-
doi:10.1016/j.cities.2004.07.004
Cities, Vol. 21, No. 5, p. 391405, 2004
Q 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Printed in Great Britain
www.elsevier.com/locate/cities
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ordcitiehe repheryg haopletion.
ectsnd thationomehe ec
Introdu
With2002), Ithe 198secondways, thon
thesecommunindustriquentlyincomelived inness
censtructedconstrucstructurcompanies. This process intensied after
the earth-quake ohigher-iWhile
peripherment casettleme
chitec-ve thehe resi-e beeny haveople ofs. Thise unit-g low-In
thenals inhe citycess toion ofs. Thiss with-able to
move to such areas. The process had a signicantimpact on
gentrication during this period, most
ss andnewly
he US,trica-evalu-
ates the economic factors behind the process ofgentrication.
Smith (1979, 1996) has argued that agentrication process
t. 2321); fax: +90 (212) 2514895;391Tel.: +90 (212) 2931360
(exe-mail: [email protected] is inevitable if a growing
*f August 1999, with the movement of thencome groups away from
the city.the expansion of residential areas to they of the city
continues, another develop-n be observed in the older, more
centralnt areas of the city. Their proximity to the
notably in the movement of the working-claimmigrant communities
away from theserenovated central locations.Much research has been
conducted in t
Europe and Canada since the 1970s on gention of the city center.
Some of this researcha population of 10,018,735 in 2000
(SIS,stanbul is the biggest city in Turkey. After0s, along with the
construction of theBosphorus Bridge and its adjoining high-e
construction of high-rise buildings beganaxes to accommodate
developments in theication technology and transportationes (Dokmeci
and Berkoz, 1994). Conse-, many members of the middle and
high-groups that had previously worked andthe central areas of the
city moved to busi-ters and private neighborhoods, newly
con-outside the city. These new sites wereted in rural areas, the
protection and infra-e of which were usually provided by
private
ture has meant that these central areas hapotential to attract
higher-income groups. Tdences in these quarters of Istanbul
havchanging hands often since the 1980s. Thenow been restored and
are being used by peupper income groups, cultures and
lifestyleprocess is known as gentrication. This is thby-unit
acquisition of housing, displacinincome residents by high-income
residents.1970s and 1980s, higher-income professiodeveloped
countries moved to residences in tcenter because of their low costs
and easy acbusiness areas, which led to the renovatmany of the old
buildings of the major citiepopulation was generally young
professionalout children who had enough money to bection citys
business centers as well as historical arGentrication in INilgun
Ergun*ITU Faculty of Architecture, Department of UrbTaksim, 80191,
Istanbul, Turkey
With changes in the political and economic worldmercial
relations of Turkey, the countrys majormost notably in the location
and use of some of tmiddle and high-income groups moved to the
pericentral settlements have been frequently changincity have been
restored and are now used by peand lifestyles. This process is
known as gentrica
In this study, the gentrication process and its ebul were
investigated through a desk top study alighted in an attempt to
understand how gentricmany empires in dierent eras of history, and
hacknowledges that political factors as well as twhich are
currently experiencing gentrication.Q 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights
reserved.
Keywords: Neighborhoods; Turkey; artists0264-2751/$ - see front
matter
anbul
d Regional Planning Tasksla,
er as well as in the development of foreign com-s entered a
process of change during the 1980s,sidential areas of Istanbul.
While these areas ofof the city, the residences in the older and
morends. Some buildings in the central areas of theof upper social
classes, income groups, cultures
on a number of dierent neighborhoods in Istan-e major
developments in this process were high-developed in a city like
Istanbul, the capital ofto many nationalities and cultures. This
studyonomic factors aect the location of the areas
-
rent gap has emerged between the potential in USA, but
individual entrepreneurs and land
Gentrication in Istanbul: N Ergunvalue of the land and its
existing use value. Thesize of the gap grows until it is possible
for devel-opers to move back to the inner city and protablyrealize
the underlying value of the land throughrenovation or redevelopment
of the buildings.Some researchers viewed the characteristics of
the gentriers to be of greater importance in theunderstanding of
gentrication. Hamnett (1984)states that gentrication is a physical,
economic,social and cultural phenomenon, commonlyinvolves the
invasion by middle-class or higher-income groups of previously
working-class neigh-borhoods or multi-occupied twilight areas
andthe replacement or displacement of many of theoriginal
occupants. Ley (1986, 1992, 1996), Filion(1991), Van Kempen and Van
Weesep (1994),Bondi (1999) have suggested modications in
thesocio-cultural structure and residential policies asother
signicant factors that might lead to a pro-cess of gentrication.
The modications in thesocio-cultural structure mean displacement of
theoriginal occupants of a rehabilitated settlement.Members of the
middle-class, working in the citycenter, want to live in the inner
city in order to becloser to their oces and socio-cultural
activitiesand also want to be closer to those similar to
them-selves. Their areas of interest, habits and demandsfor setting
and keeping a life style at a certain stan-dard, are very important
factors in a gentricationprocess. Thereafter, low-income workers,
immi-grants and those generally marginalized have toleave the
rehabilitated areas.Rehabilitation is thus a way to maintain
the
transformation of valuable but decayed buildingsin the city
centers. But legal arrangements andcredits are essential for
encouraging investments inthe city center. Thus, middle-class
demand for liv-ing in the city center can be met, and on the
otherhand, slums can be removed. Application ofrehabilitation
methods changes according to thedierent housing policies of the
countries. Gentri-cation also occurs at dierent rates, under
dierentcircumstances, in dierent cities of dierent coun-tries.
Subsequent research conducted in these coun-tries has compared
dierent cities, countries andcontinents. For example, applications
are mostly inaccordance with central government policies inEngland,
whereas local government decisions aremore eective in the USA. In
the period of backto the city in the USA, various
arrangementsregarding taxes and rents were made that
forcedlower-income residents to leave the city center. InFrance
rent arrangements valid since 1948 delayedgentrication for a while,
however, investors dis-covered the value of the city center when it
startedto become vacant after long-term tenants had beenleaving
spontaneously in the 1980s. The privatesector, with the support of
land developers andcommittees were noticeably involved in
investments392developers were more eective in England. Privateand
public sectors have worked together withthe NGO participation in
France (White andWinchester, 1991; Gelb and Lyons, 1993; Lees,1994;
Carpenter and Lees, 1995).Research was also conducted in some of
the
former Eastern bloc countries (Sykora, 1996, 1999)and in other
regions of the world such as Mexico(Jones and Varley, 1999), Latin
America (Ward,1993), Turkey (Uzun, 2000, 2001, 2002; Merey-Enlil,
2000) and Israil (Gonen, 2002), althoughthey are limited in number.
Other work has tried toidentify the types of gentrication from its
rstappearance to the present (Hill, 1994; Dorling,1995; Lees,
1996). Gentrication has been con-strued as both destroyer and
savior in the regener-ation of run-down areas, yet it is clear that
it is notsimply one or the other. There are both positiveand
negative aspects to gentrication (Atkinson,2000). For example, some
are reacting against gen-trication in the centers of developed
countries.People who react against gentrication are organiz-ing to
obstruct the process. People sometimes go tocourt for their rights
or sometimes struggle withthe gentrication process on the streets.
To avoidthese responses, public participation is needed dur-ing
rehabilitation applications. Attempts are inten-sied to preserve
the original characteristics of thesettlement, its ethnic
dierentiation, its small-scalebusinesses and aordable rent
values.This research has indicated that gentrication
generally takes place in the city center andespecially in
neighborhoods with historical valueand interest. It began to
develop in many countriesafter 1970 when cities entered a
restructuring pro-cess following their expansion. In the
gentricationprocess, the location of the area (proximity to thecity
center especially) and also its aesthetic andarchitectural value
(especially in the historical partsof the city) is of importance to
potential residents.Culture and art have been more evident in the
rststage of gentrication; the appearance of artists inthese areas
has led to the introduction of galleries,coee houses, rock clubs,
and this night life hasattracted gentriers to the area as well.In
this study, the gentrication process and its
eects on dierent neighborhoods in Istanbul wereinvestigated
through a desk top study and thecharacteristics observed in this
process wereemphasized in an attempt to understand how
gen-trication developed in a city like Istanbul, thecapital of many
empires in dierent eras of history,and home to many nationalities
and cultures.
-
Geographical patterns of gentrication in tlements had begun to
develop at quite a pace
Gentrication in Istanbul: N ErgunFigure 1 Gentrication areas of
IstanbulIstanbul
The process of gentrication in Istanbul rstbegan in the 1980s in
Kuzguncuk and Ortakoy,located outside the city center on either
side of theBosphorus. These settlements were among the
mostprestigious residential areas of Istanbul. Then itwas observed
in 1990s in Beyoglu, one of the mostpopular districts of Istanbul
throughout its history.Since the beginning of 2000, it was also
observed inthe Istanbul Historical peninsula. However, thereasons
for its beginning and the processes of gen-trication dier (Figure
1).
Gentrication of the Bosphorus neighborhoods
The Bosphorus villages, which until the secondhalf of the 15th
century earned their living fromagriculture and shing, eventually
became inte-grated into the city itself (Tekeli, 1992). In the
16thcentury, as sea transportation began to develop onthe
Bosphorus, new uses were developed for thewaterway, so in addition
to the gardens of thesummerhouses and palaces which had been
con-structed for the daily use of the residents of thepalace, by
the end of 16th century, residential set-
beginning at Ortakoy on the European side ofIstanbul (Kuban,
1996).Throughout its history, the Bosphorus has
always reected the social, economic and culturalcharacteristics
of its location. In the villages liveshermen and farmers, seasonal
palaces and gar-dens are home to a wealthier management classand in
the less intensive settlement areas live dier-ent ethnic
communities. The settlements pre-1950were mainly constructed and
used during theOttoman era and were left as a cultural heritage.The
Bosphorus was a prestigious area for settle-ment during the period
before the birth of theTurkish Republic in 1923. However, its
prestigehas increased during the present era. After theminorities
communities of Jews, Greeks and Arme-nians left Turkey in the
1960s, many of the settle-ments along the Bosphorus were abandoned,
onlyregaining their popularity in the 1980s when theybegan to
accommodate higher-income familiesintent on escaping the citys
increasing trac pro-blems and the resulting pollution. Following
theBosphorus law of 1983, buildings that mightincrease the
residential density were restricted.393
-
Kuzguncuk Uzun (2001) states that this conscious gentrica-
with 100 people and then it was decided to pre-
Gentrication in Istanbul: N ErgunThe rst process of gentrication
in Istanbul wasobserved in Kuzguncuk in the 1980s on the Asianside
of the Bosphorus, chosen for its naturalbeauty and historical
signicance. It is a model vil-lage where Jews, Greeks, Armenians
and Turkshave lived together peacefully throughout its his-tory and
where a mosaic of cultures and religionshave been formed. It was
the rst Jewish settlementarea on the Anatolian side of Istanbul and
wasknown as a Jewish village. It is believed that it alsohoused a
large Greek community in the 17th cen-tury and Armenians in the
18th century (Bektas,1992). Kuzguncuk was not seriously sought
afterby the Muslim Ottomans until the end of the 19thcentury. In
1914, 1600 Armenian, 250 Greek, 70Muslim, 400 Jewish and four
foreign householdswere registered in Kuzguncuk In 1933, the
popu-lation increased to 4000, 580 households populatedmainly by
Jews, but also housing Greeks, Turksand Armenians (Bektas, 1996).
Gradually, the min-ority populations of Kuzguncuk declined
andconsequently the ethnic diversity which had socharacterized the
village was lost. The buildings didnot attract the interest of
higher-income groupsmuch because they were simply constructed,
adjac-ent to one another on a small base area. Althoughthe Muslim
residents did not abandon the district,it slowly became run down
due to lack of care.According to Uzun (2000), when the
famousTurkish architect Cengiz Bektas purchased an old,empty
building, his attempt was regarded as quiteeccentric by the local
residents but was then adop-ted after the renovation of the house.
The planningprocess in Kuzguncuk has started with CengizBektas
program which he prepared and imple-mented himself, by planning the
common placesthat can be used to revitalize the neighborhood.About
100 houses were restored with public par-ticipation. Bektas has
made the design, construc-tion supervision and consultancy of most
of thesehouses without any charge. The government didnot intervene
directly in the process, yet govern-ment policy did set the stage
for gentricationthrough its restrictive legislation (Uzun, 2002).
Inthe 1980s, Kuzguncuk became an area muchsought after among the
Turkish educated middleclasses; attracting poets, artists,
architects andmusicians. As a result, the restoration of the
oldhouses gained momentum and the number ofartists, architects and
authors living in Kuzguncuktoday (perhaps the rst gentriers of
Istanbul) hasreached 50 households. The interest shown for
thisancient Bosphorus village increased in step with theprocess of
gentrication, resulting in an increase inthe price of land and
property. The square meterprice of the building sites in the
streets where gen-trication process occurred has grown six
timesbetween 1998 and 2002 (http://www.ymm.net).394serve the
traditional characteristics of Ortakoy andprojects were prepared
for buildings that would berenovated or restored. Some special
dierent colorswere determined for existing and new buildings,but
the implementation has been unsuccessful, andsome especially old
buildings could not be pre-served (Aklan, 2003).tion of the
neighborhood has not had any of theusual adverse eects such as the
removal of its for-mer residents because the rst residents of
theneighborhood, the Greeks, Jews and Armenians,had already left.
It was observed from the recordsthat only 25 Greeks, 17 Jews and
six Armenianswere living in Kuzguncuk in 1992 (Figure 2).
OrtakoyAnother neighborhood where the process of gen-
trication occurred during the 1980s is Ortakoy.Located almost
directly across from Kuzguncuk onthe European side of the
Bosphorus, it is a residen-tial area popular since Ottoman times,
set on oneof the most beautiful points of the Bosphorus andthe
location of the summer houses of the sultansduring the Ottoman
Empire. The most importanthistorical feature of Ortakoy is the fact
that theTurkish, Greek, Armenian and Jewish societiesfrom dierent
cultures and dierent beliefs livedtogether harmoniously. This
feature has surviveduntil today, but just like in Kuzguncuk, the
popu-lation of minorities in Ortakoy has decreased.Seven hundred
Jewish families are recorded as liv-ing in Ortakoy in 1936, out of
a total populationof 16,000. Other than the palaces, the
Ortakoymosque and the residences of the Greek, Armenianand Jewish
tradesmen are located on the coastwhile the Muslim neighborhoods
reside more alongthe stream that dissects the village
inland.Ortakoy, with its three religious sanctuaries of a
mosque, synagogue and church, has occupied avery limited area
along the Bosphorus for the past150 years, but at the same time
represents uniqueexamples of 19th century civilian Ottoman
archi-tecture. As the Greeks, Armenians and Jews wholived in the
historical houses of the Ortakoy Squareleft or moved to other
districts of Istanbul, Muslimfamilies from lower-income groups
settled in theseresidences. During this period, the village
becamerun down as the maintenance and repair of thehouses was not
carried out as desired. Governmenthas played an indirect role in
the gentricationprocess of Ortakoy. In 1970s, a project that
aimedto establish a handicraft village in Ortakoy wasprepared by
the Ministry of Culture. In this pro-ject, priority was given to
the natural view of theneighborhood and a questionnaire was
prepared toinvestigate the problems and expectations of thelocal
people. The interviews were made face to face
-
Gentrication in Istanbul: N ErgunAt the beginning of
1(Bilge-Erkan Mestci) openarea; and soon other artiwere set-up in
the village odicrafts and antiques (Katime, however, the
squarestreet venders selling fastganized in 1992 as part ofject
started for Ortaksurroundings in 1989. T
Figure 2 Views of gentricationy to the above-mentionedting one
of the Ortakoys92).e subject to gentricationn a small base area,
23rties with historical valuethe square were generallyncome group
while othersis period, drawings of thenotice of protection
were980s, two local artistsed an art gallery in thissts followed
suite. Stallsn weekends to sell han-rduz, 2002). After somebecame
over-run with
food. Ortakoy was reor-a local municipality pro-oy Square and
itshe signicance of the
square lies in its proximitstructures, each representhree
religions (Isozen, 19The buildings that wer
in Ortakoy are mostly ostorey houses. The propeand a sea view
aroundpurchased by the higher-iwere used by artists. In thbuildings
given a special
in Kuzguncuk395
-
prepared and the square was reorganized once
from local businesses. The increasing trac
Gentrication of the Beyoglu neighborhoods
Gentrication in Istanbul: N Ergunthrough the village also
created a parking problemand led to a wider transportation problem
formany other settlements further down theBosphorus. After some
time, the gentriers thathad renovated the historical houses around
thesquare became increasingly dissatised by the newrecreational
function the village had assumed. Thesquare meter price of the
building sites in the Orta-koy Square and around where the
gentricationprocess had occurred, has increased by a factor of11
between 1998 and 2002 (http://www.ymm.net).At the end of the 1990s,
most of these residences
are either empty or have changed their function,serving as food
and beverage outlets or recreationunits. As the area became popular
in Istanbul andeven throughout the country, centers of
recreationstarted to occupy the neighborhood where thepopulation of
the middle income families ofOrtakoy used to live. The families
were disturbedby this, resulting in struggle between the new-comers
and the old residents of the area. Since1999 a regression period
started in Ortakoybecause of the dirty streets, problems of
parkingand trac jams. The shop owners in the Squareattacked the new
Head of Municipality for lack ofattention to Ortakoy (Tans, 2000).
The new Headof Municipality has prepared and implemented anew
project to reorganize the Ortakoy Square in2000. The project
comprises changing the furnitureof the square again, building a
platform by the seafor amateur musicians, and determining colors
forbuildings. An international company restored thehouse of the
Balyan familyarchitects of Dolma-bahce Palacein Ortakoy Square in
2002 andopened a restaurant named BOBOs (bourgeoisbohemian). The
aim is to attract artists and upperincome groups with this
restaurant and thus con-tribute to the revitalization of Ortakoy
(http://www.x-ist.com) (Figure 3).
Gentrication of Istanbuls old city center
The old city center of Istanbul comprises twosettlements on the
two sides of Golden Horn,which dier from each other economically,
socially,culturally and physically. One of these settlementsis
Beyoglu, founded by the new arrivals fromEurope, and the other is
the historical peninsularepresenting traditional Istanbul
(Yerasimos, 1996).again, the urban furniture was renewed and
restau-rants and cafeterias established. The square and
itssurrounding area made for a lively atmospherewith art galleries,
coee houses, bars and restau-rants, handicrafts and an antique
bazaar. However,a couple of years after the reorganization
ofOrtakoy Square, bars, taverns and discothe`quesbegan to dominate
as the potential for substantialprots encouraged a more aggressive
approach396Beyoglu is one of the most distinctive residentialand
recreational areas of the historical center ofIstanbul. Although
Beyoglu is a district, it is gener-ally known as the area centered
around IstiklalStreet between Tunel-Taksim. Less than one quar-ter
of the population of Beyoglu is Muslim as themajority of the
population was of European originin the 19th century (Dokmeci and
Crac, 1987,1999). As Ankara was established as the capital(1923),
the embassies moved there and some of theforeigners working in the
neighborhood left Beyo-glu as well. However, it continued to be one
of themost distinguished districts of the city with its cine-mas
and theaters, restaurants and patisseries, artgalleries and luxury
shops (Dokmeci and Crac,1990; Celik, 1996).After World War II, as
some of the more pros-
perous groups that had earned money from thewar economy came to
Beyoglu for recreationalpurposes, its status as a center of
entertainmentgradually began to change it. This developmentwent in
tandem with a change in the populationprole, since between 1947 and
1949 the Jews ofBeyoglu migrated to the newly founded
Israel(Scognamillo, 1994). In subsequent years, interestin Beyoglu
declined largely due to the substantialenlargement of Istanbul
resulting from internalmigration, rapid urbanization, and the
develop-ment of new districts and the relocation of rec-reational
centers and changing trade patterns.Wealthier families also left
the area for the expand-ing suburbia.Due to the tragic political
actions directed at the
Greeks in 1955, this community abandoned Beyo-glu and so the
coee houses, patisseries and centersof recreation owned by them
were closed. Simi-larly, a major change occurred in the social life
ofBeyoglu as these places, popular meeting points forartists, were
also closed (Armutcuoglu, 1985;Koker, 1997). As the migration from
rural areas tothe cities was also happening at this time,
Beyogluconveniently satised the demand for cheap resi-dential
property for the new migrants. The abovecombination of factors led
to a signicant changein the complexion of the area.The
neighborhood, comprising the rst apart-
ment type designed buildings in Istanbul followingthe
architectural traditions of western culture, wasconsidered strange
by the migrants groups wholargely came from a rural background. In
time,Beyoglu was transformed into a slum area. By the1980s, the
shops that were located on the rst oorof residential blocks were
changed into trading cen-ters covering the whole building,
transforming thestylish early 20th century residential areas
intobusy trade centers (Baslo, 1998). In the 1990s,however, a
nostalgic revival in the approach torenovation began in the
district. The intelligentsiaand artists purchased and renovated
many of the
-
Gentrication in Istanbul: N Ergunold apartments, and as a
rtaurants, bookshops and alocally. New life was obsermost obviously
with the obul Film Festival.Beyoglu, which incorp
buildings of the late 19thidentied as an architecturas Istiklal
Street being a cwas reinvigorated once mactivities enjoyed by the
yo
TunelTunel is a prime exampl
trication in Istanbul. Locof the Istiklal Street, it isGermans,
Italians, Russiantraded together with Turkarea boasting a rich
cultutransformed the district, cl
Figure 3 Views of gentricationtrading center. However,lost after
the migration ofnd the Greek professionalof the city (Eldem,
1992;rt lost its signicance andrged elsewhere, the neigh-adversely
and the areailapidation.ed to trac in 1990, andunel was badly
aected.pped, the rental value ofeclined. Tunel became aut started
to change bywhich opened in 1994.gallery (Ugur Bekdemir)d there was
only one artistbut he did not only openworked to organizing
it.criminals from the neigh-d to call his friends here.esult new
cafeterias, res-rt galleries were openedved in Beyoglu,
manifestrganization of the Istan-
orated many historicalearly 20th century, wasal site in 1994. As
wellenter for trade, the areaore with the cultural
ung generation.
e of the process of gen-ated at the southern enda neighborhood
wheres, and Greeks lived ands until the1970s, and anral diversity.
The Jewsose both to the port and
the railway station, into athe cultural diversity wasmany Jewish
tradesmen aclasses from this quarterInalck, 1996). As the ponew
residential areas emeborhood was aectedexperienced widespread
dIstiklal Street was clos
the commercial life of TWhen commercial life stoproperties in
Beyoglu dcriminal area in time bmeans of an art galleryWhen the
owner of thecame to the neighborhoo(Muzaer Akyol) there,an art
gallery but alsoFirst, he tried to cleanborhood, and then
starte
in Ortakoy397
-
He organized more than 200 exhibitions here location. Uzun
(2000) states that gentrication
Gentrication in Istanbul: N Ergunwithin 8 years. He has aimed
that to keep the oldspirit of neighborhood where once many
foreignersused to live and his many foreign friends rented orbought
houses or ateliers in this area (http://nevarneyok.com
2002).Artists in particular settled in the historical resi-
dences of Tunel, then authors, journalists, archi-tects and
advertisers began to settle here, restoringthe local properties at
the same time. Besides theseindividual attempts, the restoration of
buildings bysome businesses such as the art galleries and cul-tural
centers attracted people to Tunel. As a result,coee houses, bars
and restaurants began to openup around these art galleries and
cultural centers.The visual and electronic media did much to
gainfame for the neighborhood. However, this newenergy also meant
that it became increasinglyfashionable place and therefore
expensive, anunwelcome development for its residents. Increaseof
rents forces old tenants to leave the neighbor-hood in spite of
their desire to stay there. Tunel,known in the past as the Europe
of Istanbul, hasnow extended its boundaries and moved
towardsbecoming the cosmopolitan quarter of Istanbul,with its
American, African and Asian residentsadded to the European
population such as British,German, Russian and Italian who are
still living inthe region, though few in number and its
identityopen to innovations (http://www.insankaynaklar-i.com). It
is obvious that the proximity of one ofthe metro stations currently
under construction willhasten the process of gentrication.
CihangirOne of the residential neighborhoods of Beyoglu
is Cihangir, with its many residences enjoying aBosphorus view.
All the wooden houses in Cihan-gir were burned down as a result of
six resbetween 1765 and 1916, and so no wooden build-ings were
constructed after 1916. At the end of the19th century and the
beginning of the 20th century,Cihangir became quite densely
populated whenmany stone-buildings were constructed. Some ofthe
Russian migrants who came to Turkey after1920 settled in Cihangir,
an area occupied mostlyby non-Muslim minorities. As well as
accommo-dating those in the entertainment industry in Beyo-glu, it
also housed doctors surgeries, clinics,luxurious apartments and
bordellos. As the non-Muslims left Turkey in the1960s and some of
themigrants from Anatolia settled in the area, theplace changed in
a way similar to that of Beyogluin previous times (Usdiken, 1991)
and from the1960s until the early 1990s, low-income groupslived in
Cihangir. Until the 1980s, Cihangir was ablack sheep neighborhood
because of the trasves-tites and homosexuals living there. After
pedes-tranization and organization of Istiklal Street, itgained
importance again because of its attractive398began in Cihangir
after an artist couple (Beril-Oktay Anlanmert) purchased an
apartment therein 1993. They renovated it without compromisingits
unique characteristics. Other artists and aca-demics followed
suite, understanding the historicalvalue of this quarter of the
city. Cihangir becamepopular again with the settlement of the
artists andthe popularity increased with the interest of themedia.
As a result some people became uncomfort-able with this new popular
identity, whereas manyothers preferred it there for that
reason.Following the establishment in 1995 of the
Association for the Beautication of Cihangir(ABC), the
renovation of the area was organizedfor the rst time on a
collective rather than an indi-vidual basis. The aim of the
association, with amajority of its members made up of architects
andprofessionals living mostly in Cihangir, was to pro-tect the
unique structure of the apartments in theneighborhood during their
renovation and also toincrease the quality of the living space. As
a result,the prole of the population living in the neighbor-hood
changed radically during the social renovationof Cihangir (Uzun,
2000). At the beginning, thischange amounted only to the settlement
of a fewartists and academics in the neighborhood but itcontinues
today at a considerable pace. Up until1994, apartments were
replaced by many historicalbuildings in Cihangir by small-scale
entrepreneurs.Although it is located in an architectural
districtwhich protects historical buildings, the rules
ofimplementation are not dened clearly in the pro-tection law, and
this is then abused by some inves-tors. Nevertheless, the ABC and
the residents of theneighborhood have been trying to preserve
theremaining ones. Living in Cihangir becamefashionable and
Cihangir is getting more popularwith its new cafes and bars and its
new name of theRepublic of Cihangir. This transformation ofCihangir
and its increasing popularity haveincreased the price of
residential areas considerablyas well as making the area attractive
for futureinvestment. Today a 100120 m2. unfurnishedapartments rent
is between $ 1000 and 1200 permonth, and its selling price is
between US$ 100,000and 150,000 depending on whether it has a sea
viewor not (http://www.emlakpusulasi.com) (Figure 4).
GalataFounded by the people of Venice and Genoa,
Galata accommodated many bankers, tradesmenand seamen, and
symbolized a lifestyle that wasvery dierent from the rest of
Istanbul. While therewere more than a thousand taverns and more
thansix thousand wine houses in the 17th century (amajority located
in this region), the Galata StockExchange, established in 1864,
also became astrong representative of the nancial world of
thatperiod (Kazgan, 1991). Opening up to western
-
Gentrication in Istanbul: N Erguntrade during the Ottoman era
led to the formationof a strong merchant bourgeoisie in Galata,
withthe most impressive commercial buildings andapartments
belonging to the minority groups(Akn, 1998).More than half the
population of Galata was
non-Muslim until the 1930s. And while the Muslimpopulation of
the 1950s was minimal, themigration from Anatolia between 1955 and
1960transformed the population prole and economicfortunes of the
area. As a result, the buildings withhistorical and architectural
value in Galata entereda process of dilapidation. Furthermore, the
com-mercial life was subject to a radical transformationin the
1980s, being the rst place to halt themigration from the east and
southeast (Kazanc,2002). The withdrawal of the nancial sector
fromthis area had a great eect on the commercial lifeof Galata. The
most important two commercialaxes of the former Galata are now lled
with out-lets selling electrical goods.The majority of the
residents in Galata today are
migrants. According to Islam (2002), Galata wasaected by the
nearby renovations and as a resultthe rst eects of gentrication
were in evidence bythe end of 1980s. The process began when
archi-
tects or artists purchased or rented older buildingswith high
ceilings, which were particularly suitablefor use as studios. The
innovators quickly orga-nized themselves and formed an organization
tobeautify the local environment. By organizing festi-vals and
other cultural activities, they attractedpeople to the area. Until
the mid-1990s, togetherwith Galatas artistic community, only a few
otherprofessionals moved to the area to live. But thereal inuence
of the gentriers occurred after 1995.According to a survey
conducted by Islam (ibid.),only 17.3% of the gentriers moved to the
areabefore 1995, but the gure rises to 60.8% duringthe last four
years. The professionalsacademi-cians, architects, journalists,
caricaturists, lmdirectorbought 40 historical buildings andrestored
them between 1999 and 2001 in Galata.One of the pioneers of the
restoration (architectMete Goktug) bought and restored a 96
year-oldEnglish police station and changed it to a coeehouse. A lot
of coee houses were opened inGalata which gained fame as a quite
place in thecity center, very close to Istiklal Street but far
fromits crowd. (Soykan, 2001). However, the problemof parking is
real one in this area. Attempts havebeen made to create parking
places by knocking
Figure 4 Views of gentrication in Cihangir399
-
Gentrication in Istanbul: N Ergun400down some buildings and
re-using the space. Therewas no increase in the square meter prices
of build-ing sites between 1998 and 2002, but the averagerent of a
furnished apartment about 100 m2 variesbetween US$ 8001000 in
Galata (http://www.em-lakpusulasi.com) Figure 5.
Gentrication of historical peninsula neighborhoodsContrary to
the Bosphorus and Beyoglu neigh-
borhoods, the population of foreigners in the his-torical
peninsula of Istanbul was around 1.5%.While Galata and the
Bosphorus were growingduring this period in terms of residential
locations,a slow, stable development occurred on the histori-cal
peninsula (the old city center of Istanbul). Celik(1998) states
that the neighborhoods of the histori-cal peninsula were separated
according to nations,other than the trade area in Eminonu,
wherepeople of dierent ethnic groups or religions wereworking side
by side. Muslims, who constituted thelargest group, were living in
the center of the his-torical peninsula, the Armenians, Greeks and
Jewssettled more along the Marmara and Golden Horn
coasts. When the Sultans residence moved fromTopkap to
Dolmabahce in 1856, the historicalpeninsula lost its signicance. In
this period, indus-try caused major modications mainly along
thecoast of the Golden Horn. As a result, summer-houses, waterside
residences and gardens wereabandoned and factories were built in
their place.The chaotic industrial growth observed on the twocoasts
of Golden Horn from the mid-19th centuryonwards transformed the
traditional appearance ofthe city. During this period, the wealthy
minoritiesliving in the region moved to the newly
developedresidential areas of Istanbul. The historical areasby the
Golden Horn and behind were adverselyaected by this change and the
areas becameincreasingly run down.Following the Habitat II meeting
in Istanbul in
1996, a UNESCO project was initiated in the fol-lowing year. As
a result of the participation ofnon-governmental organizations
(NGOs) to theproject, the European Union announced that itwould
provide nancial support with NGO fund-
Figure 5 Views of gentrication in Galata
-
ing. The project aims not only to carry out physi- houses with
many children. One of these measures is
Gentrication in Istanbul: N Erguncal but also social restoration
(Kalkan, 2002).
BalatBalat is one of the oldest districts of Istanbul.
Located between Fener and Ayvansaray on thesouthern side of the
Golden Horn, it is signicantbecause of its geographical location,
history and itscosmopolitan demographic structure dating fromthe
Byzantine era. Balat is an especially importantdistrict for the
Jews of Istanbul. The MacedonianJews that were brought to Istanbul
after the con-quest and those who came from Spain were reset-tled
in this area along with smaller populations ofGreeks, Armenians and
Muslims (Deleon, 1997).However, Balat lost its signicance with the
chan-ging patterns of marine trade. Industry came to theregion in
the 19th century changing the appearanceof the area (Tekeli, 1994).
This transformation washeightened by the res that constantly
plaguedBalat. The social structure of the district changedtoo,
especially along the coast, which became occu-pied by sailors and
street vendors with the weal-thier classes residing in Balats
interior (Akn,1993).Following the movement of some Jews to the
wealthier Galata or to Israel following the foun-dation of the
state of Israel in 1948, traditionalcommercial life was aected
(Yalcn, 1992).Among the minorities, only those from lower-income
groups and the ones that had moved tothe new residential area at
the time remained.Today, this historical district is a poor
settlementarea where the overwhelming majority of thepopulation is
Turkish. Most of the people wholive there today are immigrants from
the BlackSea and Marmara regions of Turkey. TheFener-Balat
Rehabilitation Project was pre-pared following the Habitat II
meeting in Istan-bul in 1996, and implementation started in
June2003 (Gul, 2003). The aim of the project is torecreate a
viable, vital community while protect-ing the districts cultural
heritage. The projectwill see 200 historical buildings refurbished
andrestored to provide residents with decent accom-modation. Basic
infrastructuresuch as betterdrainage for rainwater runo, the
provision ofgas for cooking and heating, electricity and gar-bage
collectionwill be provided. The projectwill be realized with the a
budget of 7 millionEuro of European Community and UNESCOfunds
(European Union Representation of theEuropean Commission to Turkey,
Press Release,2003).Williams and Hukun (2000) state that one of
the
biggest problems is ensuring that the rehabilitationof this area
does not result in the expulsion of poortenants. Representatives of
UNESCO says thatthey will be taking some measures during the
resto-ration work for the poor families living in 3540 m2to
maintain the low rents during the next ve yearswith agreements
between landlords and the projectauthorities. But there is no
denition of what theywill do when the agreement period ends
(Tayyar,2003).The other measure is to keep the buildings sold
after 1997 outside the scope of restoration workand thus let the
low-income people of Balat benetfrom this rehabilitation. The head
of Volunteersof Fener and Balat Association (Journalist
ErsinKalkan) shows Ortakoy and Beyoglu, which arenow full of bars
as negative examples. He says thatthey have taken lessons from
those neighborhoodsand they do not want to change the social
structureof Balat. Because of the long period before theproject
started, many buildings changed hands andsome people, who learned
of the project years ago,bought 810 houses with alcoves and
changedthem to bars, pensiones or some other business.Recently, an
intensive restoration started in somebuildings which are bought by
architects, academi-cians, artists, writers, advertisers, movie
makers,fashioners, journalists and businessmen (Ozkan,2003). As
Islam (2002) has stated, these gentriers,the artists and reporters,
are trying to protect thearea so that Balat may became a model for
otherdistricts to follow.Representatives of UNESCO say that
moving
the upper income people to Balat is against the aimof the
project, but also that it is an inevitabledevelopment that will
happen even if EU andUNESCO projects do not exist. One of the
mem-bers of the council of managers Volunteers ofFener and Balat
Association (Hikmet Bardak)says that the existing residents of the
Balat are notsuitable to the pattern of the neighborhoodbecause
they are invaders. He also says that highlyeducated people will
move here after implemen-tation of the project and Balat will be a
popular artand cultural center like Cihangir, so they arechoosing
real Istanbul residents when they are sell-ing and renting houses
(Akbulut, 2003). One adver-tisement presents Balat as a very
important areafor investment and it is announced as The regionmost
appreciating in value in
Istanbul!Balat(http://www.adresdergi.com.tr). The squaremeter price
of the building sites in Balat hasbecame 10 times more between 1998
and 2002(http://www.ymm.net). Indeed, today it is notpossible to
come across any minority populationsuch as Jews or Greeks in the
district. The bay-windowed houses with three oors that the
Greeks,Jews and Armenians previously occupied are stillthere, but
most of them are run down; althoughsome of them have been renovated
and now func-tion as art centers (Figure 6).401
-
Gentrication in Istanbul: N ErgunConclusions
Throughout its history,
capital of empires and a
modated many dierent n
century, several economic
ments have resulted in som
Figure 6 Views of gentrication
402s, or moving to new resi-
f the Turkish Republic inn of Ankara as the capitalt had been
established inring Ottoman period leftIstanbul has been the
place which has accom-
ationalities. In the last
and political develop-
e minorities migrating,
mainly to other countriedential areas in Istanbul.
. After the foundation o1923 and the designatiocity, the
embassies thaIstanbul to serve du
in Balat
-
Istanbul for the new capital. As the embassies individual
attempts, then following the increase in
continue the projects.
Gentrication in Istanbul: N Ergunleft, many of those associated
with them left too.. The newly founded State of Israel in 1948 led
to
many Jews abandoning Istanbul.. Some Muslims, Jews, Greeks and
Armenians
from the high-income group from neighborhoodsclose to the old
city center moved to the popularnew settlement areas around the
city in the 1950s.
. Because of political tensions between Turkey andGreece, some
of the Greeks living close to the oldcity center migrated to Greece
between 1955 and1960.
These developments led to an evacuation ofIstanbul, especially
in the regions where minoritieslived, and the abandoned areas have
becomepotentially open to gentrication. Nevertheless, fol-lowing
the migration from the rural areas(especially to major cities due
to the liberal econ-omic policies implemented during this period),
thepeople who came to Istanbul from the villages set-tled in the
residential areas close to the city center.These had previously
been evacuated by the above-mentioned groups.These regions, with
residences of historical,
architectural and aesthetic value, usually located ina limited
area, experienced considerable dilapi-dation in the period between
1960 and 1980. But asthe international standing of Turkey
strengthenedand the economy improved, a process of gentrica-tion
began after the 1980s. Every neighborhood inwhich the process of
gentrication is taking place isaected by the process in a dierent
way, accordingto its physical location and social composition.
Thefollowing results can be seen in the gentricationprocess of
Istanbul:
. It can be seen that architects and artists especiallywere the
pioneers in the gentrication process ofIstanbul.
. Following the process of gentrication, buildingswith
historical value in the area are renovatedand either still used for
residential purposes (Kuz-guncuk, Cihangir) or some of them are
trans-formed from houses to commercial, recreationalunits, art
galleries or ateliers (Ortakoy, Tunel,Galata). Those living in or
close to the gentriedarea either reacted (Ortakoy) or adopted the
gen-triers and participated in the improvement ofthe area
(Kuzguncuk, Cihangir).
. There was no direct impact from governmentsand municipalities
in the process of gentrication,excluding Balat. The indirect eect
of govern-ments was as a law maker (such as the BosphorusLaw, or
the Conservation Law) while munici-palities re-organized some
squares and streets.Generally, gentrication processes started with.
The gentrication process is a diverse one. Forexample, buildings
with historical value are reno-vated and used for residential
purposes, then theyare abandoned once again or they change
func-tion and the area is transformed into a trade orrecreation
center (Ortakoy). Or it may becomeinvigorated by its gentrication
(Kuzguncuk,Cihangir, Tunel, Galata). And in some examples(Balat),
the area is at the beginning of therehabilitation process but it is
supposed that theneighborhoods residents will change after
com-pletion of the projects implementation.
It can be seen then that the gentrication processin Istanbul is
following a similar pattern to exam-ples in other countries.
However, it has dierencesin some aspects. The rst one is that the
gentrica-tion process has started later when compared withthe other
countries, because Turkeys economy hasshown a major development
only after the 1980sand the inner city areas were in decay until
then.The gentrication process has started at residentialareas far
from the historical city center, becausethe Bosphorus is one of the
most valuable places inIstanbul in terms of its location and view.
Andnally, gentrication in Istanbul has so far takenplace in areas
previously occupied by foreigners orminority groups, that were
either empty or havebecome occupied by migrants from the rural
partsof Turkey. So political developments, as well as theeconomic
factors, have also aected where gentri-cation has taken place in
Istanbul.
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Gentrication in Istanbul: N Ergun405
Gentrification in IstanbulIntroductionGeographical patterns of
gentrification in IstanbulGentrification of the Bosphorus
neighborhoodsKuzguncukOrtakoy
Gentrification of Istanbuls old city centerGentrification of the
Beyog˘lu neighborhoodsTunelCihangirGalataGentrification
of historical peninsula neighborhoodsBalat
ConclusionsReferences