Furstensitze Celts and the Mediterranean

8/17/2019 Furstensitze Celts and the Mediterranean

1/19

Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 57, p ar t 2 ,1 9 9

1,

pp.

183-202

urstensitze

Celts

and

the

Mediterranean

World:

Developments in the West Hallstatt Culture

in the

6th

and

yth

Centuries

BC

By C HR IS TOP HER

PARE

1

The

traditional definition of a Furstensitz, outlined in I969 by W. Kimmig is in

need

of modification. Greater

precision is needed in the interpretation

of

imported

and imitated Mediterranean pottery and elite burials. From

ou r discussion, it becomes clear that both rich settlements and burials underwent crucial changes within

the

late

Hallstatt

period:

the

elite burial rite

was becoming

increasingly exclusive,

and imported

or

imitated Mediterranean

pottery

generally appeared on hillforts only after the end ofHallstatt Clearly, a

model

for

the

West Hallstatt

culture should

take account

of

its dynamic

nature.

Some

important trends are described: I)

the

spread o f elite

burial practices,

(2) the foundation

of the Furstensitze,

and (3) the

concentration of

power

in

the

late

Hallstatt

culture north-west o f

the

Alps.

The

emergence of

an eli te during the Hallstatt period had an

internal

logic which did

not

necessarily require a

Mediterranean instigator. The foundation

of

Massalia in

600

BC has

traditionally been

se en as providing the

impulse for the emergence

o f

the princely culture

of

Hallstatt D. But neither the internal developments

of

the

Hallstatt culture, nor the degree

of

contact with the Greek colonies in Hallstatt DI can support this view.

Previous emphasis on influence from the Greek colonies in the

South

of

France has obscured the effects of

contacts

and

trade with Italy, although it is certain

that

the increasing acquaintance with the civilized neighbours

across

the

Alps led to events ofhistoric importance: the Celtic invasion

of

Italy

and the

start of

the

Celtic diaspora.

This

process

of acquaintance must

be a ss igne d to the late

Hallstatt

period

Hallstatt

D2/3),

when

Italic

imports

became

frequent north of the Alps. In fact,

the

transalpine areas

which

in the late Hallstatt

period had

especially

close trading relations with Italy particularly east central France)

seem

to

have

been

the

origin of most of

the

important contingents

of

Celtic invaders. The imported or imitated Italic objects in Hallstatt

D2/3

and

La

Tene A

reflect the changed political situation before and after the Celtic invasion. Whereas in both phases the Celts

imported luxurious feasting equipment only in the

Early

La Tene period is I talic inf luence apparent in Celt ic

weaponry.

Th e foundation of Massalia by Phocaean colonists in

60 0

BC is generally held to mark the start of Greek trade

along the Rhone an d Saone valleys, and thereby the

int roduction to Central Europe of a more civilized,

Mediterranean kind of culture. This Mediterranean

influence has been seen as the cause for the formation of

a new kind of social organization in the late Hallstatt

period in the area north-west of the Alps (Ha D:

c.

60o c 450/440 BC ,

documented by the establish

ment of princely settlements Furstensitze) an d the

burial of an elite in princely graves Furstengraber).

1 Romisch-Germanisches -Zent ralmuseum, Ernst-Luduiig-Platz

6500 Mainz, Germany

This model was presented by W. Kimmig in 1969, in

a famous article entitled

Z um

Problem spathallstat

t ischer Adelssitze . Since then, a central role has been

attr ibuted to the Furstensitz

an d

Fiirstengrdber, no t

only by

German

scholars (e.g. Harke 1979; Spindler

1983 , bu t also by their French (e.g. Brun 1987,

9 4 -

1

15;

Olivier

19

88,

289-90;

Mohen et al.

1987 and

English-speaking colleagues (e.g. Frankenstein

Row

lands

1978;

Wells 1980,47; Cunliffe 19

88,

24-32 .

However, this dominant model has recently been

attacked by M. K.H. Eggert (1989), wh o criticized

Kimmig s methodology an d particularly the Furstensitz

model. Eggert argued for a radical re-appraisal and a

new discussion of the evidence. This article is intended


2/19

T H E P R EH I ST O RI C S OC IE TY

as a contribution to the new discussion, and was

prompted

by the results of the author s

ow n

research,

which suggested that trade between the West Hallstatt

area

an d

the Greek colonies need

no t

be dated before

the last quarter of the 6th century

BC

(Pare 1989). If

Greek

trade started

after the formation of the princely

West Hallstatt culture, then the question arises whether

trade with the Greek colonies was really of primary

causal importance, or a by-product of internal changes

within the West Hallstatt culture. In order to examine

these questions, we will discuss the

Furstensitz

model,

an d

evidence for internal social developments in the

West Hallstatt culture. Finally, contacts with Italy will

be analysed - which have been rather neglected owing

to the previous concentration on the Greek colonies.

TH E

FURSTENSITZ

After a discussion of the Heuneburg, Mont Lassois and

Hohenasperg, Kimrnig came to the conclusion that

these three sites represent a specific settlement type, the

Furstensitz

an d thereby a specific strongly hierarchical

social structure, which existed during the later Hallstatt

period in the area north-west of the Alps. He then raised

the question ho w to recognize further examples of the

settlement type which, either owing to lack of excava

tion o r p oo r archaeological preservation, do no t allow

such a clear classification.

Fo r

this

purpose

he selected

three criteria which, judging from the three classic sites,

seemed characteristic of the urstensitz

(1) Internal settlement organization with an acropolis

an d suburbium having residential an d workshop quar

ters. As comparisons for this type of settlement struc

ture he mentioned the Greek poleis (specifically Athens)

an d late Celtic oppida (specifically Vesontio, Alesia an d

Bibracte).

(2)

Imported

Greek pottery or local imitations of

mediterranean wares, an d in general valuable materials

such as precious metals,

a mb er a nd

coral. These finds

suggest

that

the settlements were inhabited by a wealthy

elite.

(3)

Th e

proximity of rich burials under large tumuli.

Because such tumuli can be relatively numerous an d are

often no t contemporary, Kimmig believed that they

represent the burials of the Furstensitz dynasties.

Owing

either to the second or third criteria, Kimmig

suggested the presence of Furstensitze in a further 11

locations.

Whereas his detai led interpretat ion has

no t

gon

without

criticism, with its feudal terminology borrowe

without

modification from the Middle Ages, th

Fiirstensitz

model has been adopted almost unani

mously.

On e reason for this was the ability for subse

quent

discoveries to be

accommodated

within th

model. In fact, the discovery of Greek pottery or imita

tions of mediterranean wares on a number of hillfort

was predicted by Kimmig in 1969: at Breisach, Mon

Vully and in the Chatillon-sur-Clane region (compar

note 2

an d

table 1).

But a closer look at Kimmig s three criteria show

that

his model is in need of modification. Th e firs

criterion, internal settlement organization wit

acropolis suburbium an d specialized quarters, can onl

be applied with certainty to the Heuneburg in phase IV

when it seems to have comprised a defended acropoli

overlooking an

open

settlement measuring c. 500 m i

length

an d

more

than

220 m wide (S.Kurz, pers

comm.). During this period the Heuneburg was fortifie

with a mud-brick wall with close-set rectangular butt

resses which was definitely inspired by Mediterranea

prototypes, probably the Greek colonies in the South o

France (Kimmig 1983a, 64-81 . Kimmigsuggested tha

the

Mont

Lassois was likewise divided into acropoli

and suburban settlement areas. But the small sondage

excavated by R.

offroy in the supposed suburban quar

ter did no t clarify the true nature of this part of the sit

(Joffroy

1960,

32).

An d

there is, as yet, no firm evidenc

for this type of internal organization on any othe

Furstensitz (despite Kimmig s suggestion for the

Hohenasperg: 1988, 22).

Others

have suggested tha

the Furstensitze can be characterized by a further cri

terion namely that they played a central role in the

economy of their territories (see Eggert 1989, 57, not

4

0;

also Brun 1988,

137-42 .

Now while this seem

quite likely within the framework of Kimmig s model, i

is again the Heuneburg which remains the only site

which has been sufficiently excavated to indicate an

intense concentration of production (e.g. weaving

metalwork

). Once again, lack of excavation pre

cludes a judgement of the economic function of the

other Furstensitze.

Kimmig s second criterion is of more importance

with imported

or

imitated Mediterranean pottery being

known

from a

number

of sites. The most frequen

imported wares include attic black-figured pottery, so

called ceramique grise monochrome an d pseudo

ionienne a nd transport amphorae, manufactured in

Greece or in the Greek colonies of the French Midi. On


3/19

11. C. Pare URST NSITZ

TABLE I TH E F IF TE E N HIL LF ORT S OF THE

W E ST H A LL ST A TT

CULTURE WITH IMPORTED OR IM ITAT E D M E DIT E RRANEAN

POTTERY

pottery best known from the Heuneburg (Lang

1974;

1976 .

In this case, the inspiration for

production

apparently came from Italy (figs

I

an d

2).

Lang was able

to show that the grooved wheel-made pottery found on

the Heuneburg represented the remains of services, each

made up from a bot tle-shaped vessel (fig.

I,

I ,

a cup

(fig. I, 2)

an d

tw o bowls (fig. I, 3). Presumably this can

be understood as a special service for the table.

Their contexts of discovery make these wares impor

tant

for the urstensitzquest ion because in the West

Hallstatt culture imported or imitated Mediterranean

pottery has only been found on hillforts, which gener

ally occupy prominent topographical locations an d

often dominate the surrounding countryside (the 15

hillforts, with their most important wares, are listed in

table I see note

3).

And, owing to this correlation, it

seems valid to hypothesize that these types of pottery

were only used on hillforts. Moreover, because the

imported wares were specifically designed for drinking

or transporting wine, it is very probable

that

they were

used in the West Hallstatt culture for drinking an d

feasting:

bu t

only on hillforts.

2

lOcm

i Ji

o

Fig. I

Examples of grooved wheel-made pottery from the

Heuneburg (after Lang 1974)

settlements with

imported

pottery, locally produced

wares which clearly imitate Italic or Greek pottery are

also found. These show a clear break with traditional

Hallstatt pottery-making practices, no t only in their

techniques of production, bu t also in their Mediterra

nean

shapes

and

decoration. Only one of these wares

has been studied in detail, the grooved wheel-made

0

o

9

0

0

6

V)

o 0

V)

Cj

~

Cj

I

Chatillon/Clane

X X

X X

X

2 Heuneburg

X X X X

3

Breisach

X

X X X

4

Mt .

Lassois

X

X X X

5

Chateau/Salins

X X

X

6 Uetliberg X X

7

Montmorot

X X

X

8 Camp-de-Chassey

X X X

Grooved wheel-made pottery

9

Britzgyberg

X

X

10

Wiirzburg

X

Fig. 2

11

Ipf/Bopfingen X

Distribution ma p of grooved wheel-made pottery (after

12

Mt .

Cuerin

X

Lang

1974;

additions: Mont Vully, Chatillon-sur-Glane,

13

Hohenasperg

X

Uetliberg, Bragny-sur-Saone,

Montmorot;

for the pottery

14

Hohennagold

X

from Gergy, see Gallia Informations 19

87-

88

/

2,

43 ,

15

Mt .

Vully

X

fig. 35)

18

5


4/19

THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY

Bycontrast, south-west of the West Hallstatt cultural

zone, in the Rhone valley

and

in the Saone valley below

the Doubs, imported Greek pottery has been found in a

variety of contexts such as cave sites, lowland settle

ments

and

a burial or cult shaft (Pare 1989). In this

region, owing to its greater proximity to the Greek

colonies, the imported pottery probably did not have

such a marked prestige value, and seems to have been

more widely available - as the relatively dense concen

tra tion of sites with such wares shows. Among these,

the site of Bragny, situated by the confluence of the

Saone and Doubs, requires a special interpretation. The

excavation of this lowland settlement uncovered sur

prising quantity of imported objects similar to those

found on the hillforts discussed above, including black

figured attic sherds, ceramique grise monochrome and

pseudo-ionienne

transport

amphorae, grooved

wheel-made pottery

and

fragments of glass balsamaries

(Feugere Guillot 1986). The excavators interpreted

the site as a bridgehead for Phocaean trade, indeed, the

site seems to be located precisely on the border of the

West Hallstatt culture and it could have functioned as a

port-of-trade, articulating exchange between two cul

tural zones.

While the contexts of imported and imitated Medi

terranean pottery in the West Hallstatt culture seem to

indicate a degree of exclusivity, we must nevertheless be

cautious in applying these wares as a criterion for

defining

Fiirstensitze

because of their chronology.

When

associated with other settlement material in the

area north-west of the Alps, this type of pottery is dated

to the phase Ha D2-3 (Pare 1989; e.g. Camp-du

Chateau, Chatillon-sur-Glane, Mont Lassois, Breisach,

etc.). The only exceptions are

two

small black-figured

sherds from the Heuneburg (manufactured around

540/530 BC which can be assigned to the end of Ha

D1. But the mass of Greek pottery from the Heuneburg,

and

all the transport amphorae and wheel-made

grooved ware, can be assigned to the layers after the

destruction of the mud-brick fortification and

su ur ium

settlement (i.e. Heuneburg phases or

Ha

D2-3;

for the most recent comments on the earliest

impor ted pottery, see Van den Boom 1989, 82-83 .

Clearly, as a criterion to define

urstensitze

imported

and

wheel-turned pottery can onlyusefully be applied

to the period when it was imported en masse to the area

north-west of the Alps, i.e. the second part of the later

Hallstatt

period, Ha D2-3.

We are relatively well-equipped to judge Kimmig s

third criterion for defining Furstensitze. The so-called

Fiirstengrdber have attracted intensive research

and

numerous specialized studies. First, what is meant by

Kimmig s rich graves under large tumuli ? I believe tha

the key to understanding the Furstengrdber is that the

richest graves are characterized by a specific set of grave

furnishings. In fact, throughout the Hallstatt period

apart from personal goods or rare exceptional objects

(e.g. ornaments, hunting equipment, the

Hochdor

kline etc.), the richest graves of the West Halls tat

culture contain a remarkably restricted range of goods

namely wagons, services of pottery and bronze vessels

and elaborate weapons. In the later phase of the period

Ha

D2-3 the range is augmented by gold neck-rings

and arm-rings. During the whole period, these graves

are marked by burial in especially large tumuli which

are often located slightly apart from the rest of the

tumuli in a cemetery, or stand completely alone, form

ing a special tumulus group.

While the rich graves did not always contain all these

objects, we can list numerous graves with a full set of

furnishings, from the start (Ha Cl to the finish of the

period (Ha D3), which clearly indicates a conscious

traditional burial custom. Furthermore, it is possible to

cite even earlier examples of this type of burial rite, e.g

at Hart a. d. Alz (Miiller-Karpe 1956). This grave, of the

r z.th century BC contained a four-wheeled wagon, a

sword, a bronze situla, strainer and drinking-cup, and a

quantity of fine pottery. While the types and quality o

the goods obviously vary from grave to grave

and

from

phase to phase, the underlying regularity of the se

remains clear. It seems that high status could be

expressed in a remarkably uniform way over a span of

several

hundred

years. We will call this the elite buria

rite .

The different elements of this rite probably refer to

aspects of life which were characteristic of the elite:

drinking

and

feasting, warfare

and

wagon-driving. The

conservative nature of the rite, clearly expressed by the

continued use of the four-wheeled wagon instead of the

two-wheeled chariot already adopted by neighbouring

cultures, suggests that the elite burial rite might refer

back to a heroic lifestyle located somewhere in the

past. In fact, such an idealized, heroic lifestyle seems to

have been an old

and

widespread tradition which can

also be recognized in neighbouring cultures. Among the

Etruscans, for example, similar classes of object are

found in rich graves of the 8th and 7th centuries,

and

weaponry, chariot-driving and feasting are often

prominent in pictorial representations. For example, a

bucchero chalice of the early 6th century BC made in

186


5/19

1 1 . C. are

URST NSITZ

tj

- ~ _ r ~

~ f \

k

q ~

~

N \ { ~ ~ u

~

Fig. 3

Stamped

decoration

from a bucchero chalice after Scalia

1968, 3 8 0

fig. 7b). Not to scale

Chiusi fig.3) shows an abbreviated representation of

this type of lifestyle.

The burials with the elite rite throw considerable light

on the

Furstensitze:

during the Hallstatt period, these

graves become both less n umerous and more richly

furnished. For example the idea of wagon bur ial could

be expressed eit he r by the bu rial of a complete w ag on

together with har ness for the draught horses, or by the

burial of yokes and/or paired sets of harness, serving as

pars pro toto for the imaginary) wagon table 2).

TABLE

2:

THE NUMBER OF WAGON

BURIALS

IN SOUTH

GERMANY BADEN-WURTTEMBERG

AND

BA VARI A) IN HA C,

HA

D1 AND

HA

D 2 3 .

Wagon and

Harness/Yoke

Horse-Gear

without wagon

H a C

4

6

45

H a D 1

3

6 1 0

H a D 2 3

20

0

Whereas these types of burial, taken together, are quite

common in

Ha

C, with 9 I burials in south Germany

alone, they decrease sharply in Ha D, with 46 k no wn in

Ha DI and only 20 in Ha D2-3 P are, in press). A

similar process of increasing exclusivity is also notice

able wi th el ab orate weap ons - passing from the fre

quent swords in

Ha

C to the small n um be r of daggers

restricted to rich graves at the end of the period Sievers

19

82;

Pauli 1985, 30). A comparable trend for the

drinking

and

feasting-services seems likely: the prestige

value of pottery, which was initially common, appears

to have been undermined by the increased use of bronze

vessels. In the latest phase,

Ha D2-3,

large sets of

pottery vessels were no longer provided in graves, and

the d ri nk in g and feasting services in bronze were

restricted to a much smaller number of rich burials.

As a criterion for defining Furstensitze the elite

burials are therefore problematical, themselves chang

ing character during the Hallstatt period. The question

arises whether the elite burials were already princely

Furstengraber

in Ha C, or whether the term can be

used only for the graves of

Ha

DIor even

Ha

D2-3.

Judging by the increasing exclusivity of the rite, the later

graves would be the most suitable candidates for classi

fication as Fiirstengrdber, because they reached a peak

of exclusivity and richness inHa D2-3. However, the

developments in the burial rite were essentially gradual,

and it would be arbitrary to attempt a strict definition of

the Furstengrab.

The 39 graves of

Ha

D2-3 whose contents corres

pond

to the t ra di ti on al elite rite are listed in table 3.

5

The table shows a cer tain variety in the composition of

the furnishings. Whereas graves with gold rings were

appar ently always provided with bronze vessels, the

gold ornaments themselves show the presence of both

. male and female burials: males being characterized by a

gold neck-ring and a single gold arm-ring, females by

pairs of gold arm-rings and gold ear-rings. This explains

the absence of weapons in a number of female) graves

table 3,

24-

28).

The absence of wagons in seven graves

table 3, 33-39 , which were otherwise furnished nor

mally with gold, weapons and bronze drinking services,

seems to form a discrete sub-group in Wiirttember g

which might be inter pr eted as of lower status than the

rest of the elite graves see Ziirn 1970, 125-28 . Finally,

a number of graves lacking gold or bronze vessels

suggests a deviation from the normal elite rite in certain

reg ional g ro up s, especially in the M id dl e Rhine area

and around the Jura mountains table 3,

1-5 .

Never

theless it seems valid to include the atypical graves in

our list, which is dominated by the classic elite set table

3,

6-3

2).

This discussion of Kimmig s m odel makes it quite

clear

that

both the settlement and burial criteria


6/19

TH E

PREHISTORIC

SOCIETY

TABLE 3:

TH E ELITE

BURIALS

OF HA D2-3

IN

TH E

WEST

f or m o ve r the w hol e W es t H al ls ta tt cultur e,

bu t

also

HALLSTATT

CULTURE

static,

no t

changing during the whole of the

Ha

D phase

Wagon

Weapon

Vessel

Gold

Both implications are insupportable: the former due to

the extremely

poor

state of excavation of almost all

I Saraz

W D

these settlements, rendering the statement untestable;

2

Ins VI/upper

W D

the l at te r because of the de velopme nts w it hi n

Ha

D

3

Foret-des-

Moidons

W

V

described above. Within this development, the familiar

4 Bell

W

S

V

5

Hundheim

I

W

V

association of

Furstensitze

an d

Furstengrdber

the clas-

6 Niederweiler W

: s

V

sic expression of the

Furstensitz

model, is a f eature of

7 Hundersingen IV

W

?D

?V

the last stage of the Hallstatt period,

H a D 2-3.

Thus the

8 Grandvillars W

? V

distribution

ma p

of settlem ents with imported or imi-

9 Sainte-Colombe,La G.

W

? V

tated Mediterranean pottery table I) and elite burials

10 Apremont I

W

D)

V

G m)

I I

Chatonnaye

W D V

G m)

of Ha D2-3 table 3) shows a distinct correlation

12

Hochdorf

W

D.S. V

G m)

between these

tw o

classes of find fig.4 . Elite burials

13

Hundersingen

1/1

W

D.S. V

G m)

are grouped closely around the Heuneburg, Hohena-

14

Kappel I W

D V

G m)

sperg,

Mont

Lassois, Breisach, Camp-du-Chateau an d

15

Ludwigsburg I W D

V

G m)

Chatillon-sur-Glane settlements. Furthermore, above-

16

Apremont

2

W D ?

G m)

17

Hatten

W

S V

G m)

average finds are

known

from destroyed graves near the

18

Savoyeux W

? V

G m)

Uetliberg a golden bowl: Kimmig 1983b) a nd M on t-

19

Diidingen W

? V

G m)

morot a gold arm -ring an d Etruscan bronze amphora

20

Hermrigen W

? V

G m)

from Conliege:

Mohen

et al 1987, 203-206 . In some

21

Asperg

W ?

V

?G

areas, however, especially on the eastern fringe of the

22 Bad Cannstatt I

W

S V

G m)

23

Mercey/Saone ?W ?

V

G m)

West Hallstatt culture, elite burials have

no t

yet been

24

Vix W

V

G f)

f ou nd ne ar the settlements e.g. Wiir zburg M ar ie n-

25

Adiswil W

V

?G f)

berg ; Bopfingen Ipf ) an d in others the elite burials lack

26

Ins VIII

W V

G f)

associated settlements with above-average finds espec-

27

Urtenen

W V

G f)

ially the M iddle Rhine area). It is no t unlikely that this

28

Sainte-Colombe, La B.

W

? G f)

29

Allenluften W ?

G m)

reflects regional cultural differences in settlement an d

3°

Payerne W ? G m)

burial,

rather

than

the chance lack of archaeological

3

1 Ihringen

?

V

G

discoveries.

3

2 Ludwigsburg 2

?

D

?V ?G

Although the correlation between the settlement type

33

Hundersingen

1/2

D V

G m)

hillfort), settlement finds imported pottery etc.) an d

34

Bad

Cannsta

tt

2 S

V

G m)

35

Duiilingen

S

V

G m)

graves elite rite) can be accepted for

Ha

D2-3, we are

3

6

Baisingen

?

V

G m)

still far from understanding its implications. However,

37

Ensisheim

S

?V G m)

we will see from the following discussion that the link

3

8

Hundersingen 3 V

G m)

between hillforts an d elite burials seems to have existed

39

Hundersingen 1/5 S

?V

G m)

before

Ha D2-3,

in

Ha Dr an d

even in

Ha

C. And both

classes of find suggest a process of increasing exclusivity

Wagons

W); weapons: daggers

D ,

spearheads 5); bronze vessels

- i.e. a gr adu al c on ce ntr ati on of

power

- represent-

V); gold

ornaments

G ): male sets m), female sets f)

ing an essential feature of the West Hallstatt culture.

underwent crucial changes within the late H all sta tt

period. The elite burial rite was becoming increasingly

exclusive, an d i mp or te d or i mit at ed M ed it er ra ne an

p ot te ry generally a pp ea re d on hillforts only af ter the

end of

Ha

Dr.

Clearly, any model for the West Hallstatt

culture must t ake a cco unt of its dynamic nature. But

Eggert, in his critique 1989), emphasized that a defini

ti on , in Kimmig s sense, implies

that

the

Furstensitz

and therefore the social structure) was

no t

only uni-

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS

W I TH IN T H E WEST

HALLSTATT

CULTURE

The spread elite burial practices

As well as increasing in exclusivity, the elite burial rite

spread to areas where it was previously unknown.

Whereas in

H a D 2-3

this sort of grave r ea ch ed as far

west as the upper Seine, the French

J ur a a nd

western

188


7/19

C. Pare URST NSITZ

Fig. 4

Distribution

map

of the elite burials circles) and settlements stars) of the ,Vest Hallstatt culture in Ha

D2 3

see tables

I and

3), of the Greek colonies triangles), and of the Etruscan towns black squares) and

inscriptions empty squares) in

north

Italy

Switzerland, even reaching the Middle Rhine area, in

Ha

C

and

Ha DI

the rite is hardly represented west of

the Rhine valley. Apart from rare exceptions, the

western limit of the Ha C DI distribution is marked by

the graves of Frankfurt-Stadtwald, Ohnenheim Alsace)

and Ins Canton Bern). This expansion is best under

stood as part of a more general change in cultural

boundaries: the cultural border formed by the Rhine,

which was

important

during Ha C

and

Ha DI dis

solved in Ha D2 3.

Now

the regions east

and

west of

the Rhine are joinedin the classic West Hallstatt culture

13

roughly corresponding to the area of the settlements

and

graves on fig.

4).

This cultural zone is characterized

not only by the so-called urstengrdberand urstensitze

but , among other things, also by common types of

pottery e.g. fig. 2)

and

bronze ornaments see note 4

The reasons for this cultural reorientation are

obscure. However, an analysis of the elite graves cer

tainly points to south-west Germany playing a crucial

role. Thus the phase Ha D2 3 saw a general radiation

of burial practices typical for this area. Finds docu

menting this influence include graves with gold


8/19

THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY

ring-jewellery,

bronze

cauldrons and c er tai n types of

wagons wago n-type 7, see Pare, in press). All these

types are characteristic of the south-west German area,

but were transmitted in

Ha

D2-3 to a re as as distant as

Moravia, the Middle Rhine and Poitou.

Even

without

f ur th er d et ai le d a rg um en t, it is c lear

that the elite buri al s in east central France, western

Switzerland

and the Mi dd le Rhine a re a represent the

appearance of new practices in

Ha

D2-3, adopted from

a core area located in s ou th -wes tGermany and perhaps

northern Switzerland.

Th e foundation

the Fiirstensitze

We already mentioned that imported

pottery from

settlements generally dates to

Ha

D2-3. In fact , on most

sites with imported pottery the so-called

urstensitze i

settlement in the

Hallstatt period

seems e it he r to ha ve

started, or attained importance, precisely in this phase.

The Heuneburg, of course, is a notable exception.With

its

mud-brick

wall, suburban settlement and

imported

pottery, it is the only site inHa

Dr

which corresponds to

Kimmig s mod el,

and

it remains unique in central

Europe.

The dating of the settlements is most clearly reflected

by fibulae, wh ich are oft en

found

in large quantities.

Thus of almost 300 fibula fragments from Mont

Lassois,

none can

be

dated

before Ha D2/3, and the vast

majority

particularly

Doppelpauken

and

ufizier

types) are typical for

that

phase. At the Camp-du

Chateau and Chatillon -s ur-Glane, the excav atio ns

uncoveredHallstatt stratigraphies clearly starting in

D2. The other sites are less ex tensively excav ated , or

await publication Breisach), bu t

taken

together their

finds almost always point to

Ha D2-3, with

Ha C and

Ha Dr hardly represented.

This d ate for the settlements wes t of the Rhine is o nly

to be expected since the great mass of elite Hallstatt

burials in these areas can be dated to

Ha

D2-3. The

chronological coincidence is most cl ea r for the settle

ments of Chatillon-sur-Clane,Mont Lassois,

Camp-du

Chateau,

Montmorot , and their ass ociated g raves.

Judging from the g ro ups of elite burials in the area of

Apremont-Mantoche, Savoyeux-Mercey

and around

the Hohenasperg, one suspects

that

these elite centres

might also have b egun in Ha D2-3: at any rate, elite

burials are

no t

known from these areas from preceding

Hallstatt phases. However, the lack of

information

from the settlements of these three centres means

that

this remains speculative.

Two facts deserve emp ha si s: first the c or re la ti on

between the dating of elite hillforts and g raves wes t of

the Rhine, and s econ d their d is semination fro m a core

area located in s ou th -wes t Germany .

Developments

in

south west Germany

and

the

concentration

power

The

south-west

German

area of the West

Hallstat

culture is special in having evidence for early elite

burials

and

settlements. In this ore area a number of

finds point to a p ro cess which can best be characterized

as a concentration of power . One important elemen

of this process, the increasing exclusivity of the elite rite

has al ready been described.

Thus,

w her ea s the elite

b ur ia ls f or me d a rather dense scatter in

Ha

C and

Ha

Dr , for example on the Swabian Alb, north-west of

Lake Constance and in the Breisgau, in Ha

D2-3

the

gra ves are numerically restricted

and

cluster in a few

groups fig. 4).

A good example for this change is offered by the

s ection of the Swabian Alb b etween Alb stad t-Eb in gen

and

Inzigkofen Pare r989). Here,

two

groups compris

ing

r4

wagon-graves date to

Ha

C

and Ha

Dr, whereas

elite b urials are completely lacking in the next phase.

What led to the cessation of elite burial here can be

illustrated by the Magdalenenberg near Villingen

Schwenningen Spindler r983, 65-67; r34-36). This

vast tumulus, originally measuring r02 m in d iamet er

with

a h ei gh t of 8 m, was b ui lt o ve r a rich elite b ur ia l o

Ha

Dr. The tumulus was then used as a cemet ery

and

contained

about

r40 s econ dary g rav es, all likewise

dating to Ha

Dr.

This burial-place belonged to a smal

n eigh bo urin g h illfort, the

Kapf ,

w ho se finds a ga in

date

to

Ha

Dr. Obviously both the h illfort and the

cemetery were abandoned at the trans ition fro m Ha D r

to D2: after this date the re gi on has n ei th er Hallstatt

hillforts

no r

elite graves. Small hillforts are also known

by Albstadt-Ebingenand Inzigkofen, near the groups of

wagon-graves mentioned above. Although

no t

com

prehensively excavated, the finds againpoint to a settle

ment predominantly in Ha

Dr.

Thus in all three cases

Albstadt-Ebingen, Inzigkofen, Villingen) it seemsthat

small centres with hillforts

and

elite burials were aban

doned at the transition from

Ha

Dr to D2.

Research by Dr J. Klug on the hillforts in the Breisgau

has brought to light a similar phenomenon. H er e, in

the course of large-scale landscape alterations, r 2 hill

forts of the Hallstatt

period

have been examined. All the

excavated evidence suggests that they were occupied in

Ha

Dr, often with settlement reaching back into

Ha

C.


9/19

rr. C. Pare FURST NSITZ

But after

Ha Dr

they were abandoned, leaving only

the Breisach M ii ns te rb er g settlement, defined by

Kimmig s mo de l as a Furstensitz ?

Thus the dense network of small centres of power in

the core area, characterized by hillforts and elite burials,

which emerged during

Ha

C

and

Ha

Dr

was thinned

out at the t ra ns it io n from Ha Dr to D2. In Ha

D2-3

there rem ained fewer hillforts associated with richer

elite burials, namely the Furstensitze

This concentration of

power

was presumably not

entirely peaceful.

On

the Heuneburg, for example, the

transition from

Ha Dr

to

D2

is marked by a violent

d es tr uc ti on between H eu ne bu rg phases IV and Ill).

While the suburban settlement was totally abandoned,

never to be used again, the defences of the hillfort were

rebuilt w it h e ar th

and

t im ber, in traditional central

E ur op ea n m an ne r, o ve r the ruins of the fa mou s mu d

brick fortifications. Indeed, the four large tumuli hous

ing the elite burials of Ha

D2-3

now bu ilt on top of the

levelled

suburban

settlement might suggest that the

hillfort had p ass ed i nt o the h an ds of a new elite, whic h

paid no heed to the memory of the destroyed

suburbium

To sum marize: in south-west Germany there was in

Ha Dr

probably also in

Ha

C) a network of num erous

hillforts, with unrem arkable finds, associated with a

relatively dense scatter of elite burials. Comparing

Ha

D2-3

with Ha Dr we can de tec t a te nde ncy t ow ar ds

fewer, richer hillfort settlements now with imports

and

other

above-average finds) and fewer elite burials often

with luxurious furnishings). This tendency, character

ized here as a c onc ent ra ti on of power involved the

abandonment

of

both

hillforts

and

elite burial tradi

tions in parts of south-west Germany. At the same time,

in

Ha

D

2-3

the distribution of elite burials expanded

f ro m the core a re a to include the w hole W es t H al ls ta tt

culture. And these graves are again associated with

hillforts, now often with imported pottery.

In s ho rt, our conclusions show the g ra du al emer

gence of an elite life style, and its geographical expan

sion, d ur in g a p er io d of m or e than two hundred years,

spanning the whole of the Hallstatt period. In each

phase, it seems possible to recognize an association

between hillforts

and

elite burials. But these centres of

power

decreased in num ber. Eventually, only a small

number of hillforts survived, having been able to con

centrate polit ical

power

at the expense of their

neighbours.

It is within this dynamic context that we should

consider contact and t ra de wi th the Me di te rr an ea n

world. While many authors have seen the rise of the

so-called civilisation princiere in the north-west

Alpine area as a reflex of trade with civilized Mediterra

nean cultures a core and periphery relationship

.

I

would suggest that the emergence of the elite during the

Hallstatt

p er io d has an i nt er na l logic which does

not

require a M editerranean deus ex ma chi na

-

particu

larly because regular trading with the Greek colonies

came

rather

late in the course of events. The foundation

of Ma ss ali a, in 600 BC has traditionally been seen as

providing the impulse for the formation of the princely

culture of

Ha

D. But neither the internal developments

in the Hallstatt culture

nor

the degree of c on ta ct wi th

the Greek colonies in

Ha Dr

can support this view.

Historic al events in the Greek world, which seem to

a cc ou nt for their increased economic interest in the

north provide necessary conditions for the upsurge in

trade, but are not sufficient as an explanation. Fur

thermore, in its early years Massalia may not have

played a very

important

role in trade. Perhaps the

arrival of large numbers of Phocaean refugees following

the Persian invasion of their homeland in

545 BC

was a

crucial factor quickly leading to Massalia s dominance

and

far-reaching influence.

The v olume of t ra de w it h the M ed it er ra ne an w or ld

incr ease d s ha rpl y in the H al ls ta tt ph ase Ha

D2-3

in

absolute terms approximately dating between 530/520

and 450/440 BC. It was in this phase that trade with the

G re ek colonies of the Fre nch M id i st ar te d,

and

only

now did the supply of Etruscan bronze vessels become

regular. The upsurge of tr ade mu st be explained pri

ma ri ly by the receptivity and m ou nt in g power of the

West Hallstatt elite. The spr ea d of elite burials and

settlements to the Saone valley in

Ha D2-3

meant

that

the distance separating the West Hallstatt elite from the

Greek colonies became much smaller. And the lowland

settlement of Bragny could have profited from the

p ro xi mi ty of the t ra di ng p ar tn er s, acting as a p or t- of

trade.

I mp or ts f rom the s ou th were confined a lmo st com

pletely to M editerranean symposion equipment and

wine. This clearly reflects the requirements and interests

of the W es t Hallstatt elite, whose burial rites show

that

drinking

and

feasting customs played an important role

for them. Thus the M editerranean imports fitted into a

pre-existing niche in the West Hallstatt culture, which

had a traditional interest in producing and exchanging

fine d ri nk in g e qu ip me nt - the ma nu fa ct ur e of br onz e

drinking vessels, for example, continued throughout

the Urnfield and Hallstatt periods. Elite feasting could


10/19

THE PREHISTORIC

SOCIETY

have pl ay ed a

part

in festivals of religious or political

leagues compare the Latin league: Alfoldi 197

1,

1-46),

in prestigious hospitali ty compare Hom eric Greece:

Finley 1956), or in competitive gift-exchange see

Frankenstein

Rowlands 1978).

THE EFFECTS

OF TRADE WITH

ITALY

The opening of the West Hallstatt zone to the M editer

ranean world left a deep impression on the conscious

ness of this

barbarian

people. Although previous

emphasis on influence from the Greek colonies has

tended to obscure the effects of contacts and trade with

Italy, it is certain

that

the increasing aquaintance with

the civilized ne igh bou rs across the Alps b or e fruit in

events of lasting importance: the Celtic invasion of Italy

and

the

start

of the Celtic diaspora. These events m ust

be dated a fte r the end of the H al ls ta tt pe ri od, but the

importance of a preliminary phase, corresponding to

Ha

D2-3,

in

which the Celts gained knowledge of,

among other things, the wealth and political geography

of Italy, is reflected by a story told by Livy V, 33, 2-5),

Plutarch Camillus, XV) and Dionysius of Halicar

nassus XIII, 10-1

I) .

Dionysius, in his explanation of

the reason for the Celtic invasion, first relates the

p ro bl ems of a c er ta in A rru ns of C lusium, whic h led to

his preparations for a sojourn abroad, ostensibly for the

purpose of trading; then he continues:

[Arruns J l oa de d m an y skins of wine and olive oil and m an y

b as ke ts of figs on the wag on s and set out for Caul,

The Gauls at that time had no k no wle dg e e it he r of wine

mad e from grapes or of oil such as is p ro du ce d by our olive

trees, bu t used for wine a foul-smelling l iq uo r made from

barley rotted in water, and for oil, stale lard, disgusting both

in smell and taste. On that occasion, accordingly, when for the

first time they en joy ed fruits whic h they had never before

t as te d, they got won de rf ul p le as ure out of each; and they

asked the stranger how each of these articles was produced

and among wha t men. The T yrr he nia n t ol d th em that the

country producing these fruits was large and fertile and

that

it

was i nh ab it ed by only a few p eo pl e, who were no b et te r

than

women

whe n it came to war fa re ; and he adv ised them to get

these products no longer bypurchase from others, bu t to drive

out

the present owners and enjoy the fruits as their own . .

Persuaded bythese words, the Gauls came into Italy and to the

Tyrrhenians known as the Clusians, from whence had come

the man who p er su ad ed them to m ak e

war .

Leaving aside the scurrilous tale of Arruns domestic

problem s, the story clearly docum ents the belief that

trade, and th er eby the a cq ua in ta nc e w it h l uxu ri ous

M ed it er ra ne an pr oduce , was the cause for the Celts

descent on Italy. A no th er passage , in Polybius, also

refers to this pre-conquest stage of transalpine relations,

stating that the Celts were close neighbours of the

Etruscans and associated much with them Nat. Hist.

11,

17). Archaeologically, this stage can be equated with

the u ps ur ge of t ra de in the c entr al E ur op ea n ph as e

Ha

D2-3·

In stark c ont ra st to this peaceful picture of trans

a lpine c on ta cts in the late H al ls ta tt p er iod , Livy, in a

much-discussed passage, claimed that the Celtic inva

sions began before the foundation of Massalia, of

600

BC v,

34). Livy s high chronology m akes non

sense of the other reports of the Celtic invasion, which

consistently describe the Celts displacing the Etruscans,

who

themselves colonized the Po valley only during the

6th c en tury. And his d ate for the start of the invasions

has been dismissed by most scholars. However, a num

ber of historians

and

archaeologists have recently

s ou gh t to r eha bi li ta te the h ig h c hr on ol og y , finding

corroboration

in an early inscription of a Celtic name at

Orvieto Mansuelli 1978; Pallottino 1978; De Simone

197

8;

Nash 1985, 64, note 8).

Our

knowledge of north

Italy in the 6th and yth centuries BC speaks against

Livy s chronology, as the following will show.

The Etruscan presence in the Po valley is well docu

m ented in the ancient sources, which repeatedly men

tion Etruscans occupying the area between the

Apennines and the Alps e.g. D io do ru s Siculus XIV,

113; Justin XX, 5; Livy V, 33; Plutarch, Camillus XVI;

Polybius

17). The Etruscans colonized large parts of

the valley in the 6th century

BC.

The reason for the

sudden Etruscan interest in the

north

has been sought,

convincingly, in the waning fortunes of the Etruscans in

their traditional sphere of interest the Tyrrhenian Sea

with its adjoining coastal areas), increasingl

threatened, in the period between the battles of Alalia

Cumae

and

Himera, by the fleets of the Greeks and

Carthaginians

Szilagyi

1952). Among the 12 Dio

dorus Siculus XIV, 113; Livy V, 33) or 18 Etruscan

cities in the Po valley Plutarch, Camillus XVI), a few

are known by name: Adria, Felsina, Mantua, Melpum,

Mutina and Parma. There is even an account of the

coloniz ation in the story of Aucnus wh o, in order to

a void a dis pute w it h his b ro th er Aulestes fo unde r of

Perusia), left Perusia

and

founded Felsina

and

other

defended colonies in the Po valley, including Mantua. ?

A rcha eology, t oo , has f ou nd evidence for the Etru

scan c olo ni za ti on , for ex ampl e in the w ea lth of A dr ia

and Spina, and of Bologna Etruscan Felsina) in its

so-called Certosa phase . Furthermore, excavations

have uncovered an Etruscan

town

at

Marzabotto,

and


11/19

11. C. are URST NSITZ

Fig. 5

The

city of

Como

Lombardy)

and

its cemeteries in the

yth

century

BC.

Squares: settlement finds.

Circles: cemeteries. After De Marinis

19

84,

39)

R. De Marinis has recently brought to light an Etruscan

colony near Mantua at Bagnolo S.Vito · see two impor

tant

exhibition catalogues: Bologna 1960; Mantua

1986 . Further Etruscan settlements may be represented

by the sites of San Polo d Enza Campo Servirolo)

and

Castellarano Mansuelli 1986 708-709; Magagnini

195 5)·

Toge ther with inscriptions in the Etruscan

language Colonna 1974 6 fig. I; additions: Pandolfini

1986 116; Neppi

Modona

1970; Bermond Montanari

19

86;

Aigner-Foresti 1988 map 5; De Marinis 19

255; Gambari 19

89, 215;

Peretto

1990

these sites and

colonies

show

the approximate extent of the Po valley

193


12/19

THE PREHISTORIC

SOCIETY

Fig. 6

Distribution map of the arched fibula with notched bow and bent-up foot

occupied by the Etruscan settlers fig.

4

in cities well

equipped for profitable commerce

and

for sumptuous

living Plutarch, Camillus XVI). Today, as a result of

archaeological discoveries, the previous hypercritical

approach

to the historical version of the Etruscan colo

nization e.g. Mansuelli 1959) no longer seems

appropriate.

To the nor th- west, the Etr usca n colonists had as

neighbours a people whose material remains are

known

archaeologically as the Golasecca culture. In the area of

the Golasecca culture, around Lakes Maggiore and

Como

a language related to Celtic was spoken

named

Lepontic by philologists Risch 1970, 133,

map). At the time of the colonization, the Golasecca

culture experienced a

peak

in its fortunes - perhaps in

part caused by the proximity of the advanced Etruscan

settlem ents. Com merce with the Etruscans certainly

intensified from the end of the 6th century, and the 5th

century saw the loru t of Como, which now formed the

major ce ntr e of the c ul tu re fig. 5). In the yth century,

Como attained t rue urban proportions, with a settled

a re a of

more

than

150

hectares

and probably

w it h an

urban

design e.g. uniform house orientation, a street

plan, drainage system, etc., see De M arinis 1986).

Clearly, the story

told

both

by historical and archaeo

logical sources speaks for the late 6th and yth centuries

194


13/19

I C.

are URST NSITZ

Fig. 7

Distribution

map

of t hr ee types of b ro nz e pendant

being a period of prosperity in

north

Italy with towns

and

cities being founded not abandoned. The recent

attem pts to corroborate Livy s high chronology for

the Celtic invasions which

would

have a long series of

waves of invasions throughout the 6th

and yth

cen

turies can hardly be reconciled with

our

knowledge of

north

Italy.

Having clarified this problem and having obtained a

quasi-historical framework for contacts between the

Celts

and

the Me dit er ra ne an in the 6th and 5th cen

turies

BC

we can

now

look more closely at the archaeo-

logical evidence for the trading relations of the late

Hallstatt period. Within the Hallstatt culture east cen

tr al France assumed an

important

role as a trading

partner in Ha D2 3. This is due pa rtly to the tra din g

activity a lo ng the R ho ne -S ao ne Passage passing

through the area of the West H all sta tt culture of east

central France. But east central France also has an

important

quantity of imported Etruscan bronze vessels

of this date: the

amphora

from Conliege the

chn bel-

k nne and

dishes from Vix the

chn belk nnen

fro m

Mercey-sur-Saone and from an unprovenanced find in

195


14/19

I I C. are

URST NSITZ

3

A-

4

~

Fig.

Bronze wagon fittings from Como, Ca Morta 2,4,6), Vix

I,

3 and Savigne 5 .

Scale

:2

19 7


15/19

T H E P R E HI S T OR I C SOCIETY

Duria passes; 3) the Cenomani led by Etitovius cross

ing o ve r the s am e passes; 4) the Libui an d Salluvii; S

the Boii

an d

Lingones,

wh o

crossed over the Poenine

pass; an d 6) the Senones, lead by Brennus.

Th e are as s et tl ed by the i nv ad in g t rib es can o nl y be

located in a few cases for the Insubres, Cenomani,

Anari, Boii, Lingones an d Senones: fig. 10), bu t the

position of their original homelands seems to be reflec

ted by the territories occupied by the ancestral tribes in

the I s t c en tu ry BC , encountered

an d

described by

ulius

C ae sa r fig. 10). W hi le t he re is every r ea so n to e xp ec t

that

the political ma p of France did no t remain perfectly

constant

between the

4th a nd

r st centuries

BC ,

it is likely

that the general area inhabited by the tribes described

by Caesar, cen tral and eastern France, corresponds

approximately

with

the

homeland

of

many

of the tribes

which invaded Italy.

Thus

in the Celtic invasions, the

tribes generally did

no t

move

en bloc

bu t

divided, one

part

r em ai ni ng in the

home

t er ri to ry , the o th er , pre

dominantly

made

up of young men, setting

ou t

in search

of

n ew l an d

to settle.

Th e

best account of this process is

found in the s to ry of A mb ig at us , king of the Bituriges

wh o sent his nephews Bellovesus

an d

Segovesus to

invade Italy an d the Hercynian highlands.

Moreover

the tribes involved, located in r st century Gaul by

Caesar, occupied a coherent region of central

an d

eastern France, strongly suggesting that Livy s list of

invading tribes was no t fortuitous.

Archaeology has a decisive role to play in testing the

historical version of the Celtic invasion, particularly the

ori gin of the tribes involved. V. K ru ta s research has

been able to recognize regional differences among the

Celti c m at er ia l of

north

Italy, c or re sp on di ng to the

territories of different tribes Kruta

1980;

1983).

Thus

the graves in the territory of the Boii, often cremations,

lacked ankle-rings

and

t orcs . And the arm-r ing s in the

graves of this a re a are also ch aract er is ti c: the b uri al s

were often provided with at least one iron arm-ring, and

the

arrangement

of the rings was asymmetric, with

more

being worn on the left a rm t ha n on the ri ght. All

these characteristics find parallels in the central-east

area

of the La Tene culture, in the region where the Boii

were

reported

to have d we lt in the r s t c en tu ry

BC .

In the

area of the Senones an d C en om an i, by c on tr as t, the

female b uri al s were to rc s, i nd ic at in g an o ri gi n for the

tribes in the western part of the La Tene culture. And the

exclusive use of the

inhumation

burial rite, an d the

symmetrical arrangement

of the arm-rings in the graves

of the territory settled by the Senones, find good paral

lels in the Marnian g ro up of the La T en e c ul tu re , close

to the area where the Senones were encounte r ed by

Caesar. O.-H. Frey has also described a type of belt

hook which once again is typical for the

Marn

ian area

and found

occasionally in north Italy Frey 19 ,

17-18, fig. 7). And U. Schaaff has drawn attention to a

typically

Marnian torque

ternaire from S. Polo d Enz a

Schaaff, pers. comm.; see Magagnini I9S

S

pl. 4, 4).11

Th e earliest fixed historical date for the Celtic inva

sion of north Italy is 396 BC , the dest ruct io n of the

wealthy Etruscan

town

of M el pu m, by the Insubres,

Boii an d Senones Pliny Ill, xvii). Thus we can expect:

the series of in va si on s s tar ti ng w it h the In su br es and

ending with the Senones) to have started in the later part

of the

yth

century, therefore within the La Tene A phase

of central Europe dating between C.4S0/440 and

c. 370/3

SO

BC). T hi s is reflected by the a pp ea ra nc e of

Itali c types of

weaponry

in La Tene A graves: two

wheeled battle chariots Custin

Pauli 1984 ), bronze

helmets Schaaff

1988, 3IS-I6,

note

4S an d

shields

Bockius 1989). These innovations presumably reflect

w arl ik e con tact s of the Celts w it h the ar ea across the

Alps, eit her as raiders, mercenaries or invaders. We

have seen that the southern contacts of Ha

D2-3

were

very different,

dominated

by peaceful trade in wine and

wine-drinking equipment, bu t in both stages the con

tacts involved east central France.

Livy V, 34 3S gave details of the ro utes t ak en by

t hree in vading Celtic armies; the armies led by Bell

ovesus

an d

Etitovius crossed the Alps over the Taurine

an d

Duria

passes

aroundMont

Cenis)

an d

the Boii

an d

Lingones used the Poenine pass Great St Bernard). It is

interesting that these Celts avoided the routes used

earlier for transalpine trading activities, which sure l

crossed over the Simplon an d St Gotthard passes e.g.

figs 6 an d 7). These passes were probably controlled y

the peop le of the Golasecca cul ture Lep ontii ), and

they could have

stopped

the Celts crossing the Alp s at

these points. On the o th er h an d, the close, possibly

friendly, contacts between the Golasecca culture

an d

the Celts could have led the Celts to seek

land

elsewhere,

explaining wh y their invasion route skirted around

the Golasecca territory

and

was directed chiefly at the

areas settled by the Etruscans. We may recall that

the Lep ontii spoke a form of the Celtic language,

and

so

ma y

have f ou nd it easier to c om mu ni ca te w it h

the Celtic invaders.

An d

the four-wheeled

wagon

from

Ca Morta suggests contacts which transcended mere

trade.

Returning to the starting-point of the article, we must

finally pose the question of the role played by the West


16/19

11.

C.

Pare

URST NSITZ

Fig.

The Celtic tribes which invaded Italy, mentioned by Livy and Polybius italic script),

and

by Julius Caesar

normal script). The arrows

show

the r out es t ak en by the Celts over the

Great

St Bernard

and

Mont

Cenis passes

Hallstatt

elites in the Celtic invasions. The mass of rich

La Tene A burials outside the area of the West Hallstatt

culture, particularly in the Marnian Middle Rhine and

Bohemian groups, which frequently contain imported

Etruscan bronzes, has led to the belief

that

these areas

somehow replaced the Furstensitz zone at the Hallstatt/

La Tene transition. This idea was reinforced by the

excavations of Mont Lassois and the Heuneburg, which

showed that both Furstensitze were destroyed and

abandoned at the end of the H al ls ta tt pe riod . Per haps

the gradually increasing social hierarchization, and the

concentration of power which

had

been attained by

the end of the Hallstatt period, collapsed with the start

of La Tene A. Now we see a far larger number of elite

burials - particularly graves of sword-bearers

showing that this traditionally high status burial rite

was no longer restricted to such an exclusive social

group. In the early La Tene period a warrior class

reached ascendency, which previously

had

been domi

nated by an elite of even higher social status.P This

social change may

mark

the time when the characteris

tic tribal organization known from descriptions of the

Celtic invaders of Italy, was established in Centr al

Europe.

However, it should not be forgotten that some u -

stensitze such as Breisach, Camp-du-Chateau,

Chatillon-sur-Glane, Britzgyberg, Uetliberg and the

Hohenasperg, continued in use during the early La Tene

period. Sadly, there is still very little known about these

settlements, which could provide crucial evidence con

cerning the start of the La Tene culture. However, some

of these hillforts, particularly those in eastern F rance

and

west Switzerland, were in the forefront in forming

close relations with

north

Italy before the Celtic

199


17/19

TH E

P R E HI S TO R I C S OC I ET Y

invasions. And some of the tribes which took part in the

invasions had their original territories in the area of the

West Hallstatt culture (compare figs 4 an d

la).

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Notes

1 In the Hallstatt period it is

important

to distinguish between three

major chronological phases, which reflect changes in essential parts of

life: Ha C, Ha DI and Ha D2-3. A number of less import an t

sub-phases , which may just reflect peripheral aspects of life, such as

fashions in ornaments, may often be only of regional validity (such as

the distinction between Ha Cl and Ha C2, or the phase Ha D2). The

chronology used here can be summarized as follows: Halls ta tt C

c 75O-c. 600

BC ;

HallstattDI c

60o-c.

530/520 BC) = Heuneburg

period IV; Hallstatt D2-3 c 530/52o-C. 450/440 BC) = Heuneburg

period Ill-I; La Tene A

c

450/44o-C. 370/35.0

BC .

2

According to the second criterion, three sites were mentioned:

Mar ienberg near Wiirzburg; Uetliberg near Ziirich; Camp -du

Chateau near Salins. Eight sites were selected according to the third

criterion: Gray (graves: Apremont, Mantoche, Mercey-sur-Saone,

Savoyeux); Breisach (graves: Ihringen, Giindlingen, Schlatt,Colmar

Kastenwald, Ensisheim, Kappel); ?Bern-Engehalbinsel (graves:

Grachwil, Urtenen, Zollikofen); ?Mont Vully (graves: Ins, Allen

luften, Niederried, Hermrigen); uncertain location (graves: Payerne,

Chatonnaye, Corminboeuf, Lentigny, Cordast, Diidingen); ?Belfort

(grave: Grandvillars); ?Langres (grave: La Motte-St. Valentin);

uncertain location (grave: Magdalenenberg near Villingen).

3 For the Furstensitze and their pottery, see GaiHe (1985), Feugere

Guillot (1986), Kimmig (1988), Pare (1989) etc. For the individual

sites, see the following works: Schwab 1983 (Chatillon-sur-Glane);

Kimmig

1983a

(Heuneburg); Klein 1987 (Breisach); ]oHroy 1960

Mont

Lassois); Daye t 1.967, and older l ite rature (Camp-du

Cha teau); Drack 1988 (Uerliberg); Scotto 1985 (Mont rnorot );

Thevenot 1983; GaiHe 1985 (Camp-de-Chassey); Schweitzer 1973

(Britzgyberg); Zahn

Boss 1986 (Marienberg near Wiirzburg);

Schultze-Naumburg 1969 (Bopfingen-Ipf); Feuvrier 1914,

691-96

Mont

Guerin); Kimmig 1988 (Hohenasperg); Lang 1974,

21-22

(Hohennagold); Kimmig 1983c, 71, fig.61,

I

(Mont Vully).

4 For the south-west borde r of the West Hallstatt culture, see

Wamser 1975, maps 11-15; Feugere Guillot 1986,194-202, fig

34-41. For the concept of the port -o f- trade , see Polanyi 1960

Renfrew 1972, 460 H.

5

Full information on the wagon-graves can be found in Pare (in

press). Otherwise: Ludwigsburg 2, Bad Cannstatt 2, Dufslingen

Baisingen: Ziirn (1987); Ihringen: Wagner (1908, 188); Ensisheim

Plouin (1988); Mercey-sur-Saone:

Mohen

et al (1987,

72-74 .

A

complete publication of the Hundersingen graves isbeing prepared by

S. Schiek (Stuttgart).

6 The exceptions are: La Cote-Saint-Andre and Marainville-sur

Madon.

Probably also Saulces-Champenoises, Poiseul and Magny

Lambert. See Pare (1989).

7 The extension of the core area is marked by the following sites

Heuneburg, Ins, Britzgyberg and Hatten/Hiigelsheim.

8 The author is grateful to]. Klug for making available the results o

her research, which are being prepared for publication. For an interim

report, see Klug (1985).

9 A number of grave finds in the Breisgau show

that

the inhabitants

ofthe hillforts practised the elite burial rite inHa C and Ha

DI

(seefor

example Pare 1992). But after this, in Ha D2-3, the gold arm-ring and

bronze cauldron from Ihringen constitute the only elite burial find

from the region . This grave could be brought into connection with the

Breisach Miinsterberg ,

bu t

it also seems likely

that

the tumulus

cemetery of this Furstensitz awaits discovery or has been destroyed.

10 Adria (LivyV, 33; Plutarch, Camillus XVI), Felsina (Pliny Ill, 15)

Mantua

(Pliny Ill, 19), Melpum (Pliny Ill, 17),

Mutina

and Parma

(LivyXXXIX, 55). For the Aucnus story, see Virgil, Aen. X, 198; also

Pauly-Wissowa, Reallexikon (headings: Aucnus, Aulestes,

Mantua

)

11 Although it is tempting to locate the homeland of the Senones in

the area of the

Marnian

group of the La Tene culture, this isrendered

problematical by Caesar s location of the tribe to the south-west of

the distribution of typical Marnian finds. However, the Marnian

group experienced a cultural break in the 3rd century BC, suggesting

that the original inhabitants of the area may have been displaced by

newcomers from the Danubi an cultural area (Kruta 19

86

, 44

Demoule

Het 1985,

208-11 .

2 The princely grave of Apremont, excavated in 1879 by E.Perron

illustrates the social organization of the late Hallstatt period (seePare

1989). The wooden burial chamber contained an inhumation pro

vided with gold ring-jewellery, a wagon, a bronze cauldron and a fine

gold cup. At the feetof the inhumation was a cremation burial with an

iron sword - possibly representing a dependent armed retainer.

Furstensitze Celts and the Mediterranean

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