Gender Development in Palestine; Realities and Challenges

Gender Development in Palestine:

Reality and Challenges

June 1, 2015

By

Victoria Katan

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“Women constitute half of societies and that half needs to be on board if weare to achieve a reconstruction of those societies, and a full and lastingpeacei.”

The objective of this essay is to point out that althoughadvances were made, Palestinian women need to persevere intheir struggle against triple oppression; patriarchal andreligion proscriptions as well as Israeli occupationii tosecure their rights and ensure gender equality in the State ofPalestineiii.

Initially, the participation of womeniv in social, economic,and political life is an essential factor in the developmentalprocess of any society. Hence, the Palestinian Authority (PA)v

officially adopted gender equality mainstreaming andrecognised an array of universal agreements and declarations.While, gender awareness in the country predates UNSCR 1325,nonetheless, limited progress has been achieved in femaleparticipation in public life in Palestinevi. “Womenparticipation in the different political decision-makingbodies is very low, making up just 13% of the PalestinianLegislative Council membership and 17% of the membership inthe local councils. Even more alarming, participation in thehigher executive levels of government does not exceed 5%(ambassadors and director generals)vii”. According to thePalestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, female participationin the workforce stands at 17.4%viii, whereas the number ofPalestinian women business owners is negligible, amounting to2.7%ix.

In 2014, Palestine acceded to the Convention on theElimination of All Forms of Discrimination against women(CEDAW)x, and issued a Presidential Decree to amend articles ofthe Penal Codexi. Gender mainstreaming is predominant as one of2

the five governing principles of the three-year PalestinianNational Development Plan (2014-2016)xii. In 2011, thePalestinian Cabinet endorsed the National Strategy to CombatViolence against Women (NSCVAW)xiii, created gender units inPalestinian National Authority ministries, the Civil Police,and the National Security Forces. Furthermore, a PresidentialDecree suspended Article 340 of the Jordanian Penal Code of1960, and Article 18 of the Egyptian Penal Code of 1936. Botharticles provide mitigating circumstance to a man who killshis wife or another female relative.xiv In 2005, a PresidentialDecree endorsed UNSCR 1325xv and in 2009, the PAxvi adopted theMDGxvii Joint Programme (JP) strategies. Ultimately, in 2003,the Ministry of Women’s Affairs was established, and in2004xviii, a quota law for local elections was adopted.

On the other hand, the Israeli occupation of Palestine is notrecognized internationally as a vital factor in the ongoingexistence of patriarchy in Palestinian society. Although ithas contributed to women’s human rights being put on hold inPalestine. Israel is a state party to CEDAW which it ratifiedin 1991xix and accordingly has duties towards the occupiedPalestinian people. But again, Israel argues that it is notresponsible for implementation in the Occupied PalestinianTerritory (oPt)xx. On March, 2015 the United Nations Commissionon the Status of Women approved a resolution “holding thecontinued illegal Israeli occupation as a contributor to thegrave situation of Palestinian women and preventing theiradvancementxxi”. The High Commissioner for Human Rights in theU.N. Human Rights Council, Navi Pillay, pontificated that “thecombination of decades of Israeli occupation and the use offorce against Palestinians by Israel expose women to acontinuum of violence in all spheres of lifexxii”. I wouldexplicitly argue that no one, whether man or woman, can befree under “occupationxxiii”. Palestinian women struggle ismultifaceted including their continued daily struggle fortheir fundamental human rights which are “held hostage to abelligerent and unrelenting Israeli occupationxxiv”.

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Theoretically, the official adoption of gender strategies bythe PA is considered a victory at the level of policy but lesssuccessful at the level of implementation. In contrast,progress in addressing gender issues relies on the commitmentand initiatives of particular individuals rather than on asturdy statement of policy and institutional systems. In spiteof a plethora of conventions, declarations, and legislationsPalestinian women continue to grapple with slight advancement.It is attributed to a general conservatism in the societyincluding women’s group, PA characteristics (Abdo, 1999)notwithstanding, limited involvement of women in nationalplanning cycles, and exclusion in key decision makingprocesses (ESCAW, 2014) in conjunction with Israelioccupation.

What women want? A question no one wants to hear!

Gender equity has become, in theory, central foci ofinternational engagement in so-called fragile Palestine Stateand praxis among Palestinian women activists. No doubt genderequity is fundamental and transformative but in a traditionaland conservative society -perceives gender equity as anillegitimate foreign impositionxxv- persistent inequalitiesprevailxxvi. Palestinian women have no control over concepts;strategies, perspectives, and mainstream development remainwelded to the existing patriarchal/religious dominantparadigms. Humanitarian Rights Organisations and many Women inDevelopment advocates failed to acknowledge the particularsocial and cultural contexts of Palestinian women’s livesxxvii.USAID and the World Bank seemed more focused on themacroeconomics rather than what concern Palestinian women(Summerfield, Jaquette 2006), and that is the amelioration oftheir dire economic situation (Richter-Devroe, 2008).

Before gender becomes the buzzword in the sphere, Palestinianwomen organisations were mass-based and operated on the levelof practical gender interests. Accordingly, they won theloyalty of Palestinian women from different socioeconomic

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backgrounds. However, since 1993, most of the foreign donorfunding priority has shifted to strategic gender interests,such as domestic violence, honour killings, or women’s“empowerment” projects. Consequently, Palestinian NGOstransformed into being elite and isolated from the ordinarywomen. Rural women ranked basic needs such as food, education,and health as a priority while elite women ranked politicalempowerment and employment (www.report-women-arab_spring-2013.pdf). Significantly, most urban-based professionalwomen’s NGOs became NGO-isationxxviii -projects are set byinternational discourse without diversity or specification-and have gradually lost their constituencies. The enormousburden of responding to women’s practical needs was left tosmaller local women’s groups and charitable organisations(Richter-Devroe, 2008).

On the other hand, the Palestinian women’s movement itself(elite & rural) was muzzled at the beginning of theestablishment of the PA. It was caught in a labyrinthstruggling for gender equality whilst facing acounteroffensive led, mainly, by the Islamic movementxxix. ThePA leadership is aware that the majority of the Palestinianpublic defines itself as conservativexxx. Therefore, PA adoptedan ambivalent posture towards women; in tandem, they endorsedthe women's movement and adopted Islam as the officialreligion of Palestine, along with the Shari'axxxi. Theseformulations not only clash with the status of equalcitizenship in public life, but they clash with the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rightsxxxii. Given that, some crucialquestions need to be addressed when discussing gender equalityin Palestine. Do the PA and women organisations/movements arecognizant of the ramifications of adopting “Sharia” as aprincipal source of legislation? Will Palestinian women’sorganisation call for secular laws or follow the path ofArabxxxiii women’s organisations? Will women organisations beable to build an inclusive democracy in agreement with humanrights standards mainly equal rights to all the population?

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Can women boost civil society and challenge patriarchalinterpretations of Islam? Should traditional practices bemaintained? The answer to these questions is unearthed in theaftereffect of so called “Arab Springxxxiv”; albeit the outcomeis yet to be seen. To date, the Arab Spring has not resultedin any improvement in women’s status. On the contrary, Arabwomen are witnessing discouraging tendencies- echo toPalestinian women situation-; their rights are sledgehammeredand thwarted by entrenched patriarchal structures, and by astark rise of Islamists. Alas, with a veneer of religiousapproval, women are marginalised, and their rights sacrificed.They are entirely excluded from decision-making processes, andthe public sphere through discriminatory legislation. Inparallel, violence against women was employed as a war tacticto intimidate and control civiliansxxxv.

Words on Paper but not on Ground

At present, gender is a dimension that is routinely added onas a component to most national programs, partly becauseinternational agencies have come to insist on its inclusion.However, commitments remain largely unfulfilled even as theirurgency has never been more apparent.

Officially, the PA implemented the Joint Programmexxxvi incooperation with six UN agenciesxxxvii and partners from civilsociety, the private sector, and governmental institutions.The PA used a right-based approach and operated on threestrategic levels: grassroots, sub-central and centralgovernment. On the ground, the PA’s deficiencies in providingfundamental rights juxtaposed with the gender-friendlylanguage frequently employed by Palestinian officialspurportedly demonstrating their commitment to genderequalityxxxviii.

In fact, education is empowerment on the personal and sociallevels, and female enrolment in primary, secondary, and post-secondary education has risen. On paper, it showed a smaller

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gender gap than other sectors (labour, health, governance).However, it did not herald an expansion of women roles oropportunities nor furnished positive development to thesociety as a whole. Remarkably, an evaluation of thecurriculum showed that it is gender-biased and reinforced thetraditional roles of females and malesxxxix, furthermore, it didnot often teach the accomplishments of female. As of 2014, thecurriculum remained unchanged; however, emphasis shifted tothe importance of formulating a media strategy to pressure theMinistry of Education into adopting curricula that include thenotion of gender equalityxl.

Furthermore, domestic violence against women remains an under-reported problem whilst blaming the occupation and patriarchyas two interrelated sources is still the favourite clichéxli.“Palestinian men became more aggressive at home and women became thepunching bag for men’s frustration” as argued by (Shalhoub-Kevorkian2003-2004)xlii. Conversely, the act of domestic violence isprevalent in societies that do not necessarily belong to thesame culture; it is a matter of global concern and notinterrelated to occupation. All things considered, women aremurdered for simply being women and by people who are intimateor immediate members of their family. For instance,Australiaxliii is a free country, but women are reportingdomestic violence at an alarming rate. Australian police dealwith a domestic violence matter every two minutesxliv.

On the other hand, not only the traditional society tends tokeep silent and tolerate to all kinds of women’s rightsabuses, but the Palestinian media coverage to gender issues,domestic violence, and honour killing remains unbalanced anddiscriminatory. The use of inappropriate terminology thatreinforces gender stereotype is prevalent. For example, whencovering honour killings headlines will be like “tragic deathof a man” and “woman killed in an ambiguous incidentxlv”.Contrariwise to Arab states, Israelxlvi does criminalise‘honour’ killingsxlvii in its judicial system if the perpetratoris a Palestinian from East Jerusalem or occupied Palestine in

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1948xlviii. However, the Israeli police do not exert much effortin investigating cases and holding perpetrators accountable onthe pretext of respecting the principle of “multiculturalism”.

Oddly enough, the pace of change among women themselves is tooslow, and their actions/reactions are still veiled with acloak of religion/tradition. In 2013 the Islamic Movement(Hamas) in Gaza banned a marathon organised by the UnitedNations because Gaza's local customs were not respected “womenwere competing alongside men”xlix and imposed a dress codel forfemale university students. In 2014, Palestinians mobilised acampaign calling upon a Palestinian Catholic school in EastJerusalem to respect the freedom of choice of its femalestudents in spite of the existing dress codeli. These incidentsrevealed the prevailing double-standards; fundamental freedom,tolerance, human rights are empty slogans imbued in thePalestinian society as a whole (male & female). In the formerno demonstration was waged against Hamas given its decisionwas aligned with religious proscriptions. In the latter, amischievous campaignlii was waged against the school amid adeathly silence from the civil society, bracketed under“respect of religious freedom”. It is precisely this failureto condemn on both occasions that falter genuine change, andbrings it down to the following: Palestinians may be talkingthe talk but unfortunately not walking the walk.

After more than 20 years of gender awareness andmainstreaming, did core perceptions progressed or digressed?Yes, declarations and conventions such as CEDAWliii areendorsed, and certain discriminatory laws are changed. But,these changes turned out to be largely cosmetic, failing toinfluence the deeply patriarchal/religious nature ofArab/Palestinian politics and society. (www.report-women-arab_spring-2013.pdf). As it happens, Palestinian women arestill required to have the consent of a male guardian to get apassport in spite of the fact that a decree was issued to thateffect in 1996liv. Challenging the stodgy overwhelming malePalestinian leadership and female/male mentality at its roots

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is wanted, but are Palestinian women outfitted to go the wholenine yards?

Exclusion of women never may be equal to protection

Womenlv are still largely absent from Middle East policydiscussions, negotiations, and cannot break through thepatriarchal attitudes of either international or localpolitical parties argues (Farr, 2011). The supremacy of men inPalestine is reinforced by patriarchal ideology through themass media, religious and educational institutions as well asthrough political organisations.

At first glance it looks like women are gaining access topolitical powerlvi, but in fact, it is through gender quotaslvii

and the appointment of women to top administrative positions.In a straight line, it is attributed to an in depth-knowledgeof the context of Arab women movement in the respective Arabcountries. Governed by diplomatic skills, women mobilised moreefficiently in advancing their agenda, and accepted the quotasystem. Ultimately, they employed it as a resource tonegotiate the growing tensions between gender equity, andtraditional laws and customs (Summerfield, Jaquette, 2006).

Contrary to a general belief, some Palestinian elite womenorganisations are extremely cognizant of the ramifications ofgender equity; however, advances are below par. MIFTAHlviii

repeatedly called for creating legislation that guarantees theprotection of women’s rights, mainly the personal statuslixandpenal lawslx. They expressed their reservations to reportsundermine women’s ability to use coherentlylxi UNSCR 1325, dueto different intensities of conflict in the various parts ofthe occupied Palestinian territories. Significantly, MIFTAHelucidated that strategies such as the development of NationalAction Plans that are successfully employed in other regionsof the world are not a straightforward answer for the oPt.Other women activists substantiated the frailty of Westernwelded view namely that shared gender oppression is enough to

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bring effectively together women from bitterly opposing sides(Israel & Palestine) as a unified influence on larger peaceprocess (Farr, 2011 & Richter-Devroe, 2008).

Unequivocally, peace is inextricably linked to equalitybetween men and women, development, and justice. The debate oninclusion of gender equity has spilled over the narrowconfines of policy think tanks. But despite the explosion,women are still excluded from the arena ofinternational/national politics in Palestine. There is a needfor a wholesale change in attitude, particularly from women,and to a significant extent, by the society as a whole. Genderinclusion still needs to be translated into practice in spiteof some good intentions.

Conclusion

The longer reform eludes, the more difficult it will be tobuild a functioning self-sustaining economy and society. Thecontinuous justification of PA’s failure to take a decisiveaction is in fact exacerbating the situation.

The overwhelming status/annual reports of UN organisations andNGOs endorse a set of recommendations, mainly to increasenumber of women in decision-making posts. They call as well tointegrate gender issues in public policy, and to increasenumber of women entrepreneurs. Furthermore, they advocate tostrengthen gender equality in law, and to promote the rule oflaw and human rights. Last but not least, they seek toimprove the protection, jurisdiction, Shari’a, and defencesystems to protect women from violence based on a women’srights-based approachlxii. These set of recommendations fit thegeneral equation, however, it is tenuous to change thelaw/policy/decision when the values of the Palestinian societyare not up to that level.

Women’s rights are not only about gender equality but alsoabout “abolishing the innate hegemonic undercurrents of powerand control. The subordination of women is one of these

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undercurrents, and it interconnects and overlaps withpolitical oppression and other forms of exploitation based onreligionlxiii”, culture, and patriarchy. In other words, defacto equality can be achieved not only through de jurereforms but a change in attitudes and perceptions ofPalestinians.

Today, Palestinians are at a crossroad; either trod the pathof religion, patriarchy, tradition, exclusion or the path ofinclusiveness, secular, sustainability, and empowerment. Whatis needed is a radical departure from the well-worn paths. Itis up to Palestinians (men & women) to decide which path tofollow bearing in mind that closing the gap between men andwomen in economic, social, and political participation is notonly a women’s rights issue, but is a human right vital forhuman development of the society.

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i Joakim Stymne, State Secretary for Development Cooperation to the SwedishMinister for International Development. See www.operation1325.se/nyheter/1325-10-years-what-now-articlesii The Israeli occupation continues to practice constant violations of HumanRights, as are codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,Human Rights Instruments, and International Humanitarian Laws. Seewww.awid.org/News-Analysis/Announcements2/A-Statement-calling-for.../iii On 29/11/2012 Palestine was officially recognized as a state by the UN, hencein the essay pre 2012 Palestine is referred to as oPT/PA. Seewww.reuters.com/.../29/us-palestinians-statehood-idiv The National Development Plan 2011-2013 affirmed that there remains much to beachieved before it can be claimed that this is a society where women enjoy equalrights with men, especially since the aspiration is to establish anindependent Palestinian state where all Palestinians enjoy freedom, justiceand equal opportunities. See www.mdgfund.org v The Palestinian Authority (PA) was established in January 1994. vi Throughout the decades of the occupation, Palestinian women have beenimportant players in non-violent resistance, in state-building processes and inpeace-making with their Israeli counterparts when this was considered strategic.Women’s movements in Palestine, as elsewhere, have varied interests. Startingfrom a base that did not prioritize women’s liberation, women found themselvesincreasingly involved in various forms of resistance and in service provision aspolitical conditions worsened from the 1970s onwards, until, in December 1988,the impacts of the first intifada led to the establishment of a Higher Women’sCommittee which articulated, as an explicit goal, the need to address genderequality alongside national liberation. Women were also instrumental in creatingmanifestos that captured their democratic ambitions; for example, the rights ‘tofreedom of movement and the right to full nationality’ claimed in the Women’sCharter of 1994 issued by the General Union of Palestinian Women. These rightsremain, until today, ‘denied to all the population’. See (Farr, 2011).vii Palestinian women make up almost 49% of the total population;Palestinian women and girls are subject to the oppression of thepatriarchal system. In addition to oppression from the patriarchal system,occupation affects all aspect of Palestinian life, and women face double thehardship. Women in oPt are subject to all kinds of Israeli occupation oppressivemeasures including killed, maimed, incarcerated and whether displaced aftertheir home was demolished. See www.mdgfund.org viii That is significantly lower than in the rest of the Arab world where female participation in the labour force stands at around a quarter of the population. Seewww.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/presscenter/pressreleases/2014/ix See www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/presscenter/pressreleases/2014/...x The Convention provides the basis for realizing equality between women and menthrough ensuring women's equal access to, and equal opportunities in, politicaland public life -- including the right to vote and to stand for election -- aswell as education, health and employment. States parties agree to take allappropriate measures, including legislation and temporary special measures, sothat women can enjoy all their human rights and fundamental freedoms. TheConvention is the only human rights treaty which affirms the reproductive rightsof women and targets culture and tradition as influential forces shaping genderroles and family relations. It affirms women's rights to acquire, change orretain their nationality and the nationality of their children. States partiesalso agree to take appropriate measures against all forms of traffic in womenand exploitation of women. Countries that have ratified or acceded to the

Convention are legally bound to put its provisions into practice. They are alsocommitted to submit national reports, at least every four years, on measuresthey have taken to comply with their treaty obligations. Seewww.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedawxiThe Palestinian draft penal code was very much appreciated by the UN HighCommissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, who asked Palestinian president toapprove it. However, Abbas said he wanted to consult with Al-Azhar, in Egypt, todiscuss some of its clauses”. Abdin, a lawyer with Al-Haq, reported that“Amending the penal code to redress the balance for women is not a complicatedissue. We need to amend five texts by adding six words.” See http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/03/palestine-honor-crime-women-abuse-law-abbas.html#ixzz3adtxPams xii The National Development Plan of 2014-2016 contains 2 strategic objectives ongender equality and women’s empowerment out of a total of 20 strategicobjectives. By comparison, the National Development Plan of 2011-2013 had onlyone strategic objective on gender equality and women’s empowerment among 17strategic objectives overall. Seehttp://palestine.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/national-planning-and-budgeting/facts-and-xiii See www.mdgfund.orgxiv Article 308 of the Jordanian Penal Code allows rapists to escapepunishment if they marry their victim and stay married for a minimumperiod of three years. Seewww.reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/WP_En.pdfxv The 31st of October, 2000 United Nations Security Council adopted resolution1325, on women, peace and security. The resolution reaffirms the important roleof women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations,peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflictreconstruction and stresses the importance of their equal participation and fullinvolvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace andsecurity. Resolution 1325 urges all actors to increase the participation ofwomen and incorporate gender perspectives in all United Nations peace andsecurity efforts. It also calls on all parties to conflict to take specialmeasures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence. Seewww.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wps xviSince 2009, the Palestinian Government has officially engaged with genderresponsive planning and budgeting, with the adoption of a Cabinet decision onmainstreaming gender in budgetary processes in 2009. Subsequently in 2012, thePalestinian Cabinet passed a resolution for forming the National Committee forGender Responsive Budgeting.See http://palestine.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/national-planning-and-budgeting/facts-andxvii The MDG Achievement Fund was established in 2007 through alandmark agreement signed between the Government of Spain and the UNsystem. With a total contribution of approximately USD 900 million, theMDG-Fund has financed 130 joint programmes in eight Thematic Windows, in50 countries around the world. In Palestine, the Joint Programme commenced inMarch 2009 and ended in March 2013. Participating UN agencies ILO, UNDP, UNESCO,UNFPA, UN Women, UNRWA. National partners are Ministry of Education and HigherEducation; Ministry of Health; Ministry of Justice; Ministry of Labor; Ministryof Social Affairs; Ministry of Woman’s Affairs; Ministry of Youth and Sport;Palestinian Legislative Council; National Women Employment Committee;Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics; Palestinian Family Planning and

Protection Association; Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions ofPalestine; Federation of Palestinian Chambers of Commerce and Industry andAgriculture; Bisan Center for Research and Development; Birzeit University;Islamic University of Gaza; Central Elections Committee; Chamber of Commerce;and CSOs. See http://mdgfund.org/node/694 xviii See www.escwa.un.org/information/publications/edit/upload/wom-05-tech1.pdfxix See http://www.israeli-occupation.org/2009-11-05/rights-palestinian-women-suffer-as-israel-violates-cedaw/#sthash.YY7EmCqX.dpufxx See www.kvinnatillkvinna.se/en/country/palestine/womens-situationxxi See https://occpalgaza.wordpress.com/2015/03/25/un-condemns-impact-ofxxii See www.juancole.com/2015/04/palestine-occupation-patriarchy.html xxiii Not only military occupation but a Psychological Reactance: “an aversive affective reaction in response to regulations or impositions that impinge on freedom and autonomy, mainly when individuals feel obliged to adopt a particularopinion or engage in a specific behaviour”. See www.psychit.com.au/Psychlopedia/article.asp?id=65xxiv See http://mondoweiss.net/2011/03/palestinian-women-are-disproportionately-impacted-by-the-israeli-occupation#sthash.5Dusghng.dpufxxv See www.report-women-arab_spring-2013.pdfxxvi Many studies of Third World women in the1990s indicate that theirimpoverishment is growing, their work burdens expanding and their statusrelative to men declining. See (Kockoczberski, 1998).xxviiThe equation between income and status predicated upon a dominantly Westernview, fails to recognise that the factors determining women's status may beculturally specific and multidimensional rather than unidimensional. See(Summerfield, Jaquette, 2006).xxviii NGO-isation…limits the participation of women at the local level to “their ‘organization. NGO-isation also limits the struggle for national causes to “projects…set by an international discourse without diversity and fragments the accumulation of forces for social change. See (Jad, 2004).xxix Islamic movement targets attempts to constitute feminism as politics. See(Jamal, 2001). Hamas is imposing an increasingly restrictive gender regime inGaza Strip and making it ever more difficult for women to speak out, conductresearch or maintain contact with outside organizations which share theirpolitical and advocacy goals. See (Farr, 2011).xxx In a public opinion poll conducted by the Jerusalem Media and CommunicationCenter (JMCC) in March 1999, 79.8% of the Palestinian public favored a statethat is run according to Islamic law. Only 15.8% favored a secular state.Furthermore, 63.9% thought that implementation of Islamic law by the PA wouldincrease their support of the PA. Consequently, any clear support of the women'smovement's demands by the PA, especially on issues that were considered asthreatening Islamic law, would have reflected negatively on the PA and wouldhave played to the hands of the Islamic opposition. See (Jamal, 2001).xxxi In the first four drafts, which were subject to popular discussion, Shari’awas not mentioned as a source of legislation; nor was Islam adopted as the statereligion. However, under the pressure of Islamists, both were later added by theparliament of the PA, the Palestinian Legislative Council, (which,parenthetically, was mostly constituted of secular members. It is worth notinghere that the Palestinian Legislative Council did not include Islamist members,since the Islamist political groups had boycotted the first legislativeelections of 1996, which they saw as an outcome of Oslo, a process theyopposed.) See (Jad, 2004).

xxxii Due to the place of Islam and Islamic law in the social, cultural,political, and legal affairs of states’ parties CEDAW has more “reservations”placed on it than any other Human Rights treaty. States’ parties identified asIslamic have placed “reservations” even broader in scope and ground, maintainingthat they will not implement any article against the principles of sharia. Seewww.gateinstitute.org/...human-rights-vs-sharia-violence-against-wo...xxxiii Today, there is no Arab country (except Lebanon due to its religious-ethnicformation) where the constitution does not mention Islam as a State religion.xxxivThe Arab Spring was a series of anti-government protests, uprisings and armedrebellions that spread across the Middle East in early 2011. See www.middleeast.about.com xxxv Sophie Richter-Devroe, said it’s still hard to say whether the Arab spring will put an end to violence against women. She explained that violence against women is not a random act but a war tactic used to intimidate and control civilians. See www.ipsnews.net/2013/03/impact-of-the-arab-spring-on-womens-rightsxxxvi Joint Programme promote Palestinian women’s social, culture, economic andpolitical empowerment and works to reduce gender-based violence by encouragingwomen’s political voice, increasing their opportunities to obtain decent andproductive work, and improving their access to protection and justice. Seewww.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wpsxxxvii Total amount disbursed as of March 2009-2013 is 9,050,000$. Seewww.mdgfund.org/node /694 xxxviii Stark gender disparities persist, including high unemployment, low wagesand low participation rates in the formal labour market. Female unemploymenttends to be highest among better-educated women, demonstrating the continuedmismatch between the skill sets of educated women and labour market demands. Seewww.escwa.un.org/information/publications/edit/upload/wom-05-tech1.pdfxxxix Women are portrayed as mothers and wives, cooking and sewing or working asnurses, teachers, secretaries. Men, on the other hand, are presented as doctors,mechanics and athletes. See (Jad, 2011). xl See www.rosalux.de/.../study-the-impact-of-aid-for-the-empowerment-of-wom... xli The Palestinian Ministry of culture mainstreamed gender equality but allegedthat relevant existing development strategies were gender blind, as were theinstitutions charged with implementation “due to the social oppression generatedby a patriarchal society, occupation restrictions, as well as the absence offamily or community support”. See www.mdgfund.org/node/694xlii See (Shalhoub-Kevorkian 2003,2004). xliii One woman dies every week from domestic violence in Australia in 2014. Onewoman is hospitalised every three hours across the country. Access Economics hasestimated about 1.6 million Australian women have experienced domestic violencein some form. See www.smh.com.au>commentsxliv See (Blumer, Clare). xlv The Palestinian newspapers report only one or two miserable sentences about such crimes. Al-Quds, the largest newspaper, usually publishes reports such as the following examples: “In the town of Tubas, a woman (A-KH) of age 36 was found murdered under mysterious circumstances, the body was found near the squatter colonist Mikhola near Tubas”; “In Tarqumiya near Hebron, a woman (K-A) of age 24 was found dead under mysterious circumstances”; “The body of D-S of age 37 from the village of Burkin near Jenin was found in a well”; “The woman (W-G) from Hebron was found dead, the preliminary investigations show that she killed herself”. See www.kawther.info/.../over-13-honor-killings-in-two-months-in-palestine

xlvi See (Buyukgul, 2015). xlvii In 2011 President Mahmoud Abbas introduced a decree outlawing honour killings, but it is not being followed in Gaza under Hamas rule. See www.kvinnatillkvinna.se/en/country/palestine/womens-situationxlviii See www.mepc.org/journal/middle-east-policy-archives/israelsxlix See www.theguardian.comlSee www.almonitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/02/islamization-in-gaza...li See www.jpost.com/Opinion/Terra-Incognita-Politics-of-the-veil-comes...lii See www.frontpagemag.com/2014/dgreenfield/muslims-protest-christianliii “CEDAW is intended to undermine the Muslim family and recolonize the MiddleEast”. Excerpts of a conversation between a female NGO representative and Muslimbrotherhood member at the UN commission on the status of women conference, March2013.liv See www.unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002237/223760E.pdflv Women constitute a small part of official peace negotiation teams, only sevenpercent of the participants are women. It is when negotiations come to a higherlevel women disappear. See (Jamal, 2001).lvi With a larger role in the process that better reflects women stake in theoutcome, women might shift the talks in unpredictable, positive, and productiveways. See (Jenkins-Scott 2013).lvii The quota system only guarantees a minimum participation of women but doesnot achieve equal representation of men and women. Seewww.reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/WP_En.pdflviii See www.miftah.org/ lix Despite the signing of President Mahmoud Abbas of the Convention on theElimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), personalstatus laws that were made by Jordan and Egypt more than half a century agostill exist in Palestine. These are discriminatory laws which deprive women offreedom of choice, and allow male domination in the lives of women, and theyendorse patriarchy and the suppression of women. These laws allow for theexclusion of women in all circles of public life, political participation,decision-making, and the enjoyment of economic and social rights. This appliesto penal laws. See www.awid.org/News-Analysis/Announcements2/A-Statement-calling-forlx The Palestinian Working Woman Society for Development called for nationalunity and an end to discriminatory laws against women, and for the establishmentof a National Council to enact family laws in compliance with Convention on theElimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights, and UN Security Council Resolution 1325, to protectthe rights of Palestinian women on the basis of equality, and to advocate fortheir security, protection, and participation at all levels of decision making.See www.awid.org/News-Analysis/Announcements2/A-Statement-calling-forlxi Gaza Strip, Area C of the West Bank and East Jerusalem are clearly facing an escalating humanitarian crisis, the rest of the West Bank is comparatively stable and may even be thought of as a ‘post-conflict’ zone. See (Farr, 2011).lxii See www.unwomen.org/.../palestinianauthoritynationalstrategytocombatpdf.pdflxiii See (Buyukgul, 2015).