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~G.~j } ~ l( Independent Boord of Inquiry
PO Box 32293 8raomfonleln 2017 JoIxlnnesburg South Afnca Phone
(011) A03-325617 Fax (011) A03-1366
REPORT OF THE INDEPENDENT BOARD OF INOUIRY FOR THE MONTH OF
SEPTEMBER 1991
CONTENTS:
I. INTRODUCTION: __ ______________________ 1-3_
II_STATE INSTITUTIONS:
l.The South African Police (SAP) • . . ..... 4-5
2. Welverdiend Unrest Unit ...........•••• 6-7
3. South African Defence Force (SADF) ...... 7
III. RIGHT WING:
1.The Aftermath of Ventersdorp ........... 8-9
2.The Orde Borevolk Hunger strike ........ 9-12
3. Increasing Militancy of the Conservative Party
......................... 13
4. Trials involving Rightwingers ........ 13-14
IV_ATTACKS ON INDIVIDUALS: __ ___________ 14-16
V_ REEF VIOLENCE:
1 . East Rand .........•.................. 16-19
2. Soweto .............................. 19-23
3.Sebokeng .................•.•.......... 23-24
4 . Swaniev ille ........•.................. 24 -2 5
5.Koster ............................... 25-26
VI_TRAIN ATTACKS: _______________________ 26-28
BOARD ME'...-:BE?S ~. : oJur~ ACKerrnonr S>' "':e ,oceS'';:'k
.. ,. A;e.ol BorOire Mrs Judy Chomers
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VII . NATIONAL PEACE ACCORD •••••••••••••• 29-31
VIII. NATAL:
1. The Maphumulo Inquest ........ .. .. . ... 31-32
2. The Trust Feed Massacre ....... . .. . ... 32-33
3. General .......... .. ..................... 33
• IX. CISKEI; •• . •.•••••. .. ..••••••••••••• ·33-38
X. CONCLUSION; ••••••••••••••••....••.•• ·· · ·39
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I. INTRODUCTION :
At least 121 people lost their lives in the week prior to
the
signing of the National Peace Accord (NPA) , and although
there has been a marked drop in the number of deaths since
the signing, sporadic attacks on individuals commuters and
communities continue.
The assassination of Civic Associations of the Southern
Transvaal (Cast), general secretary, Sam Ntuli in Thokoza on
the East Rand has raised fears that violence could break out
in the area once again. The situation in Thokoza remains
t e n s e following the ma ssa cre of 23 Inka tha supporters
on
Sunday September B.
Despite the NPA being formally adopted by the government,
the
African National Congress (ANe) and the Inkatha Freedom
Party
(IFP), it is clear that the NPA has not had much impact on
the ground, for example, since the signing, at least 1 5
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people have been killed and scores injured . Recent attacks
have focused on commuters travelling by train.
Concern has also been expressed this month over the
behaviour
and actions of certain members of the SAP based in
~ carletonville and Potchefstroom. The Board is currently
assisting members of the special task force appointed by
state President FW de Klerk to investigate allegations of
alleged police involvement in violence, and the board has
played a key role in the recent suspension of 11 policeman
based at the Welverdiend unrest unit in the area . However,
it
seems clear that on one level the Board is receiving full
co-operation from the head of the investigation team but on
another there seems to be an all out effort to undermine the
• investigation at every turn. Since the investigation got
underway in June this year 10 people involved in the investigation,
have been arrested, including one of the
board's researchers and the local ANC chairperson in the
area . The Board has expressed concern over the arrests and
trusts that they are not an attempt to frustrate the
investigation particularly as part of the bail conditions
prevent the Board's researcher and the ANC chairperson being
within SOOm of Carletonville Police station and the
Carletonville Magistrate's Court .
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A matter of particular concern, this month , regarding the
security forces is the announcement that the Vlakplaas unit
is to be expanded by incorporating former members of the
Koevoet unit. Both these units have had numerous allegations
of misconduct laid against them. Several allegations about
4t police involvement in the Natal violence have also come to
light in recent months and these will be tested in court
during october.
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The fear that the issue of the three right wing hunger
strikers would lead to unity amongst right wing
organisations
has proved unfounded. The strike has ended and numerous
allegations have been made that it was not in fact a bona
fide strike . The most disturbing development in this area
is
the militant stand which the Conservative Party h a s taken
following its Transvaal congress. The message of the party i
s
that a white general election must be called or they will be
forced to extra parliamentary methods and such methods do n o
t
exclude violence.
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II. STATE INSTITUTIONS
1. The South African Police.
In the Vrye Weekblad of August 30 it was revealed that four
~ men, who had recently returned to South Africa from ANC
camps
in Africa , had signed statements in which they admitted to
being security police agents. The four are Raymond Bongani
Malinga , Alpheus Kheswa, Samuel Mpho Motjoadi and Patrick
Dlongwana. Between them they admit to the murder of 23
anti - apartheid activists including united Democratic Front
leader and human rights lawyer victoria Mxenge. The men all
claim that they were severely tortured by the ANC and were
forced to make the admissions. However none of them deny
that
• they were agents of the state. The ANC deny that any of the
statements were made under duress. In response the SAP state d that
it is against official policy to identify informants but
that notice had been taken of the allegations and that the
men will be contacted in the course of an official
investigation.
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Further information that has come to light in this area is
that despite requests from many parties, including the Board
,
the Vlakplaas Askari unit is not to be disbanded but in fact
will be expanded with the inclusion of members of the
Koevoet
unit which operated in the then South West Africa (Vrye
tt Weekblad 20/9/1991) . This unit was the ofLicial SAP
anti-insurgency unit in the country and there were numerous
allegations of the use of excessive brutality by the unit in
the course of the bush war. It appears hard to reconcile the
expansion of this unit, in this manner, with the new image
which the SAP are striving for in this country.
• On August 28, Morris Mondau, who claimed to be a police
agent
recruited to spy on PWV regional secretary Barbara Hogan
was,
presented to the media by the ANC. The man had been
apprehended at the ANC's regional office and found to be in
possession of a two way radio. He then claimed to be a
police
agent and said that his handler was a Van Wyk. One of the
police officers with whom Hogan often liaises is a Colonel
Van Wyk. The police denied that the ANC was being spied upon
as a political organisation but said that no ANC member was
above the law .
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2. Welverdiend Unrest Unit:
The Board and the Carletonville ANC branch continue to
assist the SAP appointed special investigation team
investigate serious allegations of abuse against members of
4It the Welverdiend Unrest Unit. However, despite the Board's
full co-operation the investigation continues to be
undermined. Since the investigation began in June, eight
people who have laid charges or who are potential witnesses
to the investigation have been arrested, five of whom now
face charges ranging from possession of a firearm and
ammunition to robbery. There has been strong evidence to
suggest that certain members of the SAP are not in favour of
the investigation and have opened cases against potential
• witnesses in an attempt to frighten them off testifying should
the attorney general decide to prosecute. A further development has
been the arrest and subsequent
charging of one of the Board's researchers and the local ANC
chairperson. The two have been charged with intimidation and
assault of a police officer. The Board's researcher is also
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on a second charge of criminal injuria.
Obviously, the arrest of potential witnesses does not bode
well for the investigation, particularly when the SAP is at
4It this juncture attempting to improve its image. The SAP is
constantly asking people to come forward and help with
investigations but experience in Khutsong has proved that it
is not always as simple as that.
•
3. The South African Defence Force (SADF).
Felix Ndimene, who was formerly a sergeant with the Fifth
Reconnaissance Regiment (5 Recce), has returne d to his home
country of Mozambique. Ndimene claims that he was abducted
from the country in 1982 by the SADF and forced to serve
with
5 Recce . He has made a number of allegations about the
unit,
including their involvement in the Reef conflict (see
previous reports). In a statement to the press Ndimene said
that he is prepared to testify before any credible
commission
of inquiry but that he had not been prepared to co-operate
with the SAP as he feared for his own safety within South
Africa.
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III . RIGHT WING
The following issues dominated this area in September: the
aftermath of the ventersdorp incident, the hunger strike of
the Orde Boerevolk (OB) members, the increasing militancy of
the Conservative Party (CP) and the sentencing of two Durban
right wingers.
1. The Aftermath of Ventersdorp .
(For details on the incident itself see August report).
Following threats from the Afrikaner Weerstand Beweging
(AWB)
that the meeting would be disrupted, the National Party (NP)
announced that a meeting in Parys, which was to be addressed
by the Minister of Agriculture, Dr Kraai van Niekerk, had
been cancelled. The Democratic Party (OP) said that in doing
so the NP had set a dangerous precedent. The CP said that
the
cancellation of the meeting indicated that the NP was no
longer in touch with the feelings of the "Volk". The AWB
announced that they were waiting for the next meeting (The
star 27/8/1991). Information from police sources indicated
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that AWB members from allover the country were going to
converge on the meeting bearing firearms and that if the
police fired teargas at the right wi ngers t his would be
r eturned in kind (Beeld 28/8/ 1991).
4It In response the NP announced that in the future tickets will
be issued to people who wish to attend the Party's meetings
and that only such ticket holders would be admitted. On
August 28 a NP meeting at Dewetsdorp in the Orange Free
state
went off without incident. However after the meeting Andries
Beyers , Chief Secretary of the CP, said that until there
was
another white election it would not be safe for the NP to
hold any public meetings . Eugene Terre' Blanche, leader of
the
AWB, announced that his organisation would continue to
• "organise aga;inst such meetings" (Rapport 1/9/1991) . 2. The
Order Boerevolk Hunger strike.
The hunger strike by three OB members, Henry Martin, Adriaan
Maritz and Load van Schalkwyk, was the major issue of early
September for most right wing groupings (for further details
on the three see August report) . By late August the three
had
all been on hunger strike for over five weeks with Martin
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having gone without food for nine weeks. All three were
moved
to H F Verwoerd hospital and every day right wing groupings
held demonstrations outside the hospital . On August 29,
after
the government had announced that no indemnity would be
granted to the three, they announced that they would fast
until they died (The star 29/ 8/1991).
In an unprecedented move various anti- apartheid movements
came out in support of the men ' s demand for their release.
The general secretary of the South African Council of
Churches, Rev Frank Chikane, said that he was concerned for
the lives of the three individuals. ANC president, Nelson
Mandela expressed " keen disappointment" at the goverment's
~ decision (The Citizen 30/ 8/ 1991).
On their side, right wing groupings were unanimous in their
support for the three men and at one stage it appeared as if
they could become a rallying point for the entire right
wing.
Eugene Terre'Blanche said that after the events of
ventersdorp the government could not afford to have another
three corpses on their hands. Leader of the CP, Dr Andries
Treurnicht, called for the release of the three on
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humanitarian grounds . Robert van Tonder leader of the
Boerestaatparty said that the governments decision was an
absolute disgrace (Beeld 30/8/1991). Finally 06 leader Nic
strydom said that if the three were not released then right
wing violence was a strong possibility .
The chance that the issue could unify the right wing fell
away after the trio were visited by Nelson Mandela. Mandela
came to visit them in order to discuss their alleged
involvement with elements of the security forces (see August
Report). Whilst the visit was requested by the 08 it was
condemned by virtually every other right wing grouping and
caused the deputy leader of the OB, Caen Vermaak, to resign
in protest (Beeld 3/9/1991). Another issue of contention
between the OB and other groups is the former's commitment
to
negotiations with all parties including the ANC. Mandela
went
on to have a meeting with State President F W de Klerk to
call for the release of the men but the government refused
to
budge on the issue (The Star 3/9/1991).
Finally the three ended the strike on September 9 and
announced that they would be accepting the governments offer
of R5000 bail each. Martin claimed to have been o n strike
for
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63 days, Maritz for 56 days and Van Schalkwyk for 49 days.
Soon hereafter indications began emerging that these figures
were not correct. By September 12 the three were eating
solid
foods according to the Department of Correctional Services.
According to medical experts this was weeks ahead of
schedule
(Business Day 12/ 9/ 1991). After reviewing reports of
medical
tests done towards the end of the strike, David Green,
director of the National Medical and Dental Association,
said
that it was unlikely that bona fide hunger strikers would
have suffered such minimal damage after so prolonged a f~st
(Business Day 13/ 9/ 1991).
Meanwhile, in reaction to allegations that a security
policeman was part of the striker's OS cell and had given
the
4It orders that the Durban parQel bomb be sent, the SAP said
that the person involved was a trainee constable. The man has
been
suspended and is to be a state witness in the court case
(The
star 30/ 8/ 1991). The three men maintain that they were
agents
for Military Intelligence and have said that they will give
evidence to this effect at the proposed commission on
violence and intimidation.
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3. Increasing Militancy of the Conservative Party.
In mid September the CP held their Transvaal congress and it
was marked by a far more militant tone than earlier
congresses. Amongst the proposed motions was a proposal that
all NP public representatives be tried for treason should
the
CP come to power (Business Day 12/ 9/ 1991). Dr Andries
Treurnicht, leader of the CP, said that whites would never
submit to a black government and that the peace accord was
the first step to giving the ANC control over the security
forces (The Sunday Star 15/ 9/ 1991). Deputy leader of the
CP,
Dr Ferdi Hartzenberg, said that any constitutional change in
the country would be seen as an act of aggression by the
party. He also made it clear that, if necessary, whites
would
turn to viole nce to achieve their aims. Koo s v a n d e r Me
rwe
said that the CP should infiltrate and take over the SADF s
o
that "we will be able to use it when the time comes to
fight"
(The Citizen 16/ 9/ 1991).
4. Trials involving Right Wingers.
In Durban on September 13, David Botha, an AWe "konunandant
and Adriaan Smuts, an AWe "veldkornet", were each given
seven
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that earlier in the day , four men had come to his home
looking for his son . He said the men were strangers and
that
he had informed t hem t ha t his son was not at home . Ntuli '
s
death comes only a day after he met with Inkatha officials
to
discuss the implementation of the peace accord .
Mystery surrounds the death in Diepkloof, Soweto of Papa
John
Manyakalla, a member of the South African Communist Party
and ANC Youth League. Police have claimed that he committed
suicide after his parents found his body in the outside
toilet with a bullet wound in the left ear on Friday
September 20 1991. He was last seen alive on September 19.
He
was found by his parents squatted on the toilet floor,
motionless and cold. Along side him lay a pistol placed next
to his radio . (Weekly Mail 27/09/ 1991). Manyakalla ' s
parents
claim that on September 19 they spotted two vehicles parked
outside their house and that when they went to bed the
vehicles were still there. When the police were summoned
following the discovery of the body , they claimed it was
suicide. However, Manyakalla's father Isaac, said that his
son was right handed and the bullet wound was in the left
ear. He also said if his son had shot himself with his left
hand, he would have been unable to replace the gun on his
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death sentences for an attack on a bus in Durban on October
9
1990 in which seven black commuters were killed. The men
also
had links with the OB. During the trial they said it was the
official policy of the 08 that for every white person killed
by a black, ten blacks must die. They claimed that their
4It attack had been in revenge for the fatal stabbing of a white
civilian by a black man, which had occurred on the Durban
beach front earlier that day.
•
IV. ATTACKS ON INDlVlDUALS
Despite the signing of the NPA attacks on individuals
continue, political activists seem to be the main targets.
On
Sunday September 29, cast general secretary Sam Ntuli was
gunned down in Thokoza on the East Rand . Witnesses claim
they
saw a blue Toyota Cressida, registration unknown follow
Ntuli's car and attempt to force it off the road. When
Ntuli ' s car stopped the killers fired at him as they
overtook
his car. They then apparently sped down the road, turned
back
and drove towards Ntuli's car again and fired at it before
disappearing. Ntuli's body had 12 bullet wounds all
inflicted
by an AK47. Earlier this year Ntuli's home in Thokoza was
attacked and a young girl was injured. Ntuli's father
claimed
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right side. Apparently there was very little blood in the
toilet, suggesting that he was killed somewhere else and
dumped in the toilet .
... V.REEF VIOLENCE :
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• 1. EAST RAND:
Thokoza:
Confusion still surrounds the massacre of 23 Inkatha members
in Thokoza on the East Rand on Sunday September 8, 1991. IFP
youth leader Themba Khoza has claimed that a man claiming to
be a member of the ANC was arrested shortly after the attack
.
Khoza says that the man was arrested with an AK47 which was
still "very hot l! from use. He alleges that the man was
placed
in a policevan and that several Inkatha members then
questioned the man who claimed that he was a member of
Umkhonto we Sizwe the armed wing of the ANC and that he had
trained in Maputo, Mozambique and that he had recently
returned to the country. Khoza also claimed that the man
said
he was from Soweto and that he had received orders from the
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ANC NEe to attack Inkatha in Thokoza. It is worth noting
that members of the SAP have flatly denied that they
arrested
anyone on the day and said that Khoza ' s a l legations were
"blat ant 1ies ll • Police have subsequently released an
identikit of a man wanted for questioning in connection with
4It the attack.
•
The latest information is that a man fitting the description
of the identikit was arrested in Alberton on Saturday
September 28, following an attempted bank robbery . The
police
have not as yet positively linked the man arrested in
Alberton to the Thokoza attack.
Inkatha ' s Thokoza secretary , Abraham Mzizi alleged that
two
men opened fire on members of the Hostel Dwellers '
Association which has close ties with the IFP, as they were
marching to the local stadium to hold a peace meeting . The
police however claim that three men were involved in the
attack and that they opened fire from a house as the
marchers
passed by.
A week before the attack the IFP had distributed a pamphlet
in the area, announcing the peace meeting at the local
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Thokoza stadium. On the day of the attack several buses,
taxis and trucks entered the township carrying IFP
supporters . other IFP members marched to the township from
hostels in Katlehong. The atmosphere in the township prior
to
the attack was tense as local residents feared there would
be
a break out of violence following the rally. From all
accounts it would seem that the first group of hostel
dwellers made it safely to the stadium. At about lOhOD, 300
IFP members from the local hostel were marching towards the
stadium which is situated about 2km from the hostel.
Residents claim that the men were heavily armed and that
they
were allegedly intimidating people as they passed. The group
were about 500rn from the stadium when they were fired on by
people wielding AK 47's. After the incident the scheduled
rally was cancelled and members of the SAP escorted the IFP
members back to the hostel.
The allegations made by Khoza that the attack was planned by
the ANC have been denied. Following the incident both the
ANC
and Inkatha blamed agents provocateur for the carnage. Both
organisations claimed that the attack was provoked with the
aim of derailing the peace process. The Board is continuing
its investigation into the attack.
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Vosloorus:
Three days after the attack on IFP members in Thokoza, four
bus passengers were killed in Vosloorus when a man without
.., any reason opened fire with an AK 47 rifle. The bus
driver
allegedly tried to turn the man away because the bus was
full, he then apparently opened fire. An eyewitness claimed
the man did not ask any questions as he cold-bloodedly shot
the driver and then turned his attention to the passengers.
There were also unconfirmed reports that the attacker left
•
the scene in a mini-bus from which more shots were fired at
the bus.
2. SOWETO:
Mofola South:
Simmering tensions in Mofolo reached fever pitch early this
month when members of the IFP went on the rampage killing
local residents. Themba Khoza of the IFP Youth Brigade
claimed that the IFP had attacked the residents after
hearing
of the attack on their members in Thokoza. On Sunday
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September 8, the day of the attack the IFP had gathered to
launch a branch in Motolo Central . Residents in the area
refused to allow the IFF members to gather and thus the IFP
decided to proceed to the Dobsonville Stadium. According to
residents as the IFP members passed their homes they threw
stones and damaged several house along the route. The crowd
of IFF supporters remained at the Dobsonville Stadium for at
least three hours.
Trouble started when the IFP members left the stadium at
about 16hOO , eyewitnesses claim that members of the crowd
started breaking windows and looting homes in White city and
Mofolo Central. Residents also claim that members of the SAP
arrived but failed to intervene, instead they provided the
men with an escort and according to some residents the
looted
goods were placed in police casspirs. Fourteen people were
confirmed dead in the area. Most of the victims were old-
age
pensioners who were unable to move when their homes were
attacked. In one instance they attacked and killed Mr
Simelane, a blind man. Simelane apparently owned two shops
and members of the IFP removed the day's takings. Perhaps
the
most brutal attack was the massacre of the Motsoeneng
family.
Elliot Motsoeneng returned to his Mofolo Central home from a
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stokvel only to find that his wife, young daughter, elderly
mother and sister had been brutally murdered. Mr Motsoeneng
said he returned home at about 15h30 and that from a
distance
he could see Inkatha members i n the streets. " Some were in
my
yard and the police were outside . I was to scared to go in
.
People were running away_ When the Inkatha people moved off
I
asked the police if I could go inside and see what was going
on. I saw my dog lying in the yard, still chained. They had
shot it and stabbed it!! .
When Mr Motsoeneng first entered the house he found the body
of his elderly mother, she was covered in blood. He then
entered her bedroom where he found his sister lying next to
the bed , she had been stabbed and shot . Inside the
cupboard
he saw his daughter Jenett (16) she had been stabbed and her
jeans were partly pulled down. Mr Motsoeneng said that he
believed that his daughter and sister had been raped . He
then
started looking for his wife, he found her behind a pile of
blankets, she too had been stabbed and shot. The attackers
also stole the family television set, radio, wall clock and
some money . They also broke the wardrobes and the dinning
room suite.
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At a house in White City, Jabavu a pregnant woman, Rebecca
Mothapo was stabbed and shot . She is presently in a
critical
condition in Baragwanath. Her brother who was allegedly
sleeping at the time of the attack was stabbed to death . At
another house in White City, Jabavu a pensioner was stabbed
t o death while she lay hidden under her bed.
Later in the evening the crowd of IFP members ran into an
ANC
aligned group of youths at the Crossroads intersection in
Soweto. A confrontation ensued between the two groups.
Several hand grenades were thrown and several IFP members
were killed in the clash. Members of the SAP who were
allegedly accompanying the IFP members at the time fled the
scene . After the clash the remaining IFP members made their
way to the Nancefield Hostel allegedly continuing their
attacks on local residents.
In most of the statements taken shortly after the attack,
residents claim that their homes were looted a nd when they
asked the SADF or the SAP to intervene they refused . One
woman alleges that when she asked the SADF to help her, she
was told t o run as another group of Inkatha people were
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approaching . One victim claimed that Inkatha members
hijacked
a truck in full view of members of the SADF in order to
remove her belongings.
Mshenguville:
Sporadic attacks in Mshenguville continue. Six people were
killed and several others injured when renewed fighting
broke
out in the area at the beginning of the month . One of the
latest victims was a five-year - old child who was shot
twice in the stomach. At least 30 people have lost their
lives in the squatter camp since the violence began in July
.
Squatters attempting to flee the violence in the camp have
become the latest victims. They are alleg'edlY prevented
from
leaving by members of Inkatha . Residents claim that they
have
had to pay up to R40 before being allowed to dismantle their
shacks and leave the area.
Sebokeng:
Eight men awaiting trial on 38 charges of murder following
the attack on the night vigil of Christoffel Nangalembe were
granted bail of R3 000 each in the Vanderbijlpark
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Magistrate ' s Court this month . However, one of the
accused,
David Mabothe failed to appear in court and a warrant for
his
arrest has been issued . A spokesperson for the police said
that although seven of the men had been in prison until the
granting of bail , Mabothe had been released earlier to
appear
in another case in the vereeniging Magistrate ' s Court . He
paid bail in regard to the charge in Vereeniging and his
current whereabouts are unknown.
Khetisi Kheswa dubbed the "Vaal Monster " by residents in
the
area was sentenced along with h is mot her t o six years
imprisonment for illegal possession of arms . However,
residents claim that despite Kheswa being sentenced they
have
seen him in the township. , A report in the city Press of
September 29 claims that Kheswa is out on R3 000 bail
pending
his appeal against sentence.
swanieville :
Five men joined seven others who appeared in the Krugersdorp
Magistrate's Court this week in connection with the
Swan ieville massacre which left 29 people dead and many
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injured . The men were not asked to plead and the case was
postponed .
Koster:
.. On Satur day September 28 1991, one of the Board's
researchers
was passing through Koster. On the road travelling towards
Koster , several buses carrying members of the IFP were
passed . Approximately five kilometres from the town centre
a
road block manned by members of the SAP had been set up. The
Board ' s researcher ' s car was stopped and thoroughly
searched.
There were some Board reports in the car as well as some ANC
publications . Members of the SAP then radioed for a senior
officer to come down to the r oad block to check the
• documents. While this was happening , two of the buses filled
with IFP members arrived. They were clearly armed with pangas ,
knobkerries , and spears . The buses were not searched
and allowed to continue through the roadblock. On the other
hand all taxi's and cars who clearly had no IFP members
inside were stopped and searched. Passengers were made to
get out of the cars and taxis and all their belongings were
searched. No such searches were carried out on IFP members
in
the buses . After about seven minutes, a captain arrived
from
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Koster, the researcher ' s documents were returned and she
was
allowed to proceed .
It was subsequently reported that there were sporadic
clashes
in Reagile township in Koster between members of the IFP and
ANC. The IFP had attended a funeral in the area and
apparently started throwing stones at residents when leaving
the funeral . Residents allegedly retaliated by firing on
Inkatha members .
VI . TRAIN ATTACKS:
Train commuters have borne the brunt of terror attacks this
month . They have been targeted in only what can be
described
as a deliberate campaign of mass terror . However, it is not
only train commuters who are being attacked, passengers in
taxi's and buses have been targeted . Attacks which took
part
in the early part of t he month were seen as deliberate
attempts to derail the peace process . But subsequent
attacks
have taken place without regard for the identity of the
victims. The first attack on commuters took place on
September 2, when scores of taxi ' s and private vehicles
were
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-27-
stoned as they passed the Nancefield Hostel. Reports were
also received that people alighting at Nancefield station
were being attacked by people allegedly belonging to the
IFP.
A member of the IFP was shot on a Soweto bound train on
september 16, making him the tenth victim to die in
political
violence since the signing of the peace accord on September
14. The IFP said that two men boarded the train between
Inhlazane and Merafe stations at about lShOO saying they
were
looking for Zulus. They apparently opened fire and killed an
IFP supporter. On September 17 about 60 armed Selby Hostel
dwellers harassed commuters at the westgate railway station
and bus terminus . The men who were armed with shields,
sticKs, and spears and wearing white headbands, left the
hostel at about 06h50 and began threatening and chasing
commuters. Nobody was injured and the group returned to the
hostel after the police arrived. The hostel dwellers had
allegedly gone to the station after they had heard rumours
that a hostel dweller had been killed at a nearby cafe .
There
was apparently no substance to the rumour and once this was
established the men returned to the hostel.
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On September 19 a man was killed and five policemen were
injured in three incidents of violence on Soweto-bound
trains
during the peak period . The SAP claims that seven policemen
were on duty on a train to Naledi when they were approached
by several passengers at Phomolong Station. The commuters
told the police that they were being attacked in another
coach . When the policemen went to investigate they were
attacked with knobkerries and sticks. Three policemen drew
their pistols and fired shots, however the men managed to
escape. A police spokesperson said that leaders of the
hostel
dwellers at Dube had complained that the police had fired
unnecessarily in this incident .
The SAP announced this month that the two alleged
ringleaders
of the Jeppe train massacre last year which claimed the
lives
of 26 people were "without doubt" Inkatha members. Police
released their names and said a top priority search was on.
A
third suspect has been arrested and is due to appear in
court
soon.
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VII. THE NATIONAL PEACE ACCORD:
The National Peace Accord was signed in Johannesburg on
September 14 1991, despite the presence of heavily armed
Inkatha Freedom Party members outside the venue and the
upsurge of violence in the Reef townships. A last minute
compromise between the Inkatha Freedom Party and the ANC on
the key issues of traditional weapons and private armies
saved the day. The mechanisms proposed by the accord are
unique in terms of the powers they give to parties and
individuals outside the Government to exercise control over
violence. Chief among these will be a permanent paid,
multiparty National Peace committee - with subordinate
regional and local committees - to enforce codes of conduct
for the police and political parties to try to prevent
political violence; and a police ombudsman - who need not be
a menber of the SAP - to investigate complaints against the
police.
other important elements of the peace accord include:
* A code of conduct for the police which holds members
accountable to society, not to the Government, and stresses
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restraint on police handling of political unrest and
violence .
* A code of conduct for political parties which forbids them
from making any statements inciting violence or conducting
any act which may cause violence .
* The appointment of a police board, with equal
representation for the force and members of the public, to
advise on future policing policy .
* The setting up of special police units, headed by a
general, to investigate allegations of misconduct by members
of the SAP •
* The creation of a special unit , also headed by a general,
to investigate political violence.
* The setting up of special criminal courts to deal solely
with cases of political violence.
* The requirement that political parties refrain from violence
and actively discourage members and supporters from
carrying weapons to political meetings.
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* A commitment by the Government to devote funds for the
reconstruction and resettlement of communities ravaged by
political violence .
• The signing of the peace accord is indeed a step in the right
direction, however, the question still remains whether the
supporters of the individual parties who signed the accord
will honour the peace initiative as their own or merely pay
lip- service to it .
VIII. NATAL , . • ; 1 . The Maphurnulo Inquest .
• The inques t into the death of Chief Mhlabun z i ma Maphumulo
i s continuing (for details on the murder see March report).
Key
witness, Sipho Madlala, who is under ANC protection, alleges
that several killers were employed by a security policeman
to
murder the Chief. He also claims that, whilst he was not
directly involved in the Chief's assassination, he was
involved in a number of other attacks against anti-apartheid
activists, all on the orders of security policemen . These
attacks dated back to 1986 (The Sunday Star 8/9/1991).
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• .. f . iF
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However, at an identification parade, Madlala was unable to
pick out two of the policemen who he alleges gave him his
orders (The star 18/9/1991). He further alleged that the
police had drawn up a "hit list" of Natal activists which
was
t opped by ANC Midlands leader and National Executive
Committee member Harry Gwala ( Business Day 19/9/1991).
Later
in the month, at a second identification parade, Madlala was
able to pick out two SADF members, whom he alleges were
members of a hit squad (The Sowetan 26/9/1991).
2. The Trust Feed Massacre. (For details of the incident see
August report) .
Seven policemen, two captains, a sergeant and four special
constables, have now been arrested in connection with this
incident. The state alleges that the massacre took place on
the orders of the late Major Deon Terblanche. Terblanche was
the head of the Pietermaritz~urg riot unit at the time.
Further allegations by the state are that the attack took
place on the request of a local Inkatha leader, Jerome
Gabela. Shortly after the massacre IFP leader Mangosuthu
Buthelezi said that Inkatha would sue if any newspaper or
individual blamed Inkatha for the killing. Later he claimed
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that, following investigations by his lawyer, it had been
established that the victims had been members of Inkatha.
The
trial, in which these issues will be addressed , is set down
for October 15 (The Sunday Star 15/9/1991) .
3. General.
According to the latest report of the Democratic Party's
Unrest Monitoring Group there has been no significant
abatement of the violence in the area. At least 97 people
died during August bringing the total for the year to close
to BOO.
It is thus abundantly clear that the peace agreement signed
between the IFP and the ANC in February of this year has had
little or no effect .
IX.CISKEI
The crisis in Ciskei continues to dominate the region. The
military government remains in conflict with the regional
ANC
and other organisations and relations with Transkei do not
seem to have improved noticeably . Military ruler Brigadier
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•
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- 34-
Oupa Gqozo has also lost his covert military grouping,
International Researchers/Ciskei Intelligence Services,
which
was reportedly closed down at the end of August. In an
apparent attempt to secure more support, the Ciskei
government has moved closer to the Inkatha Freedom Party.
Gqozo has revived a system of local government which may be
used to give his supporters influential positions and is
promoting his African Democratic Movement' (ADM). Gqozo also
appears to be trying to get the support of former Lennox
Sebe
supporters: in an extraordinary move, he told a Johannesburg
journalist that Sebe was welcome to return home. "We told
him
all is forgiven and he should return home peacefully," said
Gqozo .
1.1 International Researchers/Ciskei Intelligence Services .
Last month, in response to continued pressure the South
African authorities finally forced Ciskei to close down
IR/CIS (see previous reports).
On August 30, the military government announced that the
unit
had been closed and that its functions would be taken over
by
the ciskei Defence Force (CDF). The night before, south
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- 35 -
African Director-General of Foreign Affairs, Neil van
Heerden, admitted at a public meeting that the SADF chief,
General Kat Liebenberg, would have told Gqozo to close down
the unit at an earlier meeting as it was becoming an
embarrassment , although Van Heerden went on to deny that
South Africa had any links with the unit . Although the unit
has been officially closed down, there are fears that the
former members will continue to operate as individuals or
even that a similar group under a different name will be set
up to continue the same work.
Points of concern:
* The Ciskei Intelligence Service Decree, issued on April 4 this
year, which allowed for the setting up of CIS
(effectively allowing International Researchers to change
its
name to Ciskei Intelligence Services rather than a new unit
being set up ) has not been " .. ithdrawn;
* IR/CrS chief Anton Nieuwoudt told a Bisho court on September
17 that the Ciskei government had offered him
another contract identical to the one just terminated.
Although Niewoudt told the court that he intended going
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•
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-36-
farming in the Transvaal, he mentioned that when ANC
officials from the region travel to the USA next year, "we"
will be there to meet them .
* IR/CIS member Paul Oeschger appears to be working now as
Brigadier Gqozo's bodyguard. Two more men linked to the
unit,
Lieutenant-Colonel Chris Nel and colonel Ockert
Swanepoel,appeared to be retaining their positions in
Military Intelligence. Other operatives used by IR/CIS were
not necessarily officially employed by the unit and will
presumably remain in their jobs.
* It is known that the unit had a collection of weapons
which
were initially stored in a house in the ministerial compound
.
At the time the weapons arrived unit members were told that
South African officials had no knowledge of the weapons
being
brought in. Ciskei has refused to disclose where the weapons
are or what they are intended for.
1.2 The Sebe/Guzana inquest.
The inquest into the deaths of Ciskei rebels Charles Sebe
and
onward Guzana is continuing in the Bisho Supreme Court. The
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•
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key part of the inquest revolves around, firstly, the
question of whether Ciskei authorities initiated a !l false
coup" plot or merely played along once they heard of a
genuine plot; and secondly , the position of the IR/ers unit
in the operation which led to the deaths .
Allegations have been made that IR/ CIS planned and
controlled
the operation. Unit chief NieuwQudt has denied this, instead
stating that they provided the intelligence information
which
resulted in the COF setting up roadblocks to stop Sebe and
Guzana.
There were also allegat ions that State President F W de
Klerk
and Foreign Affairs minister pik Botha knew of and supported
the alleged c oup attempt, which South African officials
have
since publicly denied .
1 . 3 The African Democratic Movement (ADM)
Gqozo's new grouping, the ADM, is being seen as an attempt
to
secure himself a position in negotiations and as the base
for
a future alliance with both the IFP and the South African
government. The ADM has been closely linked to the change in
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•
•
•
-38-
local government, with newly appointed chiefs and headmen
seen as promoting the Movement.
1.4 The Inkatha Connection
Last month Gqozo secretly met with Inkatha Youth Brigade
leader Musa Myeni. Myeni's travel and accommodation costs
for
the meeting appear to have been paid by Unidata, a national
information processing company which claimed that' the Myeni
trip was on their behalf to sell a new pensions programme to
Ciskei and there was no link to Inkatha. Myeni called it a
"private, friendly visit" that was "non political" (ECNA
10/9/1991). At the time Inkatha denied plans for the two
groupings to get together and Ciskei refused to confirm the
meeting. Since then links with Inkatha have become more
open.
On September 2 Gqozo was seen on SASe TV with IFP leader
Mangosuthu Suthelezi calling on all moderate leaders to join
together.
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•
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X. CONCLUSION:
It is unfortunate that whilst most political movements in
the
country appear to be genuinely committed to moving towards
peace and finding solutions to the violence which has
savaged
large parts of South Africa , the CP should threaten
violence
if their political demands are not met . It is even more
unfortunate that they refuse to corne to the negotiation
table
in an attempt to settle those demands . When an extreme
right
wing group like the Orde Boerevolk recognises the need for
discussion surely the CP should realise that a stand like
theirs will in no way contribute to peace and stability in
south Africa. The moves taken by the SAP to make themselves
more accountable to the public at large, as set out in the
Peace Accord, are to be welcomed, as are the ongoing
investigations into allegations of police misconduct around
the country. However, if the SAP want to move to the
position
of having the image of being non partisan and apolitical,
they will have to make dramatic moves to shed the political
baggage of the past. units like Koevoet and Vlakplaas were
used for political policing and as such have a political
image. There is no place for such units in the new police
force.
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•
•
Independent Boord of Inquiry
PO Box 32293 Braomfonleln 2017 Johannesburg South Afrco Pi'
-
VII. NATIONAL PEACE ACCORD ••••••.•..••.• 29-31
VIII. NATAL:
1. The Maphumulo Inquest .... ..... ... . . . . 31-32
2. The Trust Feed Massacre .............. 32-33
3. General .... .. .................. . . . . .. ... 33
• IX. CISKEI: . •• .....•.•... •••••. . ....... . 33 - 38
X. CONCLUSION: .. ........ ................... 39
•
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I . INTROQUCTION :
At least 121 people lost their lives in the week prior to
the
~ signing of the National Peace Accord (NPA) , and although
there has been a marked drop in the number of deaths since
the signing , sporadic attacks on individuals commuters and
communities continue .
•
The assassination of Civic Associations of the Southern
Transvaal (Cast) , general secretary, Sam Ntuli in Thokoza
on
the East Rand has raised fears that violence could break out
in the area once again . The situation in Thokoza remains
tense following the massacre of 23 Inkatha supporters on
Sunday September 8.
Despite the NPA being formally adopted by the government,
the
African National Congress (ANe) and the Inkatha Freedom
Party
(IFF), it is clear that the NPA has not had much impact on
the ground, for example, since the signing, at least 15
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people have been killed and scores injured. Recent attacks
have focused on commuters travelling by train.
Concern has also been expressed this month over the
behaviour
and actions of certain members of the SAP based in
Carletonville and Potchefstroorn. The Board is currently
assisting members of the special task force appointed by
state President FW de Klerk to investigate allegations of
alleged police involvement in violence, and the board has
played a key role in the recent suspension of 11 policeman
based at the Welverdiend Unrest unit in the area. However,
it
seems clear that on one level the Board is receiving full
co-operation from the head of the investigation team but on
another there seems to be an all out effort to undermine the
investigation at every turn. Since the investigation got
underway in June this year 10 people involved in the
investigation, have been arrested, including one of the
board's researchers and the local ANC chairperson in the
area. The Board has expressed concern over the arrests and
trusts that they are not an attempt to frustrate the
investigation particularly as part of the bail conditions
prevent the Board's researcher and the ANC chairperson being
within soam of Carletonville Police Station and the
Carletonville Magistrate's Court.
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•
•
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A matter of particular concern, this month, regarding the
security forces is the announcement that the Vlakplaas unit
is to be expanded by incorporating former members of the
Koevoet unit. Both these units have had numerous allegations
of misconduct laid against them. Several allegations about
police involvement in the Natal violence have also come to
light in recent months and these will be tested in court
during October.
The fear that the issue of the three right wing hunger
strikers would lead to unity amongst right wing
organisations
has proved unfounded. The strike has ended and numerous
allegations have been made that it was not in fact a bona
fide strike. The most disturbing development in this area is
the militant stand which the Conservative Party has taken
following its Transvaal congress. The message of the party
is
that a white general election must be called or they will be
forced to extra parliamentary methods and such methods do
not
exclude violence.
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II. STATE INSTITUTIONS
1. The South African Police.
In the Vrye Weekblad of August 30 it was revealed that four
~ men, who had recently returned to South Africa from ANC
camps
in Africa, had signed statements in which they admitted to
being Security police agents. The four are Raymond Bongani
Malinga, Alpheus Kheswa, Samuel Mpho Motjoadi and Patrick
Dlongwana. Between them they admit to the murder of 23
anti-apartheid activists including United Democratic Front
leader and human rights lawyer Victoria Mxenge. The men all
claim that they were severely tortured by the ANC and were
forced to make the admissions. However none of them deny
that
• they were agents of the state. The ANC deny that any of the
statements were made under duress. In response the SAP stated that
it is against official policy to identify informants but
that notice had been taken of the allegations and that the
men will be contacted in the course of an official
investigation.
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Further information that has come to light in this area is
that despite requests from many parties, including the Board
l
the Vlakplaas Askari unit is not to he disbanded but in fact
will be expanded with the inclusion of members of the
Koevoet
unit which operated in the then South West Africa (Vrye
~ Weekblad 20/9/1991). This unit was the official SAP
•
anti - insurgency unit in the country and there were
numerous
allegations of the use of excessive brutality by the unit in
the course of the bush war. It appears hard to reconcile the
expansion of this unit, in this manner, with the new image
which the SAP are striving for in this country.
On August 28, Morris Mondau, who claimed to be a police
agent
recruited to spy on PWV regional secretary Barbara Hogan
was,
presented to the media by the ANC. The man had been
apprehended at the ANC l s regional office and found to be
in
possession of a two way radio. He then claimed to be a
police
agent and said that his handler was a Van Wyk. One of the
police officers with whom Hogan often liaises is a Colonel
Van Wyk. The police denied that the ANC was being spied upon
as a political organisation but said that no ANC member was
above the law.
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2 . Welverdiend Unrest Unit:
The Board and the Carletonville ANC branch continue to
assist the SAP appointed special investigation team
investigate serious allegations of abuse against members of
the Welverdiend Unrest Unit. However, despite the Board's
full co- operation the investigation continues to be
undermined . Since the investigation began in June, eight
people who have laid charges or who are potential witnesses
to the investigation have been arrested, five of whom now
face charges ranging from possession or a tlrearm and
ammunition to robbery. There has been strong evidence to
suggest that certain members of the SAP are not in favour of
the investigation and have opened cases against potential
witnesses in an attempt to frighten them off testifying
should the attorney general decide to prosecute.
A further development has been the arrest and subsequent
charging of one of the Board ' s researchers and the local
ANC
chairperson. The two have been charged with intimidation and
assault of a police officer. The Board's researcher is also
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on a second charge of criminal injuria.
Obviously, the arrest of potential witnesses does not bode
well for the investigation , particularly when the SAP is at
~ this juncture attempting to improve its image. The SAP is
constantly asking people to come forward and help with
investigations but experience in Khutsong has proved that it
is not always as simple as that.
•
3. The South African Defence Force (SADF1.
Felix Ndimene , who was formerly a sergeant with the Fifth
Reconnaissance Regiment (5 Reece), has returned to his home
country of Mozambique. Ndimene claims that he was abducted
from the country in 1982 by the SADF and forced to serve
with
5 Reece. He has made a number of allegations about the unit,
including their involvement in the Reef conflict (see
previous reports). In a statement to the press Ndirnene said
that he is prepared to testify before any credible
commission
of inquiry but that he had not been prepared to co- operate
with the SAP as he feared for his own safety within South
Africa.
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III . RIGHT WING
The following issues dominated t his area in September : the
aftermath of the Ventersdorp i ncident, the hunger strike of
... the Orde Boerevolk (DB) members , the increasing militancy
of
the Conservative Party (CP) and the sentencing of two Durban
right wingers .
•
1 . The Aftermath of Ventersdorp.
(For details on the incident itself see August report) .
Following threats from the Afrikaner Weerstand Beweging
(AWB)
that the meeting would be disrupted, the National Party (NP)
announced that a meeting in Parys, which was to be addressed
by the Minister of Agriculture, Dr Kraai van Niekerk, had
been cancelled . The Democratic Party (OP) said that in
doing
so the NP had set a dangerous precedent. The CP said that
the
cancellation of the meeting indicated that the NP was no
longer in touch with the feelings of the "Volk" . The AWe
announced that they were waiting for the next meeting (The
Star 27/8/1991). Information from police sources indicated
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•
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that AWB members from allover the country were going to
converge on the meeting bearing firearms and that if the
police fired teargas at the right wingers this would be
returned in kind (Beeld 28/8/1991) .
In response the NP announced that in the future tickets will
be issued to people who wish to attend the Party's meetings
and that only such ticket holders would be admitted. On
August 28 a NP meeting at Dewetsdorp in the Orange Free
state
went off without incident. However after the meeting Andries
Beyers, Chief Secretary of the CP, said that until there was
another white election it would not be safe for the NP to
hold any public meetings. Eugene Terre/Blanche, leader of
the
AWB, announced that his organisation would continue to
• "organise aga,inst such meetings" (Rapport 1/9/1991).
2. The Order Boerevolk Hunger Strike.
The hunger strike by three OB members, Henry Martin, Adriaan
Maritz and Load van Schalkwyk, was the major issue of early
september for most right wing groupings (for further details
on the three see August report). By late August the three
had
all been on hunger strike for over five weeks with Martin
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•
•
-10-
having gone without food for nine weeks. All three were
moved
to H F Verwoerd hospital and every day right wing groupings
held demonstrations outside the hospital. On August 29,
after
the government had announced that no indemnity would be
granted to the three, they announced that they would fast
until they died (The star 29/8/1991) .
In an unprecedented move various anti-apartheid movements
came out in support of the men's demand for their release.
, The general secretary of the South African Council of
Churches, Rev Frank Chikane, said that he was concerned for
the lives of the three individuals. ANC president, Nelson
Mandela expressed "keen disappointment" at the goverment's
decision (The Citizen 30/8/1991) .
On their side, right wing groupings were unanimous in their
support for the three men and at one stage it appeared as if
they could become a rallying point for the entire right
wing.
Eugene Terre'Blanche said that after the events of
Ventersdorp the government could not afford to have another
three corpses on their hands. Leader of the CP, Dr Andries
Treurnicht, called for the release of the three on
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•
•
-11-
humanitarian grounds. Robert van Tonder leader of the
Boerestaatparty said that the governments decision was an
absolute disgrace (6eeld 30/8/1991). Finally 06 leader Nic
strydom said that if the three were not released then right
wing violence was a strong possibility .
The chance that the issue could unify the right wing fell
away after the trio were visited by Nelson Mandela. Mandela
came to visit them in order to discuss their alleged
involvement with elements of the security forces (see August
Report). Whilst the visit was requested by the OB it was
condemned by virtually every other right wing grouping and
caused the deputy leader of the OB, Coen Vermaak, to resign
in protest (Beeld 3/9/1991). Another issue of contention
between the OB and other groups is the former's commitment
to
negotiations with all parties including the ANC. Mandela
went
on to have a meeting with state President F W de Klerk to
call for the release of the men but the government refused
to
budge on the issue (The Star 3/9/1991).
Finally the three ended the strike on September 9 and
announced that they would be accepting the governments offer
of R5000 bail each. Martin claimed to have been on strike
for
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•
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63 days, Maritz for 56 days and Van Schalkwyk for 49 days.
Soon hereafter indications began emerging that these figures
were not correct. By September 12 the three were eating
solid
foods according to the Department of Correctional Services.
According to medical experts this was weeks ahead of
schedule
(Business Day 12/ 9/ 1991). After reviewing reports of
medical
tests done towards the end of the stri ke, Da vid Green,
director of the National Medical and Dental Association, s a
id
that it was unlikely that bona fide hunger strikers would
have suffered such minimal damage after so prolonged a fast
(Business Day 13/ 9/ 1991).
Meanwhile, in reaction to allegations that a security
policeman was part of the striker's OS cell and had given
the
~ orders that the Durban parGel bomb be sent, the SAP said
that
the person involve d was a trainee constable. The man ha s
been
suspended and is to be a State witness in the court case
(The
Star 30/ 8/ 1991). The three men maintain that they were
agents
for Military Intelligence and have said that they will give
evidence to this effect at the proposed commission on
violence and intimidation.
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•
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3. Increasing Militancy of the Conservative Party .
I n mid September the CP held their Transvaal congress and
it
was marked by a far more militant tone than earlier
congresses . Amongst the proposed motions was a proposal
that
all NP public representatives be tried for treason should
the
CP corne to power (Business Day 12/9/1991). Dr Andries
Treurnicht, leader of the CP, said that whites would never
submit to a black government and that the peace accord was
the first step to giving the ANC control over the security
forces (The Sunday star 15/9/ 1991). Deputy leader of the
CP,
Dr Ferdi Hartzenberg, said that any constitutional change in
the country would be seen as an act of aggression by the
party . He also made it clear that, if necessary , whites
would
.. turn to violence to achieve their aims. Koos van der
Merwe
said that the CP should infiltrate and take over the SADF so
that I' we will be able to use it when the time comes to
fight"
(The Citizen 16/ 9/ 1991).
4. Trials involving Right Wingers .
In Durban on September 13, David Botha, an AWB "kommandant
and Adriaan Smuts, an AWB "veldkornet", were each given
seven
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•
-14-
death sentences for an attack on a bus in Durban on October
9
1990 in which seven black commuters were killed. The men
also
had links with the OB. During the trial they said it was the
official policy of the 08 that for every white person killed
by a black, ten blacks must die. They claimed that their
attack had been in revenge for the fatal stabbing of a \
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•
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that earlier in the day, four men had come to his home
looking for his son. He said the men were strangers and that
he had informed them that his son was not at home. Ntuli's
death comes only a day after he met with Inkatha officials
to
discuss the implementation of the peace accord .
Mystery surrounds the death in Diepkloof, Soweto of Papa
John
Manyakalla, a member of the South African Communist Party
and ANC Youth League . Police have claimed that he committed
suicide after his parents found his body in the outside
toilet with a bullet wound in the left ear on Friday
September 20 1991 . He was last seen alive on September 19.
He
was found by his parents squatted on the toilet floor,
motionless and cold. Along side him lay a pistol placed next
~ to his radio. (Weekly Ma il 27/09/ 1991). Manyakalla's pa r
ents
claim that on September 19 they spotted two vehicles parked
outside their house and that when they went to bed the
vehicles were still there. When the police were summoned
following the discovery of the body, they' claimed it was
suicide. However, Manyakalla's father Isaac, said that his
son was right handed and the bullet wound was in the left
ear . He also said if his son had shot himself with his left
hand, he would have been unable t o replace the gun on his
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right side . Apparently there was very little b lood in the
toilet, suggesting t hat he was killed somewhere else and
dumped i n the toilet.
~ V. REEF VIOLENCE:
•
1. EAST RAND:
Thokoza:
Confusion still surrounds the massacre of 23 Inkatha members
in Thokoza on the East Rand o n Sunday September 8 , 1991.
IFP
youth leader Themba Khoza has claimed that a man claiming to
be a member of the ANC was arrested shortly after the attack
.
Khoza says that the man was arrested with an AK47 which was
still li very hot " from use. He alleges that the man was
placed
in a policevan and that several Inkatha members then
questioned the man who claimed that he was a member of
Umkhonto we Sizwe the armed wing of the ANC and that he had
trained in Maputo, Mozambique and that he had recently
returned to the country . Khoza also claimed that the man
said
he was from Soweto and that he had received orders from the
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•
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ANC NEe to attack Inkatha in Thokoza. It is worth noting
that members of the SAP have flatly denied that they
arrested
anyone on t he day and said t hat Khoza's allegations were
"blatant lies " . Police have s ubsequently released an
identikit of a man wanted for questioning in connection with
the attack.
The latest information is that a man fitting the description
of the identikit was arrested in Alberton on Saturday
September 28, following an attempted bank robbery . The
police
have not as yet positively linked the man arrested in
Alberton to the Thokoza attack.
Inkatha ' s Thokoza secr etary , Abraham Mzizi alleged that
two
~ men opened fire on members of the Hoste l Dwe lle r s '
Association which has close ties with the IFP, a s they were
marching to the local stadium to hold a peace meeting. The
police however claim that three men were involved in the
attack and that they opened fire from a house as the
marchers
passed by.
A week before the attack the IFP had distributed a pamphlet
in the area, announcing the peace meeting at the local
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Thokoza stadium. On the day of the attack several buses,
taxis and trucks entered the township carrying IFP
suppor ters . other IFP members marched to the township from
hostels in Katlehong . The atmosphere in the township prior
to
the attack was tense as local residents feared there would
be
a break out of violence following the rally. From all
accounts it would seem that the first group of hostel
dwellers made it safely to the stadium. At about lOhOC, 300
IFP members from the local hostel were marching towards the
stadium which is situated about 2km from the hostel.
Residents claim that the men were heavily armed and that
they
were allegedly intimidating people as they passed. The group
were about SOOm from the stadium when they were fired on by
people wielding AK 47's . After the incident the scheduled
rally was cancelled and members of the SAP escorted the IFP
members back to the hostel .
The allegations made by Khoza that the attack was planned by
the ANC have been denied. Following the incident both the
ANC
and Inkatha blamed agents provocateur for the carnage. Both
organisations claimed that the attack was provoked with the
aim of derailing the peace process. The Board is continuing
its investigation into the attack.
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Vosloorus:
Three days after the a ttack on IFP members in Thokoza, four
bus passengers were killed in Vosloorus when a man without
~ any reason opened fire with an AK 47 rifle. The bus driver
allegedly tried to turn the man away because the bus was
full , he then apparently opened fire. An eyewitness claimed
the man did not ask any questions as he cold- bloodedly shot
the driver and then turned his attention to the passengers.
There were also unconfirmed reports that the attacker left
the scene in a mini-bus from which more shots were fired at
• the bus.
2. SOWETO:
Motolo South:
Simmering tensions in Mofolo reached fever pitch early this
month when members of the IFP went on the rampage killing
local residents. Themba Khoza of the IFP Youth Brigade
claimed that the IFP had attacked the residents after
hearing
of the attack on their members in Thokoza. On Sunday
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September 8, the day of the attack the IFP had gathered to
launch a branch in Motolo Central. Residents in the area
refused to allow the IF? members to gather and thus the IFP
decided to proceed to the Dobsonville Stadium. According to
residents as the IFP members passed their homes they threw
4t stones and damaged several house along the route. The crowd
of IFF supporters remained at the Dobsonville Stadium for at
least three hours .
•
Trouble started when the IFP members left the stadium at
about 16hOO, eyewitnesses claim that members of the crowd
started breaking windows and looting homes in White city and
Mofolo Central. Residents also claim that members of the SAP
arrived but failed to intervene, instead they provided the
men with an escort and according to some residents the
looted
goods were placed in police casspirs. Fourteen people were
confirmed dead in the area. Most of the victims were old-age
pensioners who were unable to move when their homes were
attacked. In one instance they attacked and killed Mr
Simelane, a blind man . Simelane apparently owned two shops
and members of the IFP removed the day's takings. Perhaps
the
most brutal attack was the massacre of the Motsoeneng
family.
Elliot Motsoeneng returned to his Mofolo Central home from a
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•
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-21-
stokvel only to find that his wife, young daughter, elderly
mother and sister had been brutally murdered. Mr Motsoeneng
said he returned home at about 15h30 and that from a
distance
he could see Inkatha members in the streets. nSome were in
my
yard and the police were outside. I was to scared to go in .
People were running away_ When the Inkatha people moved off
I
asked the police if I could go inside and see what was going
on. I saw my dog lying in the yard, still chained. They had
shot it and stabbed it".
When Mr Motsoeneng first entered the house he found the body
of his elderly mother, she was covered in blood. He then
entered her bedroom where he found his sister lying next to
the bed, she had been stabbed and shot. Inside the cupboard
he saw his daughter Jenett (16) she had been stabbed and her
jeans were partly pulled down. Mr Motsoeneng said that he
believed that his daughter and sister had been raped. He
then
started looking for his wife, he found her behind a pile of
blankets, she too had been stabbed and shot. The attackers
also stole the family television set, radio, wall clock and
some money_ They also broke the wardrobes and the dinning
room suite.
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At a house in White City, Jabavu a pregnant woman, Rebecca
Mothapo was stabbed and shot . She is presently in a
critical
condition in Baragwanath. Her brother who was allegedly
sleeping at the time of the attack was stabbed to death . At
another house in White city, Jabavu a pensioner was stabbed
~ to death while she lay hidden under her bed .
•
Later in the evening the crowd of IFP members ran into an
ANC
aligned group of youths at the Crossroads intersection in
Soweto . A confrontation ensued between the two groups.
Several hand grenades were thrown and several IFP members
were killed in the clash. Members of the SAP who were
allegedly accompanying the IFP members at the time fled the
scene. After the clash the remaining IFP members made their
way to the Nancefield Hostel allegedly continuing their
attacks on local residents.
In most of the statements taken shortly after the attack,
residents claim that their homes were looted and when they
asked the SADF or the SAP to intervene they refused. One
woman alleges that when she asked the SADF to help her, she
was told to run as another group of Inkatha people were
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•
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approaching . One victim claimed that Inkatha members
hijacked
a truck in full view of members of the SADF i n o r der to
remove her bel ongings .
Mshenguville:
Sporadic attacks in Mshenguville continue . Six people were
killed and several others injured when renewed fighting
broke
out in the area at the beginning of the month. One of the
latest victims was a five- year- old child who was shot
twice in the stomach. At least 30 people have lost their
lives in the squatter camp since the violence began in July.
squatters attempting to flee the violence in the camp have
become the latest victims . They are allegedly prevented
from
~ leaving by members of Inkatha . Residents claim that they
have
had to pay up to R40 before being allowed to dismantle their
shacks and leave the area.
Sebokeng:
Eight men awaiting trial on 38 charges of murder following
the attack on the night vigil of Christoffel Nangalembe were
granted bail of R3 000 each in the Vanderbijlpark
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•
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Magistrate ' s Court this month . However, one of the
accused,
David Mabothe failed to appear in court and a warrant for
his
arrest has been issued. A spokesperson for the police said
that although seven of the men had been in prison until the
granting of bail, Mabothe had been released earlier to
appear
in another case in the Vereeniging Magistrate's Court . He
paid bail in regard to the charge in Vereeniging and his
current whereabouts are unknown.
Khetisi Kheswa dubbed the "Vaal Monster" by residents in the
area was sentenced along with his mother to six years
imprisonment for illegal possession of arms. However,
residents claim that despite Kheswa being sentenced they
have
... seen him in the township. , A report in the City Press
of
September 29 claims that Kheswa is out on R3 000 bail
pending
his appeal against sentence.
Swanieville:
Five men joined Seven others who appeared in the Krugersdorp
Magistrate ' s Court this week in connection with the
Swanieville massacre which left 29 people dead and many
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•
•
-25-
injured. The men were not asked to plead and the case was
postponed.
Koster:
On Saturday September 28 1991, one of the Board ' s
researchers
was passing through Koster. On the road travelling towards
Koster, several buses carrying members of the IFP were
passed . Approximately five kilometres from the town centre
a
road block manned by members of the SAP had been set up. The
Board's researcher's car was stopped and thoroughly searched
.
There were some Board reports in the car as well as some ANC
publications . Members of the SAP then radioed for a senior
officer to come down to the road block to check the
documents. While this was happening, two of the buses fill e
d
with IFP members arrived. They were clearly armed with
pangas, knobkerries, and spears. The buses were not searched
and allowed to continue through the roadblock. On the other
hand all taxi's and cars who clearly had no IFP members
inside were stopped and searched. Passengers were made to
get out of the cars and taxis and all their belongings were
searched. No such searches were carried out on IFP members
in
the buses. After about seven minutes, a captain arrived from
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•
- 26 -
Koster, the researcher ' s documents were returned and she
was
allowed to proceed .
It was subsequently reported that there were sporadic
clashes
in Reagile township in Koster between members of the IFP and
ANC. The IFF had attended a funeral in the area and
apparently started throwing stones at residents when leaving
the funeral . Residents allegedly retaliated by firing on
Inkatha members .
VI. TRAIN ATTACKS:
Train commuters have borne the brunt of terror attacks this
4t month. They have been targeted in only what can be described
as a deliberate campaign of mass terror. However, it is not
only train commuters who are being attacked, passengers in
taxi's and buses have been targeted. Attacks which took part
in the early part of the month were seen as deliberate
attempts to derail the peace process. But subsequent attacks
have taken place without regard for the identity of the
victims . The first attack on commuters took place on
September 2, when scores of taxi's and private vehicles were
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•
•
-27-
stoned as they passed the Nancefield Hostel. Reports were
also received that people alighting at Nancefield Station
were being attacked by peopl e allegedly belonging to the
IFP.
A member of the IFP was shot on a Soweto bound train on
September 16, making him the tenth victim to die in
political
violence since the signing of the peace accord on September
14. The IFP said that two men boarded the train between
Inhlazane and Merafe stations at about lShOO saying they
were
looking for Zulus . They apparently opened fire and killed
an
IFP supporter. On September 17 about 60 armed Selby Hostel
dwellers harassed commuters at the westgate railway station
and bus terminus. The men who were armed with shields,
sticks, and spears and wearing white headbands, left the
hostel at about 06h50 and began threatening and chasing
commuters . Nobody was injured and the group returned to the
hostel after the police arrived . The hostel dwellers had
allegedly gone to the station after they had heard rumours
that a hostel dweller had been killed at a nearby cafe.
There
was apparently no substance to the rumour and once this was
established the men returned to the hostel.
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•
•
- 28-
On September 19 a man was killed and five policemen were
injured in three incidents of violence on Soweto- bound
trains
during the peak period. The SAP claims that seven policemen
were o n duty on a train to Naledi when they were approached
by several passengers at Phomolong station. The commuters
told the police that they were being attacked in another
coach . When the policemen went to investigate they were
attacked with knobkerries and sticks. Three policemen drew
their pistols and fired shots, however the men managed to
escape. A police spokesperson said that leaders of the
hostel
dwellers at Duhe had complained that the police had fired
unnecessarily in this incident.
The SAP announced this month that the two alleged
ringleaders
of the Jeppe train massacre last year which claimed the
lives
of 26 people were "without doubt" Inkatha members. Police
released their names and said a top priority search was on.
A
third suspect has been arrested and is due to appear in
court
soon.
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•
•
- 29 -
VII. THE NATIONAL PEACE ACCORD:
The National Peace Accord was signed in Johannesburg on
September 14 1991, despite the presence of heavily armed
Inkatha Freedom Party members outside the venue and the
upsurge of violence in the Reef townships. A last minute
compromise between the Inkatha Freedom Party and the ANC on
the key issues of traditional weapons and private armies
saved the day. The mechanisms proposed by the accord are
unique in terms of the powers they give to parties and
individuals outside the Government to exercise control over
violence. Chief among these will be a permanent paid!
multiparty National Peace Committee - with subordinate
regional and local committees - to enforce codes of conduct
for the police and political parties to try to prevent
political violence; and a police ombudsman - who need not be
a member of the SAP - to investigate complaints against the
police.
other important elements of the peace accord include:
* A code of conduct for the police which holds members
accountable to society, not to the Government, and stresses
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•
•
-30-
restraint on police handling of political unrest and
violence .
* A code of conduct for political parties which forbids them
from making any statements inciting violence or conducting
any act which may cause violence .
* The appointment of a police board , with equal representation
for the force and members of the public, to
advise on future policing policy.
* The setting up of special police units, headed by a
general, to investigate allegations of misconduct by members
of the SAP .
* The creation of a special unit , also headed by a general, to
investigate political violence .
* The setting up of special criminal courts to deal solely with
cases of political violence.
* The requirement that political parties refrain from violence
and actively discourage members and supporters from
carrying weapons to political meetings.
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•
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* A commitment by the Government to devote funds for the
reconstruction and resettlement of communities ravaged by
political violence .
The signing of the peace accord is indeed a step in the
right
direction, however, the question still remains whether the
supporters of the individual parties who signed the accord
will honour the peace initiative as their own or merely pay
lip- service to it.
VIII. NATAL
1 . The MaphuIDulo Inquest.
.. The inquest into the death of Chief Mhlabunzima Maphumulo i
s
continuing (for details on the murder see March report). Key
witness, Sipho Madlala, who is under ANC protection, alleges
that several killers were employed by a security policeman t
o
murder the Chief. He also claims that, whilst he was not
directly involved in the Chief's assassination, he was
involved in a number of other attacks against anti-
apartheid
activists, all on the orders of security policemen. These
attacks dated back to 1986 (The Sunday Star 8/ 9/ 1991).
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•
•
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However, at an identification parade, Madlala was unable to
pick out two of the policemen who he alleges gave him his
orders (The star 18/9/1991). He further alleged that the
police had drawn up a "hit list" of Natal activists which
was
topped by ANC Midlands leader and National Executive
committee member Harry Gwala ( Business Day 19/9/1991).
Later
in the month, at a second identification parade, Madlala was
able to pick out two SADF members, whom he alleges were
members of a hit squad (The Sowetan 26/ 9/1991).
2. The Trust Feed Massacre.
August report) .
(For details of the incident see
Seven policemen, two captains, a sergeant and four special
cons tables, have now been arrested in connection with this
incident. The state alleges that the massacre took place on
the order