Geopolitics

December 2012(1)www.geopolitics.in

should india send troops to afghanistan?

Vol III, Issue X, MARCH 2013 `100

India is systematically developing varieties of missiles to sharpen its strategic deterrence

COMING OF AGE

Enhancing Navy’s Air Defence

Women warriors in combat zones

March 2013(4)www.geopolitics.in

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Unlike thier counter parts abroad, women officers gear-ing up for the front line combat is still a big question for the Indian Armed Forces.

PERSPECTIVE (P14)

All set for front-line

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By 2020, the Indian Navy will become a Three-Battle Carrier Group force, enabling the country to be a signifi-cant player in the Indian Ocean

Protection at the sea

SPECIAL REPORT (P10)

As the High Altitude Long Endurance (HALE) aircraft will be the future of reconnaissance, Northrop Grumman talks about the exciting possibilities offered in today’s environment

Textron India is driving their vast portfolio of products across the Indian Defence Forces as it is looking for joint ventures both in public and private sector in India

Rafael is all set to fulfill the Indian defence forces’ needs and aims at a long term part-nership with the Indian indus-tries for the years to come

DefBiz (P28) DefBiz (P32)DefBiz (P24)HEIGHTs OF INNOvATION READy FOR CO-OpERATION HI-TECH CApABILITy

Changing StrategieS

India is systematically developing a num-ber of missiles that will have air, ship and submarine-launched variants in addition

to the ground-launched variant which will sharpen India’s strategic deterrence

Cover Story(P46)

CONTENTS


exPloring oPPortunities (P39)Flir is pushing itself in the Indian market as never before. The company talks about business in India and the future prospects

AeriAl fleet for MHA (P60)As the Naxal threat spreads and intensify, the Ministry of Home Affairs is jostling hard to have its own mini Air Force

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for NEwsEyE MEDIA pvT. LTD.All information in GEOpOLITICs is derived from sources we consider reliable. It is passed on to our readers without any responsibility on our part. Opinions/views expressed by third parties in abstract or in interviews are not necessarily shared by us. Material appearing in the magazine cannot be reproduced in whole or in part(s) without prior permission. The publisher assumes no responsibility for material lost or damaged in transit. The publisher reserves the right to refuse, withdraw or otherwise deal with all advertisements without explanation. All advertisements must comply with the Indian Advertisements Code. The publisher will not be liable for any loss caused by any delay in publication, error or failure of advertisement to appear. Owned and published by K srinivasan, 4C pocket-Iv, Mayur vihar, phase-I, Delhi-91 and printed by him at Nutech photolithographers, B-240, Okhla Industrial Area, phase-I, New Delhi-110020.Readers are welcome to send their feedback at [email protected]

Cover Design: Artworks

The total number of pagesin this issue is 80+4

Editor-in-ChiefK SRINIVASAN

EditorPRAKASH NANDAManaging EditorTIRTHANKAR GHOSH

Consulting EditorSAURAV JHA

CorrespondentsDOmINIc BISwAS, TRISHIT RAI

Chief VisualiserAJAY NEGIDesigners mOHIT KANSAl, mODASSAR NEHAl, NAGENDRA DUBEY

Director (Corporate Affairs)RAJIV SINGH

Director (Marketing)RAKESH GERA

Staff Photographer HEmANT RAwAT

Design ConsultantARTwORKS

Photo EditorH c TIwARI

flir

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reviving tHe insurgency (P56)The sikh diaspora in Britain, Germany, Canada and the Us is now very active in reviv-ing the Khalistan separatist movement in punjab

vviP security synDroMe (P62)High numbers of security personnel involved in pro-tecting the vvIp make the Indian citizen vulnerable and lead to public disorder

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Form IV (See Rule 8)geopolItIcS

1. Place of Publication : New Delhi2. Periodicity of Publication : Monthly3. Printer’s Name : K. Srinivasan Whether Citizen of India? : Yes (If foreigner, state the : Not Applicable country of origin) Address : 4C Pocket-IV, Mayur Vihar, Phase-I, Delhi-1100914. Publisher’s Name : K. Srinivasan Whether Citizen of India? : Yes (If foreigner, state the : Not Applicable country of origin) Address : 4C Pocket-IV, Mayur Vihar, Phase-I, Delhi-1100915. Editor’s Name : K. Srinivasan Whether Citizen of India? : Yes (If foreigner, state the : Not Applicable country of origin) Address : 4C Pocket- IV, Mayur Vihar, Phase-I, Delhi-110091

6. Name, Address of : 1. Renu Mittal 2. K. Srinivasan 4C Pocket-IV, Mayur Vihar, Phase-I, Delhi-91

I, K. Srinivasan, hereby declare that the particulars given are true to the best of my knowledge and belief.

Date: 1st March, 2013 Sd/- K. Srinivasan Publisher

individuals who own the newspaper and the partners or shareholders holding more than one per cent of the total capital

iS india ready? As an aspiring though reluctant regional power, is India ready to overcome its fear of overseas military interventions and send its troops to Afghanistan?

FOCUS (P76)

DIPLOMACY (P72)Maldivian dileMMa

The Maldives now pres-ents a complex challenge for India’s diplomacy and

needs deft handling as India has been committing one blunder after another

in its approach towards the island nation

letters to editor


LETTERS

The cover story, Expanding the Wings (GEOPOLITICS, February 2013) about the Indian Air Force (IAF) and an assess-ment of its future scenario was well cov-ered. The story has depicted an accurate picture of the IAF and India’s other armed forces. India, which was ranked ninth in terms of defence budget in 2011, has in-deed done a remarkable job in this regard.

As the article mentioned, the IAF is definitely an important force in the south Asian skies. Also, with its force multipli-er assets and joint exercises with friend-ly powers of the West and Asia, it can surely further enhance its range, deploy-ment and combat capabilities to tackle China on the eastern front and Pakistan on the western front. The IAF of the past had greater limitations and was dominat-ed by Soviet aircraft but now the gap has to be filled in and we can see US and West-ern countries taking an interest in the In-dian defence sector and by investing heavily. The present professional compe-tence of the IAF, however, is unquestion-able and I strongly believe that the Indian Armed Forces will achieve great heights in leaving their adversaries far behind.

Ram Swaroop, Delhi

The Aerospace Command story, Time for Aerospace Command in India (GEOPOLITICS, February 2013) was in-teresting story to read as it discussed the latest developments in the sector around the world, especially the fact that western countries are moving completely away from the definition of weaponisation and militarisation in space and are focussing instead on a code of conduct for space se-

curity that will tie down the hands of de-veloping countries in terms of the nucle-ar non-proliferation. I would like to thank Geopolitics for coming up with such arti-cles which provide valuable information related to defence and security. Keep up the good work!

Prasenjit Sengupta, Mumbai

Kudos for the in-depth story, Gearing up for the Future, (GEOPOLITICS, February 2013). New acquisitions by the Indian Air Force will provide an unprecedented strategic capability and military trans-port aircraft like the C-130J and the C 17 Globe Master-III will boost the strategic airlift potential of the IAF in the event of a national crisis, especially to serve In-

February 2013(9)www.geopolitics.inFebruary 2013(8)www.geopolitics.in

ing budget and a shrinking market.Let us now face the ground realities.

Today, the Indian Air Force is definitely an important force in the South Asian sky. Also, with its force multiplier assets and joint exercise with friendly fliers of the West and Asia, it can surely further

With one and a half de-cades into 21st century and the completion of 80 years since its establish-ment, it is time for a re-

appraisal of the Indian Air Force (IAF) and an assessment of the future scenario. This

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WILL WE, WON’T WE? The F-35, a single-engine, single-seat stealth aircraft is being pushed — like some many others — by the US suppliers through the US Senate Armed Services Committee that has asked the US Defence establishment to review the “desir-ability and feasiblility” of selling the aircraft to India. The Americans lost the MMRCA deal to the French, but they continue to puruse the F-35 in the hope that it will happen sometime in the future

enhance its range, deployment, deploy-ability and combat capability in times of turbulence.

However, there still appears an in-creased hiatus between operation plan-ning and combat flying and that needs to be addressed urgently. Times have changed and are changing fast. Back in 1971, the Indian Air Force was a compact tactical limited war platform giving close air support to its advancing, or holding ground forces from the forward edge of the battle area or to establish local air su-periority. With comparatively restricted combat radius and low payload, the num-ber and variety of missions too could be counted upon owing to preponderance of limited-terrain action.

The Indian Air Force of the past had further limitations: on night sorties; air-borne early warning; electronic warfare; aerial refuelling and strategic high altitude reconnaissance; intensive bombing capa-bility. It was not that the essentially Soviet planes that they had were of poor quality, but that they were not the best in capabil-ity. The Soviet Union retained the capabil-ity for its own air force and did not share it fully with India. In other words, though the Soviet-made aircraft MiG, Antonov, Ilyushin, Tupolev and Mil and Kamov ro-torcraft used by the IAF was of high qual-ity, it was much greater in quantity owing to somewhat unusual induction-attrition ratio and the paucity of multi-mission platforms.

Understandably, the multi-mission gap had to be filled, at least partially, by the induction of Anglo-French Jaguar, a deep penetration strike aircraft, in the 1970s and French Mirage-2000 multirole fighters in 1980s. However, India’s mod-ernisation and technology upgrade con-tinued to face serious challenges owing to post-Soviet era chaos in the defence mar-ket and a lack of matching skills in indig-enous technology research, development and upgrade. Consequently, the IAF could not come out of its dependence on expen-sive platforms of foreign vendors and the equally high price on subsequent technol-ogy transfer thereby compelling it to slip under the mercy of overseas manufactur-ers. The tradition has continued notwith-standing the extension and entry of the air force into the arena of strike/interdiction and achievement of strategic capability, including nuclear capability at present.

The present professional competence of IAF, however, is unquestionable. Known for being tech savvy, ability to adapt

quickly and ingenious in engineering at remote bases, its fault lines, however, con-tinue to exist in pilot training for being accident-prone sorties and depleting fleet strength and deployment ability. The lat-est instance of such a problem has been hinted by the Defence Minister in the floor of the Parliament in December 2012 when he disclosed that the IAF is facing a setback in its training regime as 16 of its 66 BAE Systems Hawk Mark 132 advanced jet trainer (AJT) aircraft are grounded owing to a lack of spares.

The stark reality emerges from the fact that with the exception of the Sukhois, the entire fighter fleet of the IAF has aged and it operates 700 plus combat capable aircraft, down from 850 in 2006. Naturally, as things stand today, it would be a Her-culean task for the IAF to curb and reduce the rate of serious attrition in the foresee-able future. Thus between 1990 and 2003, Indian Air Force lost over 100 pilots and 273 fighters, which is equivalent to nearly 19 squadrons, in flying accidents.

Material problem aside, IAF’s en-hanced power projection and overseas visibility came to the fore in 1993-1994 when for the first time helicopters were deployed to UN mission in Somalia, to Sierra Leone in 2000 and Congo in 2003. Further deployment of men and material to Malaysia and Tajikistan speaks volumes about the increasing importance and ac-ceptability of the IAF in regional and world security system. With more than 45 air force stations spread across the length and breadth of the country, IAF’s operational doctrine has adopted an ‘offensive-defen-sive’ role which, by implication, suggests expertise in both pre-emptive action and swift and quick retaliation.

It would be in order to touch upon the roles, India’s neighbours, China and Paki-stan, are playing vis-à-vis India. China’s is a clear goal, to organize and prepare for all weather, offensive operations within the context of a joint-forces campaign. The idea is to challenge the USA, the sole ‘super power’ of the world. However, China got a severe jolt in the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989 which effectively barred the flow of all technical knowhow, technology and skill into China. Overnight China’s import from the west went for a tailspin thereby compelling Beijing to look out for aggres-sive acquisition from Moscow and equally urgent need to go for indigenous produc-tion. With three main challenging subjects of Taiwan, Japan and the USA in its eastern

EXPANDING THE WI NGS

Indian Air Force, the world’s fourth largest air force, has just completed 80 glorious years. But how sound is it? AbhIjIT bhATTAchAryyA answers

is especially because the world economy is going through a slump which in turn seems to be affecting virtually all big bud-get, big ticket and big operators of combat aviation. In 2011, India’s `1,99,480 crore defence budget ranked her ninth amongst top ten nations with the USA being at the

top and Brazil taking the tenth slot in the list. Evidently, India today is an important and valued defence market player. But, the question remains how big or effective the Indian Air Force is and what enhanced role it could play in future which appears not-too-bright as yet owing to a diminish-

February 2013(13)www.geopolitics.inFebruary 2013(12)www.geopolitics.in

all other air forces, is the most affected component of military power with regard to space capabilities. It is natural, there-fore, that the IAF had taken the initiative to set up a Space Application Directorate at Air Headquarters (HQ) as early as 1981. In those years, the only space capabil-ity that was sanctioned for the IAF was satellite-based communication for one mobile Tactical Air Centre attached to the army’s Strike Corps. Ironically, when in the 1990s, the bipartisan political Stand-ing Committee was arguing for setting up an Aerospace Command in IAF, the Space Application Centre in Air HQ was dissolved.

On the other hand, our space pro-

Time for AerospAce commAnd in indiAWith the Western powers moving completely away from any definition of weaponisation and militarisation in space and focussing, instead, on a ‘code of conduct for space security that will tie down the hands of developing coun-tries with a restrictive regime like the nuclear non-proliferation regime, India must move faster in establishing an Aerospace Command in the IAF and make it functional as early as possible, argues JasJit singh

India, especially as it emerges as the third major power in material terms as per the US National Intelligence Council’s latest report, is unique, al-beit in a negative sense, when com-

pared to countries even lower on the pow-er equation in the world. It stands mired in its past poverty and short-sightedness in being without an aerospace command to plan, manage and operationally apply space assets for its defence. Conventional wisdom of Indian elites would have us be-lieve that political leaders do not under-stand such things and have ignored India’s defence preparedness. But in this particu-lar aspect (and many more), it was the bi-partisan political leaders (all members of

both houses of the Standing Committee on Defence) that unanimously started ar-guing strongly, citing the example of the 1991 Gulf War, that by mid-1990s that the Government must establish an aerospace command on priority to ensure we can exploit space for national defence and security.

In fact, the actual recommendation was to establish, as in other countries, an Aerospace Command in the Indian Air Force (IAF). But nothing concrete hap-pened. In the following years, it was the executive, essentially the Ministry of De-fence (MoD), which kept reporting at the level of the Defence Secretary to the sub-sequent committees that the matter was

being given serious consideration. Only when the Indian Air Force proposed es-tablishing an aerospace command after we entered the 21st century that the deci-sion-makers suddenly sought a tri-service aerospace command under the mantra of ‘jointness’. While some rationality is re-portedly emerging, it appears that we still do not have any institution and organisa-tion to start building operational capabili-ties to use the outer space for national de-fence and security. And this is despite the fact that India has one of the best space programmes for peaceful purposes which do include weather forecasting and com-munication.

It is the Indian Air Force, which, like

gramme for peaceful purposes under the Space Commission and managed by ISRO (Indian Space Research Organisation) has successfully achieved capabilities equiva-lent to the very best in the world although the size has remained modest. On the eve of the 21st century, the US expectedly led the world with a space budget of 64.3 per cent of global share in civil sector (India’s share was 2 per cent; Europe accounted for 19 per cent, Japan 9.2 per cent and Russia 2.1 per cent). In the military sec-tor, the US accounted for 94.8 per cent, Europe 3.9 per cent, Russia 1 per cent and India had zero per cent of the Global Gov-ernment Space Budget.

China, which, like other countries,

began with a military space programme, could overtake our civilian programme only in the 1990s. As our civilian space programme began to achieve notable advances and successes, its insulation from the defence establishment became even more marked. China has advanced so far that it also changed its military doctrine to win local-border wars with high-technology ‘informatisation’ rely-ing increasingly on space-based capa-bilities. It demonstrated its ability for a space offensive by destroying its obsolete satellite at 850-km altitude by a ground-based missile interceptor in January 2007. In the following year, the US, which had acquired the capability in the early 1980s (like the USSR) tested another system for Anti-Satellite (ASAT) weapons which are designed to incapacitate or destroy satel-lites for strategic military purpose. Now only the US, Russia and China have the ASAT capabilities. Among China’s other capabilities, this alone would have a ma-jor adverse impact on Indian nuclear de-terrence strategy, and conventional war-fighting. Incidentally, China as part of its strategic nexus with Pakistan, has made and launched at least two reconnaissance satellites for Pakistan, besides the earth station at Karachi to control and manage them. Western experts have assessed that China would not have to rely on imported satellite images (as we do) for military purpose after 2014.

Obviously, it makes little sense to have a modern air force without space assets to support it. This raises two important questions: why are space assets required for defence; and why an aerospace com-mand is important? As for the first, the ba-sic reality that needs to be first grasped is that air (atmosphere in other words) and space (where there is no air at all) are both a continuum of the same medium: the vertical medium. As we keep going high-er, only the characteristics of the medium change (even within the atmosphere where density of air keep changing) with altitude and not its basic form and intrin-sic quality. This reality bestows upon air power and space (in other words, aero-space) the unique quality that it can influ-ence and control the surface forces by it-self and its own resources and capabilities and systems, but the reverse is not true. In other words, surface forces cannot influ-ence and control aerospace power except possibly in very limited terminal defenc-es. The vertical medium bestows upon aerospace a unique strategic capability

MissiOn REaDY: North American Defence Aerospace Command (NORAD) provides aerospace warning, air sovereignty, and defence for Canada and the United States. NORAD is headquartered at Colorado

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The Indian Air Force (IAF) has now entered its 80th year of ex-istence. During its glorious his-tory, the transport and helicop-ter fleets of the IAF have served

the nation with distinction, both in times of peace and war. Transport aircraft are typically used to deliver troops, weapons, supplies and other military equipment to the IAF field of operations. However, on four different occasions, the transport fleet of the IAF has been employed aggres-sively, each time playing a crucial role in furthering national security interests. Air transport operations are crucial compo-nent of the combat support air operations which also include Air-to-Air Refuelling

GearinG up for the futureNew acquisitions of four-engine turboprop C130J Super Hercules aircraft and C17 Globemaster III aircraft, along with the Indo-Russian Multiple Transport Aircraft Project, will give the Indian Air Force unprecedented strategic airlift capability, writes J V Singh

two categories of airlift: strategic airlift for the carriage of passengers or cargo be-tween theatres (inter-theatre) or to any place within the area of interest and tac-tical airlift — the carriage of passengers and cargo within a theatre (intra-theatre).

The airlift task is undertaken by the transport and helicopter feets of the IAF. The transport feet maintains a capabil-ity for both strategic and tactical airlift. The fxed-wing aircraft enjoy higher tran-sit speeds, carry heavier loads, are more reliable and are far cheaper to operate. On the other hand, helicopters have the capability to land anywhere and troops and equipment can be delivered direct into action, thereby saving the need for ground lines of communication from air-fields. Because of their greater ability to utilise terrain masking, they are also more survivable in the combat zone. Thus, both fixed wing and rotary wing aircraft are invariably needed in the overall air trans-port force mix.

Proud recordAccording to ‘History of the IAF’, the of-ficial website, webmaster IAF, the first RIAF transport unit, No. 12 squadron was established in the year 1946. It received C-47 Dakotas in Panagarh by late 1946. In January 1950, India became a Repub-lic and the IAF dropped its prefix ‘Royal’. This lone squadron was expanded with induction of more Dakotas following in-dependence. Aircraft like the C-119 Pack-et, the Caribou, the Otter, the An-12, the HS-748, etc. were acquired over the years

to form the backbone of the air-lift forces. A second transport squadron, No. 11, had been formed on C-47 Dakotas in Septem-ber 1951. Eighty C-119G Fairchild Packet aircraft were inducted during the period 1954 to early 1963 under US emergency military assistance. These propeller driv-en twin-engine piston aircraft served the IAF with distinction till Jul 1985, for more than 30 years. As an unpressurised air-craft, it was designed to fly below 18,000 feet. However, the Indian Air Force added a jet pack — Gnat’s Orpheus J-34 engine on the top of its fuselage to take it up to 24,000 feet to drop supplies to troops fac-ing Chinese incursions.

The Packets operated regularly to Leh, Thoise, Kargil and Fukche. All the airfields were beyond 11,000 feet elevation. The IAF created history by landing it at Daulat Beg Oldi (DBO), an airstrip located be-yond 16,000 feet elevation. However, the 1960s revealed a serious security concern for India. Frequent clashes with China and finally an unprovoked attack on In-dia’s sovereignty in October 1962 neces-sitated a quick and timely build-up of the air force.

Transport aircraft and logistics be-came a hallmark for the IAF following the Indian debacle in the face of Chinese aggression. Soviet built An-12 and IL-14 were inducted during the period March 1961 to July 1963. Two new operational squadrons namely No. 44 and No. 25 were formed and based at Chandigarh. The An-12 aircraft also had its limitations as it was partially pressurised besides limitation in navigational aids. Nonetheless, it played a remarkable role in Air Transport, Air maintenance and Maritime Reconnais-sance roles. The aircraft was deployed on both the Western and Eastern sectors, and played a crucial role in turning the fate of the War in India’s favour. The most re-markable achievement of the An-12 fleet was its modification to a ‘Bombing Role’ just before the 1971 Bangladesh War: a true testimony to ‘innovative spirit’ of the IAF.

In the mid-1970s, however, the IAF’s transport fleet had shown signs of a dwin-dling force. It was only during the early 1980s that a final decision was taken to completely replace the ageing Dakota and Packet fleets with An-32 aircraft. By this time the An-12 fleet was also showing signs of fatigue and inadequate mainte-nance support. The Soviet IL-76 MD was

(AAR), Surveillance and Reconnaissance, Airborne Early Warning (AEW), Electronic Warfare (EW) and Search and Rescue (SAR).

Historically, the transport elements of the IAF have been critical in executing all operations since its inception in October 1932 including the Burma Campaign in the 1940s during WWII, Kashmir War of 1947-48, 1962 War with China, 1965 and 1971 Wars with Pakistan, IPKF operations in Sri Lanka, Maldives in 1988 and the Kargil Operations in 1999. They have also been crucial in disaster relief operations besides large scale evacuation of our citi-zens in times of crises.

C-47 DakotaS

Role anD FunCtionDesigned to carry cargo, personnel, pa-tients and mechanised equipment as well as drop cargo and troops by parachute.The procurement of 26 Fairchild C-119G Packets from the United States for the second transport squardron No. 11 ush-ered in significant upgradation of the IAF’s logistic support capacity. The aircraft reached India by the end of 1954. It be-came the major airlifter for the IAF and were subsequently issued to the No. 12 Squadron, which employed the aircraft along with the C-47s.

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air transported operationsAir transported operations are defined as those operations that involve the movement by air of personnel and cargo through fixed wing or rotary aircraft with-in and between theatres of operations. Air transported operations for the IAF can be categorised into four major roles: air-borne operations which include airborne assault, air landed operations and special heliborne operations, air maintenance operations and scheduled services and casualty evacuation. There are essentially

found to be the most suitable aircraft. It could carry 48 tonnes of payload, or one T-72 tank weighing 42 tonnes comfort-ably. Its four engines gave the aircraft some multipurpose capability, including operating on an unpaved surface. It was an aircraft that could operate without any ground support system. It was suitable for quick induction of troops in battle zones or disturbed areas. A full complement of 225 troops could be landed and deployed in a matter of three minutes with no has-sles. The induction of An-32 during early 1984 and IL-76 MD aircraft during 1985 added a new dimension to air power in the Indian subcontinent. IAF deployed

Role anD FunCtionUsed for the transport of troops, cargo and wounded. It was the first transport aircraft to be inducted by the IAF in 1946 in Panagarh for the No.12 Squadron which had first been raised on Spitfires at Kohat in December 1945. The aircraft was one of the principal components of the RIAF at the time of the Partition of India.

Role anD FunCtionTwin-engine turboprop military transport aircraft designed to withstand adverse weather conditions The An-32 is designed to withstand ad-verse weather conditions better than the standard An-26. The high placement of the engine nacelles above the wing al-lowed for a larger diameter propeller, which is driven by 5,100 hp rated AI-20 turboprop engines, almost twice the pow-er of the An-26’s AI-24 powerplants.

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C130J SuPeR heRCuleS Role anD FunCtionFour-engine turboprop military transport aircraft. It is considered the most Ad-vanced Medium STOL Transport aircraft. The Indian Air Force purchased six C-130J-30s in early 2008 for its special operations forces in a package deal with the US government under its Foreign Military Sales (FMS) programme. In July 2012, the US accepted India’s request for sale of six more C-130Js through the same programme.

dia’s national security interests. For com-bat support, air transport is very crucial as it supplies the essential military per-sonnel and equipments at the right time.

The new acquisitions, as we have learnt, hold tremendous benefits and can give us the edge over our adversar-ies. However, what we need to figure out is how to get the best out of this technol-ogy for our military establishment.

Rani Malhotra, Chandigarh

Apropos the story, Dew for a Knock-out Punch, the idea is totally agreeable. In the present scenario it is necessary for the Indian Defence forces to take up the research where as in the enemy can be neutralise without causing collater-al damages and it should be one of the top priorities. The idea and technique behind Directed Energy Weapons should be well dealt and procured.

I liked the message which your team tried to convey to the general public re-garding DEW.

Vidhi Sharma, Lucknow


Battling the enemy: OSA AK-M surface to air missile is launched during the Air Force exercise at Pokharan

In a breathtaking demonstration of fire pow-er over three days, the Indian Air Force (IAF) aircraft, in an exercise code named ‘Iron

Fist’, blasted away targets during day, dusk and night over the Thar desert.

The exercise began in the presence of Presi-dent Pranab Mukherjee and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on February 22. Its principal feature, according to IAF Chief NAK Browne, was the execution of seamless network-centric operations.

Comprising three phases in which 230 fighter and transport aircraft and helicopters participated with equal number of aircrafts be-ing on standby, the event showcased more than 30 types of platforms and Weapons Systems.

Frontline fighter aircraft that were on dis-play included the Sukhoi 30, Mirage 2000, Jaguar, MiG-27, MiG-21, MiG-29 and the in-digenous Tejas. Besides, there were transport aircraft like An-32, Embraer, IL-76, IL-78 and C-130J, attack helicopters such as Mi-17V5, Mi-25, Mi-35, UAV and high-tech AWACS to show their skills.

The exercise also showcased the IAF’s lat-est acquisition Pilatus PC-7 Mk II basic trainer aircraft and Bambi Bucket Operations by Mi-17 V5 helicopter.

Iron fIst

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Precision Firing: The MiG-27 releases missiles for intended targets during the Iron Fist exercise

lighting uP the sky: The Indian Air Force’s Su-30 displays counter-measures during night exercises at the event

Destructive Power: Weapons explode on impact during the IAF exercise

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By 2020, the Indian Navy plans to become a three Battle Carrier Group force that will enable the country to implement its maritime military strategy and become a significant player in the Indian Ocean, writes Sunil Chauhan

Air defence at sea, unlike sub-marine and surface warfare that pre-dominate the under-water and surface water world, is characteristically most dif-

ficult, most obscure and of course a very expensive business. It calls for a wide range of technologies and also consider-able tactical skill along with preparedness and commitment. Navies have struggled to find counters and solutions to the di-verse threats posed by precepts, princi-ples and tactics, denial, layered defence et

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al. The battle for the Philippine Sea with its crushing victory for carrier-based air defence in the face of heavy air attack was the most important punctuation in the consciousness of world navies in general.

Modern technology offers a variety of assets for air defence at sea, such as active and passive sensors from airborne and ship borne platforms for early warning of approach of aircraft or anti-ship mis-siles at great ranges. Systems are avail-able to track both manned aircraft and missile targets by radar, and close in, by

optical and both active and passive infra-red means. Weapons can be deployed by air defence aircraft and by ships, the lat-ter in area or point defence modes, with guidance and homing devices in the same spectra that are used in tracking. Finally confusion, seduction or diversion of the threat may be carried out by electromag-netic or physical means.

However, these assets cost money, of-ten a great deal of money, even for those states that have the resources to deploy the full range of systems and the con-

AIR DEFENCE AT SEASPECIALREPORT

Mighty PreSenCe: The Admiral Gorshkov aircraft carrier is set to become the core strength of the Indian Navy


stantly increasing diversity, performance and sophistication of the threat will de-mand steady improvement of air defence assets and, perhaps, even more impor-tant is their control so that the ability to achieve the aim of air defence is maxi-mised. The control becomes even more critical in the case of those maritime forc-es with limited resources available for the air defence. Consequently, it is entirely reasonable that air defence at sea should be planned on certain principles derived from the study of technology, practical experience in exercises at sea and war-gaming ashore.

The Indian Navy today is a signifi-cant player in the maritime world, sitting astride key sea lines of communication for energy security and projecting power. It operates a balanced force comprising an aircraft carrier, multi-role destroyers and frigates, fleet tankers, amphibious ships and a multitude of other aviation and subsurface combatants. The present force levels of the Indian Navy are being further augmented to encompass future tasks in support of India’s economic in-terest and, at the same time, confront the emergent maritime challenges of piracy and sea-borne terrorism in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) while shouldering the responsibility of coastal security as laid out in its Maritime Capability Per-spective Plan (MCPP). It’s rapidly growing capabilities and force levels in the coming decade will enable India to emerge as a true ‘blue water’ navy and a global mari-time power.

The fundamental and defining pre-cept of Indian Navy’s ‘blue water’ capabil-ity would be its capability of air defence at sea. For maritime supremacy at sea, air power and air cover at sea and mari-time reconnaissance are essential, as epitomised by the old naval dictum ‘what you cannot patrol you cannot control,’ and means must be devised to include maritime reconnaissance and air defence commensurate with the operational role of the Navy. For maritime operations, whether it be for sea denial, sea control or diplomatic flag showing and power pro-jection and humanitarian relief in peace time, the employment of naval maritime reconnaissance and air defence assets is most essential but an expensive proposi-tion. The larger ‘blue water’ navies, like that of the US and the French, operate

large nuclear-powered aircraft carriers like the USS Nimitz Class and Charles de Gaulle with their integral F-18s and Rafale and other potent air defence as-sets. The Royal Navy despite its manifest downsizing has plans to operate US-built Vertical and/or Short Take-Off and Land-ing (VSTOL) Joint Strike Fighters from a 60,000-tonne futuristic carrier design.

By 2020, the Indian Navy plan to be-come a three Battle Carrier Group force. It has two aircraft carriers on order, the 44,500-tonne INS Vikramaditya (Admiral Gorshkov) undergoing extensive mod-ernisation at Severondnisk, Russia and a 37,500-tonne Indigenous Aircraft Carrier (IAC) being built at Cochin Shipyard Ltd (CSL). INS Vikramaditya will carry 16 new MiG-29K aircraft, as well as an assortment of Kamov-28 and Kamov-31 helicopters and now that the trials are more or less successful, except for the defects in the boiler, it is expected to arrive by early or mid-2013. It will be joined, hopefully a year later, by India’s first indigenously built aircraft carrier, which, like the Vi-kramaditya, will be equipped with a Short-Take-Off, Barrier-Arrested Recov-ery (STOBAR) design and is slated to field a slightly smaller air wing of 12 MiG-29K aircraft. Both aircraft carriers will also carry India’s indigenously designed Light Combat Aircraft (LCA). The IAC is expect-ed to be commissioned in 2015. Following its launch, the Indian Navy is expected

to officially roll out its plans for a second indigenous aircraft carrier IAC-II, which will be larger and more potent than its predecessor. Its large size and more effi-cient launch system will enable it to field an aircraft wing that is superior both in size and diversity. Request For Informa-tion (RFI) has thus been issued for 40 new multi-role fighters.

With the core of these three aircraft carriers, by 2020 Indian Navy would have created a powerful modern ocean fleet, with over seventy corvettes, frigates and destroyers, over twenty submarines, in-cluding four nuclear-powered ballistic missile-capable submarines, up to six general purpose nuclear submarines and about fifteen conventional submarines. This force structuring will enable India to implement its maritime military strategy and be a significant player in the Indian Ocean.

But this large ocean fleet would need to be protected at sea. The detection of a carrier battle group was not an easy task in the last century, but with present maritime reconnaissance and attack air-craft, satellites and advances in detection technology, aircraft carrier groups can be detected easily. Even Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV), or drones, can now fly for long hours, detect and attack ships on command from their operators. In due course, UAVs will be ship-launched, and be difficult to detect by radar. Large platforms will become easy targets at sea for long range missiles fired from planes, submarines, UAVs and ships. Thus an air-craft carrier group operating in a threat zones requires a large screen of ships and submarines to ensure its own safety from hostile submarine, surface or aerial at-tack. Hence there is a debate on the role and need of aircraft carriers in futuristic scenarios, especially with the emergence of high speed precision weapons and sea skimming missiles which can take out large platforms at sea. The potency, there-fore, can rapidly morph into a disadvan-tage, unless there is credible air defence for protection. During Operation Para-kram in 2002-2003, the INS Viraat was hastily retrofitted with the Israeli Barak Anti-Missile System once it dawned on Indian Navy that it would be particularly vulnerable to submarine-launched Har-poon missiles.

The most recent threat to India’s car-

the iaC is expected to be commissioned in 2015. Following its launch, the indian navy is expected to officially rollout its plans for a second indigenous aircraft carrier iaC-ii, which will be larger and more potent than its pre-decessor


rier force takes the form of China’s newly inducted anti-ship ballistic missile DF-21, which can reportedly hit a moving tar-get while travelling at a speed of Mach 10. Whereas earlier it would have been extremely difficult to locate and target a fast-moving carrier, China’s progress in the field of Intelligence Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR), notably via sat-ellite surveillance, has rendered such a feat increasingly possible. It would seem, however, that the Indian Navy is deter-mined when it comes to dealing with threats to its carriers, and it was recently reported that Lockheed Martin had held talks with Indian authorities regarding a potential collaboration with the DRDO, which would result in an integration of the future Prithvi Air Defence Shield (PADS) with the firm’s celebrated phased array AEGIS missile defence system.

Although it is not yet certain whether the AEGIS system could ward off a DF-21 strike, it would certainly provide the Indian fleet with a greater degree of anti-missile protection. An abiding concern, however, remains the prohibitive cost of such a system, as it is estimated that equipping a Kolkata-class destroyer with an AEGIS defence system would be more than triple its cost.

Apart from the unconfirmed reports of the AEGIS system, for air defence at sea the Indian Navy has decided as a mat-ter of policy that it will only mount me-dium-long range surface-to-air missile systems on future warships, as opposed to depending on short range systems

that might protect a ship, but don’t offer layered defence for the rest of the fleet. This was an early sign of its transition to a more of a ‘blue water’ navy that can reach into high-threat areas, and a logi-cal complement to India’s establishment of a serious carrier force beginning with the INS Vikramaditya. Hence the Long Range Surface-to-Air Missile (LR-SAM) will be the successor to the Barak missile that currently equips many Indian Navy ships. In December 2012, Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) and Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to manufacture LR-SAM. Under the MoU, BEL is the lead integrator and produce major subsystems for the LR-SAM. IAI will continue to act as the design authority and to produce other subsystems as a main subcontractor to the Indian firm.

The Barak missile has a range of 10-15 kms and can successfully engage cur-rent generation of anti-ship missiles such as the Harpoon and the Exocet. The LR-SAM will be more manoeuvrable, with a greater range of 50-60 kms and capable of engaging next generation of anti-ship missiles. The LR-SAM is earmarked to equip Project 17A Stealth Frigates and Project 15A Kolkata-class destroyers of the Indian Navy. In the first phase, the missile will arm the three Kolkata-class destroyers being built at Mazagon Docks. Each ship will have four Vertical Launch Units (VLUs) and house eight missiles. The combat suites of both vessel classes will be built around the Elta EL/M-2248

MF-STAR. The system is already deployed on the lead ship of the P15A class, INS Ko-chi, though testing and trials are under-way. Naval LR-SAM and its associated IAI Elta EL/M-2248 radar provide the Indian Navy an AEGIS-class weapon system, ex-tending its active air defence capability far beyond current capabilities. The other air defence system with Indian Navy is the Kashtan (Chestnut) Close-in weapon system (CIWS), a naval air defence gun-missile system deployed by the Russian Navy. It is fitted on the Indian Talwar-class frigates along with other ships. It is most typically deployed as a combined gun and missile system and provides defence against anti-ship missiles, anti-radar mis-siles and guided bombs. The system can also be employed against fixed or rotary-wing aircraft or even surface vessels such as fast attack boats or targets on shore.

The LR-SAM is expected to be fitted on all future ships as also on the IAC-II. However, a serious limitation is that the system requires the ELTA EL/M-2248 MF-STAR, which due to its size cannot be retrofitted on smaller and medium ships, which will have to depend upon only their integral Close-in Weapon System(CIWS), mainly the AK-630 mm Guns for point defence against an aerial threat. It would augur well for the Navy to consider op-tions for a SRSAM which could be fitted on smaller ships.

Another component vital to air de-fence is maritime reconnaissance which is the basic input for any successful mari-time operation. For maritime forces to

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KeePing a WatCh: The Indian Navy has a total of 12 UAVs, including four Herons for its surveillance requirements

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carry out their missions effectively, it is essential that the capability to monitor and gather maritime information in the assigned area of responsibility should remain readily available at all times. This real-time information can be gath-ered through a plethora of platforms like space-based systems, long-range Mari-time Patrol Aircraft (MPA), ship-borne systems, Airborne Early Warning (AEW) radars, Electronic Support Measures (ESM), UAVs and various maritime and intelligence agencies.

Indian Navy’s plan to acquire eight Boeing P-8I long range maritime surveil-lance aircraft is quite relevant and timely to enhance Indian Navy’s situational

awareness domain in the Indian Ocean. The eight Boeing P-8I maritime recon-naissance (MR) platforms with Harpoons and Mk 58 torpedoes and APY-10 and APS-137 (stern) radars will join the ag-ing IL-38s and TU-142s and short range Dornier Do-228. India will become the first non-US operator of this aircraft that will ultimately replace Soviet vintage Tu-polev-142M and Illyushin-38 long range patrol aircraft. Further, the fitment of the Sea Dragon Mission Suite on the erst-while IL-38 post Mid-Life Update (MLU) has ensured that the platform will remain a potent force well into the twenty-first century. Indian Navy is also interested in acquiring four more P-8Is and India’s

GSAT-7 Geo-stationary satellite dedicated for the Indian Navy is awaiting launch and all front line warships have been fitted with the Israeli supplied Orbit Technolo-gies terminals for Ku/C band net-centric exchange of data. India’s first synthetic aperture radar fitted satellite RISAT-1 is already operational for all weather intelli-gence, reconnaissance and mapping with cameras. In addition, an RFI has been is-sued for another 6 Medium-Range Mari-time Reconnaissance (MRMR) aircraft. However, given the normal timelines of procurement as per Defence Procure-ment Procedure (DPP), these may only be ordered in 2014-15.

But on the UAV front, the Indian Na-

vy’s present force levels of eight Searchers and four Herons are highly inadequate to meet the surveillance requirement. The Indian Navy must speed up the acquisi-tion of UAVs. An RFI was issued towards the end of 2010 for long range high-alti-tude UAVs, but the programme appears to be stagnant. The induction is, therefore, clearly a very distant proposition. It is also understood that the services are putting together a single proposal for their com-bined requirement of Medium Altitude Long Endurance (MALE) UAVs, though no RFI has been issued as yet. Rotary-wing UAVs for ship-borne applications are in the development stage at Hindu-stan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and these

may only be inducted not earlier than 2016-17. Integrating High Altitude Long Endurance (HALE) Unmanned Aerials Systems (UAS) fitted with highly sophis-ticated multifarious payloads supported with multi-spectral data fusion engines with the long range MPA would greatly enhance surveillance capability.

While the Indian Navy has augmented reconnaissance capabilities for the fleet with the induction of the Kamov Ka 31 and the UAVs and fleet air defence has received a fillip by the induction of the MiG- 29Ks and soon to be inducted Vikra-maditya, but this may not be adequate. The Indian Navy must work towards fur-ther augmenting its air defence assets aimed at positioning itself as a formidable maritime force. With a Combat Air Patrol (CAP) of four fighters and a turnaround time of 90 minutes, the minimum force level required would be around two and half fighter squadrons, i.e., 40 aircrafts. For credible fleet air defence, based on operational analysis and calculations, an additional two squadrons of Multi-Role Helicopters, one flight of HALE Early Warning UAVs, one flight of loitering mis-siles and one flight of communication and utility helicopters should be the mini-mum embarked Air Group for the future carrier to be a potent force.

The Indian Navy is evolving into a versatile and potent force, capable of a variety of operations ranging from coastal security to blue-water operations. In less than a decade, India’s naval force struc-ture will be able to continuously deploy carrier groups on both seaboards. To meet the requirements of these roles, a quantum jump in induction of technolo-gies for defence at sea, especially against the diverse aerial threats, including sea skimming missiles, more capable sen-sors and well-networked combat man-agement systems is inescapable. There is no one-stop solution for the plethora of technology that the Navy would need to imbibe and absorb. A detailed capability gap analysis based on the principles of operational research and present tech-nology available needs to be fast-tracked for essential risk reduction and to main-tain credible air defence capability at sea.

(The writer, Cdr Sunil Chauhan (Retd), is a Defence and Security Analyst and is presently

Director Business Development-Defence at Indra Sistemas SA India Liaison Office.)

MaritiMe SurveillanCe: India has or-dered eight Boeing P-8Is for patrolling India’s territorial waters in the Indian Ocean

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The recent American announce-ment allowing uniformed women to enter the hitherto ‘male only’ preserve—the combat zone—has aroused

strong emotions worldwide. The male-dominated military world is not excited and a flood of articles have questioned the validity of the policy change. Under-standably, women’s rights activists and equal-opportunity enthusiasts the world over are delighted because another male bastion has fallen by the way side. A dis-passionate analysis, however, reveals that the forward movement to ‘officially’ allow uniformed women to enter combat is in actuality a small, breakaway step from the

Ready to Lead: women officers marching on the eve of air Force Day held in Feb 2013 at hindon air Force Station

In a dramatic policy shift, outgoing US Defence Secre-tary Leon Panetta lifted the 1994 military ban on women serving in combat in January 2013. this landmark initiative will allow uniformed women to be closer to front-line combat roles from mid-2013 onwards, provided the move is not opposed by the US Congress. India, which faces crippling shortages of over 13,000 officers in its armed forces, can take a cue from this initiative. It can make a virtue out of necessity by en-rolling more women officers to make up its deficiencies. Raj Mehta examines the complex dynamics involved.

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otherwise glacial evolution of allowing American women to enter hardcore com-bat. It has, however, stopped short of offi-cially allowing women to serve in combat. The fine print of the policy change allows women to be permanently assigned to a combat battalion as radio operators, medical officers/orderlies, tank mechan-ics and other critical jobs: assignments barred by the now-rescinded 1994 com-bat exclusion policy which prohibited women from being assigned to ground combat units.

are women closer to combat now?That exclusion was, in real terms, never strictly applied by the armed forces but

was informally bypassed and therein lies a tale. America has a uniformed strength of 1.4 million of which a significant 14 per cent are women, both in enlisted and of-ficer ranks. It has deployed over 280,000 women in Iraq and Afghanistan since 1990 with casualties of 144 women killed in ser-vice and more than 865 wounded. Under severe manpower availability pressures, the US military got around the exclusion rules by ‘attaching’ women in certain jobs to battalions, which meant they were working in combat situations without getting any official credit for the same. Army women veterans wryly say that the new policy has merely legitimised exist-ing arrangements. “We’re already doing


this stuff,” says a former Marine Captain who is now Executive Director of the Ser-vice Women’s Action Network. She added, “We’re not talking about opening up the Infantry to every woman, but the women who do want to try these jobs, who are we to say that they can’t?” A US Quin-nipiac Poll held in February 2012 found that three-quarters of Americans believed women should be allowed on the front-lines.

The desire to allow women in combat roles, certainly so far as women activists, uniformed women and the female gender in general are concerned, is widespread. The men, world-wide, are, however, no-where near as enthusiastic or as support-ive of the US policy change for a number of reasons which they cite as hard evi-dence. Let us examine their validity.

the CaSe aGaINSt WoMeN IN CoMBatOpinions justifying exclusion of women from combat have coalesced around con-cerns explained in the succeeding text.

Physical ConcernsFemale soldiers are in general, smaller and lighter than their male counterparts, have almost half their upper body strength and 25-30 per cent less aerobic capacity making their endurance ability far lesser than men. The female skeletal system is less dense and more prone to breakages, in particular to stress fractures. There are concerns too that women pilots do not cope with G-forces as well as male pilots do. Naval opinion undermines women as submariners because of their need for more space, separate toilets, problems of ‘hot bunking’ (sharing bunks with male peers on shift basis, the word ‘hot’ mean-ing that the bunk retains the warmth of the last occupant). Estimates pitch the ad-ditional cost of catering for a women sub-mariner as about `1,50,00,000.

Psychological and Physiological ConcernsThe perceived negative impact of a com-bat unit’s esprit de corps if a woman peer is wounded or taken prisoner/molested is cited as a key reason for women to be ex-cluded from front-line combat exposure. The Israeli Defence Forces report soldiers going berserk and exhibiting “uncontrol-lable, protective, instinctual aggression” on such occasions. There is also the fear of women ruining male bonding by bringing in romance and its stressful/competitive

fallouts. Increased pregnancy risks, at-tendant social disruption and women us-ing their bodily functions and pregnancy to escape combat situations are serious add-on issues. The issue of a woman’s in-stinctive underpinnings to nurture and preserve life rather than take it makes men feel women will always be squeamish about killing and bloodshed, an unavoid-able fallout of combat.

CoNtRaRIaN VIeWS FRoM VeNUSUniformed Women are wired to do wellOpinions about women’s ability to cope with combat are not just driven by rheto-ric but, equally, by serious research. A 2008 study by Jennifer Silva of female students enrolled in the US Reserve Of-ficers’ Training Corps programme found that female cadets saw military training as an “opportunity to be strong, assertive and skilful” and “as an escape from some of the negative aspects of traditional femininity”. The study reported that fe-male cadets “were hyper-vigilant about their status as women performing tasks traditionally seen as men’s work”. It is al-ready well known, of course, that women as a gender are far more conscientious than men, are more honest and have far better communication skills, reinforcing IQ with Emotional Intelligence (EI) that women use routinely and men sparingly, and whose possession could be a much-needed life skill.

Women don’t always have to be involved in Close Combat While the army’s assertion about women performing physical tasks with noticeably lesser competence than men is indisput-ably correct, it seems obtuse and archaic to demand that both sexes should be tested by the same yardsticks and female physiology remain the overriding factor in determining women’s combat worth. In an Indian tank regiment of around 650, for instance, only about 200 soldiers actually enter combat as tank crews with another 200 approximately involved in supporting tasks in which the risk of close combat is lesser though still real. That leaves about 250 soldiers who, though in the combat

zone, will rarely be involved with close combat. The implication is clear: women pitched into a combat zone do not have to be ‘like the boys’. They can still earn re-spect in the roles that US policy has now specified, sparing males for high-endur-ance jobs.

air Force and Naval IssuesSo far as the Air Force is concerned, there is indisputable medical evidence that the male pilots are less able to handle G-forc-es than female counterparts since women are less likely to suffer black-outs due to shorter blood vessel routes in the neck. This does not make men less relevant but it certainly makes women pilots more rel-evant. No wonder then that many western air forces and even the Pakistani Air Force now allow women to fly fighter aircraft. Even conservative India has, as of January 2013, allowed women pilots to fly combat helicopters.

The Naval issue has also been need-lessly hyped up as some realised after in-ducting women starting 1985 when the Norwegian Navy first inducted women. They now hold senior positions in both submarines/surface ships in Navies around the world.

Can women warriors cope with combat?The question of women being brutalised if captured is, of course, real. That said, the brave attitude of Major Rhonda Cornum, now a Brigadier General is worth not-ing. She was taken prisoner by the Iraqis during the Gulf War in 1991. Asked not to mention that she had been molested, Cor-num subsequently disclosed the attack, but said, “A lot of people make a big deal about getting molested,” adding, “but, in the hierarchy of things that were going wrong, that was pretty low on my list”. In 2007, author Kirsten Holmstedt released Band of Sisters: American Women at War in Iraq. The book presents twelve stories of American women on the frontline includ-ing America’s first female pilot who was shot down but still survived. The bottom line is that most women will cope with combat situations though wisdom may lie in their avoidance.

Ready FoR CoMBat: many nations have allowed female

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March 2013www.geopolitics.in

The history of warfare also supports the contention that women can be trained to become skilful in combat. In World War II, the Red Army of Russia had about 400,000 women serving as tank crew, infantry, snipers, military po-lice, medics and nurses. Roza Shanina, a Soviet sniper during the war, was credited with 54 confirmed kills. Between 1942 and 1945, 12 per cent of Russian fighter pilots were female. Britain’s Special Op-erations Cell trained 418 female agents as spies of which 119 were shot, including the beautiful Noor Inayat Khan; a direct descendent of Tipu Sultan.

the Indian situation: No combat for womenIndian readers are aware that warrior women have been an important part of India’s religiosity, folklore and history. Durga, a warrior goddess, Kali, Chamunda (the killer of demon Chanda and Munda) are widely worshipped.

Vishpala is the Rig Veda warrior queen who suffered amputation in battle and then fought with an iron prosthesis. Ra-zia Sultana, Rani Rudramma Devi, Chand Bibi, Abbakka Rani, Tarabai, Bibi Daler Kaur, Mai Bhago, Begum Sumru, Kittur Chennamma and Rani Lakshmibai are some famous women who proved their

worth in battle. This past does not reflect our grim reality in terms of the place of uni-formed women in Indian mili-tary society today.

Defence Minister A K Ant-ony has, in a written reply in the Lok Sabha, indicated that, in September 2012, the Army was short of 10,100 officers, the Navy 1,996 and the Indian Air Force (IAF) 962, totalling

a shortage of 13,058 officers. Women of-ficers comprise a mere 3.3 per cent of the officer strength in the Army with 3.9 per cent in the Navy and 10 per cent in the Air Force. Women officers strength 21 years after their recruitment first began in 1992 is 1,214 in the Army, 302 in the Navy and 1,079 in the IAF. These numbers exclude lady medical officers.

The Army recruits women officers in the Signals, Engineers, Army Aviation, Army Air Defence, Electronics and Me-chanical Engineers, Army Service Corps, Army Ordnance Corps, Intelligence Corps, Army Education Corps and Law branches. The Navy recruits them into the Law, Lo-gistics, Observer, Air Traffic Controller, Na-val Constructor and Education branches. In the IAF, women officers are recruited in all branches and streams, except the fighter stream of the flying branch. For rejecting the combat role demand, the

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Indian Government has cited HQ Inte-grated Defence Staff (IDS) report of 2006 and the Tri-Services Committee report of 2011. Women are recruited as Short Ser-vice Commission (SSC) officers for five years extendable to 14 years of service. Permanent commission is, however, avail-able in the Law and Education branches of the Services and a few additional technical branches in the IAF.

Indian women officers deserve betterThe author has seen women officers in uniform perform with displayed capabil-ity in the war zone in Jammu and Kashmir for over a decade. He found them spirited, conscientious, gutsy, principled, honest, reliable and capable of sustained hard work at par with male peers. That they could not be tested under fire is no slur on their capability or potential simply be-cause the current rules forbid their entry into combat.

That said, our crippling officer short-ages have often compelled us to unoffi-cially use them in the war zone in certain roles. The author did not come across any woman officer who backed out by quoting rules or regulations. They have carried out assigned military tasks as adeptly as men, assisted in rural development, schooling,

women care, running orphan-ages, schools, child care proj-ects in ‘black areas’ where

they were vulnerable to com-bat situations with as much

courage as their male peers. Tested in weapon firing, during en-

gineer bridging camps, night parades and exercises, they have displayed adequate soldierly capability. In May 2012, seven women officers climbed Mount Everest, all of whom were honoured by the President of India for their remarkable feat.While ac-tual combat for women in India is a long way off, farther than it is in USA, our wom-en officers need to be encouraged by being granted permanent commission. We also need to focus on creating gender sensiti-sation amongst the ranks and files of the armed forces so that greater induction of women helps to reduce the crippling offi-cer shortages to manageable proportions. Posting women to combat support units with the same career guarantees that their male counterparts get is a myopic solution that the Ministry of Defence must flesh out at the earliest in the national interest.

(The author is a retired Major General)

Noor Inayat Khan

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Offsets spark off debate

Continued on Page 32Continued on Page 34

That Government of India’s lat-est Defence Offset Guidelines as enumerated in 2012 is one

of the best of its kind for its com-prehensive guidelines and clarity was the consensus among the pri-vate industries and foreign Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) in a day-long conference co-spon-sored by the Confederation of In-dian Industry (CII), the Ministry of Micro, Small and Medium Enter-prises (MSME) and National Small Industries Corporation (NSIC) on February 5 at Bengaluru, on the eve of the Aero India 2013.

Defence offsets provide Indian industries with unique opportuni-ties to acquire and build compli-

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OrOn OriOl believes that Rafael will always be nimble and ahead of the competition because of its people. they live and breathe technology and strongly believe in innovation. Oriol spoke about the incredible David’s Sling and the Iron Dome that has made waves round the globe. excerpts from an ex-clusive interview.

“We have a hi-tech capability”

18 BrahMos’ Sivthanu Pillai shares his thoughts on the company’s business plans

Aero IndIA 2013 I n t e r v I e w

D E F E N C E B U S I N E S S

26GEOPOLITICS

Highlights about the participitants and the breathtaking aerobatics

There is much confusion about the name. Could you clarify it once and for all? The pronunciation is Rafael and not Ra-fale. There is a lot of confusion between the Rafale and Rafael. Actually, this name is an acronym in Hebrew for the previous name of the company when it used to be part of the Ministry of Defence. Now that we are not part of the Ministry of Defence, we have made this acronym as our name. So right now, it is just a name.

Getting straight to the point, how are you able to innovate so successfully and so consistently?Again, I will go to the past. Rafael used to be the nation’s lab for defence products till the end of the 90s. For example, 60 per cent of the employees would have at least a first degree from the universities (gradu-ates), and 5 per cent would be Ph.Ds. This is from the past and we still keep it as a base of very high technology know-how that can bring these capabilities for prod-ucts again mainly for the Israeli defence forces but for other needs as well. And this is why we are doing a lot of work in new development, research and when there is a need for a very fast development, I think Rafael is where you have these very highly-motivated engineers. We have a

the Indian Regional Offset Conference or-ganised by the CII saw stalwarts from the domestic and foreign defence organisations sharing their views on various facets of India’s DPP guidelines.


Oh no, not again!Anyone who had listened to A K Antony speak two years ago at the eighth edition of Aero India in 2011 — incidentally, the Minister had inaugurated five editions of the show — could easily close his eyes and say: ‘Here he goes again.’ The good man said the same things once again with much pride and confidence. The number of participants was more, the numbers of stalls were greater, the footfalls were de-lightful and the size of the exhibition had expanded. Excellent, very well, but what is in it for us, asked most exhibitors pri-vately.

What they meant was that it is all very well for the Raksha Mantri (RM) to talk about the opportunities in India, but in real terms nothing much seems to move on the ground. Their ire was the inordi-nate time from the announcement of an RFP to the time the actual purchase is made. But with India being the biggest buyer of arms worldwide, even the most diehard pessimist finds that he has no op-tion but ‘be seen and engaged.’ For the re-cord: Aero India 2013 witnessed the par-ticipation of 27 countries with 10 country pavilions including those of the USA, UK, France, Russia and Italy.

Did he have anything else to say?“Self-reliance in defence area is our focus area. We want to create a strong defence industrial base in the country,” he said and went on to state that the government has charted out a road-map in the form of the Defence Production Policy (DPP) and that country’s public and private sector

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industries were welcome to become ac-tive partners in such efforts.

Thank you, Mr Antony, the private sector is waiting to forge partnerships, the multinationals are waiting for FDI to be upped to 49 per cent. They want great clarity on protection of their intel-lectual property, they want some idea of the speed of decision-making. Maybe you could give us some clarity on these issues.

Civil tops the chartsPost the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA), it was clear that this edition of Aero India would see a surge in civil aviation. Civil Aviation Minister Ajit Singh’s speech was like an inter-con-tinental flight: he droned on and on and on much to the discomfort of the audi-ence. But he had to make his point. Af-ter all 55 per cent of Aero India was civil! “The Indian civil aviation sector is the fastest-growing in the world. In the last 10 years, the civil aviation sector has seen 15 per cent annual compound growth in passengers and by 2014, India’s domestic aviation market will be among the top five in the world,” said Singh in his marathon speech.

But there was the Boeing Dreamliner (in any case they are all grounded), there was no A380 and if any-thing it was the gen-eral aviation superstars that made the most of their day out. So you had the Dassault, Gulf-stream, Embraer and the Beechcraft plump-ing for attention at the show.

Missing the fightersThis year’s edition failed to match the spectacle presented by the previous edi-tions. This was primarily due to the ab-sence of the star attractions of Aero India 2011, such as Lockheed Martin’s F-16 Fighting Falcon, Boeing’s F-18 Super Hornet, the Eurofighter Typhoon, Saab-Grippen’s J-139, which were compet-ing for the 126 MMRCA. But with Rafale having bagged the contract (although it is yet to be inked), all of them kept away from the show. But it must be said to their credit that all of them were there at the

show. Saab has huge interests in aviation and homeland security and they had their wares in full display; Lockheed Martin and Boeing were part of the US section and the Russians were there with all their muscle, to plead and to complain that In-dia’s biggest defence trading partner has now become a side show. No wonder the fifth generation stealth jet, the PAK-FA, a joint Indo-Soviet collaboration was not present!

Sarang, Knights and Bulls!The big news as far as the flying display was concerned was that it was uninspired as compared to earlier editions. For several reasons. For one, the fighter jets were not there. Two, the Rus-sian Knights team, which was slated to fly on the inaugural day, was unable to do so as they were held up at the Hindon Air

1. The InSIDe vIew: raksha mantri a K antony in the cockpit of India’s Light Combat helicopter (LCh)2. BreaThTaKIng DIve: the LCh performing aerobatics at aero India 20133. ruSSIa’S PrIDe: russian helicopters’ mi-17 V5 on display at the show4. arMIng The fOrCeS: haL’s rudra, India’s attack Light helicopter, on display at aero India show

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our bilateral relationship is far greater than any individual sale and is not transactional in nature. nancy J. Powell, united States ambassador

we aim to be valued partners in India’s path towards having a modern, vibrant and world-lead-ing indigenous defence industry and armed forces. Sir James Bevan KCMg, British high Commissioner


Force Station due to a delay in the clearance from the Home Min-istry. Eventually, they arrived on the third day after building up a great amount of an-ticipation. Moreover, the huge surge of non-business attend-ees on day two and three meant that fly-ing in the area was a bit of a hazard with so many people openly munching in the ex-hibition grounds. The indigenous Tejas turned out to be the

unlikely crowd favourite by enthralling the audience with its aerobatics. Hindu-stan Aeronautics Limited’s (HAL) Light Combat Helicopter (LCH) put on quite an impressive show while forming intri-cate smoke trails. The Flying Bulls team from the Czech Republic flew in complex but impeccable formations drawing fre-quent gasps during the show along with the Sarang helicopter team which had the crowd on the edge of their seats while per-forming breathtaking aerial manoeuvres. Their performance on the fourth day was considered the highlight of the show with jaw-dropping aerobatics. A few minutes into the performance, the Knights provid-

ed stunning displays of flares which were dispersed from the Sukhoi Su-27s which lit up the afternoon skies; thus preserving their reputation of being one of the finest aerobatics teams in the world.

The haL PerspectiveR K Tyagi, Chairman HAL, said that HAL would foray into civil aviation and the aero-engine making business as he sees huge opportunities there. He spoke of HAL’s plans for a 20kN aero-engine as the Indian aero-engine market is expected to grow to the tune of `250,000 crore. He also spoke of the `7,500 crore national civil air-craft programme, the goal of which is to develop a regional transport aircraft under

a Joint Venture (JV) with private partner-ship.

Tyagi referred to the company’s Un-manned Aerial Vehi-cles (UAV) plans that include designing, developing and man-ufacturing in partner-ship with institutions such as Indian Insti-tute of Techonology (IIT), Kanpur and the Indian Institute of Science (IIS), Benga-luru, amongst others. These plans are in line

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Israel and India share a wide array of security challenges. the cooperation in these fields has been an integral part of our ever-growing multi-faceted relationship. alon ushpiz, ambassador of Israel

our military cooperation steadily shifts towards licence transfer for production of russian arms in India… and creation of new joint ventures. alexander Kada-kin, ambassador of russia

with HAL’s goal to become a UAV manufac-turing and maintenance hub. HAL will in-vest `500 crore in its UAV business group. He went onto say that by 2020, HAL aimed to be a `50,000 crore ($10 billion) firm en-compassing its business in military and civil aviation, UAVs and aircraft mainta-nence.

home companyThe Raksha Mantri is right when he says that ‘Made in India’ is a good idea. Of course, there are many reasons why In-dia isn’t galloping at the speed at which it ought to. Nonetheless, there were plenty of examples of companies that have made the cut in the rough and tumble of global defence manufacturing. Samtel for one, is a class act when it comes to avionics. Ten Tata companies were there at the show signing a slew of JVs (see Def Biz) and charting out a clear path for themselves, Reva was there as were scores of others including Mahindras, L&T and a host of speciality medium and small companies. Of course, all the public sector giants were there and some of them had a few JVs to show for the three days in the sun (see Def Biz).

In conclusionSo, what’s the final take? Aero India can be a great show if the Defence Ministry and Homeland Security can get the matrix right. Also, it seems completely misplaced that India has two shows alternating be-tween Hyderabad and Bengaluru mas-querading as a civil show and a defence show, There is a strong overlap as we saw in this show and the world laughs when we tell them we have a show each year. Maybe, it’s time to review and combine the two shows.


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What is your reaction to the delivery of the AW101s?I think we are very excited at the moment obviously about the delivery of the AW 101s. This is actually my second visit to India this year and I went to see them in the base in Delhi and I think that all the people from the armed forces who visited the helicopters (at Aero India) have been very impressed. We had an Air Marshal there by coincidence on Day One and he sat in the cockpit for an hour and he obviously thought it was great and excit-ing to fly. Obviously, there’s some training underway for the pilots. They are getting ready for their first mission. I think it’s an exciting time for both India and Agus-taWestland because we are very proud of

“We have not hing to hide”In May 2011 Geoff Hoon, a former Defence Minister under the Labour Government of Tony Blair, took on a role with Agus-taWestland as Managing Director (International Business). Hoon was in Bengaluru to promote the AW101 and meet with officials for the other major programmes of the MoD and the Ministry of Home. He was expansive and forthcoming both on the VVIP choppers sold to the Indian Air Force (the contract has since been suspended) and the allegations of bribe giving (that he vociferously denied).

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“We have not hing to hide”Tata spades that did the job — so that’s something!

I will be meeting Hindustan Aeronau-tics Limited (HAL) and obviously we want to work closely with them on the military side. So, I regard these partnerships as be-ing the fundamental building blocks of our future relationship. India has great technology. It has great skills and we want to work together in India to develop new helicopters.

How far have you progressed on the Tata Joint Venture (JV)?We’ve agreed to a joint venture and the site is being cleared. So, the preliminary work is underway for the construction of a factory just outside Hyderabad and I will

be seeing them. You know that’s a good relationship, one that we’re very keen on and so are they. So I think it will go well.

Is there scope for other partnerships here?Well, I mean there are, as you are possibly aware, significant opportunities for new helicopters for the military in India. We recognise that HAL is the leading manu-facturer and we have a good relationship with them. Whether that relationship can mature and develop is a matter for further discussion but we will be having those discussions with them and obviously we hope that leads to a mutually satisfactory outcome. I can’t say today what that is go-ing to be but nevertheless we will work at it because we recognise, as I have said

already, that it is important to have these kinds of relationships in a sophisticated and advanced country like India.

What are your views on the competition in India?I don’t want to go into a lot of what we’ve said to who and so on but obviously we will offer our helicopters across the board. There are a number of projects here and we believe that we have competitive high technology products that we can offer to fulfil all of India’s needs. Now, I know that we’re not going to win all of those compe-titions, nor in one sense should we, but I’m confident that we have really good offerings for all of the opportunities that India is looking for.

Are you looking at all programmes?Absolutely! If you look at the range of he-licopters that we have, I don’t think there is any company that can match the range and innovation that we have available. So, we are not talking about old helicop-ters that, perhaps, can no longer be sold elsewhere. We are talking about our latest technology and some of those helicopters are in their early days.

What do you think about India’s offsets policy?Let me say right at the outset. As you may be aware, I was a Minister in the United Kingdom and I recognise that in these big decisions on behalf of a country it (Offsets policy) is necessary when you are spend-ing taxpayers’ money and in this context Indian taxpayers’ money so that there is some benefit to India. That’s why we are so keen on partnerships, joint ventures, the kinds of relationships that allow sig-nificant proportion of the money that’s spent by the government on behalf of the taxpayer in India to benefit India. And in-deed we see tremendous opportunities for developing component suppliers and other ways in which the Indian economy will benefit from the investment that the Defence Ministry is making.

So, offsets are one small aspect of that. What we see is a much wider picture of cooperation, partnerships and joint ventures. That’s a much more sophisti-cated approach in the sense that offsets are a recognition that actually some of the real work is not being done in India. So, what we want to see is a much more en-gaged process where we work closely with India and with Indian companies in this country.

this helicopter. It’s done extremely well around the world and we are very pleased that it’s come to India and we’ve got three in the first of twelve. So, we think it will of-fer a real step change in quality and safety for India’s leading politicians.

What do you have to say about all the alle-gations of bribery with respect to this deal?I think it’s important to say that everyone who looked at these various allegations came to the conclusion that there was no substance in any of them. So we have nothing to hide. I don’t know why these allegations came up. I’m not pointing a finger at any competitor but they (the allegations) were investigated and they were found to lack any credibility. In a free society like India with a free press, I can’t necessarily stop these allegations appear-ing in newspapers. Obviously, I wish they wouldn’t but nevertheless that’s what hap-pens in a free society and you know better than I do the great society that India is. I suppose it’s part of democratic politics. We have the same sort of thing in the UK from time to time and what I’m absolutely clear about is that there was no evidence behind these allegations.

How is the relationship with the IAf (Indian Air force)?It’s a good relationship. I think that the

Indian Air Force is looking to provide the best equipment at the best price for India and we share their ambition. I think each competition has to be taken on its merit. We work hard to provide the latest equip-ment at the best price and we will go on doing that. And I believe as a company we have great strengths because we have new products and new ideas. I don’t think there are any other companies manufac-turing helicopters in the world that have the range of new products that we have due to the incorporation of the latest technology.

We are also very good at working with other countries. We don’t sort of sit back and hold everything back in Italy or the UK. We have established partner-ships, joint ventures and relationships all around the world and that’s part of a technology transfer that is important to countries like India and we want to go on developing that. We particularly want to develop that in India.

How are your JVs going forward in India and what’s your roadmap ahead?I think what is really important is that we develop our joint venture with Tata. I was here last year to participate in a ground-breaking ceremony in Hyderabad and the ground really did need breaking. It was very hard. But we had some very rugged


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As we all know, there is a major roadblock in Mission Technology Control Regime (MTCR), which is a govern-ment to government issue.

It’s not a Northrop Grumman issue.

What are the areas you are currently work-ing on? I represent some of the HALE Enterprise — HALE meaning High Altitude Long-Endurance — which is a family of aircraft consisting of the Air Force aircrafts and Navy aircrafts. The Navy’s MQ-4C Triton is the latest and the greatest in the maritime version of those HALE airplanes and the Indian Navy is also interested in the HALE capability. They sent out their Request For Information (RFI) back in October and so they are interested in the HALE capability to match their P8 capability, which is a model similar to the US Navy’s P3. And as you know the US Navy’s model is to replace those P3s with a combination of P8 Triton. So, they are very interested in Triton. As we all know, there is a major roadblock in Mission Technology Control Regime (MTCR), which is a government to government issue. So until that is re-solved, there’s not going to be anything moving forward. But if it were to be re-solved, I think the Triton would be ide-ally suited to match the maritime Intelli-gence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) requirement, the airborne maritime ISR requirements of the Indian Navy.

How does it work with the P8?In several ways. One of them is just the synergy alone, having lone maritime surface surveillance and those types of things. There is a certain rhythm, there is a certain language, there are certain tac-tics, techniques and procedures that are utilised. So I’m going to emphasise the US Navy’s model. Their model is to have the P8s and the Tritons stationed together and the personnel that fly the P8 will be the same personnel that will fly the Triton. So they work together. The first level of in-teraction is just of the personnel itself is a lot of synergy and savings in the efficien-cies gained by having the same person-nel fly P8s operate the Triton. That’s a big thing. Now the airplanes themselves have been designed to talk to each other at

The High Altitude Long Endurance (HALE) aircraft will literally be the future of reconnaissance, according to most experts. GreG Miller leads the charge at Northrop Grumman as Manager, BAM UAS, Business Development. He spoke about the exciting possibilities that the HALE aircraft offer in today’s environment. Excerpts:

several different levels. The main level is the sharing of sensitive data. So when you say, ‘Come and datalink’ between two air-crafts at 274 megabytes per second, that’s the maximum for line of sight, that data will flow between those two airplanes.

Will the data flow occur in real time?Yes. The US Navy’s plan is to have both of those aircrafts — the P8 and the Triton — to be able to communicate to the surface link. So you have two airplanes able to communicate to each other, share each other’s data and share that data with sur-face units around there.

How does the Indian Navy benefit from this?I don’t profess to be an expert on the In-dian Navy’s maritime requirements but I can suppose that they are very interested in protecting not only their exclusive eco-nomic zones but also to know what is going on around their coastline. The In-dian coastline is substantial. The Nicobar Islands are far to the east. You have sub-stantial waters to be covered. Not every platform can cover those waters and hav-ing done it in a manned airplane — that’s not the most efficient use of a manned airplane that drones around.

So if you can design an airplane that has an extended range, high altitude

above the weather (above 50,000 feet), minimum use of manpower for back-at-home, minimum use of energy — 500 lbs of gas versus 7,000 lbs of gas for a typical P8, for example, and to cover that expanse of water in one flight and be airborne for over a day, that’s where the advantage comes. That’s something that the Indian Navy, I think, is very interested in.

What are the engines for the aircraft?It’s a Rolls Royce engine. One of the beau-ties of the US Navy design is that a lot of this airplane is already proven. The engine is not a new engine. I think the last num-ber I saw was 24 million hours of flight time. It never fails. It’s on Embraer and the Cessna Citation. I think it’s an AE3700. And what makes this airplane different from the Global Hawk is that engine now uses lead air to go back and warm up the inlets, so it has engine anti-ice and wing de-ice — things that are not on Global Hawk. It allows this airplane to go through weather. So you can imagine you are out over the ocean. You don’t always know what the weather’s going to be out there. Therefore, you need to have some kind of weather capability. Our Global Hawks do not have those capabilities yet. This air-plane does.

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aircraft besides its capabilities as far as endurance and altitude is the fact that it’s really autonomous when it needs to and has to be. If you lose your link with that aircraft and you don’t know exactly how to get home, it lands itself by itself.

is that so?Absolutely! As a matter of fact if you want-ed to, but then again, until this plane gets to the fleet and the junior officers start to operate it, we are not really sure how to optimise everything but one of the things you could do with this thing is to free-fly the mission. So if you did lose a link, which is very rare, you can actually tell it to go up to a certain point, turn on its radar and then come home. It is autonomous. It also has air-to-air sense-and-avoid radar on the nose that allows it to ping other air-craft out about ten miles through weather. So that’s another innovative thing that’s happening in this aircraft.

What is the distance for which the autono-mous flight is possible?I think it’s designed for 8-10 miles. It de-pends on the weather conditions and the size of the other target. That will allow the pilot and the Air Vehicle operator back in the MCS to take evasive measures. The aircraft is not designed to take evasive measures on itself at the moment. That would be the next step.

What are the capabilities you plan to de-velop in the future?Well, that would be a key one. You know the FAA (Federal Aviation Authority) back in the United States is going through some measures right now. They have six test sites where they’re cutting data on Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) and how to control them in national airspace. One of the key elements of that will be a sense-and-avoid-radar that perhaps is autonomous. Pilot and loop initially and perhaps later on being autonomous. The US Navy plans on upgrading its signals for intelligence as well as its communications relays. So I mean you can look at this as a low-hanging satellite that allows for a dis-similar platform with perhaps dissimilar datalinks and voice to communicate with each other. That will be the future.

is it like a 24X7 satellite?Yes, absolutely! So those plans are on the board for the US Navy right now for future increments.

working hard to reachgreater heightsyou have weather beneath you and you want to get beneath it to put on your elec-trical optical gear on the target, this air-craft can do that. It can descend through icing, it has beefed-up wings, it has lots of safety features like lightning protection and most critically the de-icing and the engine anti-ice.

Can it brave the toughest of weather conditions? Yes. We have done only the modelling for this plane. The Navy’s design is for it to go through multiple layers of icing — not operate in them but transit through them up to 6,000 ft of icing at a time. So that’s pretty significant conditions.

How many people do you need to operate it?You only need one person to actually fly the airplane but the Navy’s model is to have an Air Vehicle operator, a Mission Commander that controls the mission and two payload operators that work the payloads. That’s a crew of four.

Now the Mission Control station where these guys are sitting has two addi-tional stations. That’s for Air Vehicle oper-ators in case you want to have one plane flying out and another plane flying back, and then the crew of four operating the plane that is on station. You can actually control three aircraft at a time. And prob-ably the most significant thing about this

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What is the present state of BrahMos?We have reached a stage of this Joint Ven-ture (JV) and a level of maturity where we have proved in the present system we can independently operate with multiple cus-tomers. Today the customer is India. Now we are working with Russians so that they can induct in their ships. Next we have to look forward to place contracts with our foreign customers.

So this year is going to be a year of transition where we are planning to move into exports. Not only will we be proving the air version this year and the underwa-ter version but we will also be expanding our zones from land, water, air to under-water and we are trying to work out in future how this can be done completely network centric system which can elimi-nate the enemy in no time.

So, if you are to do that, we need a C4i with us where the satellite-based re-connaissance is carried out on the target. Then we have the target recognition, as-sessment and accuracy of impact. All these things are to be provided through a satellite-based network. So this C4i is one programme which we are going to intro-duce into the system so that our system is

Dr Sivthanu Pillai is a low-profile scientist who has led BrahMos with great distinction and dexterity for close to a

decade and a half. He is excited and invigorated by the pos-sibilities that this collaboration with the Russians offers the

country. He spoke about the future road map and other issues in an exclusive chat at the BrahMos pavilion at Aero India.

“This year is going To be

a year of TransiTion”

very effective. Moreover, the fifth generation aircraft

is coming. We are not players there. Our aim is to see that BrahMos gets into any platform coming to India. If that is to hap-pen then we need to see how we can fit in. The BrahMos missile as it is very big and heavy. So we can only use it exter-nally whereas fifth generation aircraft is totally stealth. You cannot put the weap-on outside; you have to put it inside. So very soon we are going to come out with a configuration through which we will get in into the fifth generation and we’ll convince the Russians that this is a good weapon suitable for that. We will work with them and come out with that.

Do you think the lighter version will be cheaper?Yes, it will be cheaper because the missile size-wise will be much less and so it will definitely cheaper. A system similar to that is not available in the world. We will make it like that.

has work started on it?Yes. The thing is, over a period of time, defence against cruise missiles will come.

So we have to make a system which is not defeated. That means you have to not only increase the stealth features, but also think of it speed. So, we are now planning to go for high speed-hypersonic speed. Work has also started on it.

In the coming years we have four pri-orities. The first priority is fifth generation aircraft and MiG-29K. Their main plat-form is our Air Force and Navy. Second, we should have a totality of the system in a network-centric warfare. Third, the system which is now available should be made available to some of the friendly countries including Russia. Fourth, we will go for hypersonic.

All put together, a big mission docu-ment has been generated. We are aiming for a very stable establishment — Brah-Mos Mission.

is it currently under discussion?Yes. Eventually, it will be taken up by the two governments (India and Russia).

What is the status of your plans to sell to friendly countries? There is an agreement signed between India and Russia to export to friendly


what is required is the procedure? Even export procedure is a very complicated understanding. The implications of giving all these things should be analysed. So, there you involve multiple people. Minis-try of External Affairs (MEA), the National Security Council (NSC), and all other re-lated issues have to be seen.

We should not hurry up in doing that at the cost of our armed forces. So first our priority is our Armed Forces. The princi-ple is that the first priority is our country; the second priority is Russia. Once that is done, the third priority is other countries. So, we will go in sequence. We are not in a hurry. But we will start the work.

in any case isn’t there already a huge do-mestic demand from your forces? Yes, but we can produce more also. More

The first priority is fifth generation aircraft and MiG-29K. Their main

platform is our Air Force and Navy.

production is not difficult we have to ex-pand our production facilities. Do you have partners in the private sector?Not only private but public as well.

are you going to expand this group?Yes.

Please provide us with a few details.If a country has to grow, infrastructure has to grow in industry. Industry is the main economic component. So if we can contribute to expanding the industry and produce in India, then economy im-proves. So that is what we are trying to do.

are there any discussions at aero india? A lot of people have come and everybody seems interested.

countries and we have named some countries which are supposed to be friendly for both governments. But now

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“We are looking for joint

ventures both in public and

private sector”

InderjIt SIal is an old pro in the defence and security business in India. Sial, who a few months back moved to Textron as President and Managing Director of Tex-tron India, will be driving their vast portfolio of prod-ucts across the North Block and South Block. Both he and Stephen Greene (Vice President-Communications, Textron Systems) spoke to Geopolitics on the sidelines of the Aero India show in Bengaluru. Excerpts:

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Our opportunities are not only about air vehicles but

also ground control sta-tions and communications technologies because air

vehicles are very valuable.

Which of your products are you discussing with the Indian air Force?IS: We are in discussions with them on UAVs and sensors and also about Air Force Base modernisation. All this is a continu-ous process and we are in deep dialogue.

at the offset conference a question came up about transferring technologies from com-panies like yours and Intellectual property rights (Ipr) not being protected. do you have any such fears?IS: Let me put this way. We have a tech-nology centre in India. We have more than 500 engineers working under IPR-restricted environment in our centre in Bengaluru. So there is no question about fear and being sceptical about the tech-nology here. The Government allows cer-tain technologies to be transferred and we are transferring those technologies. We are here for almost 8 years and we have no such fears. We educate people on how the technology really works. You are going to be here for the long run. looking at the nature of your product port-folio, specialisation in many of them you are bound to be more hits than misses. In that sense you will have to work on your offsets programmes. What are you plan-ning for that?SG: Absolutely. We are looking at various offsets strategies and each of the seg-ments has its own financial structure.IS: First of all, what I told you about in-dustrial collaboration strategy is that we are looking for joint ventures. Why are we looking for joint ventures? It is not offsets strategy. First, we have to create the capa-bilities with the Indian partner and in cre-ation of those capabilities we will not be able to fulfil the offsets. Offsets are just for six years and nobody really understands and unless the technology rests with the legal entity one cannot fulfil offsets. So the approach is to collaborate with the Indian industry on the long-term basis, create programmes which create value addition not only for Indian market but for inter-national markets. We are identifying com-panies and are having discussions with a number of companies that are in a very advanced stage.

How is this going to run? We are not looking for sourcing and we are looking for collaboration and that too for the long run. Today, we have one obligation and tomorrow we may have multiple obliga-tions. How do we fulfil that?

What are the products you plan in India?Stephen Greene (SG): We have a lot of products to sell in India. India is a huge market and we have good relationships here. We can make a huge dent in the In-dian market. Our opportunities are not only about air vehicles but also ground control stations and communications technologies because air vehicles are very valuable. At present, we have a pro-gramme with the Indian Air Force (IAF) for sensitive weapons. The Sensor-Fused Weapon (SFW) has been integrated into the Jaguar and its contract was awarded in 2010 for 512 units valued at about `1,285 crore ($257 million).We have been work-ing closely with the IAF on this integration programme and hope to continue (this relationship).Inderjit Sial (IS): On defence and security, Textron is the word. Several of our prod-ucts are so cutting-edge that it has an ex-tremely huge market.

You mean for both internal security and de-fence?IS: That is the idea. Overall what we see is that the products Textron Systems has have a great opportunity both in defence and homeland security. Our strategy is very clear. We are looking for potential Indian partners who can indigenise pro-grammes for the Indian market, see the demand and make a real long-term com-mitment.

What are you looking for? Is it joint Ven-tures (jV) or some other collaboration?IS: Yes, we are looking for joint ventures, both in public and private sector and Transfer of Technology (ToT). Currently, we are in discussions, both with the Gov-ernment, I mean public sector and the private sector.

And we are also in discussion with research organisations such the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO).

We have had a number of meetings with the DRDO as to what their require-ments were and what we could bring into the development programme of our product range so that both of us benefit together.

Is there a possibility of developments or an-nouncements anytime soon? IS: Yes, we will. In fact, we are in deep en-gagement with the DRDO for a few of our products. We will have the DRDO delega-

tion visiting us in the US to basically have discussions. As most of our licences are in place, I think we are moving ahead in the right direction.

are you talking to the state governments since internal security is also largely a state subject in our federal set up?IS: We are talking to the paramilitary forces and a few states and also to and through Joint Secretary (Police Moderni-sation). What they have done is that they first want the paramilitary forces to try it out and then paramilitary filters it out to state governments.

For example, they mandated Un-manned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) to Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). Ground sen-sors have been given to the Border Secu-rity Force (BSF).

how does the process work when you are working paramilitary forces?IS: We do it on no-cost no-commitment basis.

have you done that anywhere?IS: One programme is already going on. We have had final discussions on the UAV programme.

For which UaV?IS: The Shadow.

When you do this with paramilitary, does it have any geographical area consider-ations?IS: They select where the demonstration will be conducted. It can be more than one place. We have not received that re-quirement as yet.

Customisable to user requirementsIDAS can be configured with laser warning and missile-approach warning as well as the full multi-spectral detection capability for radar, including a Saab digital receiver, DRx, as an option.

IDAS is fully integrated with BOP-L, Saab’s new advanced lightweight coun-termeasures (CM) dispensing system. The modular system architecture allows IDAS to be configured for any combination of the three sensor-system types. IDAS sys-tems offer cost-effective defensive aids, providing exceptional performance in a lightweight form for a wide variety of air-craft. A version with only electro-optic sen-sors and CM dispenser, designed for the

Saab IDaS: Self Defence for InDIa’S aIrborne PlatformS

product feature

Paradigms of modern warfare have transformed towards disabling the enemy before moving in for the kill and not just limiting oneself to just to being a brutal force. Self-defence for airborne platforms means knowing whether anyone is observing me or mak-ing me a target. That requires keeping track of every type of signal out there. Saab’s Integrated Defence Aids Suite (IDAS) is an Electronic Warfare (EW) system designed to provide self-defence in sophisticated, diverse and dense threat environments. IDAS can be configured to become the high-end system with laser-warning and missile-approach-warning. It can also be full multi-spectral detection capability for radar. The system is fully integrated with the BOP-L countermeasures dispenser.

Crippling the enemy: SAAB’s IDAS installed on an NH-90 despersing flares to ward off airborne threats

miSSim:• Tester for

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protection of aircraft against Man-Portable air-defence Systems (MANPADS) and la-ser-based threats is also available.

easy to installMultiple interfaces (Ethernet, MIL-STD 1553B, ARINC 429, RS 232, RS 422 and RS 485) and low box-count allows easy instal-lation in helicopters, transport aircraft and fighters. The Graphical User Interface (GUI) is via a dedicated full-colour Threat-Display and Control Unit (TDCU), 3-inch displays or existing onboard colour Multi-Function Display (MFD), along with Audio Signals. Saab offers a fully integrated complete EW system with all sensors, EW computer and the dispensers from a single supplier.

independent userThe system facilitates a user-definable threat symbology along with a flight-line software upload/download via external data-loader interfaces. It has configurable secure modes of operation in terms of op-erational software and libraries. Different threat libraries can be selected in flight according to mission type and/or geo-graphical area. It allows for bulk recording via Ethernet link to external data-storage device. The system is designed for post-mission playback and analysis facilities by means of Flight-Data Analyser (FDA).

radar-warning functionThe radar-warning function features a compact, wide-band, high-sensitivity solu-tion with high Probability of Intercept (PoI). The addition of an optional digital receiver (DRx) transforms the radar-warning func-tionality into a full-fledged ESM system.

laser-warning functionThe laser-warning functionality is achieved by using four LWS-310 sensors and a pro-cessor card in the Electronic-Warfare Con-troller (EWC). It features high sensitivity, excellent threat coverage and exceptional POI for both single and multi-pulse emis-

sions. A unique feature of this system is that it not only classifies laser emissions, but can also identify laser emission through a user-programmable threat library.

missile-approach warning functionA unique optical design ensures high sen-sitivity equating to long detection range. Each sensor uses a dedicated digital signal processor making use of a distributed, hi-erarchical data-processing architecture to ensure optimal utilisation of information in real time.

The missile-approach warning system is in production for numerous platforms. It has been field-tested and approved against various missiles including live missile fir-ings under in-flight dynamic conditions.

Countermeasures-dispensing function (BOp-l Series)The BOP-L dispensers are controlled via a fully integrated chaff-and-flare dispenser controller that resides in the EWC. This al-lows for automatic dispensing under the control of the EWC upon threat-identifi-cation. The system can handle mixed pay-loads per dispenser, i.e., chaff and flares mixed in each dispenser. Semi-automatic and manual firing capability is also provid-ed. User-defined dispensing programmes/sequences are selected by the EWC per identified threat. The dispensing tech-niques can be defined in the threat library for the EWC and uploaded to the system on the flight-line. The jettison of all payloads is possible in all modes of operation under emergency conditions.

Flight-line test equipmentIDAS is supported by appropriate flight-line stimulators for each type of sensor and Chaff-and-Flare Test Blocks (CFTB) for the dispensers. The flight-line test equipment is used to verify system serviceability prior to missions.

IDAS has achieved outstanding opera-tional success with a growing list of cus-tomers in Europe, Asia, Africa and the Mid-dle East. The product has been ordered/installed on helicopters, commercial trans-port aircraft as well as on fighters.

Platforms in which systems/compo-nents have been installed are: Oryx, Puma, Cougar/Super Puma, Rooivalk, A109, Super Lynx 300, Dhruv, Chinook, Hawk, C-130, C-130H, Su-30, NH-90, MI 17, Embraer 120, Gripen, Saab 2000 & ERIEYE, Dash-8 and Tornado.

COntrOl panel: • Mode and

Programme ordering

eleCtrOniC WarFareCOntrOller• Control management• System interface• DAC interface via CFDCDC• Dispenser management

BOp-l DiSp enSer• Houses electronics• power supply• Control, BIT, safety• Misfire compensation• Smart cartridge interface• 16 PAYLOAD TYPES


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gramme which is funded by US and Israel for Israel and there was a requirement at that time for a collaboration between a company in Israel with one in the US. But other than that, it works very well.

How did you take the David’s Sling forward between you and Raytheon?We had teams working together. Ray-theon developed the launcher and they are developing parts of the missile. In the missile, we are the prime but they are do-ing some parts in the missile for us as well.

Are there plans of such collaborations in India? We are in process but I do not know whether any of the collaborations are ex-actly of this kind. We are already in talks with a few industries in India for the last few years and we are trying to bring not only systems but are also bring work in or-der to share the work with the companies in India.

What is the status of these collaborations?Yes, we already had some, I would say, parts in our products that are manufac-tured in India and we are trying to do it as much as we can. It just takes time for this process but we are very much into this process of bringing more of the produc-tion to India.

We are working here with Mahindra Defence. We had lot of talks with Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and there is a long list that our procurement people are working with. I do not want to give you some and leave out the others (smiles).

Does this help in any offset obligations you may have?Exactly. This is helping us handle the off-set obligations because the offset obliga-

very high technology capability. It is not a magic but yes, almost.

What is the collaborations you are eyeing in India? First of all, we are already selling some of our products to the Israeli forces. To-day, we are selling very advanced earth ground capabilities, the Litening Pod which is a targetting pod and the Spyder Defence System to the Indian Air Force (IAF). We are selling to the Navy as well. So we are already in business with Indian forces for more than 10 years and we have discussions on other products as well or are still in the middle of competitions like for the Spike missile and systems like the Iron Dome which we have started to talk about and will see how they proceed in the future.

I just hope that we will be able to fulfill the Indian defence forces’ needs and have this kind of cooperation with the Indian industries as well for the years to come.

What’s the feedback on these products?At the moment, there is keen interest to know more about the system and the system capabilities and to learn whether this capability can be adapted to Indian requirements. So, I believe there will be a process to know whether there is a need for this kind of capability. The Iron Dome was built for the special capabilities and needs of Israel. We think that other coun-tries will be able to use this developed system for their needs. Now, you have to check whether you have a need for the system.

How does your collaboration with Raytheon work for the David’s Sling programme?The collaboration with Raytheon started when we started the David’s Sling pro-

CounteRIng tHReAtS: Rafael’s Spice missile on display at aero India 2013


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tion actually talks about bringing pro-duction into India and manufacturing a part of the system in India — not only in Israel. We are doing this for two reasons: first, it is part of the offset obligations; and second, we think that it works better with the customer because then the customer can get better maintenance and support if the Indian companies are involved in the production.

How long did the Iron Dome take to develop?Less than three years. I would say it was the quickest development of a system of this size and capabilities that we have de-veloped from scratch. The command and control was built from scratch as well. The missile is different from all our other mis-siles because we produce a missile that would cost less. There is a very big gap

between the cost of this kind of missile and the kind of air-to-air missiles that we used to produce earlier. It is about one-fifth the price. So if you want to produce this kind of missile, you need to develop it from scratch with different sub-systems and still keep the capabilities of a missile that is capable of intercepting a target in the air.

How did this concept come about?It began as a process to seek a solution. The Israeli Minister of Defence asked industries for solutions against rockets. There were all kinds of solutions. Even in Rafael, we had three different solutions that we offered to the Ministry of Defence and they chose the Iron Dome as the best solution for these kinds of threats.

We are not going to rest after developing the

product. The day we finish the development, we start to develop the upgraded

version

there were other solutions as well?Yes, there was something about 17 differ-ent kinds of systems. It was a competition.

How many people worked on it?In the time that we had, the highest num-ber was a few hundred in Rafael who worked for almost 12 to 16 hours a day. I mean we did not have to push them. They felt the obligation for the country. You know in 2006, we had a rocket launch from the northern border of Israel into the area where Rafael is located. For ex-ample, one day we had to go to the shelter 18 times because of rockets. So, we did not have to explain to Rafael employees why they needed to do it, why there was a need for fast development. They felt it to protect their families and the citizens of Israel.

We have these kinds of rocket launched almost every day from the Gaza area. We took, for example, in the begin-ning of the development all the people who worked in programmes for a visit to Sderot. Sderot is the city very close to the border of Gaza, which has I think, the highest number of rocket hits. So we drove them from to see the city and meet the people. But as I said, when you protect your people, you do not need to explain.

Have other countries shown interest in the Iron Dome? We are talking with other countries and yes, there is interest. I mean take the globe and see who have the threats and then you will realise.

So what are the systems and capabilities you are currently working on?For David’s Sling, for example, the devel-opment phase is not at an end. It will take another two years. So this is a very major system that is right now in development. Other than that, we always are looking for the next level of capabilities in all of our products. We will work further on the Lit-ening, the Spike Missile, and every other area. We are not going to rest after devel-oping the product. The day we finish the development, we start to develop the up-graded version.

This is for all of our systems. We had development work in Rafael for years and we will have it forever because it is in our bones. We need all the time to develop and see ourselves going forward in our capabilities and technologies.


mentary skills and knowledge from global players and forge long-term relations with OEMs for mutual benefit. OEMs that sell their defence products worth `300 crore have to invest directly and indirectly 30 per cent worth of that sum in Indian strategic industries: defence, space and homeland security. The basic idea here was to strengthen the indigenous defence infrastructure in the country.

N K Sharma, CEO, OIS Advanced Tech-nologies, said that while India’s Defence Procurement Policy (DPP) was evolving and becoming better with the changing times, the government was not doing enough to develop the required infra-structure to attract the Small and Medium Enterprises (SME). He was of the opinion that the government should provide the SMEs tax benefits, soft loans and facilitate their interactions with foreign OEMs, be-sides promoting quality technology.

On the other hand, the global per-spective on the offset regime was fairly positive on the Defence Procurement Policy (DPP) 2012. The policy, per se, won praise for taking the entire procure-ment regime way forward and believed that it would help assimilate the Indian manufacturing sector into the global sup-ply chain. As one of the speakers noted, “India was not a transactional market, but a long-term market for most manufactur-ers who look at the country for growth and productivity.”

Amongst the highs for most speakers was the period of performance exten-sion, introduction of multipliers and the extension of offset banking period. The negatives were the lack of institutional arrangement to guard IPR and the high threshold to change offset partners.

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Offsets spark off debate

Why are our Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises unable to take off and align themselves with global suppliers? They are nimble, cost efficient and adapt-able. One great example of a success-ful MSME is Dynamatic Technologies. It is the sole global vendor to assemble Flap-Track Beams for the Airbus Single Aisle A-320 Family of Aircraft.

However, in the case of India, things are little different and there are plenty of reasons, according to E&Y’s Ankur Gupta. In a brief but riveting presentation, Ankur literally ripped apart the case that MSMEs have a bright future in the present scheme of things. Here is a gist of his argument:

• Raw material is an issue. It is usually a metal and one has to buy from buyer-nominated suppliers. Usually, you require it in small quantities (25-50 kgs) and it cannot, therefore, be sent by container. As a re-sult it has to be air freight and the costs are prohibitive.

• Market access is an issue. Off-set obligations are in crores and for companies to know of the MSMEs, they have to par-ticipate in global shows which are expensive. Why even In-dian shows like Aero India are now so prohibitive that a company ends up spending upwards of `50 lakh for a de-cent presence at any show. He is simply in no position to in-cur these kind of costs.

• Precision equipment has again to be imported from Ja-pan, Europe or America and

they are hugely expensive. Technology does not come free. Even if an offset partner where to transfer technology, it would expect the partner to manufacture and make some profit for them as well. So there is a cost attached to the technology as well.

• Quality personnel are another issue. India has a huge reser-voir of engineers but few of them are specialised in the cutting edge requirements of the aerospace industry. So, they end up taking bright kids from the Industrial Training Institutes and training them and see them being poached just as they are ready.

• Any programme runs over several years and no vendor is going to pay his supplier un-less he receives money from the government for sales. This could well be four or five years. Can an MSME hope to collaborate and wait for so long a time for his first pay-ment?

• Unlike ISO certification that are used by the auto industry, Aerospace industry certifi-cation are far more complex and hugely expensive costing upwards of `5 lakhs and regu-larly renewable. Can MSMEs afford it?

• The Foreign Investment Pro-motion Board does not have a separate wing for MSMEs and industrial licences cost a huge amount of money.

MSMeS unABLe to FLY HIgHoFFSet DeBAte: Defence Productions Secretary R K mathur with panelists and (left) Gurpal Singh and (Right) air marshal m. matheswaran

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The super Tanker fr om spainThere is a buzz at both Seville and Getafe as Airbus Military gets ready to ramp up production of its A330 MRTT and prepares to deliver the first A400M. And if that’s not enough the C-295 seems to be getting plenty of lift from countries around the globe. K SrinivaSan reports after a recent trip to the Spanish head-quarters of the European aviation giant.

Between Seville (about 510 km) to the South and Getafe just outside of Madrid, Airbus Mili-tary has its fortune tied up at least for the next decade and a

half. And, frankly, in many ways the tra-jectory is likely to just keep climbing up and up. There are plenty of reasons for that.

For starters, Airbus Military is finally one cohesive unit. It’s Spanish in persona and in temperament all right, but its CEO Domingo Urena Raso has a great friend-ship with parent company EADS CEO

Tom Enders that’s helped him put the military part of the aviation business into top gear. Almost unanimously everyone that one spoke to both in Getafe and Se-ville agreed that in many ways the success of Airbus Military reflects the steel of Domingo, his determination and, most of all, his relaxed way with col-

leagues that makes him a hard task master, but an easy one to work for. “There is no doubt that if we have crossed the hump, he is the man who has helped us get over it,” said one senior executive during a chat at Getafe.

After all the hiccups, products are fi-nally ready to fire. Excepting the US and those in service elsewhere, every new re-fueller sold these past years has been the A330 MRTT. It is the top selling tanker all over the globe. It’s a brand new platform compared to the ageing but sturdy 767 that’s three decades plus. Its brand new transporter, the A400M, is likely to be

The super Tanker fr om spain

TaKing Shape: An A330 ‘green’ aircraft getting ready at the Airbus Toulouse assembly line. (Top right) The Airbus Seville (San Pablo) facility

There is a buzz at both Seville and Getafe as Airbus Military gets ready to ramp up production of its A330 MRTT and prepares to deliver the first A400M. And if that’s not enough the C-295 seems to be getting plenty of lift from countries around the globe. K SrinivaSan reports after a recent trip to the Spanish head-quarters of the European aviation giant.

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delivered to the launch customer, the French Air Force in May or early June around the time of the Paris Air Show. It’s inevitable that it is viewed as the transporter of the future. Both the C130 J (Lockheed’s platform is close to 50 years old although it has been refurbished com-pletely) and Boeing C 17 Globemaster (three decades-plus) are reaching what is argued by many as the end of their pro-ductive lifecycle. In fact, the big question that many analysts ask is: what next from Lockheed and Boeing for this platform?

After plenty of hiccups, engine issues and other delays, the Grizzly (as Airbus has delightfully named the first five test aircraft) is all set to lumber past the run-way. Developed at a cost of €20 billion, this military transport and heavy cargo plane has been hit by a five-year delay and cost overruns that led to a financial bailout. Tom Enders told BBC World in 2010 that he would consider ending the programme if European governments failed to provide more money. “We cannot complete the development of this aircraft without a significant financial contribu-tion,” he had said then. The money came, the project rolled systematically and the long five-year haul to get a transporter of the ground now looks a thing of the past.

In the Indian context, though, it’s the A 330 MRTT that’s scored the first hit. In early January, it was announced that In-dia has selected the Airbus Military A330 multi-role tanker transport (MRTT) as its preferred bid for a six aircraft requirement for the Indian Air Force (IAF). The deal is expected to be finalized later this year and the nitty gritty of negotiating the fine print has begun. The competition came from the Ilyushin Il-78MK. “This has been a long and tough competition and we are honoured to have been selected,” Domin-go Ureña Raso said diplomatically. Two years earlier, its selection was overturned by the Finance Ministry that questioned the lifecycle costs tabulation. But the fresh tender took that into consideration and the A330 had far lower maintenance and operational costs compared to the Russian platform making them the win-ners.

“The A 330 has a natural advantage. It’s a commercial jet and a hugely popular wide-bodied. Virtually every major airline has a 330 fleet that would mean enough spares and maintance across the globe,” said Kieran Daly, Airbus Military’s press manager. The ‘green aircraft’ (although one wonders why it’s called green when its fully loaded) arrives at Getafe from the assembly line at Toulouse and its inte-rior is literally ripped apart to recraft the

tanker. “It’s cheaper and easier for us to remove the seats rather than fly in a shell from Toulouse,” said Antonio Carama-zana, head of Airbus Military Derivatives. And the nitty gritties?• First aircraft 36 months after signing

the contract• Subsequent aircraft after every three

months • Specific customisation for the Indian

version includes 290-plus seats, two fuel tanks for two different fuel types

• A radar warning receiver and a chaff and flare dispenser system

• Specified avionics • The hose and drogue system of refu-

elling (IAF fleet’s Sukhoi, Jaguar and Mirage-2000 are all hose and drogue receipients)

• Engine not finalized: could be GE or Rolls Royce While the A330 MRTT is a done deal,

there is plenty of excitement at the emi-nent delivery of A 400M this year. It is a programme that has swung from one ex-treme to another and the low point was last July when it had to be taken off the fly-ing display at Farnborough due to engine issues. Everything has come together, though, and as the first delivery is sched-uled for the middle of the year, officials are confident that it is bound to make its mark as a state-of-the-art transporter for the future. “I can see the A400M making its mark all over the world including America in the next few years. If you look around you have literally nothing with quite the same capabilities,” said Daly who lives in London and flies into the Spanish capital

each week for his media responsibilities.

So what’s next?Daly smiles as do many others including Maggie Bergsma, the head of media rela-tions, at Airbus Military. “We have other aircraft on offer as well,” she quipped.

She’s right. The strongest contender is the C 295. Manufactured and assembled in the Airbus Military facilities in the San Pablo Airport in Seville, it is a further de-velopment of the commercially success-ful Spanish-Indonesian transport aircraft CASA/IPTN CN-235, but with a stretched fuselage, 50 per cent more payload ca-pability and new PW127G turboprop en-gines. The C-295 made its maiden flight in 1998. It’s the aircraft that Airbus Military hopes will be the Avro replacement air-craft. Its closest competitor is the C-27J Spartan transport aircraft from Finmec-canica. Unfortunately, the AgustaWest-land deal has put a complete spanner in the works for all future plans of the Italian company.

Already Airbus Military’s Asia-Pacific Sales Director Federico Lacalle has been talking to HAL about producing the air-craft here and the possibilities of coopera-tion. There is a buzz in Seville where the aircraft is manufactured and the state-of-the-art training centre at San Pablo Sur has to be seen to be believed. But that’s a separate story we will reserve for some time in the future.


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Bird’s eye view: An aerial view of the Airbus Military facility at Getafe where the A330 is converted into tankers


Are you doing business in India? Yes. We have a contract with the Indian Air Force (IAF) to deliver our flagship product called Star SAFIRE which is a gimbal Gyro-stabilised thermal imag-ing system that is housed inside the tur-ret along with a medium wave infra-red camera, a long-range camera, a day-TV, a low-light TV camera as well as laser pay-loads such as laser range finders and laser pointers. These systems are installed and currently flying on Indian Air Force C130J aircraft that is in the inventory.

We have conducted the training for the Indian Air Force personnel to use the systems and now we are waiting for the second optional order to come in which is for six more aircraft and then we will have six additional units on those aircraft as well.

Where is it located in the aircraft?It’s exactly under the nose of a C130J. Right under the nose you will see a circu-lar ball-like thing. That is it. It is our first order actually from the Air Force. It was ordered as part of the whole thing. We were successful in that programme.

What are your business prospects in India?Currently, we are chasing quite a few ten-ders with the army on some of our hand-held products, such as thermal imaging base, infra-red cameras and quite a few helicopter projects for the Indian Navy

“We are chasing quite a feW tenders With the army...”KorAy N SeyIthANoglu (Director for International Business Development) is pushing FLIR in the Indian market place as never before. He was there at Aero India 2013 and spoke exclusively about doing business in India and their future prospects

and the Coast Guard on various plat-forms. We are also trying to be part of all helicopter programmes with our sensor systems that shall be installed under the belly of the helicopters for various ISR (In-telligence, Surveillance and Reconnais-sance) missions. So are you pitching different products for different platforms?Well you could say we have different types of products that would meet a certain requirement. However pretty much it’s a compact design and if you are order-ing that package, it comes with a thermal camera, a day camera-CCD camera and laser payloads.

Do you bid with the main vendor or do you decide to do so directly?Sometimes we opt to bid with the main vendor. For example, we have currently placed our proposals with AgustaWest-land and Eurocopter to be turned in as part of the complete package to the Indi-

We are also trying to be part of all helicopter programmes with our sensor systems that shall be installed under the belly of the helicopters for

various ISR missions.

an Navy and the Coast Guard. Or, we have tenders that come directly to the Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEM) for very specific thermal imaging products and then we place our bid directly with the government here.

how did you bid for the C130J?It was not direct at that time. We were contracted with Lockheed Martin.

So have you placed your bid with Augusta?Yes.

Do they place all the bids from companies like FlIr with the IAF for them to pick the fi-nal choice? Are you also presenting directly to the IAF?Yes we are. We are also just giving them the details on our sub-system about what it can do separately from the aircraft op-erations.

Are you talking to homeland security offi-cials in India?Yes we are. We have quite a few Border Se-curity Force (BSF) programmes. Howev-er, one frustration is that the procurement process is very slow in this country and it requires great patience from multination-als such as ourselves. A large company like ours is able to handle it but I doubt that small companies may survive even though they may have something very useful for the Indian soldier.

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Cheetal Choppers for MoDCheetal choppers for MoD: HAL has signed contract worth ` 418 crore with the Ministry of Defence for supply of 20 Cheetal helicop-ters and associated equipments to the Indian Army over the next four years. HAL will also provide train-ing to the pilots and technical crew. This is the first contract for supply of Cheetal helicopters to the Indian Army. HAL had the initial order for 10 Cheetal helicopters from Indian Air Force.

Cheetal is the re-engined variant (de-veloped as company funded programme) of the proven Chee-tah helicopter being manufactured by HAL for over four decades. Cheetal helicopter is equipped with a Tur-bomeca TM 333-2M2 free turbine turboshaft engine which is more fuel efficient and pro-vides higher payload capability of 90 kgs at an altitude of 6 kms. Cheetal helicopter can operate up to seven kms altitude and has a range of 640 kms with an endurance of 3.50 hrs.

VVIp Choppers by DrDo With the deal for procur-ing VVIP choppers from AgustaWestland facing the prospect of being scrapped, DRDO today said it has the capability to manufac-ture helicopters even though he contend-ed that producing anything entirely indigenously was

impractical.“We have capability to

manufacture any system. We are manufacturing LCH (Light Compact Helicopter). We have already manufac-

tured ALH (Advanced Light Helicopter) and our own aircraft,” DRDO Chief V K Saraswat told journalists.

KalaM presents hal InnoVatIon awarDs

Former President of India, Dr. A. P. J. Abdul Kalam recently presented the HAL innova-tion awards. The awards were presented to Mr. Javed Asghar of HAL’s Kanpur Division for his pioneering work on “Incremental sheet form-ing” technology and HAL’s team from Strategic Research and Development Centre (SLRDC), Hyderabad, Ms P. Padmaja, K Shrikanth and Mr. Arun Kumar in the design category.

HAL Chairman, Dr. R K Tyagi in his welcome address recalled Dr. Kalam’s associa-tion with HAL in 1957 for a

short period and credited him for developing the Company’s 10-year vision in later years as one of HAL’s board members.

“We need to build culture of excellence in aerospace missions and a few set-backs should not deter us from suc-ceeding in various projects of national importance”, said Dr. A P J Abdul Kalam, former President of India, at a func-tion organised by HAL here today. Addressing the young management and design trainees of HAL he urged them to set high aims, acquire knowledge, work hard and persevere in difficult times.

DhruV awarD for young InnoVator

HAL felicitated Pradip Shivaji Mohite with ‘Dhruv Award’ for fabricating a home-built helicopter at Aero India 2013 here today. Mohite (28), a mechanic by profession has studied only up to standard IX and is a resident of Sangli (Maha-rashtra). He fabricated the helicopter using automobile components and success-fully airlifted the contrap-tion in July 2012. The award contains a citation and a certificate.

Congratulating the young innovator, Dr. R. K. Tyagi, Chairman, HAL, said the Company will further encourage the young person in his endeavours. “It is great achievement for a person who does not have formal engineering degree”, he said. Mr. Mohite used Maruti 800 engine to power the rotors controlled by the automobile brake-cables, the tractor battery was used to start the engine and auto-mobile speedometer meets the monitoring requirement.

A Bright Future: :(Left) Former President of India, A P J Abdul Kalam and (Centre) R K Tyagi, Chairman HAL, presenting the Dhruv Award to (Right) Pradip Shivaji Mohite


InDuCt brahMos, anthony to russIaDefence Minister A K Antony has said that Russia should induct BrahMos supersonic cruise missile in their fleet so that the success achieved in the joint venture will be fully appreciated. Address-ing the ‘Partnership Day’ marking the signing of Inter Governmental Agreement (IGA) between India and Russia for the formation of BrahMos joint venture in New Delhi the said soon the Indian Air Force will have

BrahMos both, on land and air platform, making it a real force multiplier for all the wings of the Indian Armed Forces. Army, Navy and Air Force consider BrahMos to be an important weapon due to its speed, precision and power, he said.

The Government has also decided to expand the infra-structure at multiple centres to cater to larger production requirement of BrahMos mis-siles and systems.

f-35a CoM-pletes Clean wIng flutter testAn F-35A Lightning II conventional takeoff and landing aircraft, known as AF-1, completed its final test mission for clean wing flutter recently. Flutter testing was conducted to ensure the jet’s structure could withstand various aerodynamic loads verify-ing the F-35A’s design. The testing demonstrated the F-35 is clear of flutter, at speeds up to 1.6 Mach and 700 knots with weapon bay doors open or closed, critical to performing its combat mission. Data collected proves the F-35A flight dynamics maintains a large margin between its designed airspeed and airspeeds where possible flutter could occur.

Boeing’s liquid hydrogen-powered Phantom Eye unmanned aircraft system has completed taxi testing at Edwards Air Force Base in California as it progress-es toward its second flight.

During the testing the Phantom Eye demonstra-tor aircraft sitting atop

its launch cart reached speeds up to 40 knots, or approximately 46 miles per hour. The Phan-tom Eye team has also completed software and hardware upgrades to prepare for flying at higher altitudes.

Phantom Eye’s innovative

and environmentally re-sponsible liquid-hydrogen propulsion system will allow the aircraft to stay on station for up to four days while providing persistent monitoring over large areas at a ceiling of up to 65,000 feet, creating only water as a byproduct.

phantoM eye CoMpletes taxI tests

faa to begIn uaV test sIte seleCtIonThe US Federal Aviation Ad-ministration (FAA) will begin a competition for six Unmanned Air Vehicle (UAV) test sites by the end of February. This was disclosed by deputy administrator Jim Williams said during an early February meeting of the Association for Unmanned Vehicle Systems International (AUVSI).

The six UAV test sites is meant to experiment with UAV integration into national airspace, which is strictly reg-

ulated. FAA will also issue a Notice of Proposed Rulemak-ing (NPRM) for small UAVs on how best to use US airspace by the end of 2013.

Beginning in mid-2013, UAVs under around 50lb (22.7kgs) will be allowed to fly for commercial purposes in a large area off the coast of Alaska. The area, defined by Congress, runs thousands of square miles off the north and west coasts of the state. It will be the only area that UAVs are allowed to operate for com-mercial purposes.

March 2013www.geopolitics.in

DEF BIZ


Cold Weather tests conclude: As the countdown to first customer delivery progresses, the Airbus Military A400M new generation airlifter has successfully passed a renewed series of cold weather tests in a production-representative configuration. During a week-long deployment to Iqaluit, Canada, the flight test-team demon-strated the capability of equipment such as the cargo system and production-standard engines which were not available during earlier tests in Sweden.

Tests conducted over 5 days on Grizzly 5 / msn6 included engine runs after a 24-hour cold-soak to -32°C, use of all the cargo bay equipment, taxying, and a development flight

French A400M set for take off: Airbus Military expects to to fly its first of at least 174

production examples in early March.Issues with the airlifter’s Europrop International TP400-D6 engines encountered during 2012 have been resolved, and that the type will meet its full performance and payload requirements from entry into service.

Early March is the target for the first flight of French air force aircraft MSN7, with Airbus Military already having begun its production acceptance test activities ahead of the mile-stone event.

To be delivered in late May or early June, the first production Atlas underwent its first auxiliary power unit test in Seville on February 14. Airbus Military’s delivery schedule for 2013 will see two additional A400Ms handed over to France, and one to the Turkish air force.

UNDER THE terms of the Memorandum of Understanding(MoU), TAML (Tata Advanced Materials Limited) which is engaged in the design, manufacture and supply of composite products for aerospace, defence and trans-portation sectors along with STL (Strongfield Technologies Limited), a UK based company specialised in manufacturing and supplying of high-tech compo-nents and equip-ment for Defence and Space applica-tions and provides Engineering, design and consultancy support will jointly explore the poten-tial business co-operation areas in various segments of the Pilotless Target Aircraft activities as

well as other aerospace and defence activities.Strongfield Technologies Limited intends to

involve India’s Defence Industry in relation with the offset requirements of the Indian Government acquisition programme, namely Pilotless Target Aircraft. STL is willing to de-velop a strong relationship with TAML which will contribute better to answer its worldwide

requirements. Paul Rogers, Director of

Outsourcing, STL said, ‘STL is honoured to col-laborate with TAML for indigenous composite production of compo-nents and structures for its defence projects. STL evaluated TAML facilities in 2012, and was pleased by the high standards of quality and capability showcased.’

taMl Mou wIth strongfIelD

aIrbus a400M upDate

BAE Systems has received a `140 crore order from the U.S. Marine Corps for the production of light-weight combat hel-mets. The lightweight design, first produced by the company in 2012, represents the latest model in Marine Corps helmets.

Rockwell Collins and Tata Power’s Strategic Engineering Division (Tata Power SED), today announced a teaming agreement as part of their pursuit of the Indian Air Force Software Defined Radio Programme.

Tata HAL Technologies Ltd, the joint venture between Tata Technol-ogies and Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, today announced that it was awarded the Design Approval Cer-tificate by Centre for Military Airworthiness and Certification, the airworthiness approval authority for military aircraft in India.

Bharat Electronics Ltd (BEL) signed an MoU with Elbit Systems for the joint production of Compact Multi Purpose Advance Stabilisation System (CoMPASS) for Naval helicopter applica-tions at Aero India.

bae orDer

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Finance Minister P Chidambaram, in his budgetary allocations for the year 2013-14, has earmarked an increase in defence expenditure by 4.5 per cent to about `2 lakh crore, contrary to public expecta-tions. There were fears that the slowdown in the Indian economy would have an adverse effect on the Indian military. Speculation on the matter of defence budgetary cuts came earlier in the month when Defence Minister A K Antony, at the Aero India show, said, “India is not an island. The world economy is going through a tough time, we will have to cut down.” While the Defence Minister had said that the priority areas and operation-al preparedness would not be affected, his statement cast a shadow on the forces’ modernisation plans.

trillion for Defence`2

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crore for Pak nuke plants

18 3new dams on Brahmaputra

Amid concerns raised by India and various environmental groups and after nearly a two-year halt, China, earlier this year, gave the go-ahead for the construc-tion of three new hydropower dams on the Brahmaputra. The State Council approved these dams under a new energy development plan for 2015 that was released in January. So far, construction is ongoing on only one major hydropower dam on the main stream of the middle reaches of the Brahmaputra, a 510 MW project in Zangmu in the Tibet Autono-mous Region (TAR). These projects were listed in the State Council’s energy plan for the Twelfth Five Year Plan period.

NUMBERSGAME

Expanding its overseas presence, China plans 18 possible overseas bases of PLA Navy at North Korea, Papua New Guinea, Cambodia, Thailand, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Gwadar Port (Pakistan), Hambantota Port (Sri Lanka), Maldives, Seychelles, Djibouti, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, Angola and Namibia. Interna-tional Herald Leader, a Chinese state-run newspaper published a commentary to advise PLA Navy to build overseas naval

bases to protect its energy line in Indian Ocean area. The article said, as China’s first ‘Liaoning’ aircraft carrier entered service in the PLA Navy, along with the successful landing of the J-15 carrier-based fighter, the PLA Navy had become the focus of world attention after 2012.China believes in a strong navy for its energy interests in the Indian Ocean Area, especially in the Strait of Malacca. However, even with more warships, the PLA Navy cannot play a key role without overseas bases.

possible overseas bases for PLA Navy

`13600China has provided Pakistan a loan of `13,600 crore for construction of two Nuclear Power Plants that are expected to be commissioned by 2016. The power plants are being built with Chinese assistance at the Chashma nuclear com-plex in Pakistan.

The total cost of the two plants is `19,000 crore and are partially funded by a Chinese loan of `13600 crore, the sources said. The Pakistan Atomic En-ergy Commission (PAEC) has allocated

`3460 crore for the C3 and C4 Nuclear Power Plants at Chashma.

So far, `6240 crore has been spent on the Chashma project and with the additional `3460 crore, it is believed that almost half of the work will be complet-ed by June 2013.

The two plants are expected to be commissioned by 2016 while the existing three power plants are already operating. PAEC plans to generate 8,800 MW of Nuclear Power by 2030.


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The Indian Armed Forces have conduct-ed trials in high altitude areas of Jammu and Kashmir for the requirement for 197 light multipurpose helicopters.The tenders for these choppers were floated last year to equip the Army with 133 and the IAF with 64 such choppers

to replace the ageing 350-helicopter Cheetah and Chetak fleet. Russia has brought three of its Kamov-226 light multi-purpose helicopters. Ka-226, an upgraded version of the Ka-26 choppers, is competed against Eurocopter’s AS-550 and AgustaWestland’s AW119 helicopters for the tenders. The procurement process has, however, been put on hold in the light of the VVIP chopper scam.

In order to avoid a Taliban resurgence, NATO may station up to 12,000 troops in Afghanistan post the 2014 withdrawal to train and assist Afghan forces. Pentagon spokesman George Little said NATO was considering a deployment of between 8,000 and 12,000 troops, including US

contribution, but no final decision had been made. He said that reports of a US presence of 8,000 to 12,000 troops “are not correct”. President Barack Obama “is still reviewing options and has not made a decision about the size of a possible US presence after 2014,” he said.

new choppers for the Armed Forces

troops in post-2014 Afghanistan

US troops in Niger to set up drone base

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100 American troops have been de-ployed to the African nation of Niger to set up a base for unarmed drones to conduct surveillance. President Obama announced the deployment in a letter

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to Congress, saying that the forces “will provide support for intelligence collection and will also facilitate intelligence sharing with French

forces conducting operations in Mali, and with other partners in the region”. The drone base will allow the US to give France more intelligence on the militants its forces have been fighting in Mali, which neighbours Niger.

The Pentagon’s highly decorated F-35 Lighting Joint Strike Fighter (JSF) pro-gram has hit yet another delay as all test flights for the entire fleet, all variants, have been suspended due to engine problems. This came just weeks after the F-35B resumed tests after a month-long suspension, also due to an engine problem. This time though, all three variants have been grounded. The total order placed for the forces was of 2363 planes. These included 1763 F-35As, conventional landing model for the

US Air Force (USAF), 340 F-35Bs, short takeoff and vertical landing (STOVL) model for the US Marine Corps (USMC) and 260 F-35Cs, carrier based model, for the US Navy (USN). The programme also currently faced increased scrutiny from lawmakers and the US Department of Defence (DoD) as the JSF, intended to replace various tactical aircraft in US service, held the key to America’s future air might.


becoming a p ower that countsIndia is going to have ground, air, ship and subm arine-launched missiles to provide an impregnable strategic deterrence, reports Saurav Jha

“The DRDO’s missile cluster is increasingly focussed on tactical systems and by 2020 we intend to have some of the best missiles across various classes in the world.”AvinAsh ChAnder, Distinguished Scientist, Programme Director, SFD and Director, Advanced Systems Laboratory (ASL)

COVERSTORY


DR

DO

becoming a p ower that countsIndia is going to have ground, air, ship and subm arine-launched missiles to provide an impregnable strategic deterrence, reports Saurav Jha

The most visible example of the Defence Research and Development Organisation’s

(DRDOs) evolving capability is unques-tionably its missile and strategic systems cluster. If the unveiling of the Agni-V last year was symbolic of its competence in the development of land-based strategic strike systems, the recent final develop-mental launch of the K-15/B-05 missile heralded the maturing of its underwater launch technology.

Taking its work even further, the DRDO is also developing a whole gamut of tactical missiles even as it continues to sharpen India’s strategic deterrent. How-ever, while DRDO has ‘captive custom-ers’ in the domain of strategic systems, it has to compete with the so called ‘import route’ as far as providing tactical missile options to the armed forces is concerned. In the tactical realm, the DRDO’s main successes till date have been the Akash Surface-to-Air Missile (SAM) and the BrahMos supersonic Cruise Missile (CM) both of which have received substan-tial orders from the military. To build on this, the DRDO is putting in place lim-ited manufacturing processes for missile avionics that remove production bottle-necks. Interestingly, it is also tying up with foreign partners for access to front-end missile technologies for some projects in order to expedite missile delivery cycles through joint ventures.

The maiden launch of the Agni-V last year put India in a group of nations possessing the ability to deliver nuclear payloads over intercontinental ranges. The Agni-V, to DRDO’s credit, combines a number of recent technologies that makes it a contemporary system in the same class technology-wise as Russian In-ter Continental Ballistic Missiles (ICBM) of recent vintage. For instance, two out of three stages of the Agni-V are made of carbon composites that help manage the missile’s fuel fraction by reducing weight for comparable length besides increas-ing the overall structural integrity of the missile. These carbon composites have been developed by the DRDO’s Advanced Systems Laboratory (ASL), Hyderabad

Seeking a TargeT: DRDO’s Nag, a third generation Fire-and-Forget anti-tank missile developed in India under Integrated Guided Missile Devel-opment Programme, is launched from its carrier


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awe-inspiring Firepower The DRDO is currently working to further enhance India’s missile capability to counter national security threats

AstrAType: Air to Air MissileWeight: 154 kgsLength: 3570 mmdiametre: 178 mmWarhead: 15 kgs (33 lb) HE fragmentation directional warhead

BrAhMos Type: Supersonic Cruise missileWeight: 3,000 kgs and 2,500 kgs (air-launched)Length: 8.4 mdiameter: 0.6 mWarhead: 300 kgs (Conven-tional semi-armour-piercing and nuclear)

range 80-110

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range 300-500

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range 5000 kms

Agni-5Type: Intercontinental ballistic missileWeight: 50,000 kgsLength: 17.5 mdiametre: 2 metres (6 ft 7 in)Warhead: Nuclear


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AkAsh Type: Mobile Surface-to-air missile systemWeight: 720 kgs (1,600 lb)Length: 578 cm (228 in)diameter: 35 cm (14 in)Warhead: High-explosive, pre-fragmented warhead

nag/helina (Air Launch Version)Type: Anti-tank guided mis-sileWeight: 42 kgs (93 lb)Length: 1.90 m (6 ft 3 in)diameter: 190 mm (7.5 in)Warhead: 8 kgs (18 lb) tan-dem warhead

k-04 Type: Submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) Weight: 2,000 kgsLength: 10 mWarhead: 2.5 tonnes

range 2000 kms

range 3500 kms

which is the lead laboratory in DRDO’s missile cluster for the entire Agni series. ASL’s composites are also used in the heat shield of the Agni-V’s warhead which has to resist temperatures in excess of 5000 degree Celsius during atmospheric re-entry at speeds of 5-7 kms. In the near future, all composite Agni missiles are in the offing. According to Avinash Chander, Chief Controller of DRDO’s Missile and Strategic Systems, mass-produced com-posites will actually prove cheaper than managing steel.

The most important aspect of the Agni-V, however, is the fact that it is en-visioned as a cannisterised road mobile system, giving India’s future long-range deterrent unprecedented survivability and mobility. While the first launch of the Agni-V from a canister mounted on a road mobile Transporter-Erector-Laun-cher (TEL) is expected to take place this year , design work on the heavier and lon-ger ranged canisterised Agni-VI, carrying 4-6 Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicles (MIRV) has also been completed. This was actually revealed on the sidelines of Aero India 2013 by DRDO’s Director General V K Saraswat. In any case, all future Agni series missiles including future developments of the Ag-ni-IV will be canisterised, as indicated by Avinash Chander to Geopolitics.

Now even as ASL’s land-based long-range BMs become more muscular, DRDO’s older missile laboratory — the Defence Research and Development Lab-oratory (DRDL), Hyderabad — is also de-veloping longer-range strategic strike sys-tems that can be launched from beneath the waves. Having completed the devel-opment of the medium ranged K-15/B-05 shaped trajectory missile as represented by its final developmental trial in January this year, DRDL seems set to unveil the K-04 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Mis-sile (SLBM) with a strike range of around 4000 kms. The K-04 is designed to be fit-ted into the Arihant-class and its larger follow-ons and may also lead to a land-based avatar just as the K-15 has given rise to the Shourya. A follow-on SLBM to the K-04 dubbed the K-X with a telescopic aerospike and range of 6000 kms may also be under development.

Whether it be the Agni series mis-siles developed by ASL or the K-series by DRDL, all of India’s newer strategic strike cP,NOMA1systems sport contemporary G

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With the agni-v and Shourya, DrDO seems to be moving towards canisterised sys-tems. When did this evolution happen? Did it grow out of DrDO’s pursuit of underwater launch technology? how does this improve the deployability of india’s land-based long range deterrent? Can this lead to a deploy-ment doctrine with indian characteristics?Well, activity in this sphere has been go-ing on for a while now. Our success with underwater launch technology certainly gave us added confidence in the domain of canisterised systems. We are now quite competent in this sphere and all future Agni series missiles are likely to be canis-terised and that might include the Agni-4. Future versions of the Agni -4 may be can-isterised as well.

Rapid deployability has been an im-portant factor behind this decision to move to canisterised systems. I mean, canisterising heavy long-range missiles is never an easy decision given the weights involved, when say opposed to doing that for lighter missiles like the Shourya and the BrahMos. Of course, the principles are the same but the challenge due to the much higher weights involved is differ-ent. In any case, we now have dedicated

facilities for testing cold launch systems for heavy long-range missiles and tests are progressing well.

Coming back to the need for canister-ised systems, the overall aim is to increase the survivability of the Indian strategic deterrent. The reaction time for these systems from command to launch is 15-20 minutes or less. Their configuration allows them to perform operations with-out being detected. Ultimately, the move towards canisterised systems is aimed at giving our strategic forces command the ability to quickly disperse and rapidly re-deploy the strike systems under their control.

given that the k-15 has a land-based ava-tar now, is something similar being planned for the k-4 SLBM as well? also, will future indian SLBMs sport an aerospike?Yes there is a possibility of developing a land-based derivative of the K-4 as well. As far as aerospikes are concerned, it is one of the ways in which drag is reduced during missile flight, especially in the case of SLBMs which have blunter front ends than their land-based counterparts given that a part of their journey takes

“aim is to increase the survivability of the indian strategic deterrent”avinaSh ChanDer, Dis-tinguished Scientist, Pro-gramme Director, SFD and Director, Advanced Systems Laboratory (ASL) has been charge as Chief Controller R&D (Missiles and Strate-gic Systems) since May 3, 2011. He is an eminent sci-entist in the field of missiles and is the Chief Designer of Long-Range Missile System in the country. He has suc-cessfully delivered three long-range weapon systems namely A1, A2 and A3. Some of his management initiatives include technology mapping in strategic seg-ments, Government-Owned Company Operated (GOCO) concept for production of critical inputs for missile systems, concurrent produc-tion methodology to reduce developmental time cycles and identifying key technol-ogy growth areas. He spoke to Saurav Jha about the various variants of the Agni Missile that the DRDO is developing. Excerpts.


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place underwater. There are other ways to reduce to missile drag as well and in as far as being one of the ways to do so aero-spikes would be considered.

The DrDO has proven and sustainable ca-pabilities in the domain of strategic strike systems. So do you think that now the at-tention could perhaps turn to tactical sys-tems? Indeed, the DRDO’s missile cluster is in-creasingly focussed on tactical systems and by 2020 we intend to have some of the best missiles across various classes in the world. Importantly, most of the tech-nologies required for future missiles are already in place or is being acquired via joint ventures. The emphasis therefore is more on innovation and re-engineering in terms of better control laws and so on. The DRDO, I am happy to say, boasts ex-cellent system design capabilities today.

One can see evidence of that in the Astra air-to-air missile which will un-dergo air-launched trials this year and is likely to be ready for induction by 2015. The DRDO is already perfecting anti-tank missiles which can strike targets at a dis-tance of over 7 kms in all weather day and night conditions. In the near future long range Surface-to-Air Missiles (SAMs) that can hold targets at risk at a distance of 300 kms will see fruition.

DRDO incidentally is not just attain-ing competence in established classes of tactical missiles but is actually looking at all new classes of missiles as well. By 2020, we will also possess multi-role missiles that can be used for variegated mission profiles.

it is interesting that you mention multi-role missiles because Defence advanced re-search Projects agency (DarPa) too has plans for the triple target terminator which will be potent in air-to-air roles against air-craft, look-down shoot-down roles against cruise missiles and air-to-ground action against SaM launchers, etc. But such a missile would require tri-mode seekers. and that begets the question how would you describe DrDO’s capabilities in critical front-end missile technologies?I think we have come a long way in this sphere. For instance, Imaging Infra-Red (IIR) seeker technology was extensively validated by the Nag missile project it-self. The delays that you see in that pro-gramme were due to seeker resolution not being adequate during the worst parts of

the day so to speak but that has now been addressed. We are also looking at the joint venture route besides using technology leverages to fill any gaps as it were.

I would assure you that seeker tech-nology has been identified as a critical area for DRDO. For both Radio Frequency (RF) as well as IIR seekers, multi-pronged steps for the design and development of sub-systems are underway. For instance, the development of better klystrons and antennas for RF seekers and optics for IIR seekers are progressing rapidly.

in terms of antenna design, are you looking at arrays made out of composites? Yes. Thanks to nanotechnology, signifi-cant weight reductions can be achieved in antenna design using composites and it is an area of enquiry at the DRDO. But at the moment, we are primarily focussed on improved metallic arrays.

One of the areas in which multi-mode seek-ers are of vital importance is Ballistic Mis-sile Defence (BMD). The DrDO has already demonstrated rF-guided intercepts. But what is the status of dual-mode seekers for planned and existing interceptors?Dual-mode seekers are under develop-ment for our BMD programme. As you know, very long-range interceptions at altitudes in excess of 150 kms require IIR seekers.

And they are quite difficult to devel-op?

Yes, but I think the DRDO has been crossing quite a few thresholds in these areas.

That leads us to the question: is the DrDO also planning mid-course intercepts with multiple kill vehicles?Our interception philosophy centres around multi-layered interception using dedicated kill vehicles in the endo-atmo-spheric and exo-atmospheric domains. This is designed to achieve 99.99 per cent probability of intercept and we are work-ing in that direction. Using multiple kill vehicles at altitudes beyond 200-300 kms where re-entry speeds are of the order of 7-8 kms/sec isn’t really that viable a prop-osition.

at the other end of the spectrum, is the DrDO at the moment developing small lightweight missiles suited for uav appli-cations?UAVs per se are a high thrust area for the

DRDO. The Rustom-2, for instance, will begin flight testing in 2013-14. Armed UAVs are, of course, a different ball game altogether, but, given our overall UAV development programmes, they are cer-tainly an area of interest. In that context, the development of lightweight missiles suitable for such roles is also an area of interest.

Moving on to missile propulsion, the DrDO seems to have achieved a lot of success in solid propulsion technologies be it rocket or ramjet. But what about liquid ramjet technology, since that is the staple of su-personic cruise missiles like the BrahMos and potentially longer range systems for instance?The DRDO has ground tested a scramjet for 20 seconds for a hypersonic vehicle and an indigenous ramjet has also been tested for smaller vehicles. I think we have reached a good level of maturity in this sphere.

But what about the engine for the BrahMos?BrahMos is a graded process. Indigenous content in the missile presently stands at 35 per cent but is improving rapidly. The solid state booster for the BrahMos has been indigenised along with the airframe, avionics and the canister.

The final level of indigenisation that will be attained is to the tune of 85 per cent and we are progressing towards that goal. A 100 per cent indigenisation in ev-ery system may neither be economically viable nor be necessary.

Staying on the topic of propulsion, is the nirbhay’s cruise missile engine a turbofan or has the DrDO also looked at alternative propulsion configurations like propfans?The Nirbhay is powered by a turbofan and it is imported. At the moment, India does not have an indigenous turbofan under production.

But such a system (the nirbhay) will need to be produced in large numbers given its nature. how do you intend to scale up with-out an indigenous engine?These are certainly issues that we are look-ing at. For the industry to come forward, the volumes have to be large and visible. Then there is the question of capability itself. At the moment, we are looking at a setup in which we provide support in a participatory approach to build what the country needs.


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avionics packages. Indeed, besides com-posites, miniaturised avionics have a very big role to play in keeping the over-all missile weight low. The key laboratory that develops these avionics packages including Inertial Navigation Systems (INS), mission computers, seekers, bat-tery systems and actuation systems, is Research Centre Imarat (RCI). RCI has been the brains behind the ring laser gyro (RLG)-based INS and accelerometers in India’s contemporary long range missiles which have made them far less reliant on the need to receive satellite updates. Importantly, RCI also produces a lot of the core avionics under a government-owned company operated format which has helped speed up missile development in India by enabling faster prototyping as well as limited series production.

Having tasted success in INS, inter-face and onboard computing RCI is now focussing on the most critical aspect of missile technology — seekers, especially for the tactical missiles currently under development in India. It has already dem-onstrated capability in radio frequency seekers as a number of successful inter-cepts by DRDO’s stock Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) interceptor — the Ad-vanced Air Defence (AAD). Imaging Infra-Red (IIR) technology is maturing under the Nag programme although it may have overcome some of the resolution issues of the past. In any case, DRDO’s capabilities in this sphere have been enough to allow it to get a foreign partner for developing the rather sophisticated IIR seekers re-quired for the next series of BMD inter-ceptors, AD-1 and AD-2 that will look to knock out ICBM-class targets at terminal altitudes of 200 kms and above.

For the Nag itself, next on the anvil is an indigenous millimetric wave 9MMWe sensor that would enable the air-launched variant of the Nag called the Helina to en-gage targets 7-10 kms away. The Helina will also be ultimately integrated onto the Indian Air Force’s (IAF) fighter aircraft in a role similar to that served by the Brim-stone missile in western forces.

As noted above, foreign partners to-day are more forthcoming in sharing technology with India in the form of joint venture partnerships due to RCI’s rise. In the arena of missiles, co-development and co-production arrangements be-tween DRDO and foreign partners seem to be proliferating. Apart from the Brah-Mos, the most notable among these are

at the quality though processes in this country and imbibe a culture of moving up the value chain. Of course to attract industry we have to hold out the promise of large orders.

I would say some policy level issues will, perhaps, have to be addressed. But indigenisation has to happen. There is no doubt in anybody’s mind about that. I mean people usually mention the 30-70 break-up as the ratio between indigenous and imported weapons and how that needs to be reversed. Well, I would like to say that 55 per cent of the systems that the military has inducted of late are of indig-enous origin.

So are we going to see some missile sys-tems with a private player as the lead inte-grator in the next decade?

Well, we are looking forward to it. I would, however, say that a consortium approach could perhaps work better, wherein you have both public and private players coming together as part of a con-sortium to execute projects. For instance, the ground systems and launchers of many the DRDO-developed missiles are already built by private players.

But what about being lead integrators for the missile vector itself? When are we go-ing to see a private player being the lead agency for putting together the missile it-self?

Private players have to also demon-strate their quality in this regard to come to the level of system integrator in this sphere. At the moment, we see a lot of players talking about being tier I or tier II players but they’ll have to make greater efforts to move up the value chain.

how would you describe the DrDO’s evolv-ing relationship with the user, i.e., the mili-tary given the some of the acrimony that we have seen in the past?

Users are actually now an integral part of our R&D cycle. New projects are seeing users involved right from conception and we would like to see them as a part of the design process itself. The users, i.e., our armed forces have some very important capabilities in this domain. For instance, their field experience and their manage-ment and distribution capabilities can prove very useful for our projects. In naval systems, we have actually achieved such synergy to quite significant levels.

But isn’t that the crux of the matter? The DrDO is an r&D organisation and to really make its efforts worthwhile, it has to have production partners both in the public and private sector who can also deliver quality products to the armed forces on time. What is the DrDO doing to avert the bottlenecks that one has seen in the past? Moreover, would you say that there is a realisation among all stakeholders about the urgency of indigenisation?

We are identifying production part-ners right at the beginning of the design process itself. Productionisation is getting integrated into the design process and this is ensuring that our industry associ-ates understand what is required in terms of manufacturing and supply chain man-agement. Concurrently, the designers and production agencies engage in a process of parallel upgradation and requirement planning that removes the possibility of bottlenecks.

However, we do need to take a re-look


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riSing uP: The Shaurya missile, a canister-launched hypersonic surface-to-surface tactical missile developed by DRDO for use by the Indian Armed Forces

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in the SAM space. The Indo-Israeli project to develop a Long Range SAM (LR-SAM) for the Indian Navy’s warships and a ground-based version of the same for the IAF called the Medium Range SAM (MR-SAM) is the biggest such programme. This programme has a work share ar-rangement in which the LR-SAM’s (called Barak-8 in Israel) dual-pulse solid rocket motor, pneumatic actuation system and safe-arm for the rocket motor have been developed by the DRDO and the multi-function phased array radar and missile seeker have been supplied by Israeli Aero-space Industries.

Impressed with this project, which gives them the ability to intercept fighter aircraft up to a distance of 70 kms, the re-spective services have placed substantial orders. The Indian Navy’s LR-SAM order already totals more than `2,600 crore with the missile expected to arm the P-15A Kolkata-class destroyers and the IAF, at the moment, has on order `8,600 crore worth of MR-SAMs. Coming on the back of `24,000 crore worth of orders for the Akash SAM from the IAF and the Indian Army, this portends more good news for DRDO’s SAM programmes. It is no won-der that DRDO is confident of unveil-ing a strategic level SAM with a range of more than 300 kms in the next few years. More may also be heard of the Maitri short-range SAM project soon which will be developed under the auspices of joint venture between the DRDO and French defence firm MBDA.

While the DRDO is clearly making strides in indigenising India’s SAM hold-ings, it is trying to make a statement in Air-to-Air Missile (AAM) technology as well. The Astra Beyond Visual Range AAM (BVRAAM) is slated for air-launched tri-

als this year and is expected to be ready for induction by 2015. The Astra which weighs 154 kgs can intercept most mod-ern fighters in tail chase mode at dis-tances of 20 kms or less and up to 110 kms away in head on mode. The Astra is intended to arms a number of the IAF’s fighters including the Su-30 MKI and the Tejas. Concurrently with the Astra, plans for a very long-range AAM that could take out Airborne Warning And Control Sys-tem (AWACS)-sized targets from 300 kms away are progressing.

The DRDO is also keenly pursuing long-range air-to-ground weapons. On the anvil is an anti-radiation missile with a range of over 100 kms in the same class as the US AGM-88 HARM. A 400-km range air-to-surface solid fuelled missile may also be under development. Nevertheless, the first air-launched strike system to be inducted is likely to be the Indo-Russian BrahMos-A which will enter flight testing soon. The IAF has apparently ordered 200 units of this variant. A mock-up of the hy-personic BrahMos-II which also naturally a joint project with the Russians and pow-ered by a scramjet was displayed at this year’s Aero India show. Its range specifica-tions as yet are a little unclear.

Indigenous scramjet technology is currently being developed by the DRDL under the aegis of Hypersonic Technol-ogy Demonstrator Vehicle’s (HSTDV) pro-gramme. The HSTDV is expected to be flight-trialled by the end of July this year at a speed of over Mach 6 for 15-20 seconds. Liquid ramjet engines have also been developed for possible supersonic long-range CMs that may also deploy smaller missiles on approach to the target.

Meanwhile, the Nirbhay subsonic CM with a range of about 1000 kms and

some loitering capability will undergo its first test flight this year and like the BrahMos is also being fashioned as a uni-versal missile that will have air, ship and submarine-launched variants in addition to the ground-launched variant. In fact, the BrahMos, Nag and Nirbhay and K-15/Shourya are all examples of missiles that are being developed with multiple users in mind given that they can be adapted to different launch platforms.

This is actually a smart approach on DRDO’s part as it removes a degree of risk from its programmes by increasing the number of prospective users. DRDO has also shown versatility in using the same missile frame with different guidance packages in the form of the 150-km range Prahaar battlefield support missile which has the same airframe as the AAD BMD interceptor.

While the kind of versatility alluded to above is an example of clever modular-ity, DRDO is also planning to take things to the next level with the development of multi-role missiles in which the same missile can be used on targets with very different profiles.

A multi-role missile of this kind for in-stance could be used without any modi-fication whatsoever and on command against targets as diverse as aircraft to road mobile TELs. Creating such a deliv-ery vector is quite difficult as it requires the development of multi-mode seek-ers that might include semi-active la-ser, MMW and electro-optical guidance. However, given DRDO’s recent string of successes in complex projects and the increasing availability of foreign suitors for its various programmes, such a mis-sile could indeed be unveiled by it before 2020.

MiSSiOn reaDy: Mission computers offer flexible power and advanced technology in a low-cost mission processing and display generation system to the navigator and secure the mission survivability

TargeT Seeker: The Advanced Evalua-tion System comprises of a transmitter to generate signatures as seen by the seeker head of Laser Guided Munitions and a re-ceiver to decipher the PRF codes.

BuiLT TO STrike: Pinaka-214 MM Multi Barrel Rocket Launcher System built indige-nously by DRDO, Pinaka system were first used during the Kargil War, where it was successful in neutralising enemy positions on the moun-tain tops

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geopoliticsINTERNAL SECURITY

a new air wing

The Ministry of Home Affairs is moving ahead to have its own aircraft for homeland security

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INTERNALSECURITY

The emergence and continuity of any secessionist movement depends on the matrix of con-ventional and unconventional support systems. In the case

of the Khalistan movement, that aims at carving out Punjab as ‘Punjabi suba,’ an independent country, from the rest of India, it is incisively a secessionist move-ment largely supported by various actors in India and abroad. Apart from covert funding and logistical support from Paki-stan, much of the enduringness of the movement is by the virtue of Sikh dias-pora abroad.

In January 2013, India, in an official meeting with US delegations on Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty, formally asked the US Justice Department for the extradi-tion of three Babbar Khalsa International (BKI) terrorists including Balwinder Singh Possi, Gurnam Singh and Gursharan Singh. All three are suspects in twin blasts at Jalandhar’s inter-state roadways bus stand in April 2006, in which three people were killed.

Last year in December 2012, talking about the increasing activities of pro-Kh-

alistan activities, Union Minister of Home Affairs (UMHA) R P N Singh told the members of the Lok Sabha about the re-newed engagement of pro-Khalistan ter-rorist groups like BKI, Khalistan Zindabad Force (KZF) and Khalistan Tiger Force (KTF) in various terrorism related activi-ties in India. While quoting intelligence inputs, he said that some organisations and NGOs abroad were sending money to BKI and certain intermediaries to be paid to jailed terrorists and their families in Punjab. The funding seems to be a part of larger conspiracy to revive the Punjab autonomy campaign of an independent native land, simultaneously reviving pro-Khalistan terrorist organisations. Punjab Police DGP, Sumedh Singh Saini, has re-peatedly quoted intelligence inputs about possible revival of terrorism in Punjab, af-firming the renewed threat of militancy, with plans to attack Delhi and other parts of Country.

In September 2012, Operation Blue Star commander Lieutenant General (Retd.), K S Brar was attacked by four as-sailants with a knife in London. Indian intelligence strongly suspected the role

of BKI behind the attack. On the same day, far away from London, Punjab Po-lice arrested a British national, Jaswant Singh Azad in Jalandhar with several pro-Khalistan militant links. According to the police, he was an active member of BKI, KZF and KTF and was working to create sleeper cells at the behest of terrorist or-ganisations by funding terrorist modules in Punjab. Police found `1.3 crore stashed away in 14 bank accounts held by Azad in rural branches at Nakodar, Adampur, Ala-walpur and Lambra in Punjab. Azad was financing various terrorist modules to re-unite them and providing networking and hideouts to terrorists. When interrogated, he disclosed that a dozen other British na-tionals were directly or indirectly involved in militant activities. Azad also made a

The Sikh diaspora in Britain, Germany, Canada and the United States is now very active in reviving the separatist movement

in Punjab and Pakistan is facilitating it, writes Gaurav Kumar Dixit

ResuRgence of Khalistan

movement


staggering disclosure about the plan to kill a number of politicians.

It is thus obvious that apart from fund raising and providing networks, pro-Kh-alistan movement is focussing on direct action. The attack on K S Brar is one such example of changing mode of function-ing of these groups by directly getting in-volved in attacks. In light of the attack and the increasing incidence of fund mobili-sation abroad the National Investigation Agency (NIA) has been forced to re-exam-ine the rise of pro-Khalistan movement in India and various fund raising activi-ties as well as other related activities by the Sikh diaspora. NIA, in fact, has asked for Britain’s assistance, under Mutual Le-gal Assistance Treaty between India and Britain, in its probe against various Sikh

separatist groups working in Britain. Wolverhampton and Birmingham are two known centres of activities for extremist groups like the BKI, International Sikh Youth Federation (ISYF) and Khalistan Commando Force (KCF) in Britain. Ac-cording to intelligence input, UK-based Paramjit Singh Pamma has been mobilis-ing support for the BKI and coordinating the activities of the militant group abroad. At the same time BKI Chief Wadhwa Singh is also actively involved in fund raising ac-tivities in the name of reviving Khalistan movement. With the aid of Pakistan based intelligence organisation Inter Services Intelligences (ISI), the Sikh diaspora is extensively engaged in mobilising funds in Europe and North America to revive the movement. NIA has registered a case

against BKI on charges of providing funds for reviving militancy in Punjab. It has booked the UK-based Dalbir Bains and Joga Singh of BKI under the Unlawful Ac-tivities Prevention Act (UAPA) for sending funds to Punjab. Fifteen members of the BKI have also be verified, who are cur-rently on the run. This is, nonetheless, just the tip of the iceberg.

The Indian Government has also came to know about Sikh groups like Dal Khalsa, UK, which on a regular basis or-ganises protests and demonstrations out-side the Indian High Commission office in London as well as at the consulate office in Birmingham. There have been inputs about BKI, KCF and ISYF being religiously involved in indoctrinating Sikh youth in western countries by raising anti-India hate campaign. Recently, a Sikh rights group, Sikh for Justice (SFJ) in New York submitted a petition, along with a 300-page report, Yes It Is Genocide, to Barrack Obama demanding that the 1984 anti-Sikh riots in India be recognised as ‘geno-cide.’ The petition is unique in itself and it has 46,000 signatures. The whole exercise is intended to embarrass the Indian Gov-ernment.

Likewise, Canadian Foreign Minister John Baird had to face massive protests from the Sikhs in Toronto, after he assured India that Canada was committed to curbing extremist groups and guaranteed extradition of militants if brought into the notice of Canadian Government. The pro-Khalistan movement, besides, lobbying against India, are also running the Hate-India campaign and pro-Khalistan cause on the internet. The Sikh Organisation for Prisoner Welfare (SOPW) is under the lens of the NIA. SOPW actively promotes itself as an organisation working to achieve justice for thousands of Sikhs ‘illegally imprisoned in India’. Its funds are utilised to offer legal services to suspected Sikh militants facing trial in courts. There are more than 50 social networking groups and over 20 websites which openly propa-gate the notion of independent Khalistan and encourage revival of the movement in Punjab. The diaspora, in a change of tactics and strategies, is also focussing on increasing anti-India lobbying, protest,

BacK to safety: Lt. Gen. (Retd.) K S Brar arrives in Mumbai amidst tight security after being attacked in London

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demonstration and propaganda-based brainwashing of youth abroad.

The NIA has confirmed that the BKI has extended its influence in Punjab and has created sleeper cells across the state. Former Intelligence Bureau Chief Ne-hchal Sandhu, in September 2012, clearly warned of terror groups focussing on Punjab and ISI providing patronage and assistance to various Sikh terrorist groups including BKI. He partially confirmed what was earlier confessed by a BKI mili-tant Kulwant Singh alias Guddu, who was arrested in September last year, that he had planned a major extremist operation in Punjab during festival season and that he was liaising with BKI militant abroad for the revival of outfit in Punjab. He also revealed that short term modules were being run in Pakistan for training suscep-tible Sikh youths from India and abroad.

According to intelligence sources, there is information that a new alliance has been made between Jaish-e-Moham-mad (JeM) and BKI at Rahimiyar Khan in Punjab Province of Pakistan. The alliance is intended to renew the Khalistan move-ment under the patronage of the ISI. The alliance will help in recruiting and train-ing youths, along with helping them to carry weapons and explosives to Babbar Khalsa.

The ISI, which is extensively involved in funds-raising activities, is also organis-ing cross-border infiltration. Infiltrators bring Fake Indian Currency Notes (FICN), arms, narcotics and Pakistani phones. After seizure of huge cache of arms and FICN from Amritsar in July 2012, the case was transferred from Punjab Police to the NIA, as the Government feels it to be a part of larger conspiracy by the ISI to refuel militancy in Punjab. Minister of State for Defence, M M Pallam Raju said that security mechanism at the Indo-Pak border would be further strengthened

to effectively check the smug-gling of narcotics in Punjab from across the border. However, 105 kg heroin valued at around `5.25 bil-lion in the inter-national market and 500 cartridg-es of Magnum 397 bore revolver valued at around `200,000 lakh concealed in ce-

ment bags were seized from a goods train that arrived in Amritsar of Punjab (India) from Pakistan. The concrete plan and ac-tion for strengthening border is yet to be finalised, as the illegal consignments are still easily crossed through the border ar-eas.

“A close watch is being maintained on the activities of various groups known to have been engaged in trying to foment terrorist activities in Punjab,” said UMHA R P N Singh, adding that Intelligence sources have informed the UK, Germany, Canada and the US intelligence about the heightened activity by BKI and other pro-Khalistan groups. He also said India had taken up the matter at the level of Foreign Office Consultations, ministerial meetings and Joint Working Groups on Counter Terrorism, sensitising these gov-ernments about India’s security concerns. A BKI terrorist, who was on his way to Germany to meet BKI activist Harvinder Singh to organise terror activities in India, was arrested on March 19, 2012 from the IGI airport in Delhi.

According to the Police, the com-mon point in the majority of arrests is the link of the terrorist with group members abroad. Almost every pro-Khalistan ter-rorist is based in a western country, espe-cially Germany, Britain, Canada and the US, apart from those in Pakistan. Unfor-tunately, Canada and Germany, however, believe Indian security concerns about the pro-Khalistan groups are overstated. Even the NIA has information about at least 30 NGOs in these countries sympa-thetic to the Khalistan movement. The US has showed some concern as it helped Indian intelligence track down two BKI activists in the US and gave a commit-ment to not allow any anti-India activ-ity on US soil. Britain, which is becom-ing hub for Pro-Khalistan movement has committed to counter anti-India activi-

ties, but was exposed after the attack on K S Bar as it failed to combat such forces.

Though the Government on India realises the gravity of the revival of the Khalistan movement, nothing concrete is being done to confront the menace. There may have been nominal arrests of terror-ists and some infiltrators, but increasing incidences of fund transferring, arms and ammunition supply along with FICN across the border and from abroad, tend to strengthen the notion of the lack of ability on the part of the country to coun-tercheck the revival attempts.

The intelligence agencies, which are keenly observing the activities of the ISI and the role of the diaspora, need to con-trol their activities through proper moni-toring and implementation of strategies aimed at countering such terrorist ac-tivities. Meanwhile, a watchful eye on the border and on the nexus of smugglers will eventually help in countering the smug-gling of various arms and ammunitions and FICN. A meaningful dialogue with the neighbouring country will also in turn help to raise the issue of ISI’s effort to de-stabilise India at global level.

Punjab had faced the menace of ter-rorism decades ago. Therefore, any disin-genuous effort from the Government and intelligence agencies could be devastat-ing for the state. The Central and the State Government of Punjab need to make seri-ous efforts to counter the threat of terror-ism in the state.

Unfortunately, the Khalistan move-ment has always been a global seces-sionist movement spearheaded by the Sikh diaspora abroad. The Indian Gov-ernment’s concern should, therefore, be understandably to mobilise Sikh dias-pora, which very proudly attaches itself to the land of Punjab and its culture. India needs to strengthen its ties with dias-pora groups along with the governments of those countries in countering such threats. The fact that Indian foreign policy has rarely touched upon the issue of dias-pora’s role in supporting insurgency and only financial consideration has been the focal point, our diaspora policy need to be revaluated. The diaspora too need to un-derstand the fact that biggest sufferer in any secessionist or separatist movement is the population on whose behalf the struggle is fought. A volute of violence, in the least, tarnishes the same social and cultural identities the Sikh diaspora is strongly attached to.

(The author is research scholar)

uneDinG strife: Relatives of Sikh victims killed in the 1984 riots during a protest in front of Jamia Millia Islamia University in New Delhi

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As the Naxal threat spreads and anti-Naxal operations intensify, the Min-istry of Home Affairs has started

contemplating having its own mini Air Force so as to not be dependent on the whims of the IAF top brass and their per-ceptions of paramilitary forces’ chopper requirements.

While Defence Minister A K Antony was advising the Ministry of Home Affairs

(MHA) against making a mountain out of a molehill on the Naxal incident involv-ing an Indian Air Force (IAF) helicopter and its Garud Commandos, the ministry in-charge for internal security was busy preparing a case for having a larger chop-per and unmanned aerial vehicle fleet of its own.

The MHA prepared a note for the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) to procure a fleet of 24 choppers for its own air fleet in addition to the 12 Mi-17 V5 that the Border Security Force (BSF) would be getting from Russia and its existing inven-tory of six Mi-17s. The note has been ap-proved by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) after consulting the IAF which also gave its nod for expanding the MHA’s aerial fleet.

In view of the long spat between the MHA and the IAF, the MoD said it did not have any objections about the proposal. Now, the proposal would be given a final shape and placed before the CCS headed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh for its final approval.

The turf war for control over the chop-pers started late last year when the MHA started complaining to the Cabinet Sec-retariat that IAF pilots were not fully sup-portive in carrying out casualty-evacua-

tion and troop insertion operations of the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) in the Naxal-affected areas, officials in the know of the developments said.

In the latest January 16 incident, the MHA had said that the IAF chopper crew and its Garud Commandos had aban-doned an injured Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) trooper and their weapons on board the chopper. After the incident, Home Secretary R K Singh had written a letter to his counterpart in the MoD, Sha-shikant Sharma, complaining against the IAF personnel and their conduct during war-like operations.

However, soon after the MoD gave its nod to the proposal, complaints about the Naxal incident and un-soldierly con-duct of the IAF personnel vanished. The MHA also expressed its apprehensions over the IAF’s reluctance to deploy its plat-forms in the anti-Naxal operations, which is true to the extent that the IAF declined to deploy the latest night-vision enabled Mi-17 V5 helicopters in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand.

The genesis of the trouble lay in the fact that even though the CCS had ap-proved 23 choppers for anti-Naxal opera-tions, so far only six to seven have been

MHA wins tHe bAttle for UAVs

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Given the increasing com-plexities involved in fighting the Maoist menace and insurgencies as well as monitoring the border from high mountains, the Central Armed Police Forces are all set to have their own heli-copters, ending dependence on the Air Force

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Need for SurveillaNce: The IAI’s Heron has been employed by the Indian Armed Forces as well as internal security agencies


provided by the IAF to the forces. The IAF received repeated reminders from the MHA but cited compulsions and shortage of rotary-wing assets for its own opera-tions in the northern and north-eastern sectors.

The air force went to the extent of say-ing that it had to recall its fleet of choppers from the UN missions to perform its du-ties and to provide aerial support to the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) in anti-Naxal operations. Even after getting its choppers back from the UN mission, it continued to maintain six choppers in Raipur and Jagdalpur to support CAPF.

Once the IAF started getting its Mi-17V5 choppers in 2011, the MHA request-ed it to deploy its new machines in the area to carry out night-time operations. Its rejection by the IAF was not easily di-gested by the paramilitary top brass.

At the moment, the MHA has got only five choppers under its command, includ-ing the four with the CRPF and one heli-copter with the BSF for anti-Naxal opera-tions.

The CRPF is believed to have told the Cabinet Secretariat that a minimum of 10 helicopters would be required in addi-tion to the four already deployed in each Naxal-infested state for swift response to tackle the menace.

The demand for choppers by the MHA will not end with the requirements of the CRPF alone. The BSF, which so far was the designated agency under the MHA to maintain choppers and fixed wing aircraft, has also sought more choppers for its op-erations along the Bangladesh border and a request has been sent by it in this regard.

The Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP), deployed along the borders with

China, has also sought a fleet of five chop-pers to be stationed at the icy heights of Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). The Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB), the Delhi Police and the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) have also requested the government to provide them choppers and their proposals are at various stages of scrutiny by the Government of India.

It is natural that as the forces get in-volved in operations, they feel the require-ment for particular assets as per their ex-perience and they are justified in putting across their, senior Government officials said.

The role of the CAPFs has expanded in the last few years and being engaged in all kinds of operations including counter-insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir and northeast and anti-Naxal operations in several states, it is high time that they were given these assets, it is expected.

Defence Analyst Deba Mohanty said recently that the Army was given control of the attack chopper fleet as the govern-ment was convinced by their argument

that they can be put to optimum utiliza-tion to provide ground support by those who knew the situation and the require-ments of the ground troops. In the case of paramilitary forces too, they are the ones who understand the situation and how to operate in thick forests and they should be provided these assets.

In a similar fashion, the MHA is also now preparing ground for acquiring an Unmanned Aerial vehicle (UAV) fleet of its own. When the IAF first started operating Heron and Searcher UAVs over the thick forests of Bastar in Chhattisgarh, the force started facing problems in tracking inside the foliage. The IAF UAVs were facing cer-

tain problems in operating in those areas. Their personnel have never operated in such areas and we have to make them un-derstand our requirements. So to save the trouble, we insisted on having UAVs of our own, a senior official said.

The IAF was also facing problems in deploying its UAVs round the year as its operational capabilities in the border re-gions had started getting affected and it agreed with a proposal for procuring UAVs for the CAPF. In this direction, the Government approved three Heron UAVs from the National Technical Research Or-ganization (NTRO) with improved sensors which can look deep inside dense forests with their synthetic aperture radar.

But in recent past, the CRPF has ex-pressed its reservations against the NTRO UAVs saying though they are capable of seeing deep, the IAF officials operating them are not qualified enough to use them as per their operational requirements. The CRPF has already started looking for a UAV fleet and its officials were recently seen in-quiring about solutions from Israeli and

European companies about their prod-ucts in this filed. The force has also ear-marked funds for the UAV procurement purpose from its modernization fund.

The BSF has also plans of acquiring two transport aircraft in the 15-20 tonne weight category class for ferrying troops and material.The Lockheed Martin C-130 J Super Hercules and European C-27 J Spartan have been offered to the force for its requirements. The Force will also need to look for replacements for its Avro air-craft. The IAF’s tender for replacement for its Avro fleet may help the Home mInistry to find replacements for the British-origin transporters under it.

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Procuring Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) to support its anti-Naxal operations, the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) is about to become the second CAPF to have an aerial wing. The BSF, the only other paramilitary force to have its own aerial fleet, operates both fixed-wing aircraft as well as helicopters. Propos-als are also being made for the ITBP to operate its own helicop-ter fleet.

The CRPF has committed about half its 3 lakh-strong force to combat left-wing extremism, primarily in the ‘red corridor’ in central-eastern India. It has been dependent on IAF and NTRO UAVs and has faced difficulties in getting them when operation-

ally needed. The forces UAV runs have been successful in listen-ing in on ground conversation and tracking Maoist movement in the heavy foliage and have helped to provide real-time informa-tion during the conduct of operations. The force had also tried a DRDO developed battery-powered mini-UAV called ‘Netra’ (Eye) to carry out reconnaissance missions, but given its small pay-load, the device had limited utility and could not carry out high-endurance tasks. The CRPF Director General Pranay Sahay has told the media, “We have sent our requirements for UAVs to the Ministry of Home Affairs. We are looking at a number which is economically viable and reasonable to procure.”

crPf uavS to couNter NaxalS


The Supreme Court of India has exposed the security conun-drum of the country at a time when the public security sys-tem is under severe strain, un-

able to meet not only serious challenges such as terrorism and insurgency but also failing in their routine public order func-tions. While the 26/11 terrorist attack in Mumbai exposed weaknesses in the for-mer, the latter failure is highlighted every day, more recently during the reprehensi-ble rape in Delhi that aroused and shook the conscience of the nation. In each of the two and many such cases what comes out is not human failure, for the humans in the khaki working under severe con-straints still manage to catch hold of a Kasab risking lives or arrest the six brutes who brutalised the girl aptly named ‘Nirb-hay’ (fearless) within a day but systemic failure, which the Indian governmental

and administrative systems are failing to revamp despite visible ruptures and re-peated cry for reforms.

Should the government in such a situ-ation optimise the available and insuffi-cient security structure and personnel for the safety and security of what one may call the real VIP (Vulnerable Indian Peo-ple) or waste the limited human resource on whom the Indian state and politico-administrative establishment consider as VVIP that one would describe as ‘Very Vul-nerable but ‘Important Persons’. Whether the security perceptions and provisions should be need-based or perception and status-based is the question that is crying for an answer in this context.

In February 2013, a bench headed by Justice G S Singhvi questioned why VVIP

are given police security. It was a follow up on the January hearing on the peti-tion of a UP resident on the use of beacon lights on official cars as well as security provided to politicians and public offi-cials. “Security can be given to the Head of State, Prime Minister, Vice President, Speaker, Chief Justice of India, the heads of constitutional authority and similar counterparts in the states. But why are all and sundry given red beacons and securi-ty? Even Mukhia and sarpanch move with red beacons,” the bench questioned.

Aware that judges of the apex court and high courts too, constituted the list of VVIPs who have been given security, they added that even judges of various courts would not have a problem if security per-sonnel given to them are withdrawn and

On Guard: Members of Special Protection Group (SPG) in a brief up

Projecting themselves as vulnerable to get free se-curity from the state, Very Very Important Persons (VVIP) seem to have made a mockery of policing in the country, making the Indian people really vulner-able, argues aJaY K MEHra

SECURITY OR STATUS SYMBOL?

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deployed on streets. Refraining from passing any order as many states failed to file their response on the number of secu-rity personnel deployed by them for VIP security and cost incurred on it, the bench suggested that police personnel who were put on duty for providing security cover to VIPs be deployed for better purposes like making the roads safe for women. The apex court questioned the number of VIPs with criminal records being provided security and sought information whether VIPs’ relatives or family members were also given security. Referring to the recent statement of Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit who said women in the city still feel unsafe, the court stressed that the protection for women needs to be dras-tically increased in the national capital and elsewhere in the country. On orders from the apex court, state home secretar-ies personally appeared before the bench to file affidavits on deployment of police-men for VIP security.

Current StatusA status check of relevant facts would be worthwhile for a better comprehension

of this issue. The Bureau of Police Re-search and Development (BPR&D), the institution meant to promote research and development in and about the po-lice under the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), Government of India, informs us that to police 120 crore Indians spread across 3,166,414 sq kms of the country in January 2012, the sanctioned strength in police organisations was 1,693,541 civil and 431,055 armed personnel, making a total of 2,124,596, which averages at 568 Indians per police person, 176 police per-sons per 100,000 population and 67 police persons per hundred sq km. The actual strength, however, which indicates that the states of the union have been remiss in filling up the sanctioned posts, gives a people-police ratio of 135:41 less than be-ing indicated in the sanctioned position.

We must remember that we are look-ing at an all-India average that is highly misleading. For example, many of the North-Eastern states have a better popu-lation police ratio: Mizoram has the best at 1085 (which is better than sanctioned) while Bihar has the lowest at 63. Among all this, a valuable chunk is deployed for

VIP security and a portion for necessary desk work. The police have not done away with the orderly system, which works both at the formal and informal levels and brings down the ratio further. Further, a rank-wise ratio of personnel in the organisation would perhaps indicate that the cutting-edge level of personnel for beat and patrol work are even less in numbers. Ultimately, the ratio is poorer than it works out with aggregates. Not surprisingly, according to the United Na-tions Office on Drugs and Crime, India ranks just above the worst performer Uganda among 50 nations ranked by it in police per 100,000 population.

“A nation with a larger proportion of police officers is somewhat more likely to have a lower crime rate,” said a 2006 report by London-based Institute for the Study of Civil Society, which looked at law enforcement data from European coun-tries. This is obviously a basic require-ment. At each occasion of a security crisis, the concerned states make noises about issuing directives to fill up the vacancies. But they do not indicate that even if the vacancies are filled up to bring the ratio to the desired strength, the recruits would not be on beat with full training and requisite competence before two years. Nor do they come back with a report on whether vacancies have actually been filled up to show whether they just made hollow noises. With this abysmal strength and poor practices such as the system of orderlies and providing security to real and perceived VVIPs, we can imagine the impact on police efficiency in India.

Securing the Important Vulnerable Persons Under such personnel deficit, 16,800 VIPs across the country have more than 50,000 security personnel to guard them, accord-ing to a 2010 data, nearly double the actu-ally allotted strength. Paradoxically, it is a reverse of the police strength, which is less than the sanctioned strength. Accord-ing to a Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) report, against a sanctioned police strength of 28,298 for VIP security, 50,059 policemen were on duty in twenty-five states and Union Territories (UT) in 2010 to provide security to 16,788 VIPs, which

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included ministers, MPs, MLAs, judges and bureaucrats. Interestingly, the MHA itself lamented that manpower for pro-tection duty is drawn from available re-sources without a corresponding increase in sanctioned strength of the police force. It said, “The increase in the protected per-sons’ protection deployment has strained the already limited manpower resources of State police. Therefore, there is a need for periodic review of the deployment of police for protected persons’ protection against need-based assessment coupled with proportionate increase in the sanc-tioned and professionally trained man-power commensurate to the bona fide protected persons’ protection require-ments.”

Yet, the Ministry did not, or could not, apply any corrective about this on its own. Two years since its report regretted this undesirable situation, the Supreme Court of India has come down heav-ily on the government. A timely reminder to powers that be though it is, it would have a task at hand in following up with the state governments on the issue, each one of them being in the dock. The fact that the MHA report and BPR&D study, which too is under the MHA, highlighted this problem earlier than the apex court clearly means that though the Union Government is aware of the problem, it is unable to take the bull by the horns both in its own courtyard and more especially with the state governments, which would

rather go by their own political instincts and compulsions than heed any advice from New Delhi.

In March 2012, the Punjab and Hary-ana High Court had directed the State Government to remove “the ugly secu-rity tents that dot over 60 ministers and MLAs, 12 officials and 75 judges’ homes across Chandigarh”, which it described as a remnant of the terrorism era in the state. Describing these as status symbol, the court ordered removal of all the cano-pies from the houses of 75 judges, which were, in fact, in the green belt. In Pun-jab, over a tenth of the police personnel numbering over 8,000 were discovered to be ‘deployed’ in domestic chores of their officers, which, in reality, is an accepted practice across the country. Bihar, per-ceived to be heading the list of states with negative practices, has the highest per-centage of police personnel positioned for VIP security.

BPR&D data says 3,030 VIPs in Bihar, which has lowest police people ratio in the country, had security provided by over 10,000 police personnel consisting nearly 12 per cent of the existing police strength. In troubled Assam, which needs more se-curity personnel to make the state safe for citizens, 8,000 of the total police strength of around 70,000 personnel protect peo-ple those who are more ‘vulnerable’ than the vulnerable citizens. In national capi-tal Delhi, more than 14,000 of 60,000 po-lice personnel provide security to 8,800 VIPs, making its sixteen million citizens insecure. According to a report, the Delhi Police is keen to extricate itself from pro-viding security to the undeserving. They have, in fact, withdrawn this support from several political has-beens.

Many VIPs in the national capital also get additional security blanket from the National Security Guard (NSG). Addition-ally, the Special Protection Group (SPG) provides dedicated security cover to the families of the Prime Minister, the former Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Congress President Sonia Gandhi, which costs the public exchequer over `280 crore. If this figure is added to expendi-tures incurred by other agencies and state police on VIP security, it is an astounding figure for a nation which still has poor in substantial numbers.

Recently, the Ponty Chadha fratricidal shootout in Delhi brought out that Chad-ha, a businessman with a conspicuous

rise to the list of Indian billionaires, had security provided by the Punjab Govern-ment. While the accused in his murder is a businessman-politician from Utta-rakhand heading the Minorities Com-mission of the state and his Personal Se-curity Officer (PSO) of the Uttarakhand Police, two interrelated questions that his murder raised are: first, why should a businessman in his private capacity be provided personal security at public cost; second, why should the Punjab govern-ment provide a security personnel to a businessman from Uttar Pradesh; and third, whether involvement of the Punjab Police security personnel does not show further politicisation and deprofession-alisation of the police?

This is not the only case in which per-sonal security personnel from a police or-ganisation has been involved in an avoid-able illegal show of machoism. Earlier, an ASI of the Punjab Police, who was PSO to a politician, was the prime accused in mur-der of a woman president of a religious orgnisation in the state. Obviously, the position of the PSO would be a preferred one for many police persons as this gives them proximity to power.

The perceived power of the uniformed existence added to VIP proximity cre-ates avoidable power intoxication which is used on hapless people. The Supreme Court bench has hit the nail on the head in trying to bring into the public domain the numbers and cost involved in VIP se-curity disaggregated for each state.

The VIP syndrome is a feudalised ver-sion of India’s colonial past. Clearly, most people consider themselves ‘very im-portant’ prefer distancing themselves by rising to a non-existent pedestal from the common people with the help of security personnel.

Where there is an attempt by anyone to come closer, it is brazenly, if not brutal-ly, thwarted with force. Since distancing is the purpose, they enjoy the situation. That this psychology of ‘importantness’ must end goes without saying. People need and deserve this security more than their representatives and other political parasites.

Time has come for a systematic review of the VIP culture and its attendant security dimension.

(The author is Honorary Director, Centre for

Public Affairs, Noida)

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PrOtECtInG tHE lEadEr: Prime Minister Man-mohan Singh surrounded by elite security guards on the eve of Independence Day

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Has india lost Him?

By ignoring the coup against former President MohaMMed

Nasheed, New Delhi has badly bungled in the Maldives


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Merkel’s headache is in italy

Morsi agrees for election

Asked in September if she feared a comeback by former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, German Chancel-lor Angela Merkel appeared at pains to hold back a smile as the room erupted in laughter. “I am, as you know, a demo-cratic politician and respect the outcome of elections in every country,” she told reporters in Berlin.

Five months later, the possibility that Berlusconi could return in the next Ital-ian government is no longer a laughing matter for Merkel’s government. As Italy’s elec-tions approach, German offi-cials have begun, in not-so-subtle ways, to signal Italians to not to vote for him. “Silvio Berlusconi may be an effective campaign strategist,” Italian news magazine L’Espresso

quoted Germany’s finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, as saying in an interview recentlly. “But my advice to the Italians is not to make the same mistake again by voting for him.”

A spokesman for the Ger-man Finance Ministry later disavowed the comment. But any warning runs the danger of creating the opposite ef-fect by elevating Berlusconi’s stature as he runs a populist campaign aimed at appealing to Italians weary of the auster-ity measures that Merkel has pushed as the prescription for the euro crisis. Attack-ing Merkel is part of Berlus-coni’s campaign as he blames Merkel for rattling markets by ordering German banks to sell Italian bonds.

“Win the psychological war with the United States.” That was what the last will and tes-tament of Kim Jong-il ordered his son Kim Jong-un and that is what he has done by defy-ing the world and conducting North Korea’s third nuclear test.

Following the detonation, China, the last country lend-ing diplomatic and economic support to the Kim regime, expressed exasperation with its ally. But making friends was not what Kim Jong-il advised his son, “By standing up imposingly as a legitimate nuclear power, we have to weaken American influence in the Korean Peninsula and work toward lifting interna-tional sanctions to prepare external conditions for economic development,” the supposed last will directed, according to excerpts printed by Japan’s Shukan Bunshun magazine which said it got a copy of the will from a senior North Korean defector, Lee Yun-Keol, who vouched for its authenticity.

Egyptian President Mo-hamed Morsi called for parliamentary elections, that will begin on April 27 and fin-ish in late June, in hopes that these will bring in democracy. Egypt is currently severely divided between Islamist parties that have come out on top in all elections held since Mubarak was ousted in 2011 and a more secular-minded opposition that has struggled

to organise itself. These would be the

country’s first elections since Morsi was elected. The Islamist-led administration hopes the election of the new parliament will help stabilise Egypt so an economy in deep crisis can start to recover from the spasms of unrest and violence that have punc-tuated the transition.

Under the new Egyptian constitution adopted in December 2012, Morsi must secure parliament’s ap-proval for his choice of Prime

Minister, giving the chamber more power than it had under Mubarak, when it was no more than a rubber stamp. New laws also bar Members of Parliament from chang-ing their political affiliation once elected. Under ousted president Hosni Mubarak, independents were often cajoled to join the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP), which monopolised parliament and political life before the 2011 revolution.

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The will may also be the key why Kim Jong-un decided to defy even friend Beijing by going ahead with the latest nuclear test. His father ap-pears to have called China “the country that currently has the closest relations with us, but it could become the country we need to watch most in the future… Avoid being exploited by China”, he had warned.


O N L O O K E R

obaMa to woo republicans

the dove looks for peace

British Prime Minister, David Cameron, in his recent trip to India visited the Jallianwala Bagh and laid a wreath at the site of the 1919 massacre that cost the lives of hundreds of Indians and is seen as one of the British Empire’s most shameful episodes.

Cameron became the first serving British Prime Minister to voice regret about the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar. Although Queen Elizabeth made a similar ap-pearance in 1997 that had led

President Barack Obama re-newing pressure on Congres-sional Republicans to support budget cuts that begin March 1, staged a White House ap-pearance with emergency workers to illustrate jobs that were at risk. Obama is trying to get Congress to stall the cuts by ending tax breaks enjoyed mainly by wealthy Americans.

“My door is open. I put tough cuts and reforms on the table. I am willing to work with anyone to get this job done,” Obama said at the event. In a symbolic gesture, Obama was flanked by 17

uniformed fire fighters and law enforcement officers who would not necessarily be laid off by the cuts.

Senior officials told reporters that the administra-tion believed the public would blame job losses on Congres-sional Republicans. Unions have been planning to under-score the impact the cuts will have on services by organising campaigns with toddlers in strollers and seniors in wheel-chairs.

With Congress not ready, it seems unlikely that a compro-mise will be reached by the March 1 deadline.

Tzipi Livni, Benjamin Netan-yahu’s partner in a new coali-tion, committed the Israeli government to reviving the collapsed peace process with Palestine. Livni will serve as justice minister in Netanya-

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hu’s coalition with the special mandate to push forward a peace settlement, which, if successful, would see Israel withdraw from Palestinian territory in the West Bank after decades of occupation. Livni will be a member of the security cabinet and will lead a small team of personally-appointed special staff into talks. In contrast to Netan-yahu’s scepticism, Livni has dedicated her political life to the peace process, often at significant personal cost. In 2009, she turned down the opportunity of forming a coalition government with Netanyahu despite an offer

to share the role of Prime Minister because she did not feel he offered enough commitment to

the peace process. Livni has focussed almost solely on the peace process. “I came to fight for peace … and I won’t allow anyone to turn peace into a bad word,” she vowed last November in a comeback speech that was fiercely criti-cal of Netanyahu.

caMeron’s ‘we are sorry but ...’

to an outpouring of pained reflections about India’s colonial history, Cameron’s trip, perhaps because it is his third or because Britain’s role in India has become relatively less important, has caused far less comment and consterna-tion.

“This was a deeply shameful event in British

history — one that Winston Churchill rightly described at that time as monstrous,” Cameron wrote in the visitor’s notebook at the memorial.

Like the Queen before him, Cameron did not offer a full apology, a fact that was duly noted by Indian media. Britain’s colonial history is so replete with regrettable epi-sodes that officials worry that an apology for one episode might lead to an outpouring of demands for similar apolo-gies all over the world.


As operations against the Islamists progress in Mali, France is realising one of the weaknesses of its defence forces—the lack of armed

drones. Though two Harfang drones (al-ready used in Afghanistan and Libya), based in Niamey, Niger’s capital, par-ticipate in the operations, these interim medium-altitude, long-endurance drone system (SIDM) vehicles cannot replace armed drones or UCAV (Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicle). However, in a few years, the lack of these UCAVs may be something of the past.

With Dassault Aviation of France as the prime contractor, a European pro-gramme has been designed to pool the

skills and know-how of Alenia Aermacchi (Italy), Saab (Sweden), EADS-CASA (Spain), HAI (Greece), RUAG (Switzer-land) and Thales (France) to produce the drone of the future.

As French President Francois Hol-lande and German Chancellor Angela Merkel celebrate the 50th anniversary of the reconciliation between the two ‘en-gines’ of Europe, many have questioned what was left of the unique Spirit of Eu-rope and have condemned ‘Old Europe’ to a slow death.

Soon after the Second World War, a man had a revolutionary proposal: to unite the enemies of yesterday — France and Germany — and bring them to work together. Jean Monnet, the Father of

Europe wrote: “The course of events must be altered. To do this, men’s attitudes must be changed. Words are not enough.’’

Monnet, who always remained down-to-earth, had an idea: after World War II, Germany and France had to rebuild their industry, bound to revive the old rivalry; Monnet thought to reverse the problem — what was the seed of the war had to become the seed of unity — his proposal was, therefore, to create a High Author-ity which could manage the resources in coal and steel for both nations. This was the birth of the European Coal and Steel Community, the first embryo of the Eu-ropean Economic Community (EEC) and then the European Union (EU).

The nEUROn drone project perfectly

EuropE’s KillEr DronE

Apart from being the continent’s new technological and managerial achievement, the nEUROn programme aims at convincing European defence ministries that they have got an advanced way to cut back on their manned air forces, writes Claude arpi


reflects this spirit though, ironically, Ger-many is not directly associated with it. Six European countries have decided to build a UCAV as a technology demonstra-tor. The project crossed a major milestone on December 1, 2012 when the UCAV had its first successful flight from Istres airbase, near Marseille in South France. The UCAV maiden flight lasted 25 min-utes and was conducted in collaboration with the Flight Test Centre of the Déléga-tion Général de l’Armement (DGA), the French Government’s defence procure-ment agency, which was the initiator of the programme.

With a length of 10 metres, a wing-span of 12.5 metres and an empty weight of 5 tonnes, the aircraft is powered by a

Rolls-Royce Turbomeca Adour engine.It was French President Jacques

Chirac who unveiled the Dassault-led nEUROn project in June 2005. It marked the beginning of the six-nation research programme to build a technical demon-strator. Today it has become a showcase for Europe’s aeronautic excellence. In the coming months, the measurements gath-ered during the Istres tests will be anal-ysed in the DGA laboratory in Brittany, France.

The flight tests will continue in France until 2014. The prototype will then go to Vidsel in Sweden for a series of operation-al tests and finally to the Perdadesfogu range in Italy for further tests, including shooting and stealth capacity.

The objectivesAccording to Dassault Aviation, the aim of the nEUROn programme is “to demon-strate the maturity and the effectiveness of technical solutions, but not to perform military missions”.

It was under Swedish pressure that the programme became a demonstrator of smaller single-engine technology to test various technologies for future UAVs (un-manned aerial vehicle) as well as UCAVs.

For the participants, the nEUROn pro-gramme faces several technological chal-lenges such as the shape of the air vehicle (aerodynamic, innovative composite structure, and internal weapon bay), the

technologies related to low observability issues, the insertion of this type of aircraft within the test area, the high-level algo-rithms necessary for the development of the automated processes as well as the role of the human factor within the mission loop.

Another challenge is the capability to carry and deliver weapons from an inter-nal bay (today European aircraft are only designed with external loading capabili-ties for bombs and missiles). Further, the key players are keen to validate the tech-nologies of an unmanned air vehicle of a size similar to a combat aircraft.

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remoTe-ConTrolled: The Ground Contral Station of the nEUROn UCAV

europe’s own: The nEUROn UCAV technol-ogy demonstrator being developed with interna-tional cooperation at the Dassault Aviation Istres Flight Test Centre in France

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With a length of 10 metres, a wingspan of

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of 5 tonnes, the aircraft is

powered by a Rolls-Royce Tur-bomeca Adour

engine.


The collaborationOne of the most interesting aspects of the project is the close collaboration between the different European partners.

Monnet had prophesied, ‘’Europe will be built through concrete realisations, creating at first a de facto solidarity.’’ For him, it was essential to ‘’develop habits of cooperation among nations which had so far only known relationships based on power.” This adequately sums up the UCAV project.

let us have a look at the different partners:• Dassault Aviation is the master

builder responsible for the over-all architecture and design, flight control system, global testing (static and flight), elements of stealth, final assembly, integra-tion of systems and testing.

• The nEUROn will be the third Dassault stealth UAV proto-type after the AVE-D Petit Duc (2000) and the AVE-C Moyen Duc (2004). The nEUROn project has replaced the AVE Grand Duc.

• Dassault Aviation has offered about 50 per cent of the work val-ue to its European partners.

• Italy’s Alenia Aermacchi pro-vides for the internal weapons bay, the SIWB (Smart Integrated Weapon Bay), internal sensor EO/IR (electro-optical/infra-red), bunker doors and opening mechanism electrical systems

platform, anemometry, electrical system and flight testing. Alenia Aeronautica is the first industrial partner with 22 per cent share of the entire programme.

• Saab of Sweden provides the overall design of the main fuse-lage, landing gear doors, avion-ics, fuel system and flight test-ing. It is also the coordinator for the other Swedish companies involved.

• Spanish EADS-CASA has offered its expertise for the wings, the ground segment integration and data links integration.

• The Greek Hellenic Aerospace Industry (EAB) is in charge of the rear section of the fuselage, noz-zle, integration bench, engine, air to air missile and communica-tion system.

• The Swiss company RUAG is helping for wind tunnel tests and weapons carriage.

• Thales is set to provide the data-link and command interface.

This list is quite impressive, indeed.

Technological challengeThe project is an extraordinary techno-logical challenge for the European com-panies involved. Dassault explains, “The nEUROn is the first large size stealth plat-form designed in Europe. Building on the experience gained from recent projects for the first time in a military project,

the nEUROn is designed and developed within the frame of a completely inte-grated ‘Product Lifecycle Management’ (PLM) environment, through a ‘virtual plateau’, allowing Dassault Aviation and its partners located in the different coun-tries to simultaneously work together on the same design data base independently from the location where the design activi-ties are currently performed.”

What is fascinating is that all the teams involved from the very beginning of the programme know them each oth-er very well, thanks to the development tasks jointly performed in the design of-fice implemented inside the Dassault Aviation facilities of St-Could.

raw power: The installation of the Rolls-Royce Turbomeca Ardour on the nEUROn UCAV

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The nEUROn will be the third Das-sault stealth UAV prototype after the AVE-D Petit Duc (2000) and

the AVE-C Moyen Duc (2004). The nEUROn project has replaced the AVE Grand Duc.


The daily use of distant collaborative tools provided the ‘virtual plateau’. “This specific and innovative organisation al-lows a perfect tempo to rapidly solve any technical events occurring during the de-velopment phase of the programme”, says Dassault.

The project is estimated at ̀ 2925 crore (€`405 million). It began with a three-year system definition and design phase with related low-observability studies. It was followed by the development and as-sembly phase and by the first flight in December 2012. The 2-year flight-tests’ programme (2012-2014) entails about 100 sorties, including the launch of a laser-guided bomb. The initial €€400 million budget was increased by about `350 crore (€`5 million) in 2006 due to the addition of a modular bomb bay including a designa-tor and a laser-guided bomb.

On February 2006, DGA had an-nounced that France would provide about half of the programme’s budget. In December 2005, the Swedish defence ministry had already allotted about `541 crore (€€75 million), of which `476 crore (€€66 million) was financed by Saab AB.

Future drones developed from the nEUROn design will have capabilities and ranges similar to those of manned com-bat craft making them more advanced than the ‘Predator-class’ drones used by the US in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Libya.

What is interesting are the new rela-tions between the different European

partners; most cooperative programmes are usually marked by delays, technical problems and cost overruns. The main cause is the distribution of tasks often done by politicians or bureaucrats for their own purposes or interests. That is not the case in this project, in which se-lection is based on (1) experience and ex-cellence (2) competitiveness and (3) state budget allocation. It gives the programme far more flexibility and this has yielded positive results.

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need of the hourIn Mali, France would have liked to do what the US regularly does in Pakistan or Yemen: identify high value targets and strike with a drone armed with precision munitions. The US uses armed Medium-Altitude Long-Endurance (MALE) drones such as the Reaper. However, France does not possess such drones. Further, as Nia-mey is located some 700 kms from the combat zone, the Harfang drones have to spend half of their flight time in transit to the target zone, thereby reducing the operative time. These geographical limi-tations would, of course, also be true for UCAVs.

However, though the US provides some intelligence (and more recently re-fuelling facilities), without armed drones, the French Army has to use other means for intelligence gathering and attack. The nEUROn drone or its successor, once functional, will take care of these issues, but, more importantly, it is proof that Old Europe is not dead. One wishes that the European experiment would emulate a closer collaboration between the private and public sectors in this domain. For now, it is just a dream.

(The author is a French strategic analyst and based in South India.)

Combined efforT: The assembly of nEUROn wing developed by EADS-CASA with the main fuselage developed by SAAB

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New Delhi’s MalDiviaN DileMMaFor quite some time now, India has been committing one blunder after another in its approach to-wards the tiny but sensitive southern neighbour, the Maldives. That country now presents a com-plex challenge for India’s diplomacy and needs deft handling, writes BiBhu Prasad routray

Past sins return to haunt again and again. As far as the Government of India is concerned, it will find the old adage extremely relevant,

especially in the context of The Maldives. Its diplomatic mishandling of political developments in the island nation since February 2012 continues to present it with ever-increasing complex choices. Escapist policies pursued so far have not helped. Time is ripe for some deep think-ing and a course of action that solves the crisis in Male and restores India’s strategic interests in that country.

New Delhi’s strategic community is united in the view that India committed

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ova series of monstrous diplomatic blun-ders in The Maldives. First, it extended a speedy recognition to the Mohamed Wa-heed Government in Male last February, which had replaced a pro-India regime headed by President Mohamed Nasheed. Second, it chose not to stand by the Indian Company GMR, when its contract to build the airport in Male was annulled by the Waheed Government. And third, in spite of the fact that India’s strategic interests were eroding fast, New Delhi opted for a public spat rather than quiet and forceful diplomacy with the Government in Male. In addition to these rather well-publicised missteps, New Delhi continued to ignore

the growth of Islamist radicalism in The Maldives, which not only pushed an anti-India agenda but also indulged in cultural vandalism targetting signs of multicultur-alism. Till very recently, India ignored a series of measures initiated by The Mal-dives Government against Indian citizens such as imprisonment, deportation and visa cancellation.

From lacklustre to fist-fightingNew Delhi assumed that the change in Presidency in February 2012 was a harm-less transfer of power. President Nasheed, who had won the 2008 elections with more than 54 per cent of the votes and

Bridging the gaP: (Left) Indian Defence Minister AK Antony and Maldivian President (Right) Mohammed Waheed Hassan


whose pro-India stance was never in question, labelled the transfer of power a coup but New Delhi chose to look the oth-er way. Vice President Mohamed Waheed, who became President overnight, was ex tended a swift recognition by the Indian Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). Much of this had to do with the ‘pro-India’ cer-tificate he received from the then Indian High Commission in Male. A note from the Ambassador mentioned that Wa-heed’s pro-India stand ‘is not in question’ since he ‘has not missed a single function in the India House’. Ironically, the same Ambassador, within months, was termed a ‘traitor’ and ‘an enemy of The Maldives’ by the Presidential spokesman.

The GMR issue caught Delhi by sur-prise. The November 2012 decision by the Waheed Government to annul the agree-ment with the Indian company came as a bolt from the blue for the Ministry of Ex-ternal Affairs (MEA) headed by the newly-appointed Salman Khurshid. New Delhi had hoped that telephonic conversations between Khurshid and his counterpart in Male would be sufficient to deter The Maldives from annulling the agreement.

In November, MEA statements, in no uncertain terms, underlined that the de-cision by the The Maldives cabinet would adversely impact bilateral relations. The Ministry had vowed to “take all neces-sary measures to ensure the safety and security of its interests and its nationals”. In less than two weeks, MEA’s valour had

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taken a beating. In December 2012, the Ministry was merely hoping that the take-over of the airport by the Government in Male would not affect the bilateral ties. Salman Khurshid meekly wished that the incident “will not be used or allowed to be used by some fringe political groups that would lead to deterioration of relations between the two countries”. In retrospect, the December 8 ruling by the Singapore courts in favour of the Maldivian Govern-ment came as providence for the MEA. It provided a much-needed soft landing for the Ministry’s lack of ability. After the rul-ing, Khurshid was quick to underline the ‘legal’ basis of the problem and expressed helplessness of the government to do anything in the face of such a ruling. In-terestingly, the Minister appeared to over-look the determination of The Maldives Government to go ahead with the airport takeover irrespective of the court ruling.

If the initial assessments on Waheed’s pro-India stand and the GMR case be-ing a standalone legal issue were highly misplaced, Delhi did not fare any better in the subsequent months. It froze major aid promised to The Maldives, toughened visa regulations cutting down the num-ber of daily visas it issues to the Maldiv-ians seeking medical treatment in India, refused The Maldives’ Foreign Minister’s request to set up a meeting with his India counterpart and reportedly did away with the special privileges accorded to the Mal-divian vessels visiting Indian ports.

In the second week of January, the Indian High Commission went a step fur-ther and issued an 11-point list of griev-ances to The Maldives’ media. The High Commission accused The Maldives Gov-ernment of withholding the passports and restricting the travel of Indian na-tionals, refusing to renew visas in a timely fashion, exploiting Indian workers and failing to investigate threat calls to Indian diplomats. While New Delhi’s new policy is all about fighting it out with The Mal-dives, it appears unaware that its actions have hurt even the pro-India constituents within the country.

It was probably anticipated in New Delhi that the Waheed Government would change its course in the face of such tough measures. Again, New Delhi’s hopes were belied. Male chose to fight back, both in words and deed. It matched New Delhi’s press releases by its own allegations of In-dia’s interference in its internal affairs. It has also reinstated persons, who had ear-lier issued categorical anti-India public statements, in important positions.

It also tried playing the China card. In December 2012, Minister of Defence and National Security, Mohamed Nazim went to China where he assured the Chinese Minister of National Defence that The Maldives was “willing to cement relations between the two countries and their mili-taries”. The Maldives requested a soft loan of `270 crore ($54 million) for an IT infra-structure project from China. The Chi-

Point oF Contention: Ibrahim Nasir Interna-tional Airport, Male, Maldives and (inset) artist’s impression of the proposed project of the terminal building at the airport which was cancelled by the Maldives Government in November last year


nese telecom equipment-maker, Huawei Technologies has already signed an agree-ment with The Maldives’ National Centre of Information Technologies to develop IT infrastructure under the ‘Smart The Maldives Project’. MEA reportedly is yet to decide on its course of action after the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) filed a report in this connection.

In a nutshell, the inability of New Delhi to secure its interests had much larger impact than usually anticipated. First, it underlined the fact that being pro-India is not a necessary qualification for Governments in Male. And second, India’s position became even more vulnerable with the deepening polarisation in The Maldives’ political scene.

intellectual VacuumGiven India’s historical as well as contem-porary linkages, its economic influence and the sheer footprints Indians and Indi-an companies enjoy in The Maldives, New Delhi’s diplomatic leverage over Male is expected to be the most authoritative. With a total strength of 28,000, Indians are the second largest expatriate com-munity in The Maldives. More than one-fourth of The Maldives’ 400 doctors are Indians while more than one-fourth of its teachers are Indian. The MEA’s inability to strategise such strength appeared bewil-

dering, to say the least.However, New Delhi’s hara-kiri in the

Maldives is indeed a narrative on one of its most glaring problems in foreign pol-icy-making — the inability of the MEA to evaluate unfolding events and strategise accordingly. Much has been written about MEA’s institutional deficiencies. The Mal-dives, in the MEA, is handled by the Joint Secretary of the BSM (Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Myanmar) division. Obviously, with these three important countries de-manding his attention, little quality time is left for the Maldives. The BSM division has an advisor for the Maldives. But even appointing this retired bureaucrat nei-ther helps addressing the problem of staff shortage, nor does it add to the Ministry’s level of competence.

Even in the National Security Coun-cil Secretariat (NSCS) that supports the National Security Advisor (NSA), the Mal-dives remains a neglected area of focus. An officer looking at 15 other countries is usually assigned to prepare an incident-inspired brief. None of India’s universities teaching international relations has an expert on the Maldives.

Products of this abysmal lack of knowledge, both within and outside the Government in New Delhi, on a country that is an integral part of the South Asian community are incongruous conclusions

on several aspects potentially impacting the security of India. For example, there is little knowledge about the penetration of the Chinese into the official circles as well as the political parties in the Mal-dives. Little effort goes into documenting, let alone analysing, the continuous anti-India tirade carried out by the politically influential fringe groupings in the Mal-dives. Similarly, the growing role of Is-lamist radicals and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) cadres within Maldives’ mostly moderate Muslim population also belongs to the realm of the unknown.

uncertain Future Between February 15-19, following Na-sheed’s February 13 entry into the Indian High Commission premises to evade an arrest warrant issued by a court, four suc-cessful attempts at defacing the website of the Indian High Commission in Male were made. A message stating, “Give us Nasheed or we Kick the Embassy” was posted by the hacker, indicating the prob-able role played by the anti-Nasheed camp in the cyber attack. Not only would the intense political polarisation in the country, but also the ever-growing attack on India’s role by the pro-Waheed camp would demand New Delhi’s constant at-tention in the coming days. New Delhi has called for an all inclusive presidential election in September 2013 providing all candidates a fair chance. However, such hopes would be severely tested in view of the Maldivian judiciary taking a tough stand on Nasheed. The role of former President, Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom, who oscillates seamlessly between mea-sured silence and backdoor politicking, would also remain crucial for the coun-try’s politics. Active engagement and not argumentative detachment would have to be India’s policy in the island nation.

The Maldives presents a complex challenge for India’s diplomacy. With the hopes of a negotiated settlement to the crisis virtually ruled out, the months pre-ceding the September polls would invari-ably add more complexities. Unless han-dled deftly, New Delhi would be left to rue its missteps for foreseeable future.

(The author, a Singapore-based analyst, was Deputy Director, National Security Council Sec-retariat, New Delhi.)

aFFair gone sour: Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and former Maldivian President Mohamed Nasheed shaking hands at Male in 2011

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As an aspiring though reluctant regional power, India must overcome its fear of overseas mili-tary interventions and send its troops to Afghanistan if invited under the UN flag to discharge its legitimate regional responsibilities because peace and stability in that country is vital for Indian security, argues Gurmeet Kanwal

General Joseph Dunford as-sumed command of the US and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation-International Security Assistance Force

(NATO-ISAF) troops in Afghanistan on February 10, 2013. He was charged with the responsibility to supervise the planned draw-down of forces by December 2014. The first few NATO-ISAF convoys had begun to roll down the Hindukush and head towards Karachi. However, gradu-ally but inexorably, the country is crawl-ing towards the edge of a precipice. The situation in Afghanistan does not warrant

a hasty withdrawal. The Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) are unlikely to be capable of assuming independent charge of security by the end of December 2014 due to structural as well as functional de-ficiencies.

The present security environment can be described as a stalemate at both the strategic and tactical levels. While the Taliban are following a wait-and-watch strategy and keeping their powder dry, the NATO-ISAF forces and the ANSF are failing to make further gains against them. The ANSF operate with confidence during the day in conjunction with the

NATO-ISAF forces, but the Taliban rule large swathes of the countryside by night, collect taxes and protection money and administer their peculiar brand of Sharia justice.

The ANSF are reported to be on target to raise their force strength to the planned level of 352,000 personnel (195,000 army and 157,000 police), including 25,000 Spe-cial Forces. This large force level has been raised in a short span of a few years. The rapid raising of new combat battalions almost invariably results in a dilution in the quality of intake of recruits as the catchment area is limited and low stan-

IS IndIa Ready foR the WoRld Stage?

SYmBOl Of VictOrY: Afghan National Security Forces stand in formation after the flag-raising ceremony in the Alishang Valley of Laghman Province

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dards of initial or basic training as the training period is reduced to six months or lesser. Newly-raised battalions in the best of armies take three to five years to settle down and build internal unit cohe-sion and esprit de corps before they can be employed for military operations. Also, it is often forgotten that counter-insur-gency operations are far more complex than conventional operations against the enemy arrayed opposite one’s own force. Counter-insurgency operations are small-team operations in which success is heavily dependent on very high qual-ity junior leadership. The standards of junior leadership in the ANSF leave much to be desired. Not only are the ANSF ill-trained and badly led but are also poorly equipped.

The ANSF lack high mobility vehicles like the US Humvees and are incapable of launching quick reaction teams to either come to the aid of besieged patrols and ambush parties or to exploit fleeting op-portunities. The Afghan army lacks fire-power resources as it has not been given any artillery. In fact, combat service sup-port elements are almost completely non-existent. Accurate and timely intelligence is the bedrock of successful counter-insurgency operations. The ANSF do not have an integral intelligence establish-ment and are dependent mainly on ex-

ternal sources. This is a major operational deficiency. The desertion rate is higher than average in similar circumstances; many cases of fratricide have been report-ed and the Taliban have infiltrated their men into some of the battalions. Under these circumstances, morale is bound to be low. Some ISAF Generals have praised the performance of a few ANSF battalions in recent operations, but most operations are still being supported by ISAF advisors and are not being conducted entirely in-dependently.

taliban resurgence: Daring attacksThe strength and the potential of the Tali-

ban have emerged clearly from some re-cent incidents. The Taliban destroyed six US Marine Corps Harrier fighter jets and severely damaged two others in a daring attack on Camp Bastion in September 2012. It also launched several such attacks on coalition bases in 2012 though not with as much success. Even though the Afghan

Government has certainly come a long way in ensuring that the country is soon free of foreign forces, the present state of the ANSF does not inspire much confi-dence in its ability to guarantee an accept-able level of security when the NATO-ISAF drawdown has been completed.

An objective military assessment would be that the ANSF need to be sup-plemented by an international stabi-lisation force. Such a force could be con-stituted under the aegis of the UN and could comprise troops from Afghanistan’s neighbours who have a major stake in the country. Such a force will not be easy to assemble as the Afghans themselves are

wary of the presence of foreign troops and the neighbouring countries may not be so easily forthcoming. However, it is the best option under the circumstances; other-wise the probability of a major civil war will loom large on the horizon.

The High Peace Council of Afghani-stan released the ‘Peace Process Road-

map to 2015’ in November 2012. It envis-ages that by 2015, Taliban, Hizb-e Islami and other armed groups will have given up armed opposition, transformed from military entities into political groups, and actively participate in the country’s political and constitutional processes. It also envisages the appointment of Tali-ban commanders to key positions such as cabinet posts, governorships and police commands. This is wishful thinking that is divorced from ground realities. If imple-mented, it will lead to the further polari-sation of Afghan society on ethnic lines as the non-Pushtun warlords will resent be-

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The ANSF lack high mobility vehicles like the US Humvees and are incapable of launching quick reaction teams to either come to the aid of besieged patrols and ambush parties or to exploit fleeting opportunities.

OlD allieS: India’s External Affairs Minister, Salman Khurshid (left), with the President of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai, in New Delhi in November 2012

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(78)www.geopolitics.in March 2013

—m aShraf haiDari

“afghanistan: transition, Peace Prospects, and Regional Stability”

Recent discussions of Afghanistan have mostly focussed on a cha-otic period in the making follow-

ing the withdrawal of NATO forces from the country. These discussions rarely talk about what has been accomplished in Afghanistan in just 11 years and how to consolidate our hard-earned gains into a sustainable stabilization and reconstruc-tion process in the years to come.

I think it is important to recall that in the wake of the fall of the Taliban 11 years ago, Afghanistan was the most isolated and least developed country in the world. An external proxy force unabashedly abused and exploited the tenets of Islam - a religion of peace and tolerance — to justify the oppression and brutalisation of our defenceless nation. And this neg-ligence of the Afghans’ unspeakable suf-fering under the eyes of the international community encouraged Al-Qaeda to use the then stateless Afghanistan as a no man’s land to plot and attack the United States on 9/11.

Indeed, Al Qaeda succeeded on 9/11, a day which the Afghan people had been warning the international community of for quite some time, if they continued neglecting the suffering of the Afghan people and their struggle against terror-ism. We were not heard, but the 9/11 trag-edy forcibly re-engaged the international community in our country, as a long-term preventive measure to maintain interna-tional peace and security.

Since 2001, Afghanistan has been transformed. We’ve made notable prog-ress in all spheres of the state-building process. The three democratic institu-tions of checks and balances have been established based on one of the most progressive Constitutions in the region. Some eight million children — 40 per cent of them being girls — have gone back to school, while thousands of students are busy studying at public and private uni-versities across Afghanistan.

Moreover, access to primary health-

care, electricity, and clean drinking water has increased manifold. As a result, our lamentable social indicators, includ-ing high rates of maternal and infant mortality, have improved. Widespread poverty has diminished as per capita income has steadily gone up across Afghanistan.

And let’s recall our past situation in which the Taliban completely banned freedom of ex-pression or denied women their basic human rights to education and work. Today, Afghanistan boasts of an independent media in the region. Pri-vate TV channels and newspapers have mushroomed, raising the voice of a vi-brant civil society. And we’re blessed to have more female members in the Afghan parliament than in the legislative bodies of some of the most established democ-racies in the world, including the United States and Great Britain.

These are just a few prominent exam-ples of what the resilient and enterprising people of Afghanistan have accomplished over the past decade, in partnership with the international community. However, the achievements of our nascent state institutions and promising, youthful na-tion, 75 per cent of whom are under the age of 25, remain very much a work in progress. If our international partners fal-ter in our shared endeavour of saving Af-ghanistan from its many vulnerabilities, our collective gains can easily be reversed and undone. This is an option we have once experienced in Afghanistan, and can no longer afford.

Indeed, the way forward should be consolidating and sustaining what has been achieved in Afghanistan. And this endeavour to be spearheaded by Afghans and supported by the international com-

munity should define transi-tion of military and civilian responsibilities to the Afghan government. In this holis-tic sense, transition is by no means a linear process, as most portray it to be. And it’s certainly not a quick-fix exit strategy.

Continuing to build a new state from ground up and to grow a productive economy in Afghanistan is a transitional process, which evolves overtime. On the short run, a number of tran-

sitional milestones have been set for implementation, including: the complete transfer of security responsi-bilities from NATO-ISAF to the Afghan National Security Forces by the end of this year; the withdrawal of NATO forces from Afghanistan by end of 2014; the pursuit of a political process to reconcile with the armed opposition groups; and the hold-ing of the next Presidential elections in April 2014 to transfer power peacefully and democratically to the next president.

To implement these short and other longer-term objectives of the transition process, the international community have held a number of international con-ferences on Afghanistan over the past two years. Most notably, through conferences in Bonn, Chicago and Tokyo, the inter-national community has reassured the Afghan government and people of their continued political, military, and finan-cial support for the long-term stabiliza-tion, reconstruction, and sustainable de-velopment of Afghanistan, beyond 2014 into a decade of transformation until 2024.

At the same time, the Government of Afghanistan has concluded and signed long-term strategic partnership agree-ments with eight countries, including In-dia, the United States, the UK, Germany, France, Italy, Australia, and Norway. And

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we are currently negotiating similar part-nerships with the European Union, Tur-key, Denmark, Finland, and the UAE. All of these partnerships are geared towards maintaining close relations, including security cooperation, with our key al-lies in the region and beyond in order to preserve our shared interests and to de-fend Afghanistan against our common enemies.

On regional stability, peace and pros-perity, please allow me to state the obvi-ous: Afghanistan and our neighbours are bound together by many commonalities, be they challenges or opportunities, both of which call for sincere, results-oriented cooperation, if we are to be able to ad-dress and take advantage of them.

Terrorism, extremism, and organ-ised crime constitute the main threats to peace in Afghanistan and stability in the region. Let me explain this further. Pro-motion of extremism, which often leads to terrorism, finds institutional support outside Afghanistan. This has primarily victimised the Afghan people. Terrorists from outside daily launch suicide and Improvised Explosive Device (IED) at-tacks to kill and maim innocent Afghans, as well as our international allies. They’re against any semblance of progress in Af-ghanistan. They burn down our schools, poison our students and intimidate and target our government employees.

At the same time, transnational drug traffickers exploit Afghanistan’s vulner-able environment of insecurity, weak gov-ernance and poverty to produce narcotics in order to meet increased global demand for drugs.

Terrorists and drug traffickers have formed a dangerous marriage of con-venience. They pursue their divergent yet mutually reinforcing goals to desta-bilise Afghanistan. To overcome these interlinked security problems, we have reached out to our neighbours and allies bilaterally, as well as through multilateral arrangements, for cooperation.

With Pakistan, we have maintained a consistent dialogue to find a sustainable solution to ending the war in Afghani-stan. We look forward to Pakistan’s sincere cooperation, as we pursue peace talks with those members of the Taliban, who meet our basic conditions for peace and reconciliation. Those conditions include cutting ties with Al-Qaeda, renouncing violence, and respecting the values and

principles of the Afghan constitution, in-cluding upholding human rights and the equal rights of women.

We invite with open arms all of our neighbours to contribute to the ongoing process of state-building in Afghanistan. We also welcome their private sector to invest in the many virgin markets of our country, including: natural resources, ag-riculture and agribusiness, infrastructure, transportation, civil aviation, higher edu-cation, and so on.

In light of the Strategic Partnership Agreement between our two nations, India is leading this effort in Afghanistan. We immensely appreciate India’s trans-formational assistance to Afghanistan and praise and recommend it as a model to be emulated by other donors in order to ensure aid effectiveness, a lack of which has often short-changed or bypassed our key national priorities.

Thousands of young Afghans have benefited from India’s short and long-term vocational training and educational programmes. This very distinguished uni-versity is host to many Afghan students, who are busy learning to prepare for the rebuilding and developing of our country. Many young Afghan beneficiaries have returned home to work in the public and private sectors. They directly contribute to institutional capacity building and economic growth. And they are positive agents of change in the society, as they help implement governmental reforms and expand the reach of public services to people across Afghanistan.

We also welcome India’s significant contributions to Afghanistan’s economy. Indian investment in our natural resourc-es sector will go a long way in helping us achieve economic self-reliance. This is consistent with our National Priority Pro-grammes based on the strategy paper To-wards Self-Reliance, which we presented to the international community at the To-kyo Conference in July 2012.

We too appreciate the extensive efforts India puts into creating win-win econom-ic opportunities at the regional level. Last June, the Delhi Investors Summit rightly focussed on exploring cross-country business and investment opportunities. This effort helps build confidence and un-derstanding among nations, particularly of our region, to work together for peace and prosperity for all.

With assistance from time-tested

friendly countries, like India, and our al-lies around the world, we have come a long way in just 11 years. We are confident more than ever that the war for peace and security is winnable in Afghanistan, pro-vided that our partners realise and work with us to take advantage of the many strategic opportunities for success in the country.

Foremost, Afghanistan’s key untapped asset is our people, one of the youngest, most energetic, and most forward-look-ing nations in the world. Their energy must be harnessed to exploit Afghani-stan’s vast natural resources, worth more than one trillion dollars, to help us grow a productive economy.

And no country in the region or be-yond can deny Afghanistan’s geo-politi-cally vital location, which should serve as a regional trade and transit hub for easy movement of goods and natural resources to meet the rising energy demands of our fast developing region. Indeed, without this realisation and utilisation of Afghani-stan as the heart of the New Silk Road, achieving regional economic integration is impossible.

Finally, our friends and allies have gone through the learning curve and gained invaluable experience in assisting Afghanistan effectively. Together, we have made many mistakes and learned many lessons over the past 11 years, which should be used as a strategic opportunity to avoid more of the same and to do the right thing henceforth. In line with the agreed upon objectives of the 2010 Kabul Conference, our nation-partners should align 80 per cent of their aid with the goals of our national priority programmes, while channelling at least 50 per cent of their assistance through our national budget. This is the best way to prevent further waste of taxpayers’ money, which has largely bypassed the targeted benefi-ciaries.

In the months and years ahead be-fore 2014 and beyond, the Afghan Gov-ernment looks forward to working with all stakeholders to address the common challenges confronting us and to exploit the many opportunities for the greater peace, prosperity and security of all our nations.

(The author is Deputy Chief of Mission of the Embassy of Afghanistan, New Delhi)

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ing dominated. It will also allow Pakistan to dictate terms in the east and the south through its Taliban protégés.

The NATO-ISAF strategy to ‘clear-hold-transfer-exit’ has only partially succeeded in achieving its political and military goals. The foremost area of con-cern is the security deficit that is gradu-ally emerging as the process of drawdown of forces is gathering momentum. The NATO-ISAF planners are eager to wind up their decade-long operations and get their men home at any cost. They are pinning their hopes on the budding ANSF being able to hold its own against the Taliban who have demonstrated their capacity for resurgence. Hope can never be a sub-stitute for strategy. Though the May 2012 Chicago Summit reaffirmed the commit-ment of the international community to-wards a continuing partnership with the Government of Afghanistan after 2014 and pledged to continue to provide de-velopmental assistance, it did not address the issue of leaving behind a security vacuum and the role that key regional ac-tors could play. This glaring omission will prove costly in the long term for regional peace and security.

At the Tokyo summit that concluded on July 8, 2012, donor nations pledged $16 billion up to 2015 for the socio-eco-nomic development of Afghanistan. The 70 nations that participated in the summit sent a strong message to the effect that Af-ghanistan will not be left alone to fend for itself after the withdrawal of NATO-ISAF

forces. However, strong messages are not enough if these are not followed by strong measures in critical areas. No plans have yet been made to put in place post-exit ar-rangements to supplement the capabili-ties of Afghan security forces. The comple-tion of the drawdown will create a security vacuum, particularly in the south-eastern and southern provinces and the Taliban are likely to step in to fill it. Unless the key regional neighbours, including India, Iran and Pakistan, contribute meaningfully to the efforts to stabilise the country instead of following narrow national agendas, Af-ghanistan may be plunged into civil war. This will reverse the gains made in socio-economic development.

regional Players, Divergent agendasThe NATO-ISAF withdrawal without sup-plementing the fighting capabilities of the ANSF will lead to an unstable security situation. Some of Afghanistan’s regional neighbours will promote their core na-tional interests and compete for influ-ence by supporting the warring factions. Western and regional players will need to accommodate Pakistan’s core interests in seeking a lasting solution to the Afghan conflict. Instability will lead to a rise in Islamist fundamentalism and will cre-ate conditions for the Al Qaeda to make a comeback.

India has historically had friendly ties with Afghanistan and would wish to see a stable government installed in Kabul that does not lean excessively on any of its neighbours. India had supported the Northern Alliance during its operations

against the oppressive Taliban regime. Despite its own economy facing a slug-gish growth, India has invested heavily in Afghan reconstruction and development plans. It has contributed $1.2 billion so far, and has pledged additional funds to take it total commitment to $2 billion. The funds have been spent on road construc-tion and building projects approved by the Afghan Government and the lo-cal communities. India is also providing training assistance to Afghan administra-tors, teachers, medical staff and officer cadets, but only within India. Though the Indian private sector has invested only $25 million so far, this is set to change as new investments worth $10-12 billion are in the pipeline. India’s sustained help and abiding commitment have not received due recognition.

Iran’s wait-and-watch policy, which has been in place since December 2001, has continued unchanged. The country is concerned about the flow of funda-mentalist terrorism and narcotics from Afghanistan. It also fears the exodus of a large number of refugees if the security situation deteriorates rapidly after the exit of NATO-ISAF troops even though Iran would be happy to see their backs. Iran is also under pressure due to US sanctions over its quest for the acquisition of nucle-ar weapons and fears a joint US-Israel at-tack on its nuclear installations. Under the circumstances, Iran would not like insta-bility in Afghanistan to add to its strategic challenges and is more likely to cooper-ate rather than confront the international community in Afghanistan. However, Iran

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division (15,000 troops) to supplement the ANSF. A fresh UN Security Council mandate will be necessary under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter. Pakistan will be ex-tremely reluctant to accept Indian troops being positioned in the Jalalabad-Ghazni-Kandahar areas, which are the worst af-fected, as it will see such presence as a di-rect threat. It will be more prudent to send Indian troops to either Mazar-e-Sharif in the north or Herat in the west. India could begin by inducting a brigade group to be-gin with and gradually step up the force level when a fully functional logistics sys-tem is in place — either from the south through Chabahar Port (Iran)-Zaranj-De-laram-Garland Highway or from the north through Turkmenistan or Uzbekistan.

Both the routes will present formi-dable challenges for logistics, but none that cannot be overcome with methodi-cal planning. At the very least, due to the Indian army’s immense experience in counter-insurgency operations and cultural affinities that make it easier to train new recruits, India could be invited to train Afghan National Army (ANA) personnel in Afghanistan itself. This will lead to larger numbers of ANA personnel being trained simultaneously than is the case at present. Good governance, includ-ing a transparent system for the delivery of justice, sustained socio-economic de-

velopment and a secure environment for the first two to flourish are the three pil-lars of a successful counter-insurgency campaign. In Afghanistan, the post-ISAF security environment is likely to spin out of control if supplementary security ar-rangements are not conceived soon and put in place quickly with the help of Af-ghanistan’s regional neighbours. In the worst case scenario, the eventual return of the Taliban to power cannot be ruled out. The Taliban’s peculiar brand of Sharia law will once again become paramount. That is not the outcome the international com-munity would like to revisit.

(The author is a Delhi-based strategic analyst)

is unlikely to join a UN peacekeeping force and the international community would much rather do without Iranian troops in such a force. Iran could contribute by al-lowing the use of the road from Chabahar port to Zaranj to open up a new route for logistics supplies. Such a move will sub-stantially reduce the present dependence on the two land routes that pass through Pakistan’s Quetta and Peshawar. However, this can happen only if the US mends its fences with Iran.

The Pakistan army and the ISI are continuing to support militant groups like the Haqqani network that are fighting the NATO-ISAF forces by providing safe ha-vens to them from where they can launch attacks across the Durand Line into Af-ghanistan. This is so even as the Pakistan Army itself faces well coordinated attacks by Pakistani Taliban like the (Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan) TTP and the (Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi) TNSM from across the border. The continuing stand-off in US-Pakistan relations has led to hardened attitudes on both the sides, with the US continuing with its strategy of trans-border drone strikes to eliminate the Al Qaeda leadership and Pakistan re-fusing to launch operations against the TTP in North Waziristan.

Pakistan still seeks ‘strategic depth’ in Afghanistan and would prefer to have

a pliable regime in Kabul when the NA-TO-ISAF mission ends in 2014. Pakistan is unlikely to support the Afghan recon-ciliation process — unless it is conduct-ed on Pakistan’s terms — as a successful outcome will reduce Pakistan’s role in conflict resolution. Pakistan has failed to appreciate that continuing insurgency in Afghanistan, especially close to its border, will fuel instability in its own northwest and further destabilise a volatile part of the country when its economy is in ruins and the political situation is spiralling out of control. Pakistan seeks to limit India’s influence in Afghanistan and opposes the induction of Indian troops as well as in-situ training. However, Pakistan may be

willing to discuss the role that India might play in future in contributing to socio-economic development.

Russia and the Central Asian Repub-lics (CARs) remain key players and have a huge stake in Afghanistan’s future sta-bility. The agreement signed by Kazakh-stan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan with the NATO-ISAF forces in June 2012 to permit military hardware being transported out of Afghanistan as part of the draw-down is a major concession and signals their de-sire to make a meaningful contribution to conflict resolution. Russia signed a simi-lar agreement in early-July 2012. However, Russia and the CARs are unlikely to go so far as to join the fight against the Taliban by contributing troops to a stabilisation force.

role for indian forcesA peaceful and stable Afghanistan is of vi-tal national interest to India. It is a country with which India has traditionally enjoyed warm and friendly relations. Since the overthrow of the Taliban regime in 2001-02, India has contributed only soft power to the international reconstruction effort in Afghanistan. It has already spent over $1.5 billion in constructing the Delaram-Zaranj highway, building and running schools and hospitals and in training the fledgling Afghan administration. The Gov-

ernment of India does not support send-ing troops to Afghanistan at present. How-ever, it would be in India’s interest to do so if invited; an unstable security situation in Afghanistan is not in India’s interest.

As an aspiring though reluctant re-gional power, India must overcome its fear of overseas military interventions —occasioned by the ill-advised and un-successful foray into Sri Lanka in the 1980s —and stand up and be counted as a genuine rising power that is willing to discharge legitimate regional responsibili-ties. Under the right conditions — Afghan Government concurrence, UN flag, viable logistics support — it may be possible to persuade India to send up to one infantry

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The agreement signed by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan with the NATO-ISAF forces in June 2012 to permit military hardware being transport-ed out of Afghanistan as part of the draw-down is a major concession and signals their desire to make a meaningful contribution to conflict resolution.

Three news items that one came across over the last one month underline the dangerous strategic im-plications of the tussle over water of the Himala-yan rivers among India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and China. One is the determination of the Manmohan

Singh government to go ahead with the proposed sharing of the waters of the Teesta River with Bangladesh, roughly on equal basis, by ignoring the concerns and resistance of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. The second news was the important win of India over the Kishanganga dispute in the International Court of Arbitration at the Hague against Pakistan, enabling it now to divert the water of Kishanganga, a tributary of the Jhelum River and revive work on the 330MW Kishanganga Hydropower Project in Kashmir. The third news was the reported admission of a senior Chinese of-ficial that work is on a river diversion scheme on the Brahmaputra that originates in Tibet.

A rough background will underline the grav-ity of the situation. With Tibet, the world’s largest fresh water reservoir, coming under direct control of Beijing, China can dictate water flows to most of South and South-East Asia. As regards South Asia, there are two important Himalayan river basins — India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and China sharing the Indus basin and India, Bangladesh and China sharing the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna (GBM) basin. Both Indus and Brahmaputra originate in Tibet.

Water is becoming scarcer, with China, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, who among themselves constitute about 40 per cent of the world’s population, overexploiting water bod-ies, both above and under the ground, for agriculture. Each of them is now witnessing the drop in per capita water availabil-ity at a time when they need more and more water not only to ensure food security but also to meet the demand for adequate water supplies arising from the unprecedented scale of indus-trialisation and urbanisation. That being the case, distribution and management of water in the region has become tricky. Lower riparian countries are suspecting the upper riparian countries of blocking or diverting the flow of water that should be theirs.

However, any dispassionate analysis will prove that India has been magnanimous with its lower riparian neighbours. As has been pointed out by Brahma Chellaney in his eminently readable book, ‘Water: Asia’s new battleground’, in 1996 India virtually created a new principle of international water law by agreeing to share the Ganga water with Bangladesh through a treaty that guaranteed minimum cross-border flows in the dry season and divided the flows of the river almost equally between the two countries. It is the same principle that the Manmohan Singh government seems to have agreed with Ban-gladesh in sharing the Teesta waters. One does not know how he is going to handle the West Bengal Chief Minister in the days to come. All said, the Teesta agreement is against the demo-graphic and economic circumstances in West Bengal — with

91.3 million people, one of India’s poorest and largest states, and every bit as dependent on the GBM basin as Bangladesh.

However, it is with Pakistan that India in 1960 became a party to arguably the world’s most generous water-sharing treaty — the Indus Waters Treaty — negotiated under the aus-pices of the World Bank. India agreed to set aside 80.52 per cent of the waters of the six-river Indus system for Pakistan, keeping for itself just the remaining 19.48 per cent share. The average replenishable flows of the three western rivers (viz. the Chenab, the Jhelum, and the main Indus stream) for Pakistan were computed to total 167.2 billion cubic metres a year, while India settled for a mere 40.4 billion cubic metres, or the total yearly flows of the three small, so-called eastern rivers, the Sut-lej, the Beas, and the Ravi. As Chellaney writes, no other water-

sharing treaty in modern world history matches this level of generosity on the part of the upper-riparian state for the lower-riparian one. “In fact, the volume of waters earmarked for Pakistan from India under the Indus Treaty is more than ninety times greater than what the US is required to re-lease for Mexico under the 1944 US-Mexico Water Treaty, which stipulates a guaranteed minimum transboundary delivery of 1.85 billion cubic m of the Colorado River waters yearly”.

And yet, Pakistan is always suspicious when-ever India constructs any hydroelectric project on

any of the Indus basin rivers for the people of Kashmir, per-missible under the Indus Treaty as long as it does not reduce the quantum of flow into that country. It is thus ironical that separatists in the Kashmir Valley consider Pakistan as their friend and mentor. As is the case with the Kishanganga project, Pakistan in 2005 had challenged India’s 450-megawatt Baglihar dam before a World Bank-appointed neutral expert and lost. But then Pakistan, going by its short history, will keep on com-plaining about the so-called Indian betrayal in implementing the Indus Treaty. No wonder one often hears Pakistani leaders urging their government to wage a war on India over water.

On the contrary, India has not received such generosity from China as far as the GBM basin is concerned. In fact, Chi-na has not concluded a single water-sharing treaty with any of its neighbours. It is building a cascade of major hydropower dams on the Brahmaputra in Tibet. But much notice was not being taken of these earlier as most of these are located well upstream from the Indian border. What is causing serious con-cerns now is that contrary to its earlier denials, Beijing is seri-ously interested in ‘the Great Bend’ in the Brahmaputra, just across the border from Assam, for hydropower generation. This bend, which means change of the course of the Brahma-putra so as to divert as much as 20 per cent of the river’s flow to China’s parched northern plains, will have serious implications for India and Bangladesh.

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WATER-WARS

Prakash Nanda

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