Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy (June 2014) ‘Future of India-China relationship: alternative scenarios for 2030’ Introduction The focus of this paper is the bilateral relationship between India and China in 2030 and is directed at the Indian audience. This paper takes an economic interdependence perspective to analyse possible variations in this bilateral relationship 15 years from now. It is important because the gradual decline of the West is associated with the unprecedented economic growth of these two giants and how it folds out in future affects the global balance of power. It discusses scenarios on India’s future with respect to China’s continued economic growth prospects and their mutual involvement in regional trade agreements. The bilateral relationship between China and India exhibits a mix of contention and interdependence. China and India has historical security issues such as, border disputes, issues on Tibet and Kashmir, China’s military support to Pakistan, US’s increasing ties with India and China’s deepening interest in the Indian Ocean (Small 2014, p.5). Over the last decade however, China and India has increased their economic interdependence with rapidly growing trade between the two nations (GoI 2014). In terms of global affairs, China and India appear to converge on issues that 0
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Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)
‘Future of India-China relationship: alternative scenarios for 2030’
Introduction
The focus of this paper is the bilateral relationship
between India and China in 2030 and is directed at the
Indian audience. This paper takes an economic
interdependence perspective to analyse possible variations
in this bilateral relationship 15 years from now. It is
important because the gradual decline of the West is
associated with the unprecedented economic growth of these
two giants and how it folds out in future affects the
global balance of power. It discusses scenarios on India’s
future with respect to China’s continued economic growth
prospects and their mutual involvement in regional trade
agreements.
The bilateral relationship between China and India exhibits
a mix of contention and interdependence. China and India
has historical security issues such as, border disputes,
issues on Tibet and Kashmir, China’s military support to
Pakistan, US’s increasing ties with India and China’s
deepening interest in the Indian Ocean (Small 2014, p.5).
Over the last decade however, China and India has increased
their economic interdependence with rapidly growing trade
between the two nations (GoI 2014). In terms of global
affairs, China and India appear to converge on issues that
0
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)have potential of affecting their growth and trade such as
‘climate negotiations, the Doha trade talks and in the
context of BRICS’ (Small 2014, p.5).
China became the largest trading partner of India in 2011
accounting for a total of US$ 73.9 billion (Varma 2012).
Accordingly, in financial year 2013/14, China became the
top country of import for India, with a share of 11.47 per
cent of total imports while during the same period, India’s
export to China consisted only 4.83 per cent of total
exports incurring a huge trade deficit with China (GoI
2014). On the contrary, for China, India ranked 15th in
terms of bilateral trade volume in 2012 with a share of
1.72 per cent of China’s overall trade, comprising a 2.33
per cent of total Chinese exports and with a share of 1.1
per cent in overall imports by China, ranked 19th among
countries exporting to China (EoI n.d.). China is an
important trade partner for India but for China, India
appears to be less important compared to other countries.
In terms of export alone, interestingly, for both
countries, the top export destinations are US and EU with a
share of 29.6 per cent of total export for India and 33.5
per cent for China (WTO 2014). This could change with
mutual trade based on comparative advantage.
In current bilateral economic relationship between India
and China, India appears to be vulnerable in terms of
relative bilateral trade volume and its increasing
dependence on cheap Chinese exports. This could however
1
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)change in future if national and regional policies move in
a positive direction beneficial to both the countries. With
election of forward looking economy focused Prime Minister
Narendra Modi, India has a huge potential to tap on its
demographic dividend by developing its manufacturing sector
and benefiting from regional trade agreements.
Driver 1: Economic growth as a driver of relationship
Trade ties between the two countries is fuelled by both
countries’ high economic growth ambitions. As bigger
economies have varied import and export base, the bilateral
trade created an economic interdependence (Gupta & Wang
2009). Chinese and Indian economic growth has increasingly
gained global and regional attention such as in the Asia-
Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and in the G-20
(Wolf et al. 2011, p.37) as the unfolding of their
relationship would affect global economy in future. The
current economic growth experienced by India and China has
attracted global focus as these countries continue to
expand its GDP and increase its global share. Even though
international trade gradually increased with liberalisation
policies, the bilateral trade between India and China took
off only after 2001 when China acceded to WTO (Mohanty
2013, p.48). India has recorded gradual decline from 10.3%
growth rate in FY2010/11 but is expected to gradually
increase through FY2014/15 (Times of India 2014).
2
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)Currently, India has not been performing well in
manufacturing sector. It has stagnated at 16 per cent of
the GDP and constitutes only about 2 per cent in global
manufacturing share (Bhunia 2014). Failure in increasing
manufacturing sector is considered the biggest failure with
respect to growth (Times of India 2014). Between 2005 and
2011, India’s manufacturing sector grew by about 10 per
cent Compound Annual Growth Rate (CAGR) but decreased after
that; however, government officials have recognized its
importance for growth and have been taking steps to revive
the manufacturing industry (Das 2014). With Narendra Modi
as prime minister, India could revive its manufacturing
sector with its multiplier effect and can contribute to and
sustain its economic growth. According to a study by global
management consulting firm McKinsey and Company, India’s
manufacturing sector may exceed US$ 1 trillion by 2025,
mainly due to rising demand within the country and
establishment of low-cost plants by multinational companies
(IBEF 2014). This will have a significant impact in the
economy with creation of jobs and increased investment.
This will further increase the total exports and help
sustain the economic growth.
On the other hand, if India fails to develop its
manufacturing industry due to ‘high manufacturing cost
because of its failure to do labour reforms’ (Mohanty 2013,
p.56), then it will have a tremendous effect on economic
growth of the nation.
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Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)
Driver 2: Regional economic integration through Regional
Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)
China and India both concur with a view that regional trade
can be augmented through regional platform. RCEP represents
30 per cent of world GDP and makes up 29 per cent of world
trade (Wignaraja 2013). For India, RCEP is a realisation of
India’s farsighted pursuit of ‘Look East’ policy since 1990
with potential pragmatic benefits. While bilateral free
trade agreements with ASEAN exists for both India and
China, RCEP will further lower trade barriers and custom
duties throughout the region once it finalises in 2015
(China Briefing 2012). The association of India into RCEP
therefore would serve its long-term economic interests
better. India would be able to gain from export industry
which currently is not performing very well. RCEP would not
only generate trade opportunities, it would also maximise
welfare gains when ASEAN+6 countries get integrated into it
(Mohanty 2013, p.119). Contrarily, China had already been
interacting with ASEAN countries through ASEAN+3 (APT)
framework. In the East Asia Summit, China suggested
preference of APT as a regional framework rather than
ASEAN+6 where India would also be a member through RCEP
process. India’s presence in the RCEP however presents with
significant welfare gains to the whole region, which could
amount to US$502.8 billion depending on the level of
liberalisation (Mohanty 2013, p.108).
4
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)The negotiation for RCEP is due to end by 2015. The future
of Asia-Pacific and the China-India relationship rests
significantly on how this process ends. After 2015, the
RCEP process might conclude with the inclusion of both
India and China with ramifications for regional trade for
both countries. On the other hand, it may not conclude
successfully or may get extended into future, in which
case, India run the risk of not being integrated into the
regional trade, which might come with a cost for its
economy as a whole.
Fig. 1 Variation in drivers and scenarios
Three of the four scenarios will be discussed in the
following section.
Scenario 1 –Tiger-Dragon conglomeration
5
RCEP unsucces
Dragon–Tiger duel
India’ econ growthwithout manufacturing
India’ econ growthwith manufacturing
RCEP successful
Tiger-Dragon conglomeration
Tiger limps, Dragon take all
Tiger retracts its claws, Dragon flies
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)India’s high economic growth fuelled by development of
manufacturing industry and realization of ‘Look East’
policy through successful Regional Comprehensive Economic
Partnership has paved way to the rise of India as the third
largest economy in the world. Both India and China are
experiencing 8 to 10 per cent annual growth rates (Wolf et
al 2011, p.38). There is a strong economic interdependence
between India and China. A decade in the office (Stobdan
2014), Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi boosted the
economy as anticipated by general public with his first win
in 2013/14 (Tellis 2014) with development of
infrastructures, reformulation of labour policies, opening
up of economy and increasing trade ties with China and
placed a benchmark to fuel economic growth in manufacturing
trillion as predicted by McKinsey and Company (IBEF 2014).
The cost of production is low due to policy reforms adding
to the cost competitiveness of India products vis-à-vis
Chinese products. This created numerous jobs for the
increasing youth population, enabling India to cash on
demographic dividend. On the other hand, President Xi
Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang’s also continued to hold
their office in China (Stobdan 2014), which resulted in
continuous growth in Chinese economy. As forecasted by Wolf
et al. (2011), Chinese total GDP amounts to $30 trillion
and India’s GDP totals $12 trillion (p.54). As the largest
economies, the two countries increase their bilateral trade
playing on comparative advantages of each country. Export
specialization has taken place and differences in export
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Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)sector is visible. As argued by Aziz et al. (2006), India’s
exports are now concentrated in natural textiles and
garments industry and China exports manmade fibres (p.277).
China has shifted its focus on high-tech manufacturing such
as electronics and telecommunications while India has
boomed labour-intensive manufacturing in combination with
boom in pharmaceutical, chemical, and automobile industry.
The successful integration of China and India through RCEP
process opened up ASEAN markets for their products. RCEP
placed both China and India into a high growth path that
made these two countries the largest economies. RCEP has
been trade creating in nature with absolute increase in
welfare gains amounting to US$502 billion per annum as
forecasted by Mohanty (2013, p.109). The economic
integration in combination with the growth in manufacturing
sector in India compensated for the trade deficit that
India was long experiencing. While trade between India and
China increased multi-fold, trade diversification in terms
of exports into ASEAN countries in addition to domestic
growth through manufacturing industry shielded both the
countries from shocks in global financial market. This
further contributed towards sustained and long-term
economic growth. The economic growth in India will make the
bilateral relationship stronger but sensitive, as both
countries now exert similar economic power and one cannot
afford to forego the other. The strong economic
interdependence paves way to a new chapter in history where
7
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)two giants, ‘the dragon’ and ‘the tiger’ conglomerate to
influence the world.
Policy Recommendations:
With a strong bilateral relationship with China and better
positioning globally, India should focus on sustaining the
economic growth. India should continue to explore its
export competitiveness globally, and China in particular,
for varieties of products to fuel export led growth
together with domestic demand-led growth. Pursuing export-
led growth would heighten economic integration with ASEAN
through RCEP (Mohanty 2013, p.19-20). India should continue
to invest in agricultural commodities, iron ore and natural
fibres to export to China. India should perform education
reforms as part of structural reform to sustain its high
economic growth. The growing youth and urban population
would demand increased jobs, so India should explore
opportunities to create jobs within the nation. According
to McKinsey & Company estimates, India will need to spend
US$1.2 trillion on urban infrastructure by 2030, which is
eight times higher than its spending on infrastructure in
2011(Wignaraja 2011)
Rising per capita income might demand a shift from labour-
intensive industries to high paying high-tech and skilled
industries. Necessary transitioning environment should be
developed by India to accommodate such transition. The
balance between trade and political rivalry with China
8
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)should be handled cautiously so as not jeopardise bilateral
economic relationships.
Early Warning Indicators:
The indicator for strong economic interdependence between
India and China will start to be visible with their
increased growth in bilateral trade and decreasing trade
deficit, with successful negotiation of RCEP and with
formulation of labour reform policies in India. By 2020,
China-India trade would be greater than US$400 billion
(Gupta & Wang 2009). The composition of export and import
items will start to change. The subsequent growth in
manufacturing industry in India will signal unprecedented
future growth which calls for acting on comparative
advantage to complement with China’s growth. Influx of
infrastructure projects would be another indicator that
high and sustainable economic growth is near.
Scenario 2: Tiger limps, Dragon take all
India has fallen back from its economic growth path, which
suffered due to its inability to develop manufacturing
sector, which is mainly due to lack of infrastructure and
labour reform policies. However, India successfully got
integrated into the RCEP process through negotiations which
ended in 2015. Against peoples’ aspiration, Prime Minister
Narendra Modi could not deliver growth to the Indian
economy as he got into a turmoil on Hinduism debate. He did
9
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)not stay in the office for full-term. He was forced to
resign due to vote of no confidence within his own party.
India’s exports suffered due to inability of exporters to
take advantage of opening up of market and less developed
manufacturing sector. FY 2013/14 was the worst year for
manufacturing industry in India, when it experienced a
decline of 0.2% (Das 2014). This trend was not able to be
reversed even after change of subsequent governments mainly
due to peoples’ loss of confidence in domestic
manufacturing. The high-tech manufacturing sector, which
was 28 per cent of total manufacturing (Dhar & Rao 2014,
p.43), fell significantly after the global financial crisis
and are now dominated by cheap yet branded Chinese exports.
India was not prepared to take advantage from the
opportunities created by regional integration through RCEP.
In fact, China and ASEAN countries have surged their
exports to India, further deteriorating its manufacturing
sector. The need to revitalise the manufacturing sector had
been well articulated in 2011 by then finance minister,
Pranab Mukherjee with adoption of National Manufacturing
Policy (Dhar & Rao 2014, p.43). The subsequent Prime
Minister Narendra Modi with his forward looking growth-
focused vision attempted to materialise the policy but
could not do so due to inability to implement policies that
added domestic value, enhanced technological depth and
ensured sustainability of growth with creation of jobs.
China on the other hand is experiencing double digit growth
at 10 per cent annually due to its integration into RCEP
10
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)and expansion of market into countries and areas where
India failed to develop.
Policy recommendations:
India should retrace its steps and think of the mistakes it
has made. To boost manufacturing sector, India should
change its indirect taxes, including cutting the excise
duty on selected capital goods and consumer goods including
electrical and construction to 10 per cent as well as
automobile industry (Das 2014). Devolution of power to
states is key to allow individual states to grow and
prosper taking its local advantage. India should focus on
development of infrastructure at strategic locations first,
followed by gradual expansion to other areas. India should
work on the comparative advantage based on natural and
human resources it has and target export sectors. Clarity
in policies to develop and strengthen the manufacturing
base will not only enhance its investment, it will also
result in consumption that is needed to fuel growth.
Similarly, products with comparative advantage will have
comfortable availability of market in China and the ASEAN
region. India should attract FDIs in infrastructure
development and in sectors where Indian investors are
unwilling to invest.
Early warning indicators:
11
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)India’s continued slump in economic growth over the last
two years should gradually pass by and with Modi into power
and with his economic growth-focused vision, India should
start to see year-on-year growth in economy in the first
half of the decade. The development of labour reform
policies and initiation of infrastructure projects
especially roads, will be another indicator to notice. If
these policies are not placed within next few years, then
it is an ingredient for the scenario to pass by 2030.
Scenario 3: Dragon-Tiger duel starts
India attains high economic growth with development of
manufacturing sector and but failed to negotiate
successfully in RCEP process. The successful development of
manufacturing sector with its multiplier effect results in
high economic growth rate at 8 per cent annually as
predicted in Global Trends 2030 by National Intelligence
Council (NIC 2012, p.16). Economic growth is generated due
to boosting investment and boosting domestic consumption as
argued by Vuving (2012, p.405). But due to the failure of
RCEP process, India is not integrated into the ASEAN
region. And the greater Asian economy. As a result, India
has lost the US$ 75 billion which it could have benefited
from regional trade if it had been integrated with ASEAN
through RCEP (Mohanty 2013, p.119). India’s economic growth
is mostly fuelled by domestic demand and the rising middle-
income class, but it is still challenged to find jobs for
the huge youth population, with rising inequality,
12
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)disparities in regional infrastructure development and
educational differences (NIC 2012, p.78). The textile
industry is performing very well but the wage rate is
rising and the rising middle class now expects better
paying and skilled jobs. There is fear that domestic
political stability might be dampened and China might make
an economic invasion into the Indian market. The export
sector is not performing well. Failure to tap into Asian
market and competition with China for limited Indian
products in Western market has placed India into a position
where sustaining economic growth is a year-on-year effort.
Even the domestic market is flushed with a surge of cheap
Chinese imports that has a brand recognition globally.
These Chinese imports have not allowed Indian high-tech
sector to grow such that India is highly dependent on
imports for high tech electronics, mobile phones and
technology.
On the other hand, China enjoys regional economic
integration through APT. Both China and ASEAN benefit from
this regional integration. Chinese exports have gotten high
brand recognition both in the Western market as well as in
the Asian market. China easily outpaces India when
competing for similar products and most of the Indian
exports consist only of raw materials. While export sector
is not developed very well, India struggles to get into the
regional market and with trade barriers and tariffs, Indian
products get treated differently than Chinese products in
the ASEAN region. China’s total working-age population has
13
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)declined from 994 million to 961 million (NIC 2012, p16),
but due to the change in industrial policy in 2015 and
shifting more to high-tech intensive products from labour
intensive products, this demographic change made little
impact to the overall growth of the economy of China.
Reformed national policies in combination with regional
economic integration through RCEP makes China continue to
experience growth at around 8 per cent annually.
The economic interdependence between India and China is
therefore of contention and rivalry. This has little
potential to fuel military conflict, as liberal theorists
argue the ‘economics’ win over the politics. The economic
interdependence here is of competition for India and
domination for China in international market. China
continues to seek opportunities to expand its exports into
the India market by supplying cheap branded Chinese high-
tech electronic products and increase FDI in India, while
India tries to safeguard its domestic market from Chinese
invasion.
Policy recommendations:
India should reconsider its State-Centre relations and
devolve central power to states as much as possible as
argued by Debroy, Tellis and Trevor in their forthcoming
book ‘Getting India Back on Track: An Action Agenda for
Reform’. Because high economic growth is attributed mostly
to domestic demand-led growth, the challenge for fast
14
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)growing economy like India is to insulate this domestic
growth from taking its share by foreign markets. As local
conditions vary and known best by the states, India should
provide sufficient decisive capacity for its state
governments to deal with the challenges that arise from
high economic growth. A forward-looking regulatory
mechanisms need to be developed to deal with the high
corruption (Vaishnav & Kapur 2014).
A combination of structural reform and education reform
policies need to be developed and implemented. Increased
wage rate and heightening inflation should be dealt with
appropriate monetary policies. India should continue its
dialogue with China and ASEAN towards regional integration
as preferential access to the Chinese and ASEAN market
would be beneficial to India (Berry 2011). Historically the
rivalry between India and China begins with their goal of
acquiring same things at the same time (Malik 2012, p.347).
As such, India should work on its comparative advantage to
penetrate both Chinese market as well as global market.
Additionally, bold structural and macro policies such as
product market liberalisation and labour market reforms can
enhance growth and reduce any imbalances (Johansson 2012,
p.27)
Early warning indicators:
India should see this scenario coming with completion of
RCEP negotiation in 2015. Succesful realisation of Modi’s
15
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
(June 2014)long-term vision playing into practice with reform and
growth-focused policies during his term in the office
should also signal high growth for the India economy. More
focus on domestic demand-led growth and less focus on
export-led growth will be visible through national periodic
plans in order to make an educated guess of whether the
scenario is going to pass.
16
Assignment submitted to Crawford School of Public Policy
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Stobdan, P 2014, ‘Indo-China ties and economics’, Agenda,The Pioneer, 25 May, viewed 31 May 2014,<http://www.dailypioneer.com/sunday-edition/agenda/foreign-policy-special-issue/indo-china-ties-and-economics.html>.
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