Gender, Conflict and Development

8/13/2019 Gender, Conflict and Development

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Genderond D ex eloWetTsjeard BoutaGeorg Frerksan Bannon

Conflict,

THE \/oRLD BANKWashington, D.C.


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o 2005 The nternationa Bank fr Reconstruction and Development /The \)iorld Bank1818 F Street, NWWashington, DC20433Teephne: 202-47 3-7000nternet: vrw\i/., /orldbank.orgE-mail: feedback@worldbank. org11 rights reserved.1.23407060504Tre findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of theauthr(s) and do not necessaiy reflect the views of the Board of ExecutiveDirectors of the ord Bank or the governments they represent.The Word Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in thiswork, Tre boundaries, coors, denominations, and other information shown onany map in this work do not impy any judgment on the part of the )/orld Bankconcerning tlre lega status of any territory or the endoSement or acceptance ofsuch boundaries.Rights and PermissinsThe material in this work is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions orall of this work r.vithout permission may be a violation of applicable law. TheWorld Bank encouages dissemir ation of its work and will nrmally grantpermission prompty.Fclr permission to photocopy or reprint a 1y Part of this work, pease send a re-quest with complete information to the Copyright Clearance Center, nc., 222Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA, telephone 978-750-8400, fax 978-7 5 0 -447 0, www.copyright.com.l other queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should beaddressed to the office of the ublishe orld Bank, 1 81 8 H Street Ns7, Waslrington,DC 20433,USA, fax 202-522-2422, e-mai [email protected] 0-8213-5968-1Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data has been applied for.hoto courtesy of rrternationa1 Conrmittee of the Red CrossPhotographer: Didier Bregnard

Contents

Prefacecknowedgmentsbout the AuthorsbbreiationsExecutive SummaryntroductionOblecties nd FocusTerminology nd ConcetsThe nk s Approcb to Gender and ConflictLimittionsThe Links mong Gender, Conflict, nd DeeopmentGender and W arfare: Femae Combatants andSodiers ivesoeruielWomen i ConflictGender Roles in ArmiesGender Reltions in tbe ArmyD eu e lopment Ch llenges : P r o i ding P o st- Co nfli ctAssistnce to Femle x-SoldiersPolicy otions

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48 GENDER, coNLCT ND DEvLoMEprotection officer, and interpreter of the Same Sex shoud See themif possible. Male staff shold receive trainirg in how to respondto the needs of male GBV survivors (\Ho 2000). owever, psy-chological counselors may need to take into account that male GBVsurvivors are even less likely than women to report their experiences(\ro/UN-CR 2002). articlarly in societies where men are dis-couraged from talking abot their emotions, they may find it evenmore difficrlt than women to acknowledge what has happened tothem. For these reasons, there is probably considerable underreportingof sexua violence against males (1/o 2000). Moreover, doctorsshould investigate the specific physical harm done to males, wlricrobviolsy differs from that done to \/omen (\roruNCR 202),and lega specialists should ensure tlrat women and men have equalega protection against GBV. Although networks and programs existto protect females who were sexally attacked, there is rarely anythingcomparable for male survivrs. n sme countries, tlre lega1 definitionof rape applies only to women.Finaln combating GBV will not be effective withot clranging tlreculture of violence and providing alternatives for militarized mas-clinities in conflict-affected countries. s long as violence is toleratedarrd social norms and values do rot condemn such violence, policyclrarrges will have nly minima impact. lthough it is a lruge clral-lenge, agencies need to consider how to approach such militarizedsocieties and attitudes and break the continum of violence.

cAPTER 4Gender and Formaleace rocesses

OverviewSRlc FROM TE PERSPECv TA women and men can be as effec-tive ir promoting peace aS in promoting war and conIlict, this chapterfocses on women s and men s positions in forrnal peace processesthrorghout conflict. t anayzes their roles in democratization pro-cesses, elections, and political processes during and after conflict.Most political institltions in conflict and nonconfict societies tendto perpetlate an exclusionary attitude and crture toward women. sa result, compared to men relativey few wmen become involved infrmal peace processes during and after conflict. Beyond this quanti-tatie difference, there is a qalitative difference; \/omen are likely tomake a different contributior to the peace process. Y/lrerr compared tomen, women are lnore likely to put gender issues on the agenda, in-troduce other conflict experiences, and set different priorities for peacebuidirg and relrabiitation, and tley may bridge politica divides bet_ter. omen s increased participation may also generate wider pubicSport for tlre peace accords. owever, one sroud avoid tlre viewtlrat all female poiiticians are gender-sensitive, wliie all mae politi-cians are not.Regarding gender-role cbnges, additional anaysis is needed to de_termine whether lvomen s participation irr frma poitical processesincreases during conflict. Suclr anaysis needs to focus on how con-ducive factors (i.e., a decrease in stereotypica gerrder divisions oflabor and the absence of males) and ipeding factors (i.e., an increasein domestic burdens and the absence of fnctioning politica bodies)shape women s opportunities for politica participation during con-flict. Since prevaiing social structures and gender divisions tend toaccompany the return of peace, many tt/omen have to retreat from po-litical ard pubic life. This dip in fenrale participation rnay be temporary


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50 DR) COLCT, ND DEvE-MENand is often reversed due to external pressure to establish dernocraticsystems and open political space for women.The political processes during conflict and post-conflict may offerpossibilities for greater gender balance. eace talks, derocratizationprocesses, and elections are looked upon as embodying and bringingpsitive changes' The key deelopment cbllenge is to use tlre momen-tum to focus attention on gender-equality issues and to increase tlre ir-volvement of women and other marginalized groups in the peaceprocess.To incorporate gender equality into peace accords, policy optionsi ncl u de:. Organizing training and information-sharing events for politi-cians already in ffice or tlrose invoved in the peace talks;. Developing wider processes of political consultation or represen-tation, for example, with women's organizations;. ncreasing t1re number of female politiciarrs by training womento ru1 for politica office, fronr the village to tlre parliamentaryevel;o Fostering discussion within public and politica bodies aboutwomen's invovement; Settirrg legislative of party quotas to ensure a minimum rumberof female candidates; ar-d. stablislring indicators to aSSeSS the influence of femae and maepoliticians on poitical outcomes and tre political cuture andprocess.

Gender Roles in the Peace rocess'While wrnen are often active ir irformal peace processes, they arelargely absent frorrr frmal peace processes. s defined by the UN,formal peace processes inclde early warning, preventive diplomacy,conflict prevention, peacemaking, peace-building, and global disarma-ment; they involve activities such as conflict resolutior, peace negotia-tions, reco-ciliation, infrastructure reconstructiorr, and provision oflrumanitarian aid (adapted from Porter 203). Tlre UN argues thatwomen need t be included in formal peace processes to build greaterpost-conflict gender balarrce ard a more inclusive peace. omen's par_ticipation in the peace process and mainstreaming their involvementinto the peace accords lay the groundwork for engendering post-corflict reconstruction and rehabilitation (Shecker 2002)' At the sametime, conflict may increase opportunities for more gender-baanced

GENDER ND FoRMAL c RoqSSS 51h.politica1 participatiorr, but sutr-'port is needed to SuStail tlrese charrgesafter confict. Clrapter 5 discusses women'S participation in inforrr-ralpeace processes. Although the Bank is precluded by its mandate fromintervening or directly participating in political processes or peacenegotiations, it needs to understand these pocesses ard tlreir inrplica-tions for effective post-conflict recovery efforts.Poitics, the state, nationalisrn, and tlre army are fundamentalymasculine notions. They are characterized by patriarchal practices andvalucs that are not easily charrged (\riford and Miler 998). Meirrtjes(1998) describes lrow in South frica women lrave been iderrtifiedas mothers of tlre nation.'' owever, women's practical involvemertas wel as tlre ideological discourse employed in defining the splrere oftheir actions centered on motherhood, responsibiIity for children, andprotection of tlre fanily-tlre national discolrse was franred witlrinpatriarchal lroundaries.flretrer in conflict or nonconflict situations, most poitica irrstitu-tions tend to exclude women. As a result, many \Monen choose towork outside formal poitics, with various CSos, adlor with politicalparties tlrat advocate social and poitica clrange (UDP 2003). So it isnot Surprising that, cornpared to men) relatively few wonen becon-einVoved in frnra peace processes, from negotiations tlrat ofter beginin the midst of conflict and contirue tlrrouglr tlre various plrases of tlretrarsition to peace (Naraghi Arderlini 2000). Tlrese processes tend toremain rnale-dominated; wornen are underrepresented at al evels, ir-cluding in internatior-a agerrcies supporting peace negotiatiors, in ne_gotiation teams representirg tlre warring parties, and in otrer institu-tions irvited to the negotiation table (Byrne 1996; Srenser 1998;Kvinna til Kvinna 2OOO; Porter 2003).3 Barnes (2002) refers to aneite pact-rnaking approaclr'' by wrich those wiling to use po\/erdivide the spoils witlrout tlre participation of society at arge. Porter(2003) refers to a Strong belief tlrat thse w1ro take up arms must Stopthe conflict by sitting at the negotiating table. This approach may helpto end violerrt confict, but it does not necessari[y provide tlre best basisfor rebuildil-rg society. nclusion of all social groups fosters the plural-ism tlrat is necessary to develop a more irrclsive, stable, and partici-patory post-confl ict poity.Because it is precisely at tre peace accords wlrere the foundatiot-sfor a future society are often set, this is where important gender issuesshoud be addressed and where a gender perspective on peace shouldbe irrcorporated (Cock 2001). hereas it rnay be lrard to achieve gen-der equality in every conponent of the peace accords and post_conflictpoitica1 recorrciliatin processes-particulary if gender balance wasargely absent in the pre-corrflict phase-efforts are reeded to address


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52 GDR, CoNFL1C, ND DvLoPMENIgender issues to the extent possible. Gender issues trat coud be incor-porated irr peace accords incude: 1runran rights provisions irr ne\/ con-Stitutions, eqal participation in elections, participation of women andmen i-t decisionmaking, laws against GB prosecution of GBV perpe-trators, special measres to set up ger-rder-sensitive poice forces andother key institutions, and greater gender balance in inheritance rightsand access to ard, property, housing, and credit (UN 202). dealy,such issues wil not be addressed exclusively in tlre peace accords, buttlrey will also be elaborated in tlre politica and ega processes thatreslt from the peace accords.hat difference could increased female participation make ir thepeace process and politica1 reconciliation? For exampe, could it be as-sumed that greater participation of women at the Dayton Talks or inSierra Leone would have put tlre equal rights and needs of women atdmen more prominently on the agenda? Naraglri nderini (20)shows that women s increased participation (as politicians, infor-mants, negotiators, or representatives) enhances the chance that majorgender issues will be discussed durirg peace taks and incorporated inpeace accords. omen s contribution to corrflict resolution and peacebuilding is regarded as general1y psitive (Naraglri rrderlini 2000; UN2002; Relrn and Sirleaf 2002). Naraghi Anderini (2000)finds that, inaddition to placirg gender issues more frequenty on the peace agendatran men, women often. introduce otlrer conflict experiences and setdifferent priorities for peace-buiIding and rebabiitation. Tlrey ted tobe the sole voices speaking out for women s rights and concerns, oftenforging coalitions based on ,r/omen s shared interests that transcendplitical, ethnic, and religious differences (see box 4.1), and bringinga better understandirg of social justice and gender inequality topeace negotiations. Tley are often regarded as less tlrreatening to theestablished order, thus having more freedom of action. ltlrough tlrerehas been little systematic research, anecdotal evidence suggests tilatwomen may unite around such issues as motherhood or on the basis oftlreir family resporsibilities, wlereas such bridgirrg elements seem 1essimportant for ren. ddressing women S concerns need not be equatedwith notions of feminism, bt as the primary caretakers, women tendto prioritize education, health, nutrition, childcare, and human welfareneeds. \Without a voice, women s concerns are neither prioritized norresourced (Porter 2003).W omen s participation in peace talks can also widen the popularmandate for peace and lead to concrete measures such as: ministriesfor gender equaliry and rvoren s affairs (fglranistan), separate unitswithin ministries to address gender issues (Liberia), equal rights tovote and participate in political processes (Cambodia), and changed

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GDR ND FORML PECE RoCESSiSox 4.1 Building omen s lliances in Bururrdi, Liberia,and Nortlrerr-r reandForming vlomen S aianccs can be a difficut poccss, particularly wlrenthey are divided aong political and identity lines (El-}uslrra 2003).Nevertlreess, in a number of cases women have managcd to form coali-tions that bridge decp politicai, ethnic, and rciigious divides on thc basisof shared interests. n protracted conflicts suclr as in Nortrer r reland,lt/omen colaborated on cross-community )fograms reating to child-care, lrealtlr, and nricroenterprises. n Liberia, nrembers of the Liberianomcn s nitiative-whiclr was open to all women regardless of etlrnic,socia, or reigious background-became informants during the regionalpeace talks and acted as monitors of commitmenrs made (Naraghinderlini 2000). As a result of extensive advocacy, women in Burundiwere able to nite across ethnic, politicai, and cass backgrounds arrddcveoped a cear agenda and joint rccomrnerrdations, trrany of whiclrwere incuded in the peace agfecment (UN 2002).

attitudes to women s leadership and decisionmaking capacities(Nortrern reland) (Naraghi Anderlini 200). V? olren s participatiot1in the peace talks in Guatemala (199t-96) resulred in efforts ro ensuremore equal access to and and credit, a special lealtlr program forwonen and girls, a family reunification program, legisation penaliz-ing sexua harassment, and tlre creatiol1 of tlre Natioral Women sForutn and tlre office for the Defese of ndigenous orrren (UN2002).t shoud not be assumed priori, however, tlrat women s presenceirr the peace process wil guarantee tlrat gender equality issues will beOn the agenda. Athough nearly one-third of FMLN (Farabundl MartiNational Liberatiorr Front) negotiatrs \/ere M/ollen, gerder equality\MaS ot incorporated ir ,l Salvador s peace agreenents wlriclr evenincluded Some discriminatory provisions against r/on-en (UN 2002).However; as noted in bxes 4. a-d 7.3, below, women s presence irrtlre peace process did nake a difference. Altlrouglr wonen rr-ray not al-\/ays Support opportunities for other women, ir general, tlrey are stilthe main pfoponents of agendas tlrat include gender (Naraghi nderini000). Research from Scandinavia slrows that it is mostly femalepoiticians who pace \/omen S position in society issues ot the formapoitical agen da (Dalrlerup 2001). Ensuring more balanced genderepresentatiorr in tlre peace process is likely to increase the clrarcestlrat key gender issues wil be addressed in peace accords. Since nt all

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54 GNDR' coFLCT, AND DvELoMENTox 4.2 -Women Participated in El Salvador'seace Negotiationsigh-ranking \Momen in tlre FML and Salvadran government partic-ipated in all phases of the pcacc negotiations. 'While in the early stagesthey regarded tl-remseves as officia party negotia1615-'n91 as repre-sentaties of a women's 169191 -their presence nonethelcss l-rad animpotant effect on tlre outcome. n tlre words of na GuadalupcMartinez, a high-ranking FMLN official, '\i/o-en in tlre negotiationswere well respected, but not as a woman, but as a representative of apowerful arnred group (Conaway and Mart(nez 2004). .With hind-siglrt, rnany female FMLN figlrters reget thei lack of gender awarenessduring the peace process. But wrile thcy did not address concerns spe-cific to women, their presence in tl-re negotiations made a significant dif-ference, articularly regarding reintegration benefits. s Nidia Diaz, aformer FMLN comadate, recalls: n ncgotiating, when tlre timecame to discuss the concept of beneficiaries, it was understood in ourheads that v/omen would participate, but that wasn't [written] specifi-cally. And we l-rad proberrs because when tlre ists of beneficiaries wereformulated, members of the [negotiating] team did not specifically putdown the nanres of '/omen. t was a very serious problenr that we lradater because only tlre nen \Mere thought of as beneficiaries, and we lradto return to re-do lists. . . . (Conaway and Martinez 2004).

\omen and men can be officially represented in tlre peace process,wider processes of societal consutation are important for: inclusivepeace processes.Dynamics: Struggling for articipation

'Women's roles in public and social life generally expand during con-flict. This may be shaped, for example, by a decrease in stereotypicalgender divisiorrs of abor, tlre absence of males, or \ryoen'S Supportfor peace processes. Kumar (2001 ) notes that during conflict a numberof wmen tool< charge of political institutions in Salvador, and that33 out of 262 mayors elected during 1985_BB \/ere twolnen. hetherthis represents a more general trend is difficult to judge due to the ab-sence of comparative data, which suggests the need for additional re-search. t may be that existing barriers are often too Strong in tlre earlyphases of conflict to encourage women's political participation or thattheir participation may be constrained by the extra domestic burdens

GENDER ND FoRMAk,EC RoCESSES J5they face. n additiorr, in many conflict situations there is hardy afunctioning representative governllent or parliament wlrere wonencoud become politicaly active. notlrer 1imitation may be of a qai-tative nature. ven when political systems continue to fu-tction, the',r/omen's role often remains marginal or is co-opted by political play-ers in the name of supporting the war effort. 'Women's activities areoften relegated to special women's wings of politica parties or side-ined in independent vomen'S and feminist groups tlrat fail to rave asignificant impact on mairrstream poitics and decisionmaking.Greater political participation during conflict may also be tempo-rary [Norwegian nstitute of nternationa Affairs (NUP) 2001]. sKarame roted, there seems to be n connec[ion between women's po-litical agency durirrg conflict arrd treir participation ir national post-conflict decisionmaking processes (Bouta and Frerks 2002, quotingKarame t999). T1re far-Torn Societies roject (srSP) notes thatonce peace returl1s, traditional socia Strctures and gender divisionsoften retrn aso. Tlrese may remove \/onen from the positions of re-sponsibility tlrey assumed during times of \/ar and return thenr tomore traditional roles. This not only deals a blow to social ard eco-nmic survival Stfategies arrd irrformal econolric tletwor


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56 GEDR, CoNFLCT, ND DEvELoPMETox 4.3 7omen's Post-Conflict Poitical Participationncreases over TimeCountry case studies in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cambodia, ElSalvador, Georgia' Guatemaa, and Rwanda slrow row tlre retreat ofwomen from public and political life after conflict is visible in post-conflict elections to establish democratic governments. 1tlrough'v/omenmade up at east half of the electorate, tlrey were only marginally repre-sented initially in post-conflict nationa legislatures. Five women wereeected to the National ssembly in Cambodia, representing only 6 per-cent of elected representatives. n Guatemala, wonren occupied only7.5 perce nt of seats in parliament. n Bosnia and erzegovina, there wasonly orre wolan in the 4Z-rnember ouse of Representatives. n ElSavador and Mozambique, wonen hed 11 percent and 25 percent ofthe seats, respectively.Aftcr an initial dip in the first post-conflict electins, howeve thepercentage of women elected in the national legislatures of Bosnia andHerzegovina, Cambodia, l Saivador, and Georgia showed an upwardtrend in subsequent elections, arguably influenced by donor pressure. more recent tabulation of tlre percentage of women in parliament(lower house or singe house) shows that, remarkably, Rwanda, with49 percent'women, ranks first among 176 countries, wel ahead ofNordic countries and Tl-re Netherlands. Post-conflict countries rankedamong tlre top 50 include: 4ozambique (3 percent), Timor-Leste(26 percent), Uganda (25 percent), ritrea (22 percent), Nicaragua (21 per-cent), and Burundi (18 percent) (nter-Pariamentary Union eb site2004).lfomen's epresentatiot1 in national ministries and oca electionsalso imprved over time. Thc pcrce ntage of female city conselors in ElSalvador increased from only 3 percent during the conflict o 14 percentin the 1993 elections and almost doubled by the t999 eections (Kumar2001). n Rwanda, \r'omen lreld nine ministerial positions in t994 adfre n 1998' but tl-e number jurnped to 26 by 2002-ir n small partbecause of explicit donr pressure (\feill 2003).

On a more positive note, this dip in female political participation atthe end of a conflict can be of a short nature (see box 4.3). The inter-national community present in the post-confict phase increasinglyadvocates equal participation by women and men. The pressure to es-tablish democratic SyStemS opens up new politica space for wonenand women's organizations ro become publicly and politically active.

GENDER ND FoRML PEc PRoCESSESDevelopment Chalenges: Gender-Sensitizirgthe Political rocess

There is growing recognition that economic and polirical participationcannot be separated (Hamadeh-Baneriee 2000) and that effecrive de-velopment requires greater gender balance in power sharing (Kumar2001'). Tlre poitical processes during conflict and post-cor-flict mayoffer possibilities to encourage greater gerder balance irr politicalpo\/er. Peace talks, democratization processes, and eections can pro-vide opportunities to uslrer ir positive clranges. Artice 1 f UN Secu-rity Council (UNSC) Resolution 1325 urges srares ro ensure increased\/omen'S representation at al decisionmakirg levels in national, re-giona, and internationa institutions and meclranistns for tlre pfeven-tion, management, and resolution of conflict, whiie rticle 8 cals o-ral actors to adopt a gender perspective when negotiatirrg arrd imple-menting peace agreements (USC 200).though the reationsrip between corflict, peace) aird democracyis multifaceted and party contested, the democratic peace'' thesis ar-gues that democracies d not fight one another. Fukuyama (199s) ob-serves that developed democracies also rend ro be more feminized thanauthoritarian States: t shoud tlrerefore surprise no one that tlre his-toricay unprecederted shift in the sexral basis of politics slrould eadto a change in irrternational reations. This observation is in line witrfindings that increased gender equality resuts ir ess beligererrt for_eign policy behavior, as vr'omen are considered less aggressive and driv-en by values suclr as interdependence and egalitarianisrrr. n Caprioi's(2000) quantitative anaysis, politica, sociai, and economic teasuresof gender equaity predict a state'S interational nriitarisnr, i.e.,geater gender equality reduces tre likelihood tlrat a State will attac


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i '58 GEDR, coFLCT, AND DEvELoMENT

Plicy optionsncorporting Gender quity into Pece Accords ndP oliticl Re b bilittion Acti itiesddressing gerrder equality irr the politica1 arena is not exclusively thetask of u/olen, but also that of men. t is rrot solely tlre responsibilityof politicians, but also of poitical observers, representatives, civil ser-vants, and otlrer political actors. Gender issues slrould lot only be ad-dressed at the national level, but also in governance strctures at tlreregiona1 and community evels. Policy options include:

, Gender areness trinin'g. Training and information sharingwith women and men in office on relevant gender issues may in-crease tleir gender sensitivity (OSCE 201; GT 2001').'W'omen's organizations can be instrutnental in conducting train-ing courses and awareness carnpaigns (see box 4.4). oweve; tlreox 4.4 "-Wonren Can D t" Campaign Unfods inSoutlreastern uropeThe Stability )act for Southcastern uropc's Gcnder Task Force (GTF)irrrplementcd a "'Wmen Carr Do t" Canrpaign. Tlre Norwegian Labor)arty developed thc campaign in the early 1980s to encourage trearty's female politicians to take gerdcr issues more seriously. l-e pro-gram was first adapte d to the necds of social democratic \/onen in tran-sition colntrics, adjusted in1999 to tlre needs of (future) female politi-cians of all political parties in Blsnia arrd erzegovina, and recentlyintroduced in Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia. _lre campaign aims tostilate womcn's participarion in poitical life and to encourage\/omen to take genler issues into account. Training was devcloped tolrclp women understard tl'at thcy have dif{erent qualities and prioritiesfron men and tlrat ti-rey havc tlre right and tlrc drty to bring tlrcse intonrainstrealn politics. Training tried to help tlrcrrr overcomc nale clorrri-nance, by focusing on skills such as lrow to work in poitics, publicspeaking, preparing for political work, networking, and lobbying.n 200L, the GTF determined t1at these trairiIrg sessions \ir'ere notcnougl-r. Even rlren \/omen enterecl political life, they v/ere stil a smalminority, lacked visibility, and found it difficut to be heard. So the GTFdcvcoped a second module to empo\/er women within tlreir owrr polit-ical parties. Ln2002, tlre GF trained nearly al tre wonren's groups inparliancntary parties in Soutlreastern Europe.33 To date, no systematicevauatjon 1ras been undertaken of t-re results.

ll,

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GF-NDR AND FoRML cE cEs.sSr

ox 4.5 Burundi's eace Process ncofporates Genderand'Women's ssues high-profile delegation of female politiciars froln severa fricarrcontries was ilrvitcd to the peace negotiations in ]urundi to speakabot gender and wornen's issucs. Tlre 19 parties wcre briefcd orr thcway in wlrich gender culd be related to the Peace process. They dis_cussed issres suclr as drafting a constitution, electoral systetns' and warcrimes. An Al-arty Burundi \fomen's Conference was subsec1uentyheld to discuss and formulate recommendations to include the protec-tion of wocn and wotrren's riglrts in the peace accords. Recommencla-tions were distributcd to the parties and discusscd in -regotiations;23 ofthe rccomnendations were incorporated in the fina peace accords, in-ciuding the egaization of wonren's right to inlrerit lai-rd and propertyand girs' access to education (NUP 2001).

limitation of this approaclr is tlrat it focuses exclusivey on\/omell and tnen irr office. s not all womell and men, mirrrities,and parties ranage to lroid office or are irrvolved in forrnal peacetal


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60 GEDR, CoNFLCT ND DvLoMENTox 4.6 Cambodian omen s NGos Train Successfulomen Politica1 Candidatesn February 2002, Cambodia held its first democratically contestedcommune eections in three decades. A total of 7 5,244 candidates ran inthc 1,61 cotnmune constituencies; of these candidates, 11,853 were\/omen (16 pcrcent f al candidates). Aided by sia FoundationBangkok staff, women s NGOs organized an initial training of trainerssession. The trainers then organized 124 workshops across the country,providing training for 5,57 women, of whom 60 percent registered ascandidates; of tl-rese candidates, 900 were elected, compared to ony10 countrywide in tlre past. n addition, the Womcn for Prosperity NGoundertook a donor-supported media and commutrication campaigr topromote female candidates on a nonpartisan basis.3a

femae candidates to enter politics, affirmative action is an option(GT 2001) at rhe local, national, and regional levels for candidates,officials, voters, and political activists (NU 2001). Since there is noshortcut to irtegrating women and nen into decisionmakingpocesscs, a long-term development perspective is needed. oicyoptions must go beyond raw numbers to encompass the complex rela-tionship of power, poverty, ard participation (UND 200). Policyoptions include the following: Trin nd recruit Lomen nd men to std s cndidates forfrml oliticl office in illge councis proincil legisltures,nd nationl prliaments during and fter conflict [United StatesAgency for nternationa1 Development (USAD) 2000]. nterna-tional organizatiolls can assist \/olnen to run as candidates ineections (see box 4.6), athogh finding suitable female candi-dates is often a chalenge. An option may be to focus on \/ome1wlro lrave had litte pre-confict political experience or training,but have gained sonre political experience during conflict (NU2001). Trey need training to compensate for their lack ofbroader political experience and to increase their knowledge ona range of plitical topics tlrat are pertinent in nonconflict situa-tions. Such training may also reduce women s post-conflictdropout rate from poitics. Another option iS to target Womenwho have substantial experience in informal processes. They mayhave a solid basis for entering formal processes, but their experi-ences are often not directy applicable to the formal political

GNDR AND FORMAL PCE RoCES-SS 61arena (UN 2002). nother possibility is to focus o young\ir omen and men, who are probably less conditioned by genderedroles and more open to political charrge and to more balarcedgender participatian in politics (amadelr-Banerjee 2000). Foster ublic d goernmental discussions on tbe inolementof onen and men in the oliticl rocess ssues to stress in-clude:. opening informal arrd forma poitics to men and womel(i.e., not linking women exclusively to irformal politics andmen to formal politics), as they can be activ in botlr fields;. Avoiding stereotyping female candidates and executive ap-pointees tlrat marginaize tlrem to work in tlre sfter areas ofgoernment, such as lreatlr and education, and away from thepower-oriented portfolios, such as public works, trade, fi-nance, and defense; and. Stressing rvomen s and mer s equal rigl-rts to register, vote, benorninated by a political party, get elected, be appointed toexecutive office, arrd hold arry portfolio (Srerrsen 1998;oSC 2001).Quots Different quota Systems in egislatures or political par-ties can ensure more balanced gender participation. Some con-tries reserve parliamentary SeatS for wonren or their eectora lawdecrees that a percentage (say, 30 percent) of candidates must be\/omen or that 5 out of tlre first 15 names on party lists must be\/omen. Sometimes the media is used or tfansport is provided topromote voting by wonrerr. Lessns irrcude:r Quotas must be seen as tenporary and a first step otl the pathto gfeater gender balance-a practica and syrnbolic easureto support women s leadership.Quotas nay need to be complemented by lclrg-term effots toaddress tlre socioecoromic constraints that affect lvoten Sparticipation in the political process (Relrr and Sirleaf 200).Quota systes slrould not disregard tl e capacity of candi-dates and should consider job requirements and women s andmen s capacity to match them. A drawback of quotas is that ifthere are insufficient female candidates, parties may cotnpro-mise quality for numbers.Quota systems are more effective if they are combined withpubic a\,vareness campaigns, net working between femalepoliticians, edcation, and training (Kvinrra till Kvinna 2001.NUP 201) (see box 4.7).Quota systerS gerrerally aim at 30 to 33 percent representa-tion of women to ensure a critical mass. Smaller numbers may


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62 GNDR, coNFLC, D DEVELoMETox 4.7 omen Played an Active oiitical Rlein Post-Conflict East Timrn East Titror, womcn \/cre active in the liberation movement and thetransition to independence. East Timorese \/omen he|d 6 percerrt o{thc seats in tlre Constituent ssenrbln vhicl-r drafted tlre nation's newconstitltion in March 2002.The new constitution contains articles con-firrnin'g equal rigrts for wmen and men. Moreove women hcld tlrreeof the top cabilet positions-Minister f Justicc, Ministe of Finance'and Secretary of tlre anning Commission.ast Tinorese women'S organizations played crcia political rolesduring and after indepcndence. Upon independence in t999, they im-mcdiately began lobbying for women's participation in nation buildingand tlre ful integratin of women's issues into tlre new constitution.on-en's groups sucl-r as FOKUPE and tlre East-Timorese \(otnen'sNetwork pushed for initiatives to advance women's rights, sucl-r as theaffirmative action capaign to cstablisr a quota of 30 percent for fe-male ncmbers of the Corrstituent Assenbly (which became tlre nationalparliament lporr independence). The quota was ultirnately rejected, butwotnen's representation in the ssenbly crrded up being very close tothis target.nternational organizations ard womcn's riglrts' advocates a1soplayed a critical surporting role. For examplc, ]N}'EM conductedworks-ops to train \/olnen to participate in elections fr tlre Con-Stitucnt sscbl training nearly 145 participants in democratic prin-ciples of governancc, wonrcn's riglrts, and leadership (Stickland andDuvvury 2003). n the end, 26 workshop participants registered as can-dic{ates for the 2001 Consutative Assemby election, wlriclr was 10 per-cent of femae candidates;24 women (26 percent) were elected to theConstituent sserrbly (UNFEM Web site).

1ead to tl-e masculinization of wonen atl-er tlran tlre fem-inirrization'' of politics-i.e., women adopting masculi1e atti-tudes and values prevailing in tlre poiticai arena instead ofchanging them.owever, rules for quotas are not enuglr-it is impenren-tation of the quotas that counts. mplementation can benefitfron-r clear regulations, pressure from women's organizations,and sanctions for norcompiance [rrternational nstitute forDernocracy and lectoral ssistance (DE) 2002]. onedrawback of officially irnposed quotas is that they can be con-sidered essentially ndemocratic-voluntary adoptiorr of quotas

GDR ND FORM- ACE RoCSSS 63by parties on ti.i, o,vvn parry lists is preferabie. Botir cases re-quire a Strong comnritent to gelder balance.. Assessing impact. There is a need to go beyond nunllers il-r sup-poting gender balance in political participatin (rternationa1DEA 2002). t is irnportan to assess tlre gender balance irnpactat tlre decisionrnaking level irl poIitics arrd its inflrerrce on Societyirr gereral. Various indicators lrave beerr used, sclr aS a gro\/ingconsciousness of gender issues in society, tle inclrsiol1 Of genderisses in tre poitical agenda, and legislative clranges that areirnportant for women (anradelr-Banerjee 200). Tlre oSC,{arrdbook'' refers to tlre proportion of en and women going totlre polls, elected to pblic lrodies, or appointed to public office

(OSCE 2001; Strickland and Duvvury 2003). Experiences frornScandinavian countries also suggest various effects: reactiorls tofemae politicians may clrange as they acquire poitical legii-macy; tlre politica clture will be less forml and ess ceremoni-ous aS wonen are usualy briefer and more to the point; and thenatre of tlre politica discorse may cralge as gender issuesgradually become subject to serious political debate. tlrough itis difficut to establislr causalit1,, the effccts of larger -rumbers offemale politiciarrs cannot be separated from wrat lrapperrs ot_side tlre politica arena in society at large (Dahlerup 2001).The list of policy options is -


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A4. * i (Df

Neuman ver, 2008, The Body of the Dipmat, in: uropen Jurn of nterntionReltions o Vol. 1 4 (4), pp.67 1-695.

Ruane bigae1, 2006, *Real Men and Diplomats: nterultural DiplomatiNegotiatin and Masculinities in Chine and the United States, in nterntionlStudies P erspe ctie, Vo1. 7 (4)' pp.342-359.

Gender, Conflict and Development

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