of the grave-pit. In othercases, grave goods repeat the character and arrangement of real graves. In the third group of cenotaphs,status symbols were put in a bag and buried. The Varna cemetery is the subject of many different inter -pretations. However, their authors firmly believe that the cemetery was left behind by a highly organizedhierarchical community (e.g. Nikolov 1991).There are many possible aspects of investigating the Varna cemetery which contain or could provide infor-mation on Late Chalcolithic society. In this brief description, I will primarily dwell on the reasons for theoccurrence of such a cemetery which was unusual for that period and included a considerable number ofritual pits with a high concentration of various types of grave goods made of different materials, as well ason the reasons for the very appearance of that cemetery near lake Varna.Right after the excavation of the first several tens of graves, a number of scholars suggested ideasconcerning the origin of some groups of items from the exceptionally rich grave goods. An assumption wasmade that part of the gold in the cemetery originated from distant regions in Northeast Anatolia or theCaucasus (Hartmann 1978). The main way of accumulating such wealth must have been either themaritime trade of copper items produced near lake Varna from Aibunar (East Thracian) ore (Todorova 1978,141f.) or the trade of salt produced from seawater with the regional inland (Radunceva 1986, 18). The exis-tence of a Late Chalcolithic maritime trade centre is also assumed by other authors (Frey 1991).Research on Chalcolithic culture during the last two decades makes it possible to correct the hypothesesalready made. It is very probable that a metallurgical centre actually developed near lake Varna, althoughduring the Late Chalcolithic there were no exploitable deposits of the respective metal ores in the regionnorth of the Balkan Mountains to the Danube delta and to the Carpathians in the north. This is probablythe reason why this metallurgical centre was neither built for the trade with the region to the north(including the north of the Danube delta), as was thought, nor was it meant for the trade in another direc-tion. In fact, it existed to meet the demands of the lake-near community (cf. Dimitrov 2007), i.e. the copperand gold artefacts manufactured in this centre were intended for local users only. On the other hand, thesalt production by open-air solar evaporation of the then low-salt water on lake Varna or even farther awayon the sea would have been highly ineffective and labour-consuming. If such production would have beenthe basis for the wealth of the Varna cemetery, it would have been much more effective if performed underfar better physico-geographical conditions (concerning climate and relief) in the south along the Black Seacoast (cf. the location of the Pomorie salt pans). There is no evidence of a salt production by open-air solarevaporation of seawater along the coast to the north of Cape Emine, though.It is clear that the earlier assumptions about the reasons for the accumulation of wealth in the Varna ceme-tery have not been confirmed by later research.

THE WEALTH OF VARNA

There are two possibilities for accumulating prestigious items in the lake Varna area during the Late Chal-colithic: 1. the availability of various local raw materials for their on-site manufacturing or 2. the import ofmaterials for the on-site manufacturing as well as (irrespective of the type of local manufacturing) finishedproducts. However, it should be remembered that one irrevocable characteristic of an item considered tobe prestigious is its distant resp. »foreign« origin (of the item itself or its material).Some items included in the grave goods are obviously local and made of local raw materials. These areceramic vessels, bone and horn/antler items, and a part of the stone and flint artefacts. The remaining itemscan be assumed to having originated from regions more or less distant from lake Varna.

488 Nikolov · Salt and gold: Provadia-Solnitsata and the Varna Chalcolithic cemetery


Flint artefacts

A total of 240 flint artefacts (Manolakakis 2005, 210) have been found in the grave pits, more than half

of which were the result of a specialized production performed by professionals in the area of today’s

Razgrad, about 100km northwest of lake Varna. This applies mainly to the 44cm long blades which are

symbols of highly prestigious burials. These artefacts were received as a result of trade (»purchase«;

id. 2002, 15f.).

Obsidian blade

There is only one uncovered obsidian blade in the Varna cemetery. According to the physico-chemical

analysis it originates from the island Melos in the Southern Aegean (Manolakakis 2002, 5. 15).

Chalcedony (carnelian and agate) beads

Over 500 beads have been found in the cemetery, which is the maximum concentration of such items from

Late Prehistory of the Eastern Balkans. They are products of a highly specialized production. The raw mate-

rial probably came mainly from Anatolia, although certain samples may be associated with the Eastern

Rhodope Mountains (Kostov 2007, 66-77). However, it remains unclear whether the beads were made on-

site near lake Varna or imported as finished products.

Artefacts (ornaments) made of mollusk shells (Spondylus, Glycymeris and Dentalium)

More than 1100 articles made of Spondylus and Glycymeris (hundreds of beads, diadem elements, several

hundreds of bracelets, etc.) and over 20,000 beads made of Dentalium have been found in the grave pits

(Ivanov 1991, 130). The raw material of which the prestigious items were probably manufactured origi-

nated from the northern coast of the Aegean (Ivanova 2008, 232f. and literature cited there); by trade they

were spread over the Eastern Balkans. During the Late Chalcolithic, their presence was particularly strong

in today’s Northeast Bulgaria and Dobruja, the Varna cemetery being the place of their highest concentra-

tion.

Copper tools and ornaments

165 copper articles have been found in the Varna cemetery. Until now, 123 have been studied and sub -

divided into three groups: 75 heavy tools, 34 small tools and 14 ornaments (Dimitrov 2007, 46). As already

mentioned, there are no copper ore deposits between the Balkan Mountains and the Danube; it is clear

that the ore, or rather the metal, was imported to the lake Varna area from a greater distance. The lead

isotope analyses of most copper items from the Varna cemetery show a comparatively clear polycentric

picture of the metal sources. The raw material predominantly (about 55%) came from the West Pontian

copper ore region (northeastern parts of the Strandzha Mountain, 120-150km away). About 39% came

from the East Thracian copper ore deposit (eastern parts of the Sredna Gora Mountains, 250-270km away),

and the remaining 6% from other deposits probably in present-day West Bulgaria, 400-500km away (ibid.

46-52).

The origin of over 2,000 malachite necklace beads from the Varna cemetery should also be sought in thecopper ore deposits mentioned above.In the wider area of lake Varna, there are several more famous Late Chalcolithic copper assemblages: TellGolyamo Delchevo and its cemetery, the Devnya cemetery, a destroyed cemetery in the Kokodiva locality,a destroyed grave near Varna as well as numerous stray finds. Lead isotope analyses testify to an origin ofthe copper ore similar to that of the Varna cemetery (Dimitrov 2007, 52-58).

Gold items

About 3,000 gold ornaments for body and clothing, sceptre and bow plating, as well as other small itemswith a total weight of 6.5kg have been found in the Varna cemetery. These gold items caused the sensa-tion which has maintained the strong professional interest in the cemetery for more than three decades(cf. Fol / Lichardus 1988). Nevertheless, the gold finds have not been studied enough, so that the questionof the origin of the gold remains largely unanswered. The only investigations in this direction were carriedout in the mid-1970s. Some of the gold finds from the first tens of graves were studied (Hartmann 1978).Two types of gold have been identified: the first one (BP) shows some admixture of platinum, the secondone (B) none. There is an admixture of silver in both types. Whereas type BP, of which about half of theinvestigated gold items have been made, is encountered only in the area near the Black Sea, type B is wide-spread all along the Lower Danube. The origin of the BP type is sought in Northeast Anatolia or in theCaucasus, the origin of type B in the Balkans or the Strandzha Mountain. Taking into account some archae-ological evidence and observations from recent years, I would include the Eastern Rhodope Mountains asa possible area of origin of the second type.Almost all groups of items considered here (according to their respective material) from the Late Chalco -lithic Varna cemetery have their predecessors in the Middle Chalcolithic Varna II cemetery (three excavatedgraves) also located near the lake Varna shore (Ivanov 1978). Besides, items made of serpentinite (probablyfrom the Eastern Rhodope Mountains) and nephrite (probably of a non-Balkan origin) have been found inthe latter (Kostov 2007, 52-59).This brief consideration of several groups of grave goods in the Late Chalcolithic Varna cemetery testifiesto the non-local origin of their raw material. Some groups of artefacts were probably produced at anotherplace, near the raw material source – the long blades, the obsidian blade, the chalcedony beads, the orna-ments of mollusk shells, items of rare stone varieties. It is obvious that the greater part of the copper toolsand ornaments, as well as the gold items, were made on-site, but from imported raw materials. For now,only the delivery of the prestigious long blades and some other flint artefacts can be associated with theterritory north of lake Varna – in particular with the Razgrad area. All other trade connections point toactive interrelations with the region to the south: from the Kamchia valley and the Eastern Balkan Moun-tains to the Strandzha Mountain, Sakar Mountain and the Eastern Rhodope Mountains. I also assume thatthere have been sporadic contacts with regions of the Central Balkans and Northern Anatolia, althoughthese may have been mediated relations. I hypothesize the use of sea vessels, but the seaway could havehardly played an essential role in the economic prosperity of the lake-near community during the Middleand Late Chalcolithic.It is beyond any doubt that the wealth of the Varna cemetery, including a (for that period) huge numberof prestigious items, was gained through regular trading operations imposed by the regionalized divisionof labor related to the natural conditions. Moreover, the extraction of the raw material mentioned aboverequires a high level of specialization which is possible only within production groups living and working inthe area where the material is mined (for copper ore mining in particular see Dimitrov 2007, 63).



MAN AND SALT

It is clear so far what raw materials or prestigious finished products were imported by the lake-near commu-

nity during the Middle and especially the Late Chalcolithic. The main question that arises when studying all

trade relations is: what was this import of large amounts of raw materials and high-priced items traded for?

The import and local production of a large quantity of prestigious items means that the community near

lake Varna not only managed – as research has shown – to provide their food for the whole year by

farming, cattle-breeding, fishing and hunting, but also to put aside a sufficient surplus for trading. There

are no grounds to believe that this was possible based on agricultural production only, for which the condi-

tions south of the Balkan Mountains were better. And the region between the Eastern Balkan Mountains

and the Danube is poor in raw materials relevant for the production by the Chalcolithic communities in

Thrace and the neighboring regions.

The only raw material which is vitally important for man and animals and which is available in the area near

lake Varna – and not available in Thrace and the neighboring regions – is salt. Salt was the only »strategic«

raw material during the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic, and (together with copper) during the Late and

Final Chalcolithic. Hence, salt was not only a prerequisite for an active and successful trade but also played

the role of a general equivalent (i.e. the first »money«) during later prehistory (on the role of salt in society,

including trade relations in pre- and protohistory, see Saile 2000).

Modern studies show that the minimum amount of salt needed for maintaining the life of a grown-up man

on the verge of biological death in a state of immobility is 4g per day. With twice as much, he would be

able to live rather normally, but without physical stress. It is assumed that for a »normal« physical activity

he needs 2g of salt per 10kg of his body weight, i.e. usually between 12 and 18g a day. Under extreme

physical stress, this norm is much higher. A chronic, even minimum deficiency of salt causes serious fertility

troubles up to sterility, retarded development and complex damages to the human organism. A moderate

deficiency of salt leads to a state of permanent fatigue, anorexia, retching and vomiting, physical exertion

becoming impossible. Under a high deficiency of salt, the symptoms mentioned increase and finally cause

the death of the organism.

Since the physiology of animals is similar to that of man, they also need the respective amount of sodium

chloride corresponding to their weight. Providing the necessary amount of salt to domestic animals is the

task of those who breed them because it affects their fertility, weight (meat for food!) and the quantity of

milk produced. Animals used for work require a much higher daily dose.

The problem of a planned provision of salt both for man and domestic animals did not exist in human

history for a long time: Palaeolithic hunters ate the meat of wild animals, thus getting their necessary daily

salt dose, and the animals themselves found salt in natural sources such as salt springs, salt stones, halo-

phytes, etc. A problem arose during the transition to production economy, i.e. the transition to a Neolithic

culture type about 12,000-14,000 years ago in Southwest Asia. People became producers of cereals and

began to raise domestic animals. The hunting of wild animals highly decreased, and the problem of

providing the vital supply of salt occurred. During the Neolithic, salt became the only »strategic« raw mate-

rial without which the new type of economy would not have functioned.

To the highly important functions of salt for this period we should add its use for food preservation – a

compulsory element in the everyday life of the early agricultural society. The preservation of food reserves

for the regular year-round maintenance of the settled way of life was part of the new system of relations

with the natural environment. Besides, salt was also needed for various domestic production activities –

primarily those related to the processing and use of cattle hide.

As a strategic raw material during later prehistory, salt became a strong economic basis of the communitythat produced it and also an important factor for the development of trade contacts, respectively: hence,salt became the motive of social and cultural processes.

THE WEALTH OF PROVADIA

The only location of rock salt in the Eastern Balkans which was suitable for exploitation during later pre -history was the so-called Mirovo salt deposit near Provadia, obl. Varna/BG. The huge salt body is shapedlike a truncated cone, its upper surface having the shape of an oval of 450×850m. From the overlying saltmirror at a depth of 9-20m, salt solutions flowed out which had a salt concentration approximating themaximum value of about 312g/l.The excavation at the archaeological site of Provadia-Solnitsata started in 2005 (fig. 2). Until recently thiswas the name of the prehistoric tell site upon which – and with part of its deposit – a Thracian tumuluswas erected much later. The excavation of the prehistoric layers (Later Neolithic and Chalcolithic) went onfor five seasons and yielded fascinating results, including findings related to the salt topic discussed above(Nikolov 2005; 2008a; Nikolov / Petrova / Bačvarov 2009). In 2008, a huge Chalcolithic salt productioncomplex was found immediately next to the tell, thus supporting the assumptions on the role of the pre -historic Provadia-Solnitsata salt production centre during the Neolithic and Chalcolithic.The tell which (before being partially destroyed by the builders of the Thracian tumulus) had a 6m thickcultural deposit and a diameter of 105m, as well as the Chalcolithic production complex close to it, are


Fig. 2 The tell Provadia-Solnitsata (obl. Varna) and the Thracian tumulus on it. – (Photo V. Nikolov).

situated upon the huge truncated cone of the salt rock deposit from which the salt springs gush out. In thelater Neolithic Karanovo III-IV culture which covered all of Thrace beween 5400 and 5200 BC, a group ofits bearers crossed the Balkan Mountains, settled around these salt springs near present-day Provadia andbegan producing salt. Salt production during the later Neolithic was carried out by boiling brine from the springs in thin-walledceramic bowls especially made for this purpose which were placed in solid dome ovens. The ovens whoseproduction capacity is approx. 10 tons of salt per year were located in buildings within the settlement. Ithas been proved that boiling brine in ceramic bowls is the earliest application of a salt production tech-nology recorded in Europe, and Provadia-Solnitsata is the most ancient salt production centre on the OldContinent discovered so far.In 2005-2007, the remains of the later Neolithic two-storey building which occupied an area of 55-60m2

were excavated. On the floor of the lower level, a large domed installation made of clay was found whichwas meant for boiling brine (Nikolov 2008b). It is four-sided with bulging walls and rounded corners(fig. 3); its dimensions along the two axes are 1.70×1.50m. It consists of a solid dome and a thick innerfloor, but without the thinner or thicker base raised above the room floor which was typical of the homeovens. In this case the role of the accumulating body was transferred exclusively to the solid dome whichimplies a different use of the installation compared to that of the home ovens. The dome is a solid claystructure. The walls at the base are 25cm thick and thin out upward to 13-14cm. Judging from the domewalls preserved in their original form, its maximum height on the inside was about 50cm, on the outsideabout 60cm. The installation had two entrance holes, in the eastern and southern side of the dome. Theeastern hole is 26cm wide; the second entrance to the installation was much larger, probably 60cm wide,


Fig. 3 Provadia-Solnitsata: the base of a dome oven used for brine boiling, Late Neolithic, Karanovo II-IV period (5400-5200 BC). –(Photo V. Nikolov).

but is poorly preserved. The presence of two holes in the dome of a later Neolithic oven is unusual. Themost probable reason for the occurrence of the smaller side hole was the technological need for main-taining a definite temperature during the brine boiling process and the salt crystallization as well as forproviding a draught to carry away the vapor, which was realizable only through a regulated access of airto the installation. The ceramic bowls with brine were inserted through the large hole and taken out withthe salt in them at the end of the cycle. The floor of the installation occupying the entire space underneaththe dome of 1.35m2 is made of beaten clay.The ceramic vessels for the production of pure salt by brine boiling represent a specific pottery type thatwas found first in Europe in later prehistory. They are deep thin-walled bowls (Stojanova 2008). The surfaceof the vessels is roughly smoothed and as a result of their use now covered with a thick whitish accretion.Their thin walls are the reason why they were uncovered in a fragmentary state. The thickness variesbetween 3-4mm and 5-6mm, increasing up to 10mm at the mouth. The thinness and high porosity of thevessels facilitated the brine evaporation. The bowls are wide open, with a deep biconical body whose mostbulging part is located in its upper third part. The bottom diameter is 11-18cm; the mouth is 32-56cm indiameter, rounded and slightly thickened on the inside.The inverted rim of the mouth prevented the outflow of brine when the full vessel was inserted in the oven,as well as in the case of undesired boiling during the evaporation process. The maximum temperatureduring boiling was not allowed to exceed 105°C – the boiling point of brine with a sodium chloride concen-tration of about 312g/l (the natural concentration of brine from the springs near Provadia). Taking intoaccount the size of the space underneath the dome of the excavated oven as well as the capacity of thebowls filled up to the level of their maximum diameter (6-36 l), it can be assumed that – with an optimalarrangement by combining bowls of different diameters and heights – at one feeding of the installation itwas possible to evaporate about 90 l of brine. Therefore, with the relevant sodium chloride concentrationof the brine and the realization of one cycle per day (theoretically, at least two and probably three cyclesare possible), 26-28kg of purified salt could be obtained, which corresponds to an annual output of up to10 tons of only one oven. Assuming a variant with a preliminary »thickening« of the brine exposed to thesun (during the warmer months), the quantity produced even could have been much higher.Brine boiling in furnaces was practiced during the whole later Neolithic, i.e. up to the beginning of the 5th

millennium BC, but no evidence has been provided so far for an early Chalcolithic production (no such layerhas been established in the excavated area of Provadia-Solnitsata).Life on the tell continued during the Middle Chalcolithic (Hamangia IV culture), i.e. between 4650 and4500 BC. It was during this period that a large salt production complex emerged near the settlement whichoperated throughout the Late Chalcolithic (Varna culture), i.e. at least during the third quarter of the 5th

millennium BC. The reason was the obvious need for an increased salt production which was realized bymodifying the technological process. During the Middle Chalcolithic, if not earlier, the dome ovens werereplaced by larger open installations: wide pits in which a new type of ceramic vessels, very deep and thick-walled tubs of a much larger volume than that of the later Neolithic bowls, were arranged close to eachother. Brine boiling was performed by an open fire on the pit bottom in the spaces between the mouthrims tangent to each other.The Chalcolithic production complex has been partially uncovered. For now its area seems to have a size ofat least 5ha, but it is probably much larger in fact. It is located immediately north-northeast of the tell.The central and eastern parts of one of the production pits (feature 1), subsequently transformed into astorage area for remains from the salt production in other similar installations, have been excavated. Thelength of the investigated part is about 10.50m along the north-south axis, its maximum width 5m. The pit’smaximum depth is 1.75m. It is irregular, almost oval in shape, narrowing in its northern part. In the south-


eastern part of the installation, a »chute« of an almost southeast-northwest orientation has been found, itsuncovered part being 3.80m wide and 5.20m long. This was probably the access to feature 1.The pit is completely filled with mainly large sherds of very deep and wide thick-walled tubs and a greatamount of white wood ash (figs 4-6). The mouth diameter of the tubs varies from 30-70cm, the bottomdiameter from 18-20cm, and their depth probably from 50-80cm. The wall thickness varies between1.5cm and 2.5 cm. The outer surface is rusticated, and underneath the mouth pairs of large conical buttonshave been modeled. The inner surface is smoothed. The ceramic sherds show a secondary firing. Only fewthin-wall sherds have been uncovered in the pit, permitting to date the installation back to the beginningof the Late Chalcolithic in this region (Varna culture).The change within the salt production technology is obvious; the ovens of the later Neolithic were replacedby much more productive installations. The deep pottery tubs were probably arranged on the pit bottomin a way that their mouths touched and the peripheral vessels touched the walls of the pit. Bearing in mindtheir height and inverted conical shape, often with a considerable advantage of the mouth diametercompared to that of the bottom, large spaces widening downwards were left between the vessels under-neath the level of their mouths. These spaces were probably filled with firewood. During the boilingprocess, the fire heated mainly the upper part of the brine in the tubs; during the evaporation, the brine


Fig. 4 Provadia-Solnitsata: the Chalcolithic production complex. Profile of the backfill of a production pit for brine boiling, Late Chal co -lithic, Varna period (4500-4200 BC). – (Photo V. Nikolov).


Fig. 5 Provadia-Solnitsata: the Chalcolithic production complex. Excavation of a production pit for brine boiling, Late Chalcolithic,Varna period (4500-4200 BC). – (Photo V. Nikolov).

Fig. 6 Provadia-Solnitsata: the Chalcolithic production complex. Sherds of ceramic tubs for brine boiling from the backfill of a pro -duc tion pit, Late Chalcolithic, Varna period (4500-4200 BC). – (Photo V. Nikolov).

level dropped, and so did the level of the fire burning outside. With the fire going out, the temperaturedropped, thus creating conditions for the crystallization of the salt. Hard conical salt bodies remained in thetubs made for a transport over long distances.The Chalcolithic salt producers near present-day Provadia invented a for that time perfect technology forobtaining a high salt output much faster which can certainly be considered as »industrial«. The change inthe salt production technology bringing about a highly increasing production capacity of the »plant« nearpresent-day Provadia during the Middle and Late Chalcolithic strongly supports the suggested relationshipbetween the salt production in the area and, respectively, salt trade and the wealth of prestigious itemsexceptional for that period, in the »gold« Varna cemetery located in that area.The later Neolithic salt producers most probably met their own »salt needs« using the spring brine itself,while they exported pure salt to the south of the Balkan range. In the Middle and Late Chalcolithic, saltwas obviously produced in amounts that can be considered as industrial for that time. Salt became thegeneral equivalent (playing the role of »money«) in the large-scale trade with the neighbouring regions,but predominantly to the south of the Balkan Mountains. However, the wealth accumulated by the saltproducers had to be protected; during the Middle Chalcolithic the settlement on the tell was strengthenedby a fortification system that included a fortification wall and a deep moat in front. The fortification wallwas actually a palisade of high oak trunks, with a thick clay coat on both sides. There were at least twodiametrically positioned entrances, each flanked by two large stone bastions. A powerful earthquakedestroyed the bastions, but high and thick walls of smaller (broken) stones were built behind their remains.The prehistoric salt production centre of Provadia-Solnitsata ceased operating at the end of the Chalco -lithic; because of a drastic climate change, the communities within a huge area west of the Black Seatransformed their lifestyle from farming into nomadism. One possible reason for the end of the saltproduction at Provadia-Solnitsata is related to the drought that caused the brine springs to dry up. If thesprings somehow survived (though producing a very low discharge), the nomadized population of theregion probably visited them periodically with their herds, thus directly meeting their need for salt for bothpeople and animals.

CONCLUSIONS

The exceptionally rich field evidence from Provadia-Solnitsata should be considered within the context ofthe Middle and Late Chalcolithic in the western Black Sea area. Some of its many different aspects arementioned here.

Trade and trade routes

The salt trade was the main reason for the specific development of the Late Chalcolithic communities inthe area of Provadia-Solnitsata and lake Varna. There are two possible routes of the salt export and theimport of equivalent goods. The first one could have run along the Provadia river passing the salt-producingcentre at Provadia-Solnitsata. According to various sources, the river was navigable for small boats in the19th century from the salt-producing centre (and even upstream from there) down to its estuary in lakeVarna which opens the way to the Black Sea. Thus, the salt from Provadia-Solnitsata could have been trans-ported along the coast far to the south. The second route could have crossed the Balkan range via the lowAytos pass whose northern end was situated near the salt-producing centre: from its southern end, thereare numerous ways to Thrace and its neighbouring mountainous regions.


Production facilities, pottery, firewood

Unlike in the Late Neolithic, the production of a significant amount of salt for trade in the Chalcolithicsuggests the existence of remarkably larger production facilities and a significantly greater amount of fire-wood. For the time being it is difficult to quantify the labour required for digging and maintaining the enor-mous production pits, their number being as yet indeterminable, but it surely added up to a great amountof time and physical efforts. It would be even more impressive to know the number of the large thick-walled pottery tubs produced and used in the salt production process. The volume of sherds of such vesselshaving been revealed during the excavation of about two thirds of the aforementioned production pit isabout 20m3, i.e. the backfill of only one feature contains about 30m3 of sherds! The minimum number oflarge production tubs calculated on the basis of the number of diagnostic sherds from the pit amounts toover 400! Bearing in mind the complexity of the entire ceramic production process in later prehistory, theproduction of such a number of tubs involves a large amount of specialized work. In later times, the neces-sity of huge amounts of firewood has been evidenced by the deforestation of large areas around thecentres producing salt by evaporating brine; the same undoubtedly applies to the case of Provadia-Solnit-sata.The felling of trees, the transportation over shorter or longer (several kilometres) distances and wood chop-ping with prehistoric tools is the third group of labour-intensive preparatory activities for the production ofsolid salt from brine in the discussed Chalcolithic production complex.

Production process

On the one hand, the suggested salt production technique required the continued efforts of at least severalworkers for each pit, on the other hand, their work must have been highly specialized. It is not possible toestimate how many specialized teams worked simultaneously, but the number of specialized workers wasin no case small. It should be generally assumed that the salt production in the large pits required signifi-cant social efforts.

Settlement and fortification

The operation of the production complex is related to the Middle Chalcolithic settlement on the tell. Sinceits beginning, it was surrounded by a massive fortification consisting of a ditch, a palisade and stonebastions. This settlement most probably also existed throughout the Late Chalcolithic. Its construction andmaintenance seem to have been necessitated by the need to protect the solid salt stored behind its walls.Without going into specific details and calculations, it is evident that the amount of work for the construc-tion of these facilities and their fixing after a strong earthquake has been tremendous.

Social organization and social structure

These considerations give reason to reflect on the existence of a complex social structure of the commu-nity engaged in the »industrial-sized« salt production at Provadia-Solnitsata during the Middle and LateChalcolithic. These activities obviously involved the work of much more people than those living in thesettlement by the production complex: a well-functioning organization of the labour-intensive productionprocesses involving many people was required. Moreover, all production activities and the salt tradedemanded a highly specialized work which was only possible within a larger group able to initiate and


References

Dimitrov 2007: К. Димитров, Медната металургия по запа -дния бряг на Черно море (средата на V – началото на ІVхил. пр. Хр.). Автореферат на дисертация (София 2007).

Fol / Lichardus 1988: A. Fol / J. Lichardus (eds), Macht, Herrschaftund Gold. Das Gräberfeld von Varna (Bulgarien) und die An -fänge einer neuen europäischen Zivilisation (Saarbrücken 1988).

Frey 1991: O.-H. Frey, Varna – ein Umschlagplatz für den See -handel in der Kupferzeit? In: Lichardus 1991, 195-201.

Hartmann 1978: A. Hartmann, Ergebnisse der spektralanalytischenUntersuchung äneolithischer Goldfunde aus Bulgarien. StudiaPraehistorica 1-2, 1978, 27-45.

Ivanov 1978: И. Иванов, Раннохалколитни гробове до град Ва -рна. Известия на Народния музей – Варна 14, 1978, 81-93.

1991: I. Ivanov, Der Bestattungsritus in der chalkolithischen Nekropole von Varna. In: Lichardus 1991, 125-149.

Ivanova 2008: М. Иванова, Крайбрежни селища и морскиконтакти през халколита на Западното Черноморие (Vхил. пр. Хр.). In: М. Гюрова (ed.), Праисторическипроучвания в България: новите предизвикателства(София 2008) 229-237.

Kostov 2007: Р. Костов, Археоминералогия на неолитни ихалколитни артефакти от България и тяхното значение загемологията (София 2007).

Lichardus 1991: J. Lichardus (ed.), Die Kupferzeit als historischeEpoche. Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 55 (Bonn1991).

Manolakakis 2002: Л. Манолакакис, Функцията на големитепластини от Варненския некропол. Археология 2002/3, 5-17.

2005: L. Manolakakis, Les industries lithiques eneolithiques de Bulgarie. Internationale Archäologie 88 (Rahden/Westf.2005).

Nikolov 1991: V. Nikolov, Zur Interpretation der späteneolithischenNekropole von Varna. In: Lichardus 1991, 157-166.

2005: В. Николов, Първи свидетелства за най-раннотосолодобиване в Европа. Археология 2005/1-4, 109-117.

2008a: В. Николов (ed.), Праисторически солодобивенцентър Провадия-Солницата. Разкопки 2005-2007 г(София 2008).

2008b: В. Николов, Постройка 5: архитектура и съо -ръжения. In: Nikolov 2008a, 87-115.

Nikolov / Petrova / Bačvarov 2009: В. Николов / В. Петрова / К.Бъчваров и др., Провадия-Солницата: археологическиразкопки и изследвания през 2008 г. Предварителенотчет (София 2009).

Radunceva 1986: А. Радунчева, Обществено-икономическиятживот на Добруджа и Западното Черноморие през енео -лита. Векове 1986/1, 15-20.

Saile 2000: T. Saile, Salz im ur- und frühgeschichtlichen Mittel -europa – eine Bestandsaufnahme. Berichte der Römisch-Ger-manischen Kommission 81, 2000, 130-235.

Stojanova 2008: П. Стоянова, Постройка 5: керамични съдовеза производство на сол. In: В. Николов (ed.). Праис то -рически солодобивен център Провадия-Солницата.Разкопки 2005-2007 г (София 2008) 135-154.

Todorova 1978: H. Todorova, Das Spätäneolithikum an der west-lichen Schwarzmeerküste. Studia Praehistorica 1-2, 1978, 136-145.


Zusammenfassung / Abstract / Résumé

Salz und Gold: Provadia-Solnitsata und die chalkolithische Nekropole von VarnaDie knappe Analyse einiger Gruppen von Gegenständen unter den Grabbeigaben in der chalkolithischen Nekropolevon Varna am Ufer des Varnasees (Nordostbulgarien) nahe der westlichen Schwarzmeerküste zeugt vom fremdenUrsprung des Rohstoffs, aus dem sie angefertigt worden sind. Ein Teil der Artefakte wurde allem Anschein nachanderswo erzeugt. Ein Großteil der kupfernen Werkzeuge und »Schmuckstücke« sowie der goldenen Gegenständewurde zwar vor Ort, aber aus eingeführtem Rohstoff hergestellt. Es steht außer Zweifel, dass man den in der Nekro-pole von Varna gefundenen Reichtum durch regulären Handel erworben hat. Der einzige Rohstoff, der für Menschen

develop innovative activities other than those of the marginal production of any farming community. Thediscussed community certainly also covered a large area around lake Varna. An exceptional evidence ofthe complex social structure of this community is the Varna Late Chalcolithic cemetery belonging to it. Itseems that despite its complex hierarchical social organization, the lake community still stuck to an egalitarian social model dominated by the principle of prestige, and that only external reasons predeter-mined the decline of this civilization and did not allow its transition to an elite social structure and earlystate society.

und Tiere lebenswichtig und in der Region um den Varnasee vorhanden war, in Thrakien und den Nachbarregionenjedoch nicht vorkam, war Salz. Salz war daher nicht nur eine Voraussetzung für den aktiven und erfolgreichen Handel,sondern es spielte während der späten Vorgeschichte die Rolle eines allgemeinen Gegenwerts. Die einzigen Steinsalz-lagerstätten im Osten der Balkanhalbinsel, die auch in der jüngeren Vorgeschichte ausgebeutet werden konnten,befanden sich in der Nähe von Provadia. Aus dem darauf liegenden Salzspiegel flossen Sole mit einer Salzkonzentra-tion heraus, die der maximalen nahe kam. Die chalkolithischen Salzgewinner entwickelten ein perfektes Verfahren füreine für die damalige Zeit viel schnellere und ergiebige Salzgewinnung durch Salzwasserverdunstung. Die veränderteSalzgewinnungstechnologie, die eine rasante Steigerung der Produktionskapazität der »Fabrik« unweit der heutigenStadt Provadia während des mittleren und späteren Chalkolithikums ermöglichte, unterstreicht den angenommenenZusammenhang zwischen der dort erfolgenden Salzgewinnung bzw. dem Salzhandel und dem für die damaligenVerhältnisse erstaunlichen Reichtum an Prestigegütern, die man in der in derselben Gegend befindlichen spätchalko -lithischen »goldenen« Nekropole von Varna finden konnte.

Salt and gold: Provadia-Solnitsata and the Varna Chalcolithic cemeteryThe short considerations on several grave good types from the Late Chalcolithic Varna cemetery on the shore of lakeVarna, Northeast Bulgaria, on the western Black Sea coast testify to a non-local origin of their raw material. Some arte-fact types were probably produced elsewhere. Most of the copper tools and »personal ornaments« as well as most ofthe gold items were made locally, but of imported raw material. There is no doubt that the »wealth« of the popula-tion buried in the Varna cemetery was achieved through regular trade. The only raw material of vital importance forman and animals and available in the area near lake Varna – and not in Thrace and the neighbouring regions – wassalt. Therefore, salt was not only a prerequisite for an active and successful trade but definitely played the role of ageneral equivalent during later prehistory. The only rock salt deposit in the Eastern Balkans which was suitable forexploitation during later prehistory was the one at Provadia. Brine of almost the highest possible salt concentrationstreamed out of the overlying salt mirror. The Chalcolithic salt producers discovered a perfect brine-boiling techniquefor a much faster and (for that time) high salt extraction. The change in the salt production technology resulting in ahighly increased production capacity of the »plant« near present-day Provadia during the Middle and Late Chalcolithicsuggests a relationship between salt production and trade on the one hand and the plentitude of prestigious goodsexceptional for that period at the Late Chalcolithic »gold« Varna cemetery nearby on the other hand.

Le sel et l’or: Provadia-Solnitsata et la nécropole chalcolithique de VarnaUne analyse succincte d’ensembles mobiliers funéraires de la nécropole chalcolithique de Varna, située sur les rives dulac de Varna (Nord-Est de la Bulgarie) près de la côte occidentale de la Mer Noire, montre une provenance exogène dela matière première qui les composent. Une partie des artefacts ont apparemment été produits ailleurs. La plus grandepartie des outils en cuivre et des »bijoux« ont bien été réalisés sur place, mais avec des matières premières importées.Il ne fait aucun doute que la richesse de la nécropole de Varna est en relation avec un commerce régulier. La seulerichesse naturelle existant dans la région de Varna mais absente de Thrace et des régions environnantes est le sel. Pourla fin de la Protohistoire, le sel ne représentait donc pas seulement la base d’un commerce actif et prospère mais aussiun étalon. Les seuls gisements de sel gemme accessibles à la fin de la Protohistoire dans la région de l’Est des Balkansse situent à Provadia. De l’eau salée (saumure) avec de très fortes concentrations en sel est présente dans cette région.Les chalcolithiques qui exploitaient ce sel avaient développé un procédé permettant d’optimiser, pour la période, cetteproduction de sel en chauffant la saumure, afin de produire davantage de sel plus rapidement. Cette nouvelle tech-nique d’obtention du sel a permis une augmentation rapide de la capacité de production dont la »fabrique« se situeprès de l’actuelle ville de Provadia pour le Chalcolithique moyen et final. Cette évolution dans les techniques de produc-tion du sel et le commerce qui en découle sont à mettre en rapport avec la surprenante richesse en biens de prestigepour cette période, qui se retrouve dans les sites de la région comme la nécropole chalcolithique finale »dorée« deVarna. L. B.

Сол и злато: Провадия-Солницата и Варненския халколитен некропол Краткият анализ на няколко групи предмети от гробния инвентар на къснохалколитния Варненскинекропол на брега на Варненското езеро, Североизточна България, на западния бряг на Черно моресвидетелства за неместен произход на суровината за тяхната изработка. Някои групи артефакти най-вероятно са произведени на друго място. Голяма част от медните сечива и »украшения«, както и златнитепредмети са изработвани на място, но от вносна суровина. Няма съмнение, че »богатството« на Варненскиянекропол е придобито чрез регулярни търговски операции. Единствената суровина, която е жизненоважназа човека и животните, и е налична в района около Варненското езеро, а липсва в Тракия и съседните


региони, е солта. Ето защо солта не само е предпоставка за активна и успешна търговия, но без съмнение еиграла и ролята на всеобщ еквивалент през късната праистория. Единственото местонахождение накаменна сол на Източните Балкани, подходящо за експлоатация и през късната праисторическа епоха екрай Провадия. От намиращото се върху него »солно огледало« са изтичали солени извори с концентрацияна сол, близка до максималната. Халколитните производители са намерили перфектен метод за многобърз и значителен за времето си добив на сол чрез изваряване на разсол. Промяната в технологията надобива на сол, водеща до възможности за рязко нарастване на производствения капацитет на »фабриката«край дн. Провадия през средния и късния халколит, дава силна подкрепа на предположената връзкамежду производството на сол там и съответно търговията с нея, и удивителното за времето си богатство отпредмети на престижа в намиращия се в същия район Варненски къснохалколитен »златен« некропол.

Schlüsselwörter / Keywords / Mots clés / Ключови думи

Bulgarien / Chalkolithikum / Salzgewinnung / Fernhandel / Gold Bulgaria / Chalcolithic / salt-making / long-distance trade / goldBulgarie / Chalcolithique / sel / commerce à longue distance / orБългария / халколит / солодобиване / търговия на далечно разстояние / злато


Vassil NikolovNational Institute of Archaeology and Museum 2 Saborna St. BG - 1000 Sofia [email protected]

ISSN 0342-734X

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B i e rmann , F., Eger, Ch., Szczesiak, R., Eine frühmittelalterliche Pferdebestattung und eine pannonische Gürtelschnalle aus Neuenkirchen bei Neubrandenburg (Lkr. Mecklenburg-Strelitz) . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 121

Buo ra , M., Flügel, Ch., Ein primipilus der 18. Legion aus Aquileia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 545

Bußmann, St., G roe r , Ch., Ein außergewöhnliches Gefäß der Rössener Kultur aus Nottuln-Uphoven, Kr. Coesfeld (Nordrhein-Westfalen) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 21

Č i žmá ř , M., Zwei Typen spätlatènezeitlicher Gegenstände aus Mähren . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 383

D i akowsk i , M., Płonka, T., New data on ornamented artefacts from the Mesolithic site Pobiel 10, Lower Silesia, Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 317

D i e t r i c h , O., »Hammerbeile« – zu einer speziellen Variante der Schäftung von bronzezeitlichen Tüllenbeilen . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 351

Dupéré, B., Z i ppe r , K., Der figürliche Fries der tönernen Urne aus Châtres (dép. Aube) – Zeugnis religiöser und astronomischer Vorstellungen der Kelten im 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr.? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 77

Eger, Ch., B i e rmann , F., Szczesiak, R., Eine frühmittelalterliche Pferdebestattung und eine pannonische Gürtelschnalle aus Neuenkirchen bei Neubrandenburg (Lkr. Mecklenburg-Strelitz) . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 121

Egg , M., Gläserne Widderkopfperlen aus der Eisenzeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 525

Ehm ig , U., Zum Vergleich der gestempelten Sigillata aus den römischen Militärlagern von Dangstetten und Oberaden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 551

E l lme r s , D., Der Krater von Vix und der Reisebericht des Pytheas von Massalia – Reisen griechischer Kaufleute über die Rhône nach Britannien im 6.-4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 363

Ewe r s en , J., Ramminger, B., Die Rolle des Hundes in Siedlungen des Endmesolithikums und Neolithikums im norddeutschen Raum – Vorbericht . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 331

Fahlke, J. M., R i ede , F., Grimm, S. B., Weber, M.-J., Neue Daten für alte Grabungen – ein Beitrag zur spätglazialen Archäologie und Faunengeschichte Norddeutschlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 297

Flügel, Ch., Buo ra , M., Ein primipilus der 18. Legion aus Aquileia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 545

G luhak , T., Mühlen für das römische Militär – geochemische Herkunftsanalysen von Mühlsteinen aus den augusteischen Lagern Haltern, Oberaden, Anreppen und Barkhausen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 273

Grimm, S. B., R i ede , F., Weber, M.-J., Fahlke, J. M., Neue Daten für alte Grabungen – ein Beitrag zur spätglazialen Archäologie und Faunengeschichte Norddeutschlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 297

Groe r , Ch., Bußmann, St., Ein außergewöhnliches Gefäß der Rössener Kultur aus Nottuln-Uphoven, Kr. Coesfeld (Nordrhein-Westfalen) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 21

He rmanns , M. H., Abacus und tabulae lusoriae: geometrische Ritzzeichnungen im Gebiet der antiken Stadt Selinunt (Sizilien) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 401

Höneisen, M., Nap i e r a l a , H., Trautmann, M., »Stirb an einem anderen Tag« – Schussverletzung eines Rentiers vom Magdalénienfundplatz Kesslerloch bei Thayngen (Kt. Schaffhausen) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 457

Jö r i s , O., Moreau, L., Vom Ende des Aurignacien – zur chronologischen Stellung des Freilandfundplatzes Breitenbach (Burgenlandkr.) im Kontext des Frühen und Mittleren Jungpaläolithikums in Mitteleuropa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 1

K ind , C.-J., Jenseits des Flusses … – mesolithische Lagerplätze in Siebenlinden 3, 4 und 5 (Rottenburg am Neckar, Lkr. Tübingen) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 467

K l a s s en , L., Karpaten oder Alpen? Zur Herkunft der Kupferscheibe aus Hornstaad (Lkr. Konstanz) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 29

Kovár, B., K ve t ánová , I., A bronze grapevine leaf from Bratislava . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 389

Krause, R., Wü r f e l , F., Röpke, A., Lutz, J., Prähistorische Siedlungsdynamik und Landschaft in einer inneralpinen Siedlungskammer – archäologische, geoarchäologische, archäometallurgische und archäobotanische Untersuchungen im Montafon in Vorarlberg (Österreich) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 503

Kve t ánová , I., Kovár, B., A bronze grapevine leaf from Bratislava . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 389

Langó , P., »Die Bestimmung der Landesgrenzen« – zur Frage der westlichen Grenze des Ungarischen Fürstentums des 10. Jahrhunderts im Spiegel archäologischer Funde . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 579

L i ppe r t , A., Spätbronzezeitliche Kammhelme an transalpinen Fernhandelsrouten (mit einem Beitrag von Mathias Mehofer) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 49


INHALT JAHRGANG 40, 2010

Die zuerst genannten Autoren der Artikel sind ge spe r r t gedruckt.

598 Jahresinhaltsverzeichnis

Lüppe s , L. H., Gedanken zur spätmerowingerzeitlichen Spathaaufhängung – eine zu belegende und tragbare Rekonstruktion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 557

Lutz, J., Wü r f e l , F., Röpke, A., Krause, R., Prähistorische Siedlungsdynamik und Landschaft in einer inneralpinen Siedlungskammer – archäologische, geoarchäologische, archäometallurgische und archäobotanische Untersuchungen im Montafon in Vorarlberg (Österreich) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 503

Moreau, L., J ö r i s , O., Vom Ende des Aurignacien – zur chronologischen Stellung des Freilandfundplatzes Breitenbach (Burgenlandkr.) im Kontext des Frühen und Mittleren Jungpaläolithikums in Mitteleuropa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 1

Nap i e r a l a , H., Höneisen, M., Trautmann, M., »Stirb an einem anderen Tag« – Schussverletzung eines Rentiers vom Magdalénienfundplatz Kesslerloch bei Thayngen (Kt. Schaffhausen) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 457

Ne ruda , P., Nerudová, Z., Moravský Krumlov IV – a new multilayer Palaeolithic site in Moravia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 155

Nerudová, Z., Ne ruda , P., Moravský Krumlov IV – a new multilayer Palaeolithic site in Moravia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 155

N i cke l , C., Ein spätkeltisch-frührömischer Miniaturschild vom Martberg an der Mosel (Lkr. Cochem-Zell) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 95

N i ko l o v , V., Salt and gold: Provadia-Solnitsata and the Varna Chalcolithic cemetery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 487

Pä f fgen , B., Schumacher, Ch., Straßburger, M., Stiefel und halbhoher Schuh als Arbeitsbekleidung der Zeit um 1400 aus dem Bergwerk Teufelsgrund im Münstertal bei Freiburg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 441

Pa r i daen s , N., Une plaquette aux »Cavaliers Danubiens« découverte à Merbes-le-Château (prov. Hainaut, Belgique) . . . . H. 3, 411

Paz Ga r c í a -Be l l i do , M., Legio I adiutrix in Hofheim am Taunus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 103

Pe s ch , A., Pferdeschmuck mit Tierkopfenden – ein westfälischer Sondenfund skandinavischer Herkunft? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 573

Płonka, T., D i a kowsk i , M., New data on ornamented artefacts from the Mesolithic site Pobiel 10, Lower Silesia, Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 317

Quas t , D., Der Rest eines jüngerkaiserzeitlichen Fürstengrabs aus Wolfshagen an der Stepenitz (Gde. Groß Pankow, Lkr. Prignitz)? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 115

Quas t , D., Ein spätantikes Zepter aus dem Childerichgrab . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 285

Ramminger, B., Ewe r s en , J., Die Rolle des Hundes in Siedlungen des Endmesolithikums und Neolithikums im norddeutschen Raum – Vorbericht . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 331

Regne r -Kam lah , B., Grabenumbauten im Michelsberger Erdwerk von Bruchsal »Aue« (Lkr. Karlsruhe) – Vorbericht zur Auswertung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 175

R i ede , F., Grimm, S. B., Weber, M.-J., Fahlke, J. M., Neue Daten für alte Grabungen – ein Beitrag zur spätglazialen Archäologie und Faunengeschichte Norddeutschlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 297

Röpke, A., Wü r f e l , F., Lutz, J., Krause, R., Prähistorische Siedlungsdynamik und Landschaft in einer inneralpinen Siedlungskammer – archäologische, geoarchäologische, archäometallurgische und archäobotanische Untersuchungen im Montafon in Vorarlberg (Österreich) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 503

Schaa f f , H., Steine für das Römische Reich – zu den Anfängen des antiken Steinbruch- und Bergwerksreviers zwischen Eifel und Rhein . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 265

Schm id t s , Th., Aurelius Theogeiton: ein Schiffseigner aus dem syrischen Arados auf Italienfahrt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 251

Sch re t t l e , B., Balneum, Horreum, Granarium – zur Interpretation eines Gebäudes in Rannersdorf (Steiermark) . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 227

Schumacher, Ch., P ä f f gen , B., Straßburger, M., Stiefel und halbhoher Schuh als Arbeitsbekleidung der Zeit um 1400 aus dem Bergwerk Teufelsgrund im Münstertal bei Freiburg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 441

Schwe l l nu s , F., Pintadere: Überblick über die Fundgruppe der Tonstempel ausgehend von zwei Funden aus Sopron-Krautacker (Westungarn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 207

Špeha r , P., A hoard of Roman bronze items from Viminacium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 425

S t egma i e r , G., Keramik zwischen Ost und West: ein Beitrag zur Erforschung von Fernkontakten während der frühen Eisenzeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 67

Straßburger, M., P ä f f gen , B., Schumacher, Ch., Stiefel und halbhoher Schuh als Arbeitsbekleidung der Zeit um 1400 aus dem Bergwerk Teufelsgrund im Münstertal bei Freiburg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 441

Szczesiak, R., B i e rmann , F., Eger, Ch., Eine frühmittelalterliche Pferdebestattung und eine pannonische Gürtelschnalle aus Neuenkirchen bei Neubrandenburg (Lkr. Mecklenburg-Strelitz) . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 121

Takác s , M., Das Formenspektrum der Tonkessel im Karpatenbecken . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 139

Trautmann, M., Nap i e r a l a , H., Höneisen, M., »Stirb an einem anderen Tag« – Schussverletzung eines Rentiers vom Magdalénienfundplatz Kesslerloch bei Thayngen (Kt. Schaffhausen) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 4, 457

Weber, M.-J., R i ede , F., Grimm, S. B., Fahlke, J. M., Neue Daten für alte Grabungen – ein Beitrag zur spätglazialen Archäologie und Faunengeschichte Norddeutschlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 3, 297

Wel l s , P. S., Early Bronze Age Pottery at Hascherkeller in Bavaria: Visuality, Ecological Psychology, and the Practice of Deposition in Bronze Age A2/B1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 191

Wür f e l , F., Röpke, A., Lutz, J., Krause, R., Prähistorische Siedlungsdynamik und Landschaft in einer inneralpinen Siedlungskammer – archäologische, geoarchäologische, archäometallurgische und archäobotanische Untersuchungen im Montafon in Vorarlberg (Österreich) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .H. 4, 503

Ze r r e s , J., Aus den Augen verloren – ein bemerkenswerter Beinfund aus dem Gebiet der Colonia Ulpia Traiana (Xanten) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 2, 243

Z i ppe r , K., Dupéré, B., Der figürliche Fries der tönernen Urne aus Châtres (dép. Aube) – Zeugnis religiöser und astronomischer Vorstellungen der Kelten im 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr.? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. 1, 77


Gold and Salt: Provadiya-Solnitsata and the Varna Chalcolithic Cemetery

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