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WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEALTH AND PRESTIGE: THE IMPACT OF
EGYPTIAN TRADE ON SALONICA Author(s): EYAL GINIO Source: Oriente
Moderno, Nuova serie, Anno 25 (86), Nr. 1, THE OTTOMANS AND TRADE
(2006),
pp. 93-107Published by: Istituto per l'Oriente C. A.
NallinoStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25818048Accessed:
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EYAL GINIO
(THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY)
WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEALTH AND PRESTIGE: THE IMPACT OF
EGYPTIAN TRADE ON SALONICA
Haci Ibrahim bin Mustafa, the "fat one" (sisman), as his friends
and ac
quaintances knew him, died in 1744. He left an estate that would
take up a remarkable five pages in the Salonican sicily where most
deceased Salonicans' assets were summed up in only a few lines.
Haci Ibrahim's assets included many lucrative possessions like
jewellery, silverware, a black female slave, and property situated
inside the city walls of Sal nica. The description of his estate
reveals not
only the deceased's wealth, it clearly alludes also to the
sources of his fortune: Haci Ibrahim was an importer of coffee and
cotton from Egypt and an exporter of tobacco from Karadag (present
day Koronoyda in Greece) to Egypt through the Salonican port. To
convey the merchandise to the harbour, he would hire caravans of
camels. His estate description further reveals the profusion of com
mercial networks and ties that he had established with partners,
traders and
money-lenders; the registration refers to merchants from
locations situated deep inside the Balkans - such as Sarajevo and
Manastir (present day Bitola)
- who, at the time of his death, owed him debts for the coffee
and cotton that he had sold them. In addition, he had two partners
who dwelled in the Egyptian port of Rashid (Rosetta) and who
supervised the transactions in this distant port city. Haci Ibrahim
did not limit himself to export and import dealings alone: he also
used to trade red and black grapes in a shop situated inside the
city; he owned flocks of sheep that he grazed on the meadows of
Avrathisar (modern Kilkis), selling their meat to local butchers
and their hides to tanneries; and, finally, he
was a money-lender, providing Christian villagers and monks with
often huge loans, while he himself borrowed from the endowments of
the merchants in the
Egyptian market and the grape-sellers ( z mc ler)} Haci
Ibrahim's economic and commercial activities, which extended to
both
shores of the Mediterranean and the hinterland of the Balkan
Peninsula, must have placed him as a leading merchant of his time.
However, his imprint, as well as that of any other Muslim merchant,
is almost totally absent from the major volume that deals with the
commerce of Sal nica in the 18th century. Written
by N.G. Svoronos and published half a century ago,2 the book
offers a general
1 - The Historical Archives of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, Sicil
[Thessaloniki] TH/IER volume
68 page 62 - hereafter sicil 68/62, 20 Rebiy lewel 1157
[3.5.1744].
2 - N.G. Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe si cle,
Paris, Presses Universitaires de
OM XXV n.s. (LXXXVI), 1, 2006, p. 93-107 Istituto per l'Oriente
C. A. Nallino - Roma
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94 EYAL GINIO
survey of the commercial activity that took place in this port
city. His study is based primarily on French consular documents and
European travellers' ac
counts. Svoronos' main thesis is that the 18th century brought
with it unprece dented growth in Salonica's commercial links with
western Europe, especially France. This thriving activity was to a
large extent under the domain of Euro
pean merchants. However, among the locals it was mainly Ottoman
Greeks, and to a lesser extent, Ottoman Jews, who benefited from
the burgeoning com
merce. The local non-Muslims served the Europeans as brokers,
money-lenders and exchangers, translators, and mediators between
the foreigners and the local authorities and traders. Only in the
second half of the 18th century, following the successive wars
between the European powers, did the local Greeks succeed in
penetrating this commercial activity and handling a growing share
of it. Fur thermore, they enhanced their share in the trade traffic
by taking advantage of their ties with the expanding Greek diaspora
living in the main European ports and commercial centres. This
economic growth, in turn, contributed to the
emergence of a powerful Greek bourgeoisie and a flourishing
Greek diaspora that controlled much of the Ottoman foreign
commerce. These new and ex
panding commercial elites were responsible in many ways for the
emerging na tional consciousness among the Greeks.
A decade after Svoronos, Stoianovich, who labelled members of
this new elite the conquering Balkan orthodox merchants , depicted
the Salonican Greek Orthodox traders as part of an inter-Balkan
merchant class that succeeded in taking the traditional place of
the Jewish, Armenian and Muslim merchants.
They became the human catalyst which joined the Balkan people to
Europe, both by their commerce and ideas .^
This paper does not aim to challenge either of these theses,
which still prove to be well grounded; rather, my principal purpose
is to suggest that relying
mostly on European historical sources may reveal only a part of
the Ottoman re
ality at the time. In the current context, their exclusive use
resulted in a concen
tration upon only one segment of Salonican commerce.4
The sicily the registrations of the Salonican seriat court,
presents the local narrative. It clearly discloses that the
European commerce was only a part of the
mercantile activity in Sal nica at least until the 1770s; no
less important was the domestic long-distance commerce between the
ports of the Aegean Sea and
Egypt. Sal nica, along with Izmir, Chios and Rhodes, was one of
the major stops on this route that terminated in Istanbul. In many
cases, when Egyptian products were scarce, these different ports
vied with each other for the privilege of unloading the Egyptian
merchandise in "their" harbours. Eventually, all of them had to
submit to the exigency of first supplying the capital with the
much-needed
France, 1956.
3 - T. Stoianovich, "The conquering Balkan Orthodox merchant",
Journal of Economic His
tory, XX (1960), p. 234-313.
4 - On this possible methodological bias, see also Suraiya
Faroqhi, "Trade and revenue collection in later sixteenth-century
Sal nica", OM, n.s. XX (LXXXI)/1 (2001), p. 101.
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WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEALTH 95
products. In addition, I will argue, the city's domestic and
international commerce was
not utterly neglected by the local Muslim population. On the
contrary, Muslim merchants held the lion's share of the Egyptian
commerce. It is pertinent here to
quote Molly Greene's recent observation that in the commercial
historiography of the Ottoman empire..., despite some recent
stirrings, the Muslims are rele
gated to the overland routes while the Christians monopolize the
sea .5 Against this background, my aim in this paper is to
delineate the importance of the Sa lonican commerce with Egypt, and
its significance for the local population, and to present the
merchants who handled it
- overwhelmingly local Muslim mer
chants, known in the sicil as the Misircilar - and their
prestigious status in the social and administrative life of the
city.
Coffee: the Mainstay of the Egyptian Commerce
Throughout the 18th century Egypt remained the wealthiest
province of the Ottoman state. Its wealth stemmed, first, from its
own agricultural products, such as rice, sugar and wheat. Other
products that were imported through its
ports further enhanced the attractiveness of Egyptian trade. The
geographical position of Egypt suited its use as a major transit
harbour for a broad range of
products imported from Africa and the Red Sea region. The
primary commod
ity traded in the 18th century was Yemeni coffee.6 Most Egyptian
goods were imported through the then-prosperous port of
Rashid (Rosetta) - "the port of Cairo" in the parlance of the
Salonican scribes. This port served as a principal stockade
warehouse, a place of exchange for
Egyptian goods and as a transit port for merchandise arriving
through the Red Sea trade - especially the coffee beans. The coffee
trade of Egypt apparently reached its peak during the first half of
the 1700s. One must remember that the introduction of the
competitive French colonial products to local Ottoman mar
kets took place only in the second half of the 18th century, and
then only gradually.7 Until then, Sal nica, like many other Ottoman
cities, was a fervent and loyal consumer of the Yemeni coffee. The
local authorities strove to meet the constant demand.
The sicil does not reveal the full scope of the Egyptian
commerce; it gives random lists of ships' types, their captains'
names (most of them were Greeks), the merchants' names, the
quantities of staples that were brought on the vessels, the
merchants' share in the cargo, and the customs and other payments
the mer
5 - Molly Greene, A Shared World: Christians and Muslims in the
Early Modern Mediterranean,
Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2000, p. 6.
6 - Daniel Crecelius, "Egypt in the eighteenth century", in M.W.
Daly (ed.), The Cambridge
History of Egypt, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998,
vol. 2, p. 59.
7 - Andr Raymond, Artisans et commer ants au Caire au XVIIIe si
cle, Damascus, Institut
Fran ais de Damas, 1974, vol. 1, p. 108-164. On 18th-century
Rashid and its evident af
fluence, see A. L zine and A.R. Abdul Tawab, "Introduction l'
tude des maison anciennes de
Rosette", Annales hlamologiques X (1972), p. 149-205.
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96 EYAL GIMO
chants had to pay to the state and its local agents.8 Such
records do not enable us to quantify the Egyptian trade.
Nevertheless, they permit us to assess the im
portance of this commerce as it was understood and viewed by the
local authori ties. Panzac observes that the inter-Ottoman trade
was superior in value to for
eign trade throughout the 18th century.9 It can be added that
while the Euro
pean commerce brought lucrative goods into the city -
chiefly manufactured
products like textiles - trade with Egypt provided the city with
some of its basic
staples - rice, coffee, indigo, cotton, henna, and spices. The
Egyptian rather
than the European commerce, thus, gave the local authorities the
means to fulfil one of their most important and rudimentary tasks
towards their subjects
- to
provide them with their basic food and meet their everyday
needs. Here lies the
significance of the Egyptian trade to Ottoman Sal nica. Without
a doubt, coffee was the main staple that reached Sal nica
through
the Egyptian port in the 18th century. The long story of the
transformation of coffee from a menacing beverage associated with
the "notorious" coffeehouse into a respectable beverage consumed by
all levels of Ottoman society has al
ready been told.10 The only indication of connecting the coffee
in Sal nica with other illicit beverages, like wine, was the
administrative grouping of the official
registers concerning the tax-farms (mukataa) of coffee customs
together with those on wine and arak,11 and the infamous reputation
of coffeehouses as a
place of improper behaviour: in one sultanic decree the closure
of several coffee houses was ordered since it was known that young
boys (k' ek) danced there be fore janissaries.12
Notwithstanding the last example, the Salonican sicil
demonstrates the full acceptance of coffee and its evolution into
one of the basic commodities, to the
point where the state regarded its regular import essential to
preserving the well
being of its subjects, especially those who inhabited Istanbul.
Only in times of
shortage were the people of Sal nica denied their regular supply
of coffee on the
grounds that the needs of Istanbul had to be met first.13
8 - See, for example, the following document that registered the
customs collected from 16
merchants, ten Muslim, three Jewish and three Christian, who
unloaded their coffee imports from a ship owned by Kostantin Reis
who arrived with his cargo from Cairo: sicil 7/13, evail-i
Cemaziyelahir 1110 [13-22.11.1698].
9 - Daniel Panzac, "International and domestic maritime trade in
the Ottoman empire during the 18th century", InternationalJournal
of Middle Eastern Studies, XXIV (1992), p. 202-203.
10 - On the introduction of coffee into Ottoman lands and its
economic importance to do mestic and international commerce, see S.
Faroqhi, "Coffee and spices: official Ottoman reac tion to Egyptian
trade in the later sixteenth century", Wiener Zeitschrift fur die
Kunde des Mor
genlandes, LXXVI (1986), p. 87-93; R. Hattox, Coffee and
Coffeehouses: The Origins of a Social
Beverage in the Medieval Near East, Seattle and London,
University of Washington Press, 1985; Amnon Cohen, The Guilds of
Ottoman Jerusalem, Leiden, Brill, 2001, p. 50-59.
11 - See, for example, the registration of the tax-farm for the
year 1110 [1698-99]. Sicil
7/151, undated.
12 - Sicil 101/58, 5 aban 1176 [18.2.1763]. 13 - See, for
example, sicil 82/29, 11 Muharrem 1166 [17.11.1752].
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WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEAL TH 97
In addition, the state was keen to ensure the regular import of
coffee as it was an important source of revenue in the form of
customs or, more likely, in
the annual leasing of tax-farms (iltizam) to local well-to-do
persons; in most cases these were local Jews who were able to offer
satisfactory bids for this privi lege. These tax-farmers provided
the state with a sum of money fixed in their contracts in return
for the right to collect the customs as their own revenue.14
Moreover, the coffee that reached Ottoman Sal nica was not
imported only for local consumption; large quantities were sold in
the port to merchants arriving from all over the Balkans. Sal nica,
like its counterpart Rashid, served as a tran sit port for the
Egyptian goods on their way to the Balkan interior.
The importance to the local authorities of the profitable trade
with Egypt is clear. But how did local Salonicans perceive this
branch of commerce? To begin with, the prevalence of Egyptian
commerce in the Salonican economy is well manifested even in the
name of the principal market located in the port area
-
"the Egyptian market" (Misir arsisi). This demonstrates that in
the Salonicans'
eyes maritime commerce was almost a synonym for Egyptian
trade.15 A similar trend can be seen from a claim submitted by
Albanian porters who worked in Sal nica's docks; when they asked
the court to acknowledge their exclusive and
general right to carry goods from all ships that moored in the
port, they defined it as the right to unload all goods that arrived
from all directions
- Egypt, Izmir
and other places - in this order.16 The relevance of the
Egyptian commerce to
the Salonican economy and consumption is evident, and,
consequently, its al lure for merchants is clear. Yet, the
initiation and implementation of such a trade were not simple as
Egypt was a far away province situated on the other side of the
sea. The import of Egyptian goods required the establishment of
trading networks that would link the two shores of the
Mediterranean, thus facilitating their flow.
Sal nica and its Sectarian Networks of Commerce
Abdurrahman Aga bin Abdullah, the kethiida, lieutenant, of the
janissary garri son stationed in Cairo, submitted a claim to a
seriat court in Cairo in 1697. His claim offers insight into the
risks involved in this inter-regional commerce. Ab durrahman Aga
told the local court that he had reached a deal with a certain Haci
Mehmet bin Abdullah, a merchant from the Egyptian market in Sal
nica.
According to the agreement, the claimant had pledged to supply
the Salonican with coffee and rice in return for a specified sum of
money. The claimant had, he said, delivered the commodities,
however, Haci Mehmet bin Abdullah died before paying his debt. The
claimant asked that the debt be recovered from the
14 - See, for example, sicil 10/13, 15 Zilkade 1115
[21.3.1704].
15 - In documents from around the middle decades of the 18th
century, I also found some
references to the existence of the so-called "Izmir market"
(Izmir arstsi) in the port area - a re
flection of the growing importance of the trade with Izmir as
well.
16-Sicil29/146, 8 Rebiy lewel 1131 [29.1.1719].
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98 EYAL GIMO
dead merchant's inheritance.17 This kind of claim that stemmed
from the unex
pected death of a partner is not rare in the Salonican siciL
However, in this specific case the creditor, though a high ranking
officer, faced a considerable hindrance to the collection of his
debt: while he was in Cairo, the merchant's inheritance was
kept in distant Sal nica, closely looked after by the guardian
of the merchant's or
phans. In order to get his money back, the claimant had to take
recourse to com
plicated legal procedures that took place both in Cairo and Sal
nica. Indeed, one of the main problems involved in inter-regional
commerce was
the need to invest large sums of money away from home and to
take the risks that are innate in such activity. The Egyptian trade
required large amounts of
capital and investment in order to initiate long-distance
commerce, and the risks were high, such as the potential loss of
cargo due to sinking in rough seas, the violent sudden winds that
could break the ship and drown its staff and cargo, and the threat
of attacks by Christian pirates (mainly Maltese). All these
risks
appear regularly in the sicil files.18 The urge to reduce the
financial risk of mari time commerce contributed to the development
of dependable maritime insur ance in pre-modern Europe. In the
Ottoman state other measures were adopted.19 One way of
circumventing, or at least diversifying, the financial risks and
dimin
ishing expenses was to share them. The sicil discloses
references to partnership contracts concluded between the two
shores of the Mediterranean - that is to
say, agreements that linked merchants who were established in
Sal nica with their counterparts in Rashid.20 Sharing the ownership
of a ship, travelling be tween the two ports, was yet another
option to decrease the merchant's ex
penses.21 Shipping the precious cargo on European vessels could
considerably reduce the menace of attacks by Christian pirates.
This last option was widely used. In a sultanic edict it was
mentioned that in the year [1] 170 [1756-57], 32
foreign ships, loaded with coffee and rice, plied the waters
between Egypt and Istanbul. Their activity was so crucial to the
regular supply of these staples that the Sublime Porte was
concerned that the frequent disputes between French and
English vessels would adversely affect the traffic of coffee and
rice. Therefore, it
prohibited Ottoman merchants and subjects from travelling on
foreign vessels. The Sublime Porte also called on the ambassadors
of France and England to or
17-Steil4/108, 5 ewal 1108 [2.10.1696]. 18 - See, for example,
Daniel and Hamza Crecelius, cAbd al-cAziz Badr, "French ships and
their cargoes sailing between Damiette and Ottoman ports
1777-1781", Journal of the Eco nomic and Social History of the
Orient, XXXVII (1994), p. 251-273. On piracy as a constant
threat to the maritime commerce of Sal nica, see my article,
"Piracy and redemption in the
Aegean Sea during the eighteenth century", Turcica, XXXIII
(2001), p. 135-147.
19 - See Murat izak a, A Comparative Evolution of Business
Partnership. The Islamic World and Europe, with Specific Reference
to the Ottoman Archives, Leiden, Brill, 1996, p. 128-129.
20 - See, as examples for this kind of partnership, the
following documents: sicil 12/48, 17 Ramazan 1116 [13.1.1705];
33/85 26 Cemaziyelahir 1135 [2.4.1723]; 95/9, 7 Muharrem
1174 [18.8.1760].
21 - See the following examples for such partnerships: sicil
1/86, evahir-i Cemaziyelahir 1106
[17-26.1.1695]; 4 Muharrem 1107 [3.9.1695]; 4/99, 28 aban 1108
[22.3.1697].
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WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEALTH 99
der their consuls and captains to refrain from any harmful
actions that might endanger the vital import of coffee and rice.22
This ban on hiring foreign vessels,
apparently, had some results, as can be deduced from a
counter-claim by a Mus lim merchant from Sal nica. He explained his
decision to revoke a contract to
load tobacco and steel, bound for Egypt, with a Christian
captain from an island near Rhodes on the grounds that the said
captain had misled him, making him believe that he was an Ottoman
subject while, in fact, he was a foreigner.23 However, foreign
vessels continued to connect Ottoman ports: at the beginning of the
19th century foreign vessels clearly dominated this trade route. An
edict that reiterates the prohibition on merchant ships carrying
any Albanians from the Albanian lands to Egypt, since the Albanians
were causing havoc (mucib-ife sad) there, specifies that the route
was frequented by foreign merchant ships
-
mostly from the states of Russia and Austria, the republic of
Dubrovnik and the
Septinsular Republic.24 The absence of French vessels can be
explained by the
Napoleonic wars that were then underway. Establishing a
partnership was a frequent option in the Egyptian trade. Its
advantages were obvious. But how could one be sure about the
goodwill of a
partner and his commitment to fulfil all his obligations towards
his distant part ner? Sharing the perils among people who had
reciprocal trust was crucial to cre
ating some degree of mutual confidence. Handling the commerce
within the
family circle could give some assurances and, indeed, we possess
a few examples of such a commercial strategy, in which one or more
members of the family were sent to represent the family's
commercial interests in Egypt. Take, for ex
ample, the following, admittedly ill-fated, case of Christian
merchants from Sa l nica who traded with Egypt. The group included
two Christian brothers and their nephew, the son of a third
brother. We glean this information from a claim submitted by one
member of the family, Dimo veled Toma against his nephew,
Toma veled Ruso. Apparently, Toma accompanied another uncle,
Filibe veled Toma, on his business trip to Cairo. While staying in
the Dhulfiqar Katkhuda caravanserai (wakala), one of the main
commercial sites in which the coffee trade was concentrated in
Cairo,25 Filibe died. Toma, who was present at the time of death,
subsequently hid part of his uncle's money.26
22 - Sicil 92/107, evasit-i Zilkade 1171 [17-26.7.1758]. Daily
consumption of rice was, ap
parently, restricted in the Ottoman state to the better-off
urban households that could afford
it; see Sami Zubaida, "Rice in the culinary cultures of the
Middle East" in Sami Zubaida and
Richard Tapper (eds.), Culinary Cultures of the Middle East,
London, I.B. Tauris, 1994, p. 94.
23 - Sicil 108/82, 10 Ramazan 1179 [20.2.1766].
IA-Sicil 181/19, Receb 1218(?) [October -November 1803]. On
Albanian migrants who
were perceived as a menace in Sal nica, see my article,
"Migrants and unskilled local workers
in an Ottoman port-city: Ottoman Sal nica in the
eighteenth-century", in Eugene Rogan
(ed.), Outside In: On the Margins of the Modern Middle East,
London, I.B. Tauris, 2002, p.
127-149. On the short-living Septinsular Republic (the Ionian
Islands), see Katherine Elem
ing, The Muslim Bonaparte -
Diplomacy and Orientalism in Ali Tasha's Greece, Princeton,
Princeton University Press, 1999, p. 101-105.
25 - On the term wakala in Egyptian parlance and on the
Dhulfiqar Katkhuda caravanserai
(built in 1673), an enormous edifice that included 32 stores and
35 apartments around a
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wo EYAL GINIO
Reliance on family members, then, was not always the safest
measure to
adopt. Yet, we clearly see a tendency among Salonican merchants
to concentrate
inter-regional commerce in the hands of co-religionists or, even
more prevailing, to send a trusted representative to Egypt to
supervise the transactions.
Indeed, one of the main characteristics of the Salonican
commerce was its
diversity and its reliance on various networks of merchants.
Salonican commerce
was divided along sectarian lines: while Greeks, Jews and
Ragusans controlled most of the commercial traffic with western
Europe as its local representatives, they did not have exclusivity
in the commercial traffic as a whole. The local
Muslim merchants predominated in the commerce with Egypt and the
Red Sea; Iranian Armenians handled most of the relatively marginal
commerce of Sal
-
nica with Iran, which was conducted mainly at the neighbouring
seasonal fairs; and Maghribis held sway over the commerce in black
slaves imported via North African ports. This division resulted, we
can assume, from the emergence of domestic and international
commercial networks that relied on the existence of
co-religious merchants on both edges of the network. In such a
situation, mu tual confidence could be guaranteed through adherence
to the same religious law. A shared cause could increase reciprocal
confidence and diminish the risks and uncertainty involved in
long-distance trade and lofty financial commit
ments.
Accordingly, most of the Egyptian commerce relied on commercial
ties be tween Muslims who lived in Sal nica and their
co-religionists who inhabited the
city of Rashid or Cairo itself.27 These Salonican merchants
formed a guild of their own that grouped together the merchants of
the Egyptian market.
A Competent Guild: the Merchants of the Egyptian Market
Who were the merchants in the Egyptian market? A detailed list
that included all of those who received permission to buy timber,
one of the main exports of Sal nica to Egypt, from the local
authorities proves to be the most complete list. The registration
mentions 37 names of Muslims
- some of whom originated from Izmir, Sofia, Ustrumca and Edirne
- and only six Greek and four Jewish merchants.28 This indicates
that local and foreign Muslims (that is to say Mus lims from other
Ottoman cities) were the overwhelmingly majority of those who
ventured into this branch of commerce. The data allow us to regard
them as a
courtyard and served as a central commercial location for the
coffee trade, see Andre Ray mond, Cairo, trans, by Willard Wood,
Cambridge, Mass, and London, Harvard University Press, 2000, p.
259-261.
26-Sicil29/82, 27 Zilhicce 1129 [1.12.1717]. 27 - See the
following scattered references for commercial partnerships
established between
Egyptian Jews and Jews who dwelled in Balkan port cities or in
the Greek islands: Eliezer Ba
shan, "Economic life from the 16th to the 18th century", in
Jacob M. Landau (ed.), The Jews in Ottoman Egypt (1517-1914),
Jerusalem, Misgav Yerushala m, 1988, p. 83-86 [in Hebrew].
28-S/C/Y71/26, 15 Cemaziyelewel 1161 [15.3.1748].
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WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEAL TH WI
genuine class of Muslim merchants.29 Moreover, it seems that the
smaller number of Christians who imported
Egyptian goods possessed a guild of their own. We found only one
document that clearly refers to the existence of a Christian guild
of merchants who traded
with Egypt: the document includes the list of all heads of
guilds who repre sented the Christian guilds functioning in Sal
nica. The reasons for composing this document were an agreement on
the division of taxes inflicted upon the Christian population of
the city and a nomination of agents who would imple ment the
agreement. Among the various heads of guilds we find the name of
Yakomi veled Yorgaki, the head of the merchants who traded with
Egypt (mistr ciyan kethu'dasi)}0 However, it is interesting to note
that two of the eyewitnesses who testified by their presence to the
validity of the legal process31 were Kayser ili zadeh Haci
Abdurrahman and his brother, both of them eminent members of the
parallel "Muslim" guild of merchants.32 Their signatures may
suggest that the two guilds cooperated to some extent.
The merchants' monopoly was embodied in their exclusive right to
sell the
Egyptian goods in the Egyptian market. They were not the only
people who
imported these goods; Muslim pilgrims represented a resilient
competition. Since the Egyptian ports served as an important
stopover on the pilgrims' route from the Balkans to the holy cities
of the Hejaz, they also took part in the thriv
ing commerce as a means of covering travel costs and even making
a profit.
Thus, for example, Haci Abdi bin Haci Mehmet and the Haci Mehmet
Efendi established an ad-hoc partnership (sirket-i inan) on their
way back from the He
jaz. From their combined fortune of 3,000 gurus, they purchased
in Egypt three
bags (torba) of coffee and ten sacks ( uval) of rice assessed in
1,134 gurus. We know of their commercial venture because their ship
sank near the island of Cy prus; one of the partners drowned while
the other survived. The widow submit ted a claim to recover the
value of the merchandise that the survivor was able to rescue and,
subsequently, to put it up for sale.33
29 - Notwithstanding, there is also evidence in the sicil of the
role of non-Muslims in the
Egyptian trade. Apparently, the non-Muslims were active in the
export of tobacco through Sa
l nica to Egypt. See, for example, sicil 111/4, 15 Cemaziyelahir
1180 [19.10.1766]; 111/21,
25 ewalll80 [26.3.1767]. 30 - Sicil 100/8, 6 Rebiyiilewel 1175
[6.10.1761]. 31 - On the eyewitnesses in Islamic legal procedure,
see Claude Cahen, "A propos des shu
h d", Studia Isl mica, XXXI (1970), p. 71-79.
32 - On Kayserili zadeh Haci Abdurrahman and his brother, Haci
Mehmet Aga, (regularly re
ferred to in the sicil zs "the brother"), see below.
33 - Sicil 33)'85, 26 Cemaziyelahir 1135 [2.4.1723]. However,
some of the pilgrims used to
travel by land to Hejaz. In this case they imported the precious
coffee directly to Sal nica,
without the need to stop in Egypt to buy it. See skill IMG, ?,
Receb 1112 [December 1700
January 1701]. See the following cases in which pilgrims brought
with them goods from Hejaz and Egypt: sicil 5/105, 25 Receb 1112
[2.1.1701]; 7/79, 19 Receb lill [10.1.1700]; 33/85, 26
Cemaziyelahir 1135 [2.4.1723]; 34/43, 8 Cemaziyelewel 1136
[4.2.1724].
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I02 EYAL GINIO
Other potential competitors, who ventured into the Egyptian
trade, came from the ranks of European merchants, though on the
grounds of an edict is sued in reply to a petition submitted by a
merchant from Dubrovnik we can de duce that their claims to pay
reduced customs on the coffee imported from
Egypt were rejected, as such a privilege was granted only on
merchandise brought from Christian countries. As Egypt was
considered to be part of the Muslim re
gions, the edict stipulated, the Christian merchants had to pay
customs like all other merchants.34
However, the Egyptian market was the only place where the
Egyptian goods could be sold. The right to exercise this privilege
was limited to the merchants who owned a shop inside the Egyptian
market and, thus, were part of the guild. When some merchants broke
this regulation and sold the Egyptian merchandise inside the city
walls, the guild's agent summoned them to court and successfully
obtained the authorities' support.35 Attempts by merchants to
collaborate with sailors to exploit the darkness of the night to
smuggle Egyptian products into the city were also heavily
punished.36
As with other guilds, that of the merchants in the Egyptian
market func tioned as an organization that assisted its members in
times of need. Guild
members could benefit from loans, seemingly at lower borrowing
and interest rates, given by the guild through its pious
endowments.37 Moreover, as the lead
ing merchants' guild in Sal nica it could also provide its
members with a sense of pride and accomplishment manifested through
the construction of the guild's Friday mosque.
Manifesting Success, Benevolence and Generosity: the
Establishment of the Guilds Friday Mosque
The coffee trade placed the merchants of the Egyptian market in
a favoured eco nomic position. Its members' prosperity and sense of
being part of a local elite
encouraged them to give to charity and help build religious
institutions. This was an appealing option as financial support of
religious establishments could enhance the merchants' prestige in
the eyes of their fellow towns-people and fos ter feelings of
community among their guild's members. Many of the Egyptian
merchants displayed their piety first of all by acquiring the
title of haci, a desig nation that testified to their fulfilment of
the pilgrimage to the holy cities of the
Hejaz, and also to their ability to devote the financial
resources required to exe cute this duty. This title was widespread
among these prosperous merchants, much more than the Salonican
average: in one case, for example, we have a list
34 - Sicil 59/80, sulh-u Muharrem 1154 [17.4.1741].
35 - Sicil 86/42, ? Cemaziyelewel 1168 [February - March
1755].
36-Sicil 15/106, 8 Rebiy lahir 1118 [19.7.1706]. 37 - See the
following references for endowments established in favour of the
guild of the merchants in the Egyptian market: sicil 5/5, ? Receb
1114 [November-December 1702]; 13/70, 1 Muharrem 1115 [17.5.1703];
58/18, ll Rebiy lahir 1153 [6.6.1740].
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WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEAL TH 103
of 11 merchants who gave a formal declaration in court in
support of a Chris tian captain
- all 11 held the pious title of haci?* As noted, the
construction of a new mosque could only boost the merchants'
social position and dignity. With the merchants' activity
centred in the port area outside the city walls, it is not
surprising to find that they directed much of their
charity to this area. Their contribution to the
religious-cultural arena is well re flected in the construction of
a new Friday mosque that replaced an older and smaller one and in
the foundation of an endowment to support this mosque and enable a
local Quranic school to be run there.
The Ottoman traveller Evliya elebi (1611-1682) mentioned in his
mem oirs that the port of Sal nica had maintained its own mosque,
the 'Abdulrauf
mosque. This religious building had served as the local
religious site and symbol, visited day and night by traders and
sailors who came to petition God for their safe travel.39 This
mosque had only a limited space for the worshippers. In 1762 two
merchants of the Egyptian market, Kayserili zadeh Haci Abdurrahman
Aga and his brother Haci Mehmet Aga, asked, through the local kadi,
for the sultan's
permission to construct a new Friday mosque in the Egyptian
market inside the
port area. The brothers had previously accumulated assets in the
harbour area.40 The second brother, Kayserili zadeh Mehmet Aga, was
clearly a prominent member of the guild as he used to represent the
guild in court and to serve there sometimes as an eyewitness.41 The
merchants explained their request by the ur
gent need to fill a gap in the local community's religious
requirements, as the ex
isting mosque was too small to accommodate all the local
merchants and the travellers who frequented the port area.42 Their
subsequent correspondence with the Sublime Porte discloses an
ongoing negotiation about publicly displaying symbols of authority
and power. Their request reflects the Muslim merchants'
growing self-confidence and competence connected, undoubtedly,
with the pro liferation of coffee consumption.
Their initiative to build a Friday mosque reflects the drama
that unfolds when a new social actor claims existing space.43 It
should be borne in mind that
38 - Sicil4/98, 28 aban 1108 [20.4.1697]. 39 - Evliya elebi,
Evliya elebi Seyahatnamesi, Istanbul, Orhaniye Matbaasi, 1928, vol.
8, p. 152.
40 - See, for example, their purchase of a carpentry workshop
from two local customs clerks:
771/37, 23 Muharrem 1171 [7.10.1757]. 41 - His name appears,
together with the names of the representatives of all 19
Salonican
guilds, the representatives of the villages situated around Sal
nica and the representatives of
the local Christian and Jewish communities, in a declaration
registered in the sicil. They all
declared that they had no demands from the two agents who
represented them before the local
authorities. Sicil7\l\G, 3 Zilkade 1160 [6.11.1747].
42 - Sicil 101/108, evail-i Rebiy lewel 1176 [19-28.9.1762].
43 - See also Gerber's discussion on endowments that were
founded by the public to provide services for the public and were
also run by the public itself, as an example of the autono
mous working of civil society and the public sphere in the
Ottoman Empire . Haim Gerber,
"The public sphere and civil society in the Ottoman empire", in
Miriam Hoexter, Shmuel
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I04 EYAL GINIO
most of the early mosques of Sal nica were originally churches
or monasteries that were transformed into Muslim sanctuaries during
the 15th and 16th centu ries. The conquering sultans, local
governors and other representatives of the central authority
initiated these transformations and were responsible for this
"religious conquest" of Christian sacred sites.44 However, this
mode of establish
ing mosques was over by the 17th century. Sal nica, though
boasting consider able economic and administrative importance, was
devoid of religious or impe rial prestige and thus lacked the huge
building projects financed by the sultans and members of their
households. Local communities took over the initiative in Sal nica
by erecting and maintaining their own sacred places: neighbourhood
mosques and Sufi lodges. This was done, chiefly, by establishing
endowments.45
Coming back to the guild's mosque, the two benevolent brothers
were able to obtain the sultan's formal permission to nominate a
preacher, thus bestowing their 'private' mosque with the status of
a Friday mosque.46 Subsequently, they endowed a few commercial
assets that they jointly owned to support their mosque permanently
and finance its staffs salaries.47 They endowed three big ware
houses, one small warehouse, and 11 shops - all situated inside
the port area.
The founders stipulated that these assets were to be rented to
tenants. The fees received would serve for paying the daily
allowances to the preacher and the
prayer leader in "their" mosque. Another beneficiary was the
children's teacher in the school that the founders had built
adjacent to their mosque. The founders also bestowed allowances
upon those who read Quranic phrases in the mosque and gave the
awaited recompense to the founders' souls.48 They nominated
Eisenstadt and Nehamia Levtzion (eds.), The Public Sphere in
Muslim Societies, Albany, State
University of New York Press, 2002, p. 75-77.
44 - Machiel Kiel, "Notes on the history of some Turkish
monuments in Thessaloniki and their founders", Balkan Studies, XI
(1970), p. 123-148.
45 - The refurbishment of the Kasimiye mosque, known in
Byzantine times as St. Dimitrios, can serve as a pertinent example
of this shift. The religious staff working in the mosque, the
inhabitants of the Kasimiye neighbourhood that surrounded it, and
local notables and people from all over the district asked the
Sublime Porte to approve the mosque's refurbishment.
They noted in their petition that the mosque had once served as
a church and that the late sul tan Bayezid had transformed it into
a mosque by building a pulpit and a mihrab. However,
they noted, the sultan did not found an endowment in favour of
the mosque nor did he nominate an administrator to supervise its
affairs. Consequently, with the passing of time, the
mosque became dilapidated to the extent that it could no longer
serve as a suitable place for
prayer. Therefore, they asked the sultan to accord them the
funds to undertake the necessary renovations. It is interesting to
see the change in attitudes between the 16th century and the 18th:
while, according to the document, the transformation of the church
to a mosque was
initiated and executed by the sultan; in the 18th century, it
was the local community, espe cially the inhabitants of the
Kasimiye neighbourhood, who took upon themselves the task of
maintaining "their" mosque. See sicil, 41/41, evasit-i Receb
1140 [21.2-2.3.1727]. 46 - See the nomination of the first preacher
following the sultan's approval for designating the mosque as a
Friday mosque: sicil 101/109, evail-i Rebiy lewel 1176
[19-28.9.1762].
47 - The endowment deed is fully registered in sicil 102/59, 14
Zilhicce 1176 [26.6.1763]. 48 - This kind of stipulation was
frequently mentioned in endowment deeds issued in Salo
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WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEALTH 105
themselves, and their descendants after them, as the endowment
administrators (miitevveli). They stipulated that in the case that
all of their descendants died
without leaving any progeny behind, the heads of the merchants
in the Egyptian market's guild would serve as administrators. They
further stipulated that all the merchants in the Egyptian market
would serve as supervisors (naztr) of the en dowment's accounts.
Thus, they were able permanently to connect the mosque with the
guild. Finally, the founders allocated a regular allowance to
students who learned in the medrese situated in the Aya Sofya
mosque in central Sal nica. This last allocation demonstrates that
the merchants in the Egyptian market widened the scope of their
charity outside the port area boundaries.49 The mer chants' high
status is demonstrated by the long list of local religious and
admin istrative dignitaries who served as eyewitnesses to the legal
process.
The construction of a mosque and a school and the founding of an
endow ment enabled them to hope for a better future in the
hereafter; it could also en hance their social prominence and
provide them with the means to manifest wealth, piety and
generosity in a suitable manner. The construction of a Friday
mosque that was connected to the guild of the merchants in the
Egyptian mar ket must have been the zenith and the reflection of
these merchants' achieve ments.
Conclusion
Svoronos relied mostly on European sources to portray Salonican
trade. This re
liance proves to be fruitful and sufficient with regard to the
expansion of the Greek element in the European commerce. However,
one must remember that
the European sources concentrated mainly on the commercial
branches that in terested them. Consequently, they present only
part of the historical reality. The sicil discloses the narrative
of the local administration. Its files clearly demon strate that
the local authorities regarded the trade with Egypt as the most
impor tant branch of commerce, due to the commodities this commerce
provided for Sal nica - basic staples, such as coffee and rice that
were regarded as essential for the local population. Muslim
merchants were those who particularly, but not
exclusively, embarked upon this trade. The sicil demonstrates
their wealth and the range of their commercial networks, which
involved partnerships and com
mercial links and stretched from the interior of the Balkans to
the Egyptian coast and beyond.
These documents reveal, as well, the role played by these
merchants in the
city's administrative and religious activities. They were among
those who repre sented the local population before the local
authorities, as part of the guild sys tem; their leaders
demonstrated their benevolence and generosity through erect
ing religious and charitable establishments in the port area, as
well as in the city centre.
nica. See my article, "
Every soul shall taste death -
dealing with death and the afterlife in
eighteenth-century Sal nica", Studio, Isl mica, XCIII (2001), p.
113-132.
49 - Sicil 102/59, 14 Zilhicce 1176 [26.6.1763].
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io6 EYAL GINIO
This description reveals the emergence of a merchants' guild
imbued with self-confidence and a sense of success. However, their
fall was imminent. The
competition caused by the import of colonial products through
French harbours offered the Ottoman consumer a cheaper option, even
though the quality was not necessarily superior. This new
competition, and especially the inability of the Egyptian commerce
to compete with the cheap cost of colonial products, caused the
prompt decline of Egyptian commerce all over the Ottoman state.50
The import of colonial goods sustained impressive growth by the
mid-18th cen
tury. This development turned the Ottoman empire from a major
coffee ex
porter to an importer of this product.51 The Salonican merchants
must have been affected too by this influx of cheap coffee. Indeed,
several references from the sicil that appear already from the late
1730s indicate that coffee was im
ported also from Europe, most likely from the West Indies
through Marseilles.52 As the 18th century came to a close this
trend must have intensified for financial considerations if no
other. We do have a few later references to Salonican mer chants
who often visited Egypt, but in search of commodities other than
coffee. A business letter from the Cairo Geniza mentions the name
of Abraham Ginio, a Jewish merchant from Sal nica who was involved
in drapery transactions be tween Sal nica and Egypt.53 Greek
migrants arrived in Egypt through the 19th
century seeking opportunities offered by the growing European
presence in
Egypt. The Macedonian tobacco that continued to lure Egyptian
consumers en sured the continuation of commercial activity along
the maritime route between
Macedonia (Sal nica, but especially Kavala) and Egypt in those
years.54 Yemeni coffee, previously the major staple of the Egyptian
trade, by now
had disappeared from Salonican markets.55 The importance of the
merchants'
guild of the Egyptian market diminished as well. Only a few
remnants of their achievements survived into the 20th century: the
guild's mosque stood near the harbour gate until 1917, when it was
destroyed during the great fire that devas tated much of the city.
Its founders' attempt to gain eternal memory was even
50 - Andr Raymond, "L'impact de la p n tration europ en sur l'
conomie de l'Egypte au
XVIIIe si cle", Annales islamologiques, XVIII (1982), p.
217-235.
51 - Edhem Eldem, French Trade in Istanbul in the Eighteenth
Century, Leiden, Brill, 1999, p. 68-89. See also Svoronos, Ie
commerce de Salonique, p. 232-233.
52 - See the following petition in which the petitioners claim
to have the exclusive right to
collect, as tax farmers, the customs on coffee that arrives from
Egypt and Europe (Efrenc): sicil
55/53, 29 Zilkade 1150 [20.3.1738]. 53 - Alisa Meyuhas-Ginio,
"The Ginios of Salonika and wine production in Jerusalem", in
Elliott Horowitz and Moises Orfali (eds.), The Mediterranean and
The Jews: Society, Culture and Economy in Early Modern Times,
Ramat-Gan, Bar-Ilan University Press, 2002, p. 166.
54 - Meropi Anastassiadou, Salonique, 1830-1912. Une ville
ottomane l' ge des R formes, Leiden, Brill, 1997, p. 101-102.
55 - Coffee, however, continued to be served in the coffeehouses
of Ottoman Sal nica. See
Meropi Anastassiadou, "Les caf s Salonique sous les derniers
Ottomans", in H l ne Desmet Gr goire and Fran ois Georgeon (eds.),
Caf s d'Orient revisit s, Paris, CNRS Editions, 1997,
p. 79-90.
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WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEAL TH 107
less successful. Dimitriadis mentions in his book on Ottoman Sal
nica that the
mosque was still known in the official records of 1906 as the
endowment of
Kayseriii Hacci Abdurrahman Efendi and Abd rrahim Efendi [sic !]
. However, he continues, it is not known who they were or when they
lived.56 There is also evidence that the character of the wealthy
Muslim merchant from Egypt sur
vived, for example, in the popular Ottoman shadow plays (Karag
z) and their Greek local variant - the Karagiozis theatre.57 In Sal
nica today a small alley that bears the name "Egyptou Street" is
all that remains of the once-thriving Egyptian market.58
56 - Vasilis Dimitriadis, Tonoypa ia rrj eoacdoviKn Kara rrjv
Eno/n rn TovpKOKpatia 1430-1912 [Topography of Sal nica during the
Turkish Rule], Thessaloniki, Etaireia Make
donien Spoudon, 1983, p. 330-331.
57 - See, for example, the character of Mouhtar Bey, a wealthy
Egyptian merchant who fasci
nates everyone with his wealth and lavish habits. His character
dominates the comic play
"Karagiozis Baker'. Kostas Myrsiades and Linda Myrsiades,
Karagiozis: Three Classic Plays, New York, Pella, 1999, p.
25-99.
58 - For a short description of this alley and its glamorous
past, see Christos Zafiris, The Thes
saloniki Handbook, Athens, Exanadas, 1997, p. 162.
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Article Contentsp. [93]p. 94p. 95p. 96p. 97p. 98p. 99p. 100p.
101p. 102p. 103p. 104p. 105p. 106p. 107
Issue Table of ContentsOriente Moderno, Vol. 25 (86), No. 1
(2006) pp. I-IV, 1-200Front MatterEDITORS' PREFACE [pp.
I-IV]VILLAGERS IN INTERNATIONAL TRADE: THE CASE OF CHERVENA VODA,
SEVENTEENTH TO THE BEGINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES [pp.
1-20]THE INFLUENCE OF THE MARKET ON THE URBAN AGRARIAN SPACE: THE
CASE OF THE TOWN OF ARCADIA IN 1716 [pp. 21-49]COMMERCE AND
MERCHANTS UNDER AMR BAR II: FROM MARKET TOWN TO COMMERCIAL CENTRE
[pp. 51-63]BUILDING ALLIANCES: A CHRISTIAN MERCHANT IN
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY KARAFERYE [pp. 65-75]THE COMMERCIAL PRACTICES
AND PROTOINDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES OF HACI HRISTO RACHKOV, A BULGARIAN
TRADER AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH TO THE BEGINNING OF THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY [pp. 77-91]WHEN COFFEE BROUGHT ABOUT WEALTH AND
PRESTIGE: THE IMPACT OF EGYPTIAN TRADE ON SALONICA [pp.
93-107]MARKET NETWORKS AND OTTOMAN-EUROPEAN COMMERCE, C. 1700-1825
[pp. 109-128]OTTOMAN GREEKS IN THE DUTCH LEVANT TRADE: COLLECTIVE
STRATEGY AND INDIVIDUAL PRACTICE (C. 1750-1821) [pp. 129-147]SLAVE
HUNTING AND SLAVE REDEMPTION AS A BUSINESS ENTERPRISE: THE NORTHERN
BLACK SEA REGION IN THE SIXTEENTH TO SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES [pp.
149-159]THE OTTOMANS AND THE YEMENI COFFEE TRADE [pp.
161-171]OTTOMANS AND THE INDIA TRADE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY: SOME
NEW DATA AND RECONSIDERATIONS [pp. 173-179]HAMZA EFEND'S TREATISE
ON BUYING AND SELLING OF 1678 [pp. 181-186]LAW AND TRADE IN THE
EARLY FIFTEENTH-CENTURY THE CASE OF CAGI SATI OGLU [pp.
187-191]PUBLIC GOOD AND PRIVATE EXPLOITATION: CRITICISM OF THE
TOBACCO RGIE IN 1909 [pp. 193-200]Back Matter