G. Stanley Hall From Philosophy to Developmental Psychology

Developmental Psychology1992, \bl. 28, No. 1,25-34

Copyright 1992 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.0012-1649/92/S3.00

G. Stanley Hall: From Philosophy to Developmental Psychology

Sheldon H. WhiteHarvard University

When G. Stanley Hall was appointed professor of psychology and pedagogics at Johns HopkinsUniversity in 1884, he began the process of translating an older psychology embedded in moralphilosophy into a "new psychology" resting on science. As a Williams College undergraduate, Halllearned a theistic developmental psychology from Mark Hopkins. Taking his doctorate at HarvardUniversity, studying in Germany, and serving as a professor at Johns Hopkins and as Clark Univer-sity's first president, Hall was a leader in the building of the research university. At Clark, Hallinitiated a program of child-study questionnaires as a form of data collection contributory to ascientific vision of childhood and adolescence. Hall treated this scientific vision as a reconstitutedmoral philosophy, offering practical and ethical guidance for the design of practices and institu-tions for children.

In 1884, G. Stanley Hall was appointed professor of psychol-ogy and pedagogics at Johns Hopkins University. Today, whenwe have come to see psychology as distinct from philosophy,the appointment is generally referred to as the first professor-ship in psychology in the United States. Hall and Daniel CoitGilman, president of Johns Hopkins, saw the appointment as astrategic new professorship in philosophy (O'Donnell, 1985;Wilson, 1990).

Hall (1876,1879) had examined the teaching of philosophyin 300 American colleges, and he saw psychology as vital to theregeneration of that teaching. Gilman was building the firstsuccessful graduate university in America and wanted a recon-structed philosophy, but he had to be careful. Johns Hopkinshad been criticized when opening-day ceremonies opened andclosed without prayer and Thomas Huxley, the notorious Dar-winian, had been brought in to give an invited address. Manypeople in Baltimore considered Johns Hopkins to be a center ofgodless materialism. The new philosophy professor had to be"safe." Three potential philosophy professors held half-timelectureships. Charles Sanders Peirce held a lectureship in logic.What he taught was not controversial, but his name came to belinked with divorce and scandal. George Sylvester Morris was abrilliant lecturer and a man who had been a mentor to G. Stan-ley Hall and would be one to John Dewey, but Morris had onceturned down a chair at Bowdoin rather than give assurancesabout his orthodoxy. Hall was the third half-time lecturer.There was evidence that he was a fine teacher, and WilliamJames had told Gilman that Hall was the only man in Americaother than himself qualified to teach the new physiologicalpsychology. Hall had reassured Gilman that he was a Christianbeliever.

I am as far as possible from materialism in every form. My physio-logical studies of the nervous system bring me incessantly beforethe question of the identity of thought and matter, and I can onlysay that my deepest private feeling... is that materialism is sim-

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed toSheldon H. White, Department of Psychology, Harvard University,Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138.

pry want of education. As to my religious sentiments. I am a gradu-ate of divinity, and without agreeing entirely with all that I hear,am in the habit of church going, and indeed am still a nominalchurch member I believe. (Quoted in Albrecht, 1960, p. 112)

In 1884, Hall was given the Johns Hopkins chair. In an intro-ductory lecture on October 6 of that year, he mapped out thenew psychology he would teach. It had three branches—com-parative, experimental, and historical—and it was fundamen-tally and profoundly religious.

This whole field of psychology is connected in the most vital waywith the future of religious belief in our land.. . . The new psy-chology, which brings simply a new method and a new standpointto philosophy, is, I believe, Christian to its root and center; and itsfinal mission in the world i s . . . to flood and transfuse the newand vaster conceptions of the universe and of man's place in it. . .with the old Scriptural sense of unity, rationality, and love.. . .The Bible is being slowly re-revealed as man's great text book inpsychology—dealing with him as a whole, his body, mind, andwill, in all the larger relations to nature, society,—which has beenmisappreciated simply because it is so deeply divine. That some-thing may be done here to aid this development is my strongesthope and belief. (Hall, 1885, pp. 247-248).

Hall would hold true to his religious conception of psychologyuntil the end of his life (Hall, 1917; Rodkin, 1990).

Beginning with his new position in Johns Hopkins, Hallwould become a leader in the building of the modern researchuniversity, the establishment of psychology in that university,and diverse outreach efforts to create philosophies of socialpractice for individuals reconstructing American institutionsfor education, welfare, and health. Hall was one of a new classof Americans in the late 19th century—people whose workstitched thousands of localities and "island communities" to-gether into a national political order (Wiebe, 1967).

The Old Psychology in an Older College System

What was G. Stanley Hall like as a person? Various shorter orlonger, warmer or cooler, literary snapshots of him exist. InHall's (1923) Life and confessions, he talks about himself in hisown voice. There are warm accounts of him by colleagues and

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former students (Burnham, 1925; Pruett, 1926; Sanford, 1924;Starbuck, 1925; Wilson, 1914); a mixed estimation offered in asuperb full-length biography (Ross, 1972); and an unfriendlysketch in a recent book by Karier (1986).

Hall was born in 1844 in Ashfield, a village in western Mas-sachusetts. His father farmed, but his father and his mother hadsome education and had once been schoolteachers. Both par-ents were pious Congregationalists, with ambitions for theirson to become a minister. When G. Stanley Hall got older, hewould look back on his country boyhood with warmth andnostalgia (e.g., Hall, 1907), although his student, Pruett (1926, p.35), saw that early life as hard.

There is a bareness, a lack of softness, about his early life, a senseof angles and harsh lines, which is a little painful to contemplate,although in his last years Hall himself declared that he would nothave had it otherwise.

Hall went to Williston Seminary in 1862 for 1 year and thento Williams College, where he took the classical curriculum ofthe old-time American college. For the first 2 years, there wasan obligatory sequence of Greek, Latin, and intermediate math-ematics, with recitations in each subject every day. There wereno electives. As a junior, Hall got a little leeway, but not much.Almost no science was taught, but then there was almost noliterature, modern languages, or philosophy, as we now teachthose subjects. In his senior year, Hall took moral philosophywith Mark Hopkins, president of the college, and in that coursehe met an older, theistic developmental psychology.

Mark Hopkins and Williams College

Mark Hopkins had studied a little law and had completedmedical training, but he presented himself to his undergradu-ates as an ordained minister full of the dignity and authority ofan old-time college president. He was not learned nor did heaspire to be. "It is now long since I have read anything butnewspaper," he wrote in 1862. He had never read Kant orHume. He attacked Darwin and Huxley but had not read them(Rudolph, 1956, p. 28). He saw himself as an inspirationalteacher whose goal was to make men.

Hopkins is remembered today largely because of a flight oforatory by President James Garfield, who once said, "Give me alog hut with only a simple bench, Mark Hopkins on one end andI on the other, and you may have all the buildings, apparatusand libraries without him." Four years before Garfield's speech,young Hall experienced the reality of Hopkins's teaching. Fifty-eight years later, he would recollect it in four pages of his Lifeand Confessions. The moral philosophy Hall studied was writ-ten out in Hopkins's Lectures on Moral Science in 1865 andelaborated 20 years later (Hopkins, 1885). We have a reasonablygood picture of Hopkins's course.

Mark Hopkins's teaching was designed to turn the minds ofWilliams seniors towards contemporary human affairs, to helpthem grasp the ways of people and politics, and to explain themoral basis of civil society. The course was part of an oldertradition of college education. Other presidents in other Ameri-can colleges taught senior-year courses in which an older psy-chology that listed the faculties, powers, and motives of thehuman mind was put together with other precursors of the

behavioral and social sciences to offer spiritual and moral guid-ance (Hall, 1879; Wetmore, 1991).

Moral Science ofConditionality

Hopkins's declared goal was to treat morality scientifically: Moralscience has usually been studied as isolated. My wish is to connectit with the laws of that physical system which not only supportsman, but has its culmination in him. I wish to show that there runsthrough both one principle of gradation and one law for the limita-tion of forces and activities, and so of the forms of good resultingfrom them. (Hopkins, 1865, p. 63)

Psychology was fundamental for Hopkins's moral science butsubordinate to it. Because psychology is conditional for moralphilosophy, the moral philosopher stands above the psycholo-gist:

The moral philosopher is, therefore, not excluded from the do-main of the psychologist. It is his domain. It is the soil into whichhis science strikes its roots. . . and if the psychologist does not dohis work in those portions as he thinks it ought to be done, he has aright to revise it, and do it for himself. It is not to be allowed thatthe mere psychologist may lay down such doctrines as he pleasesregarding the moral nature. (Hopkins, 1865, p. 80)

Conditionality was an important tool of Hopkins's analysis.It is a relationship between entities that allows them to be or-dered. Hopkins analyzed physical objects, people, mental facul-ties, and social institutions to determine which are conditionalfor, and therefore subordinate to, others.

The forces that are at work around us and the faculties within us,from the lowest to the highest, may be ranked as higher and loweras they are or are not a condition for one another. That which is acondition for another is always the lower. (Hopkins, 1865, pp.63-64).

Orders of physical matter. All physical things are ordered ina pyramid of six planes of organization. At the bottom there isrudimentary matter massed by gravitation. Matter aggregatedby cohesion or crystallization stands on a second plane. Chemi-cally bound molecules stand on a third plane, vegetable life ona fourth, animal life on a fifth, and humankind on the sixth andtopmost plane. Higher order entities are built from lower levelentities by the method of addition. At each higher plane wemeet more complex forms of matter that link with others of itskind in more complex ways. Man stands at the top of the pyra-mid of creation, incorporating all its levels.

Hence, the plan of the creation may be compared to a pyramid,growing narrower by successive platforms. It is to be noticed,however, that while the field of each added and superior force isnarrowed, yet nothing is dropped. Each lower force shootsthrough and combines itself with all that is higher. Because he isrational, man is not the less subject to gravitation, and cohesion,and chemical affinity. He has also the organic life that belongs tothe plant, and the sensitive and instinctive life that belongs to theanimal. In him none of these are dropped; but the rational life isunited with and superinduced upon all these, so that man is notonly a microcosm, but is the natural head and ruler of the world.(Hopkins, 1865, p. 67)

Hopkins's moral reasoning linked formal properties of con-ditionality with human relations of authority and submission.

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Ultimately, such linkages enabled him to find sermons in na-ture.

Law of limitation. Because the human body embodieslower levels of physical organization, it has lower level needsthat the individual should meet but in a measured way respect-ing the law of limitation.

Hence the law of limitation will be, that every activity may be putforth, and so every good be enjoyed, up to the point when it is mostperfectly conditional for a higher good. Anything beyond that willbe excess and evil.. . .Here, then, is our model and law. Have we alower sensitive and animal nature? Let that nature be cherishedand expanded for all its innocent and legitimate enjoyments, for itis an end. But—and here we find the limit,—let it be cherishedonly as subservient to the higher intellectual life, for it is also ameans. (Hopkins, 1865, pp. 72-73)

Man must satisfy his natural desires, but to give the lowerlevels of his being more than they need is excess and evil. Hop-kins (1865) gave his law of limitation wide application. Weshould care for a child's bodily development to set the stage forthe higher planes of the child's development (p. 76). We shouldcare for the body while aiming for the mind, care for peoplewhile aiming to elevate and educate them, cherish woman andgive her "her true place" while aiming for perfect social organi-zation. Similarly, we should care for children, servants, slaves,and criminals (p. 76). In politics, the law of limitation teachesus that we should give the lower sectors of government their dueand try to harmonize their requirements with those of highersectors (p. 253).

Orders of psychological faculties. Turning to mind, Hop-kins discerned a second pyramid of psychological faculties.The intellect and the cognitive faculties are conditional for thefeelings and the emotions; these in turn are conditional for thefaculties of desire and of will. Now, however, we leave the mate-rial world and entities built by the method of addition. Psycho-logical faculties are built stratum on stratum by a method ofdevelopment. Hopkins said that development is the uniquelyhuman principle. There were other 19th-century writers whosaid development is a unique principle of living things. RobertChambers (1853) made the same argument in his book Vestigesof the Natural History of Creation, a widely read popular precur-sor of Darwinian theory.

Powers of the mind. Hopkins's psychology set forth a hierar-chical analysis of human goalfulness and purposefulness. Thelower strata of the mind are spontaneous, and the higher arevoluntary. Arising spontaneously are the instrumental powersin thought—mechanical, unconscious, and unwilled (the in-stincts, appetites, desires, and affections). The higher, voluntarypowers of the mind are directive. With them, the human de-clares ends to himself and becomes self-motivated, autono-mous, and responsible. Three classes of these higher powerscomplete the second pyramid: reason, the rational will or willin freedom, and finally man's knowledge of his own ends(p. 166).

Two orders of governance. In the end, Hopkins moved todeclarations of what is ethical and right. A former student,writing to Hopkins in 1859, recalled a moment of academicdramaturgy:

After you had. . .given us somewhat in detail the great principlesthat underlie all reasoning. . .you laid aside your glasses, passedyour hand slowly over your forehead, bowed your head amid the

reigning silence for a few seconds, then slowly uttered the words'But—Nature. . . [is] moral' and the class dismissed. (Rudolph,1956, p. 52)

Hopkins defined the rights of authority—the parent, guard-ian, teacher, magistrate, and government—as the ability to de-clare motives or ends to subordinates. The authority of the gov-erning over the governed is legitimately directed toward certainends and is not unlimited. It imposes duties on the governingand the governed. Hopkins wrote, "Government has no right tobe, except as it is necessary to secure the ends of the individualin his social capacity; and it must, therefore, be found so to be asto secure these ends in the best manner." (Hopkins, 1865, p.266)

In the physical world, lower forms are independent of andunmofidifed by the higher forms that they constitute. In theliving world, lower forms and higher forms act on one another.There are two orders of governance.

At first, and in mere organizations, the lower builds up the higher,and sustains it, and is wholly for that. Any action from the higherto the lower is simply to sustain the lower in its own place andfunction as tributary, but never to elevate it out of that sphere. Butwhen we reach the sphere of intelligence the object of the actionfrom above is to elevate the lower. (Hopkins, 1865, p. 264)

The higher sphere brings forth growth and righteousness.The highest form of governance is that which leads to develop-ment in which the high help the low to become higher.

Changes at Williams College

The Williams College that Hall attended was a country col-lege slowly becoming more citified and sophisticated. Nathan-iel Hawthorne attended the Williams commencement in 1838and described the students as "great unpolished bumpkins. . .rough, brown-featured, schoolmaster looking, half-bumpkin,half scholar figures, in black ill-cut broadcloth;—their man-ners quite spoilt by what little of the gentleman there was inthem." (Rudolph, 1956, p. 65). But Williams's undergraduateswere changing. Fewer were going into the ministry—28% be-tween 1836 and 1845, 22% between 1846 and 1865,13% be-tween 1866 and 1872—and more were turning towards law,business, and medicine. (Bledstein, 1976, p. 198, has noted asimilar trend away from the ministry among the graduates ofYale, Bowdoin, Brown, and Dartmouth at that time)

Hall studied with Mark Hopkins when the older man wasnearing the end of a 36-year presidency. Hopkins was a stalwartof an older tradition, standing his ground against winds ofchange that in a few years would begin to transform small old-time colleges into large modern universities. Twenty-five yearslater, G. Stanley Hall—now himself a college president—wouldcall the year 1870 "almost the Anno Domini of educationalhistory" (Veysey, 1965, p. 1). The winds of change could be feltin Hall's time; Williams's students supplemented their officialcoursework with a substantial amount of student-run educa-tion.

Students' curriculum. Students at Williams had establishedtwo literary societies, one of them the one the young Hall at-tended that by 1861 owned over 8,000 books to supplement theWilliams College collection (Rudolph, 1956, pp. 74-76). (Wil-

28 SHELDON H. WHITE

liams's library; like its courses, was classical and religious; it wasopen one afternoon a week for juniors and seniors and oneafternoon a week for freshmen and sophomores.) Hall met witha Saturday night club to talk about Emerson, Carlyle, Coleridge,Lamb, Wordsworth, the Lake Poets, Tennyson, Shakespeare,Dante, Goethe, Schiller, and Lessing. These authors were pre-sumably too frivolous to be represented in the regular curricu-lum. Other philosophical and scientific writers were held to beharmful because they "taught men to hold no opinions." Itwould take the young Hall years after Williams to read Dar-win, Spencer, Tyndall, Renan, Strauss, Emerson, Feuerbach,Comte, Tom Paine, Charles Kingsley, Canon Farrar, MatthewArnold, G. H. Lewes, John Stuart Mill, and John Smith (Hall,1923, pp. 184-185).

A Lyceum of Natural History, founded by eight Williamsstudents in 1835, was the scientific counterpart of the studentliterary societies. Lyceum members studied flying machines,the dyes used in the manufacture of cotton cloth, the usefulnessof spiders in the manufacture of raw silk, cotton culture andindustry, artesian wells, the mechanics of nest building, naturalresources, coal beds, whale fisheries, oil wells, iron ores, goldmining, volcanoes, giraffes, condor hunting, icebergs, en-trances to the Sphinx, etc. The Lyceum offered courses in bot-any in 1836. It laid the foundation for a science library in 1839,raised money and constructed a building of its own in 1855,and hired an assistant of Louis Agassiz to aid in the classifica-tion of its fishes in 1863. The Lyceum was in communicationwith leading scientists of the United States. It sent expeditionsto Nova Scotia in 1835, Florida in 1857, Greenland in 1860,South America in 1867, and Honduras in 1871. Finally, be-tween 1868 and 1871, Williams College absorbed the Lyceumand in effect made the Lyceum's mission its own. The secondscientific curriculum that Hall found available to him at Wil-liams could be found in other old-time colleges. Kohlstedt(1988) notes that student natural history societies providingcourses in science and putting together study collections wereestablished between 1822 and 1848 at Amherst, Brown, Wil-liams, Rutgers, Yale, Wesleyan, Harvard, Geneva, Pennsyl-vania, Marshall, and Haverford.

Hall did not turn towards science at Williams; he was a ro-mantic at this stage of his life. Ross (1972) remarks:

His classmates said that "when Stan gets to thinking clearly, hewill think greatly," and they considered him "the smartest man"in their class. Hall's persistent effort to give intellectual form tothe full range of his emotional experience was the chief source ofboth the insight and confusion he would display in his intellectualcareer, (pp. 28-29)

Hall was class poet. He graduated Phi Beta Kappa in 1867and went on to Union Theological Seminary to become a divin-ity student. He took a time-out and went to Europe to studyphilosophy and theology but came back reluctantly because hisparents would support him no further in Europe. He becamean ordained minister, and for a short time he preached andmight have gotten stuck in a country parish for life, "out ofplace, a misfit, restless and unhappy" (Hall, 1923, p. 183). Fatehelped him take a doctorate at Harvard with James and Bow-ditch and then to go to Europe again, this time for scientifictraining.

In the introduction to his Founders of Modern Psychology,Hall (1912) would later summarize all his German education.Between 1870 and 1882 he spent nearly 6 years as a student inGermany. In his first 3-year visit, ending in 1873, he concen-trated on philosophy and attended lectures on theology, Aris-totle, biblical psychology, logic, recent psychology, comparativereligions, Hegel, and Herbart. In his second 3-year stay, he tookcourses in chemistry, biology, physiology, anatomy, neurology,psychopathology, and anthropology. Hall returned from hisstudies in Germany equipped to work in a new kind of collegethat, in a sense, he had no choice but to help to establish.

New Psychology in a New University

Hall's professorship at Johns Hopkins placed him in the van-guard of what Jencks & Riesman (1968) call an academic revolu-tion—when the American college "ceased to be a marginal,backward-looking enterprise shunned by the bulk of the citi-zenry" and became instead a "major growth industry" The newAmerican college was larger, governed by a faculty of arts andsciences, and offered electives and lectures rather than text-books and recitations. Jencks & Riesman (1968, p. 13) say, "Per-haps the most important breakthroughs were the founding ofJohns Hopkins and Clark as primarily graduate universities."After establishing the new psychology at Hopkins, Hall wouldcarry the torch from Hopkins to Clark.

The new psychology Hall taught at Hopkins took three yearsto deliver. He gave 1 year to sensation, half of the second year toperception and psychophysics, and half to association, mem-ory, habit, attention, and the will. His third year was spent on"the topics of instinct in animals, psychogenesis in children,the psychological parts of anthropology (including animism,the chief mythic cycles, traditions, rites and ceremonies), andmorbid psychology (especially aphasia, hypnotic and alliedstates, paranoia,epilepsy,hysteria, paralysis,etc.). . ."(Evans,1984, p. 54).

Hall established a brass-instruments laboratory at JohnsHopkins. He had done his thesis research in Henry PickeringBowditch's physiology laboratory at Harvard Medical School(Hall, 1878) and he cared about physiology, but he was notcompletely committed to experimental psychology and hewould do only a limited amount of work in it (Miles & Miles,1929; Ross, 1972, pp. 155-157). His major research programwould be the questionnaire studies of child development hewould undertake with his students at Clark University.

First "Normal Science" of Developmental Psychology

In the spring of 1888, Hall left John Hopkins and moved toWorcester, Massachusetts, to live as a guest in Jonas Clark'shome while Clark built the university that Hall would take overas president. Hall planned to build a set of graduate depart-ments—psychology, biology, chemistry, physics, and mathe-matics—to create first a graduate school and then in time anundergraduate college. Hall toured Europe gathering ideas. Heput together a faculty that was by all accounts distinguished.Clark University opened in 1889 with 18 faculty and 34 stu-dents. Hall had a special vision of what a university ought to belike and for 2 or 3 years the vision lived. Then there were per-

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sonal and professional tragedies. Hall's wife and daughter wereaccidentally killed in 1890. There were town-gown problems inWorcester, and Jonas Clark, sole financial supporter of the uni-versity, began to withdraw his support. In one of the famousraids of academic history, William Rainey Harper, president ofthe new University of Chicago, swooped down on Clark andmade off with two thirds of the faculty and 70% of the students.

In 1891, Hall turned towards child study, at first probablybecause he needed an activity at Clark that would win somepopular support in the city of Worcester and later because hesaw it as an activity that might help him sustain his university.He founded the Pedagogical Seminary (now the Journal of Ge-netic Psychology), and he began a program of questionnairestudies of child development that had to be for a time a promi-nent force in psychology. It must be remembered that as late as1898, 30 of the 54 doctorates in psychology awarded in theUnited States had been awarded by Hall. A science has to havesome form of cooperative empirical inquiry, and Hall's "Clarkmethod" is one of the three forms of psychological researchidentified by Danziger (1985,1990) in his content analyses ofthe early psychological journals.

Hall had done some preliminary questionnaire studies ofchildren in the 1880s, extending prior German work. He couldfind scientific precedents for questionnaire inquiries in anteced-ent work of Darwin, Fechner, and Calton (White, 1990). On theone side, questionnaire studies of childhood seemed feasibleand reasonable; on the other, a grass roots movement called forscientific child study. The movement reflected the rise of the"whole child professions" and the turn-of-the-century renego-tiation of American social contracts distributing responsibili-ties for the socialization of children among families, profes-sionals, and governmental institutions (Siegel & White, 1982).

Hall's (1923) autobiography lists the titles, dates, and authorsof 194 topical syllabi (questionnaires) published at Clark be-tween October 1894 and February 1915. He was personallymost involved in the questionnaire work between 1894 and1903, and this is when the work of the program looked mostlike early developmental psychology. Students and associateshave left us descriptions of the child study work (Monroe, 1899;Sheldon, 1946; Smith, 1905; Wiltse, 1895,1896-97). Near theend of his active period, Hall (1903) offered a summary of whatin his estimation the contribution of the research program hadbeen. Wilson's (1975) bibliographies list over 4,000 entries andgive a useful sense of the larger social movement toward childstudy.

Hall's questionnaire studies were rather vigorously de-nounced within a few years after they were begun. Some of thedenunciation was probably politically motivated. Hall hadbeen a powerful figure, but he had been high-handed in hisdealings and now personal and political troubles made himvulnerable. Opponents happily pointed out scientific shortcom-ings of the questionnaire studies. There were real problems but,nonetheless, those studies sketched a picture of child develop-ment not dissimilar to the picture we hold today (White, 1990).

The questionnaire inquiries dealt with (a) simple automa-tisms, instincts, and attitudes, (b) the small child's activities andfeelings, (c) control of emotions and will, (d) development of thehigher faculties, (e) individual differences, (f) school processesand practices, and (g) church processes and practices.

Simple Automatisms, Instincts, and Attitudes

Many of the questionnaires sought for the inborn predisposi-tions of childhood (Early Forms of Vocal Expression; SomeCommon "Doits and Habits; Tickling, Fun, Wit, Humor, Laugh-ing) and beliefs and habits of the small child (Migrations,Dumps, Duancy, Running Away, Etc., vs. Love of Home; Affec-tion and its Opposite States in Children). Such questionnairesgenerally tried to trace the movement of the developing childfrom the spontaneous to the voluntary, from instinct to reason,and from simple sociality to the development of scientific andethical reasoning.

Nowadays, much research on infancy and toddlerhood tendsto be upward seeking, looking for early signs of reason, lan-guage, numerical understanding, morality, self-awareness, al-truism, etc. Hall, because of his great concern about thedangers of precocity, looked for the simplest and crudest organi-zations of children's behavior, the unique and the non-adult-like characteristics of children. It has taken us much seriouseffort to come to terms with the fact that the playful in childrenis serious. Hall's questionnaires again and again sought outmannered, stylized, playful, theatrical facets of children's be-havior, taking for granted that these were important organizersof childhood behavior. A questionnaire on Early Forms ojVocalExpression in January, 1895 asks the following:

Describe any expressive gesture or attitude, whether of hands,body or face, and note rhythm, stress, inflection and especiallyspontaneous singing. Describe every trace of pantomime, specialgesture with a speech value, buffoonery, mimicry, love of acting.

In February 1895, Some Common Daits and Habits invitedrespondents to write about teasing, bullying, showing off, mim-icry and imitation, bashfulness, awkwardness and boldness,and curiosity.

SHOWING OFF. . .Describe mincing, acting a part, putting onairs, acts or words thought to show superfine manners or breed-ing, playing the role of another self. How far is this due to vividimagination, how long kept up, is it sustained or practiced whenalone, or only before others, and are the traits assumed systema-tized or incoherent.

Small Child's Activities and Feelings

A second group of questionnaires asked about the objectschildren care about and like to deal with—Dolls, Toys andPlaythings—and the rhythmic, ritualistic, or superstitiousaspects of children's behavior. For Hall, mind is built on feel-ings, and many of the questionnaires tried to get at children'sfeelings about themselves and things about them—The EarlySense of Self, Feeling for Objects of Inanimate Nature, Feelingsfor Objects of Animate Nature, Children's Thoughts, Reactions,and Feelings to Animals—and to pursue the idea that such feel-ings are the foundation for later, more rational understandings.

Control of Emotions and Will

There were questionnaire inquiries into children's outburstsof emotionality. Generally, the questions on these moved to-wards questions about when and by whom the emotions wereeventually controlled. Question sequences like this are found in

30 SHELDON H. WHITE

Anger, Crying and Laughing, Fears in Childhood and Youth, andAffection and Its Opposite States in Children. It was assumedthat at first parents and other adults regulated and controlled achild's outbursts, but later the child gradually came to exertself-control and self-regulation. Very important for the latterwere the growth of higher faculties.

Development of the Higher Faculties

Hall and his students were keenly interested in the develop-ment of moral and religious sentiments in children—throughgrowth and through moral education. There were early ques-tionnaires entitled Moral and Religious Experiences, Moral Edu-cation, and Confession. Increases in cognitive capacity werethought to be essential for participation in complex forms ofhuman society, and so there was a questionnaire on Memory,and numerous inquiries into children's capacities to think insymbolic and ideal terms. The questionnaires asked aboutmore humane and altruistic sentiments: Pity, The Sense ofHonor Among Children, Unselfishness in Children.

Individual Differences

The four groups of questionnaires so far described exploredgeneral processes of child development. A fifth group exploreddysfunction. A1901 questionnaire entitled Sub-normal NormalChildren andYouth by Arthur R. T. Wylie opens with the follow-ing text:

It is desired by means of this syllabus to gain material for thestudy of the bad and troublesome children of school and familylife, those who have reached their limit in only one line, the runa-ways, the vagrants, spendthrifts, dudes, hoboes, hoodlums, re-ligious fanatics, sensualists, sentimentalists, vicious and impul-sive characters, impulsive masturbators, the ne'er-do-wells, thegilded youth and those who gave early promise but dropped into ahumble station which they just managed to fill.

Nowadays, inquiries into individual differences are usuallydirected towards continuous, normally distributed individualdifferences in cognition or personality. Hall's inquiries into indi-vidual differences explored the boundaries of psychopathologyand sociopathology. Many in the late 19th century were con-cerned about degeneracy as a source of crime, anarchism, va-grancy, social disorder, mental disease, and various human dys-functions. Clark questionnaires such as Peculiar and Excep-tional Children, Moral Defects and Perversions, Signs ofNervousness, and Precocity and Tardiness of Development weredirected towards exploring early signs of such characteristics inchildren.

Teachers, Examinations, Differences Between Old and YoungTeachers).

Church Processes and Practices

As in the case of schools, there were Clark questionnairesdirected toward a mixture of psychological and service-ori-ented issues confronting members of the ministry. Psychologi-cal questionnaires were directed toward Religious Experiences,Immortality, Questionnaire on the Soul, and Questionnaire onChildren's Prayers. More institutional questionnaires were di-rected towards Sabbath and Worship in General, Questions forthe Essential Features of Public Worship, and Hymns and SacredMusic, or The Sermon.

G. Stanley Hall's Scheme of Childand Adolescent Development

Hall's developmental psychology was spelled out in his two-volume Adolescence: Its Psychology and its Relations to Physiol-ogy, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Educa-tion (Hall, 1904). The volumes are unread today. They arementioned from time to time as (a) an argument for recapitula-tionism, (b) a source of the Sturm und Drang view of adoles-cence, or (c) occasionally, as a source for what some claim is20th-century society's invention of adolescence. There is moreto the volumes than their condensation into a few sloganswould suggest.

The first volume of Adolescence gives extended reviews of (a)anthropometric and body-organ studies of growth in size andweight, (b) studies of the growth of motor power and functionalabilities and of various training schemes designed to foster thatgrowth, (c) physical and mental diseases associated with adoles-cence; (d) sociological, criminological, and cross-cultural stud-ies of adolescent crimes and antisocial behavior; (e) physicaland psychological phenomena of sexual development; (f) phe-nomena of animal and human sexual periodicity, and (g) liter-ary, biographical, and historical writings about adolescence.

The second volume discusses (a) sensory and voice changesin adolescents; (b) evolution of the feelings and instincts; (c)adolescent feelings about nature and their response to science;(d) cross-cultural and cross-religious practices in the initiationand education of adolescents; (12) phenomena of adolescentreligious conversion; (e) social instincts and institutions amongadolescents; (f) intellectual development and education; (g) ado-lescent girls and their capabilities for and response to educa-tion; and (h) the possibility of an ethnic psychology and of apedagogy missionaries might use for "adolescent races."

School Processes and Practices

Many of the Clark questionnaires, particularly in the lateryears of the program, were directly oriented to problems ofschools and professional educators. These questionnaires wereone point of beginning of an applied child study. Some weredirected at curriculum, some at methods, some at professionaland political issues in teaching (e.g., The Beginnings of ReadingandWriting, Kindergarten, Number and Mathematics, Examina-tions and Recitations, Local Voluntary Association among

Some Suggested Patterns of Human Development

The two Adolescence volumes are huge, and Hall is pro-digious in the scholarly detail that he presents and the variety ofpractical issues that he takes up for discussion. It seems worth-while to present here a very rudimentary sketch of Hall'sscheme of human development. The following are some of hisprincipal theses:

1. People, human faculties, social institutions, societies maybe ordered on an evolutionary line, with the order reflecting

APA CENTENNIAL: G. STANLEY HALL 31

not only the historic time at which they came into existence buttheir relative state of perfection.

2. Child development recapitulates human evolution:

Holding that the child and the race are each keys to the other, Ihave constantly suggested phyletic explanations of all degrees ofprobability. . . . Realizing the limitations and qualifications ofthe recapitulation theory in the biologic field, I am now con-vinced that its psychogenetic applications can have a method oftheir own, and although the time has not yet come when anyformulation of these can have much value I have done the best Icould with each instance as it arose. Along with the sense of theextreme importance of further coordinating childhood and youthwith the development of their race, has grown the conviction thatonly here can we hope to find true norms against the tendency toprecocity in home, school, church, and civilization generally, andalso to establish criteria by which to both diagnose and measurearrest and retardation in the individual and in the race." (Hall,1904, Vol. 1, p. viii)

3. What mediates this recapitulation is biology—the factthat evolutionarih/ older areas of the brain mature before evolu-tionarily newer areas. Work of John Hughlings Jackson, Flech-sig, Kaes, Vulpius, and others has shown that the central ner-vous system "is made up of three superposed levels closelycorrelated" (Hall, 1904, Vol. 1, p. 110) and that the lower levelsmature before the higher ones.

Certain types of insanity are rare before puberty, because thechild can not reason according to adult standards until fourteen,the age at which Aristotle would begin the education of reason.Before this comes the age of the spinal reflex and automatic na-scency of the late prenatal life and the early months of infancy.Then comes the stage of controlled muscular actions—walking,plays—when drill, habituation, memory, and instinct culminate,which is associated with the mid-level regions of the brain. Lastlycomes the age of rational thought, higher logical correlation, per-sonal opinion and conviction, higher esthetic enjoyments, deliber-ate choice, and willed action.. . .Each lower level, however, musthave its full development, for it is a necessary condition for theunfoldment of the higher. Logical methods, on the other hand, iftoo early, tend to stultify and violate the law that fundamentalmust always precede accessory structures and functions. (Hall,1904, Vol.1, p. Ill)

4. There are "nascent stages." The child grows towards notone but a series of perfections. The stages do not center onfeelings and motives as in Freud's theory, nor on cognition as inPiaget's theory. Each stage is the attainment of a mode of socialexistence or a way of life. As children get older, feelings, senti-ments, attitudes, motives, and abilities change so that they be-come capable of participating in ever more complex and so-phisticated societies.

5. In very small children you find many automatisms, fid-gets, nonvolitional movements, "motor odds and ends." Theyincrease in the kindergarten years, diminishing in the primaryyears. They are associated with fatigue, task difficulty, the needto maintain fixed attention. They are mostly in the accessorymuscles; those in the fundamental muscles disappear rapidlywith age. The automatisms diminish as the will grows in force.They are (Hall, 1904, Vol. 1, p. 160) "paleopsychic."

6. Ages 6 or 7 represent an old time of human maturity, the"shores of an ancient pubic sea."

After the critical transition age of six or seven, when the brain hasachieved its adult size and weight and teething has reduced thechewing surface to its least extent, begins an unique stage of life

marked by reduced growth and increased activity and power toresist both disease and fatigue which. . . suggests what was, insome just post-simian age of our race, its period of maturity. Herebelong discipline in writing, reading, spelling, verbal memory,manual training, practice of instrumental technique, propernames, drawing, drill in arithmetic, foreign languages by oralmethods, the correct pronunciation of which is far harder if ac-quired later, etc. The hand is never so near the brain. Most of thecontent of the mind has entered it through the senses, and the eye-and ear-gates should be open at their widest. Authority shouldnow take precedence of reason. Children comprehend much andvery rapidly if we can only refrain from explaining, but this slowsdown intuition, tends to make casuists and prigs and to unfeeblethe ultimate vigor of reason. It is the age of little method andmuch matter. . .[By the end of this preadolescent era] Morally he should have beenthrough many if not most forms of what parents and teacherscommonly call badness and Professor Yoder even calls meanness.He should have fought, whipped and been whipped, used lan-guage offensive to the prude and to the prim precisian, been insome scrapes, had something to do with bad, if more with goodassociates, and been exposed to and already recovering from. . .many forms of ethical mumps and measles. . . . Something isamiss with the lad often who is very good, studious, industrious,thoughtful, altruistic, quiet, polite, respectful, obedient, gentle-manly, orderly, always in good toilet, docile to reason, who turnsaway from stories that reek with gore, prefers adult companion-ship to that of his mates, refuses all low associates, speaks stan-dard English, or is pious and deeply in love with religious services. . . (Hall, 1904, Vol. 2, pp. 451-453)

7. Motor activity and education are essential for child devel-opment, Hall says, and he gives extended arguments for indus-trial education, manual training, gymnastics, and sports. "Mo-tor specialties requiring exactness and grace like piano-playing,drawing, writing, pronunciation of a foreign tongue, dancing,acting, singing, and a host of virtuosities" should be begunbefore adolescence (Hall, 1904, Vol. 1, p. 164)." However, fromages 4 to age 8, overexercising the accessory muscles may "sowthe seeds of chorea." From age 8 to age 12, overprecision, espe-cially if fundamental activities are neglected, will bring nervousstrain and stunting precocity.

8. Adolescence is a second point of initiation for socializa-tion and education. Early adolescence, age 8 to age 12, consti-tutes a "unique period in human life." The child develops a lifeof its own outside the home; it is "never so independent of adultinfluence"; it has acute perception, immunity to exposure,danger, accident, as well as temptation. In short, the child isindependently viable but capable of participating in a very sim-ple sort of society. "Reason, true morality, religion, sympathy,love, and esthetic enjoyment are but slightly developed" (Hall,1904, Vol. 1, p. ix). Hall conveys an image of the early adolescentprepared for a Lord-of-the-Flies kind of social life, and some-where in his writings he regrets the fact that we have to coopyouths of that age in middle schools, when they would be hap-piest in simple self-run societies. The tendency of adolescentsto form a great number and variety of clubs reflects this naturaldevelopment.

9. Adolescence is a time of oscillations and oppositions, be-tween inertness and excitement, pleasure and pain, self-confi-dence and humility, selfishness and altruism, society and soli-tude, sensitiveness and dullness, knowing and doing, conserva-tism and iconoclasm, sense and intellect.

10. One can introduce science at adolescence, slowly. A needto explain the world arises at the very beginning as a feeling that

32 SHELDON H. WHITE

the mysteries of nature must be looked at and addressed. Theyouth responds to nature sentimentally and is drawn towardsmythic or poetic formulations or the religions of nature. Next inthe genetic order comes an interest in popular science.

Here . . . belongs every contact which science can suggest withthe daily life of the pupil at home or school, at play or resting, indress and regimen, and here, too begins the need of abundantapparatus, models, diagrams, collections, and all aids that eye orhand can give the mind. A science building or course withoutthese is a soulless corpse.

Then comes an interest in the practical, technological side ofscience. Last and highest comes an interest in pure sciencefreed from all alloy of myth, genetic stage, or utility, and culti-vated for its own sake, with no motive but love of truth (Hall,1904, Vol. 2, pp. 153-154).

11. At adolescence, one can begin to teach a higher morality.Hall (1904, Vol. 2, pp. 433-448) proposes a radical change inthe pedagogy of the vernacular language, literature, and his-tory. The prime purpose would be moral—so to determine in-telligence and will to secure the largest increase of social ser-vice, advance altruism, and reduce selfishness through (a) ora-tory and debates; (b) drama; (c) reading, particularly myths; (d)the Bible; and (e) history and literature.

From the very beginning of his child study work, Hall hadchallenged the American kindergarten movement and had avery substantial impact on it (Shapiro, 1983; White & Buka,1987). The Adolescence volumes represented for Hall the culmi-nation of his child study interests. There are many and variouspractical suggestions scattered through the volumes; both thesuggestions and the question of their possible impacts on Amer-ican social practices deserve more serious examination thanthey have so far had. It seems most likely that Hall, along withEdward L. Thorndike and John Dewey, had a very substantialimpact on American educational and social institutions at ahistoric time of great flux and change (White, 1991).

Echoes of Mark Hopkins's Developmental Psychology

Buried beneath the wealth of new scientific work and schol-arly detail, Hall's developmental analysis in Adolescencecarried forward some of the developmental themes presentedto him out of an older philosophy by Mark Hopkins. In Hall'sconcern about the dangers of precocity, a concern about bring-ing children too rapidly into adulthood that he would expressagain and again in Adolescence, Hall echoed Hopkins's law oflimitation, a principle that he appealed to again and again in hismoral philosophy. Like Hopkins, Hall argued the following:

1. The human mind and human nature may be understoodby a developmental analysis.

2. People, human faculties, social institutions, and societiesmay be ordered genetically, with the order reflecting not onlythe historic time at which they came into existence but theirrelative state of perfection.

3. Lower order mental faculties are mechanical, unwilledand animal-like; higher order faculties are self-motivated, au-tonomous, and responsible.

4. Human relationships of authority and subordination may

be derived from the developmental analysis as well as somehuman responsibilities.

5. Ultimately, the mental science that gives the developmen-tal analysis forms the ground on which a moral philosophy—aset of ethical prescriptions—may be built.

6. Recall Mark Hopkins's pyramid of ever more complexand perfect entities, each aggregating with its kind in ever morecomplex and perfect ways. As Hall's children get older theybecome capable of participating in ever more complex and so-phisticated societies.

Later Interests: Hall's Return to Religion: TheChildren's Institute

With the completion of his Adolescence, Hall's personal inter-ests turned away from child study. He said in his Life and Con-fessions:

In 1904, when I printed my two volumes on adolescence, thatsubject became thereafter more or less of a closed one to me. Asusual, having printed, I never read it again and avoided the sub-ject in my courses of instruction, and in 19111 closed my accountwith child study as applied to education by publishing my twovolumes, Educational Problems and thereafter ceased to lectureon education." (Hall, 1923, p. 405)

In his last years, Hall turned back to religion. The lastchapter of Adolescence proposes that genetic psychology bemade the basis for a "science of missions." In the same year inwhich he published Adolescence, Hall founded the AmericanJournal of Religious Psychology and Education. He had largelydrafted his two-volume Jesus, the Christ, in the Light of Psychol-ogy in 1900, but he held off publication until 1917 (Hall, 1917;Ross, 1972, p. 418). Hall was not completely finished with ge-netic psychology, however. He turned toward the exploration ofold age and what we call life-span development, writing a bookon Senescence (Hall, 1922).

Hall tried to give Clark University a continuing position inchild study. Suddenly, the children's cause was beginning to winground in American politics. The first White House Confer-ence was convened in 1909, and the Children's Bureau was es-tablished in 1912. In 1910, Hall persuaded the Clark trustees toappropriate $5,000—no small sum in those days—to establisha Children's Institute to serve as a center for research on child-hood (Burnham & Fitzsimmons, 1912; Hall, 1910; Wilson,1910). Hall hoped that Clark would become the partner andresearch arm of the forthcoming Children's Bureau. Hall's vi-sion of the future was accurate, but he could not consolidateClark's place in that future. A few years later, in 1917, CoraBussey Hillis succeeded in establishing the Iowa Child WelfareResearch Station, and it was at Iowa that the second growthwave of developmental psychology began.

G. Stanley Hall's Contribution: A Reappraisal

G. Stanley Hall's psychological work deserves more directexamination than it has recently received. Because Hall wasactive and influential at just the right time, he compiled manyfirsts and foundings—as Wundt's first American student, firstAmerican professor of psychology, founder of what some saywas the first American psychology laboratory, founder of the

APA CENTENNIAL: G. STANLEY HALL 33

American Journal of Psychology, first president of Clark Univer-sity, founder and first president of the American PsychologicalAssociation, leader of the child study movement, founder of thePedagogical Seminary, and so on. Hall invited Freud to ClarkUniversity in 1909 and thus helped psychoanalysis get interna-tional recognition. Recent writings usually picture Hall as afunctionary and figurehead, condense his ideas into a few slo-gans, quote criticisms of his work by his often-rivalrous peers,and effectively concede Hall his administrative trophies whileignoring most of what he had to say. What Hall had to say aboutdevelopmental psychology is worth some contemporary exami-nation.

1. Through his questionnaire program, Hall set up a firstcooperative "normal science" of child development. The find-ings obtained through that work suggested local patterns andorderlinesses and a larger movement that is quite consistentwith our view of child development today. The questionnairework was methodologically weak, to be sure, but the method-ological regulations psychology subsequently put into placehave probably been excessively restrictive. Hall's questionnairesasked people to give narrative accounts of children's behaviorsin everyday situations, and this kind of approach is becomingmore popular nowadays.

2. Hall elaborated a social-biological conception of child-hood. As children grow, they develop capacities that enablethem to participate in more and more complex kinds of socialorganization. Growth brings changes in cognition, memory,feelings, emotions, symbolization, and social behaviors, butwhat orchestrates all the changes and brings them toward aunity is the movement of the child toward different forms ofsocial participation. Contemporary research and theory is re-viving Hall's vision and moving away from the view that cogni-tive development should be taken as synonymous with childdevelopment, the faster the better (e.g, Elkind, 1981).

3. Hall wrote a massive account of adolescence, lookingacross the work of different disciplines, examining social prac-tices, and trying to arrive at scientific syntheses on the one sideand practical recommendations on the other. We need to tracethe influence of Hall's ideas and recommendations as they en-tered the complex infrastructure of American professional andsocial services for children. By looking at such influences, wemay better understand when and how and to what extent thework of developmental psychology can be meaningful and use-ful for society.

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Received August 27,1991Accepted August 27,1991 •