FUF60 9-28 sammallahti The Development of Illative Singular Morphology in Saami

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Pekka Sammallahti

On the origin of the illative singular morphology in Saami

– Aller Erklärungsversuche kann man sich füglich enthalten. Erkki Itkonen 1946

The morphology and morphophonology of the illative singular in the Saami languag-es has been an issue in Saami historical linguistics since K. B. Wiklund’s days and a number of reconstructions and explanations have been offered to account for its areal and temporal variation, with the exception of Inari Saami where it is highly idiosyn-cratic. The present paper presents a survey of illative singular forms in the present-day Saami languages, along with available historical evidence, and arrives at the conclusion that the Finno-Saamic illative suffix *-sin can be taken as a starting point for explain-ing the present morphology and morphophonology. This is done by reconstructing the series of innovations that have yielded the present forms. Some implications for the general theory of language change are also discussed.

0. Introduction

This paper aims at settling an old dispute concerning the origin of the mor-phology of Saami illative singular forms of bisyllabic stems in the abso-lute declension. All the Saami languages attach an illative suffix containing an -s- to monosyllabic stems: North Saami dá-sa ‘this ill.sg.’ (from dá-t ‘this’). This suffix is related to the Finnish illative suffix containing an -h- (e.g. tä-hän ‘this ill.sg.’, nom.sg. tä-mä) or an -s- (e.g. venee-seen ‘boat ill.sg.’, nom.sg. vene).

Both the Saami and Finnic suffixes go back to Proto-Finno-Saami *-sin which consists of the historically obscure element *-s-, usually explained as a lative suffix, the binding vowel *-i- and the Finno-Ugric lative suffix *-n (cf. Korhonen 1981: 217). Illative suffixes with -s- are further used in the possessive declension in all Saami languages (e.g. North Saami goahtá-sa-n ‘hut ill.sg.+sg.1.px’, nom.sg. goahti), and South Saami uses s-suffixes in all absolute declension forms except the illative singular of bisyllabic ie-stems which have the suffix -n (e.g. gåata-n ‘house ill.sg.’, nom.sg. gåetie;

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cf. gïete-se ‘hand ill.sg.’, nom.sg. gïete; byörke-se ‘meat ill.sg.’, nom.sg. bearkoe; gaamega-sse ‘shoe ill.sg.’, nom.sg. gaamege).

Ume Saami1 also has an s-suffix in the absolute declension of trisyl-labics (e.g. /kaapmeki-se/ ‘shoe ill.sg.’, nom.sg. /kaameh/). The rest of the Saami languages have no suffix in the illative singular of the absolute de-clension (e.g. Skolt Saami čäcca ‘water ill.sg.’, nom.sg. čää´cc), or have j-suffixes (e.g. Lule Saami goahtá-j ‘tent ill.sg.’, nom.sg. goahte). The j-suffixes go back to fuller forms, and suffixes such as jen or [j]in have been attested in many varieties of Lule and North Saami.

The j-suffixes have no cognates outside Saami, and the question is whether they can be traced back to Proto-Saami or whether they are of more recent origin.

The origin of the j-suffixes has been explained in two ways, one launched by K. B. Wiklund, which takes the presumed Proto-Saami illative singular suffix *-jen as a basis, and the other launched by Björn Collinder who maintained that the present illative forms with j are reflexes of Proto-Saami forms with the illative singular suffix *-sen. Erkki Itkonen (Itkonen 1939: 374) and Mikko Korhonen (Korhonen 1981: 219) agreed with Wik-lund, and recently Lars-Gunnar Larsson has defended Wiklund’s position (Larsson 2009) on the basis of the illative singular morphology in Ume Saami. Knut Bergsland’s (Bergsland 1946: 97; Bergsland 1967: 42–43) explanation takes the same starting point as Collinder’s, namely the suffix *-sen (cf. also Sammallahti 1998: 66).

1. Areal variation

The illative singular forms of bisyllabics in Saami varieties represent the following types:1) the South Saami type with the endings -n (attached to *ē-stems, the second syllable contains a contracted vowel) and -se (attached to stems ending in *e and *ō; the second syllable contains a non-contracted vowel); consonant centre lengthening2 is not found in South Saami:

nom.sg. ill.sg.*ē-stems gåetie ‘house; Saami tent’ gåatan*e-stems moere ‘tree’ moerese*ō-stems bearkoe ‘meat’ byørkese

2) the Ume Saami type with the ending je attached to all stem types; *e-stems do not contain a contracted second syllable vowel, although this is

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The illative singular of bisyllabic stems in Saami

not excluded in other stem types; consonant centre lengthening does not occur in Ume Saami:

nom.sg. ill.sg.*ē-stems /koohtie/ ‘Saami tent’ /koohtaaje/*e-stems /muarre/ ‘tree’ /muarriije/

*ō-stems /pearkkoe/ ‘meat’ /pyorkkije/ 3) the Lule Saami type with the ending j attached to all stem types (found also in Pite Saami); the illative singular of *e-stems does not contain a con-tracted second syllable vowel, although contraction cannot be excluded in the illative singular of *ē-stems and *ō-stems; consonant centre lengthen-ing is possible in Lule Saami but is not found in these cases:

nom.sg. ill.sg.*ē-stems goahte ‘Saami tent’ goahtáj*e-stems muorra ‘tree’ muorraj*ō-stems bierggo ‘meat’ biergguj

4) the North Saami type with the ending i (phonologically /j/) attached to all stem types; the illative singular of *e-stems has a contracted vowel in the second syllable and contraction cannot be excluded in the illative singular of *ē-stems and *ō-stems either; consonant centre lengthening is possible, although it does not occur in these cases:

nom.sg. ill.sg.*ē-stems goahti ‘Saami tent; hut’ goahtái*e-stems muorra ‘tree’ murrii*ō-stems biergu ‘meat’ birgui

5) the Inari Saami type with the ending n attached to all stem types; con-traction is excluded in the illative singular of stems ending with *e and *ō, although it may have been present in the illative singular of stems end-ing with *ē; consonant centre lengthening is possible but does not occur in these forms; the morphophonological development is complicated and far from straightforward historically; original trisyllabic stress groups are normally lengthened in Inari Saami3, although the illative forms do not show lengthening, the originally trisyllabic non-contracted essive forms are given for comparison:

nom.sg. ill.sg. ess.*ē-stems /kuäti/ ‘hut’ /kuätän/ /kuättin/ /kueli/ ‘fish’ /kuälän/ /kuellin/ /kuäski/ ‘aunt’ /kuäskän/ /kuäskin/ /suäbbi/ ‘stick’ /suäbän/ /suäbbin/

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/pase/ ‘sunday’ /pasan/ /passeen/ /saje/ ‘place’ /sajan/ /sajjeen/ /alge/ ‘son’ /aalgan/ /algen/ /lodde/ ‘bird’ /looᴅän/ /lodden/ /komme/ ‘ghost’ /koomän/ /kommen/*e-stems /kiete/ ‘hand; arm’ /kieten/ /kietten/ /muore/ ‘tree’ /muoren/ /muorren/ /luohte/ ‘bay’ /luohten/ /luohten/ /jolle/ ‘madman’ /joolen/ /jollen/*ō-stems /tiätu/ ‘knowledge’ /tiätun/ /tiättun/ /siälu/ ‘soul’ /siälun/ /siällun/ /piärgu/ ‘meat’ /piärgun/ /piärgun/ /pino/ ‘pile’ /pinon/ /pinnoon/ /pargo/ ‘work’ /paargon/ /pargon/

6) the Skolt Saami type with no ending (found also in Akkala and Ter Saa-mi); contracted second syllable vowel in the illative singular of the three stem types; consonant centre lengthening and corresponding vowel centre shortening in all stem types4:

nom.sg. ill.sg.*ē-stems /kue´tt/ ‘hut’ /kuätta/*e-stems /muerr/ ‘tree’ /mue´rre/*ō-stems /veärr/ ‘porridge’ /viârru/

7) the Kildin Saami type with no ending; contracted second syllable vowel in all stem types; consonant centre lengthening does not occur in Kildin Saami and there is no noticeable vowel centre shortening either5:

nom.sg. ill.sg.*ē-stems /kuǝ´dd/ ‘hut’ /kuadda/*e-stems /muurr/ ‘tree’ /muu´rrǝ/*ō-stems /vearr/ ‘porridge’ /viǝrrǝ/The extinct Kemi Saami (in Finnish Lapland) seems to have belonged

to the Kildin Saami type, but in the texts by Olaus Sirma from 1673 and early 18th century there are instances of *e-stems with the ending -n: nam-min ‘name ill.sg.’ (also nammi), rakes votin ‘love ill.sg.’, åudin ‘to the front of’ (but jawra ‘lake’, wåta ‘region’, woasta ‘towards’, radda ‘road’, tziåka ‘together’, bårda ‘table’, kuåulå ‘towards’ etc.; instances of the western *-j in the Catechism translation made in Karesuando: matkai ‘journey’, suddåi ‘sin’); there seems to be no consonant centre lengthening before the contracted second syllable vowel.

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The extinct Lule Saami forest dialect documented in a primer from the year 1638 also belongs to the Kildin type, but has -n in all stem types: nam-min ‘name ill.sg.’ (nom.sg. namma), parnan ‘son ill.sg.’ (nom.sg. parne), ijkenaimun ‘eternity ill.sg.’ (cf. elat.sg. -aimost). As a rule the illative sin-gular of stems ending in *-ā already have the incipient ending [j]in6 as in Herrain ‘Lord ill.sg.’, which can thus be distinguished from the geni-tive singular Herran; there are also cases of -[j]in in the illative singular of *ē-stems: parnain ‘son ill.sg.’. (Bergsland 1982: 15.) The orthographic form suggests that the suffix contains a reflex of the Proto-Saami contracted vowel *î instead of the non-contracted vowel *e presumed by Wiklund.

The Pite Saami dialect in Arjeplog had illative singular forms such as */koohtaa/ ‘hut ill.sg.’, that is, without an actual suffix, in late 17th century. (Bergsland 1967: 43). The overall impression based on the historical sour-ces available is that the illative singular j-suffixes are not representative of any old traditions in Lule, Pite and Kemi Saami, but were introduced in the 17th century at the earliest.

Illative singular j-suffixes were not found in old Ume Saami texts by Olaus Stephani Graan (from Granbyn, late 17th century; cf. Qvigstad 1947: 23) and the obvious conclusion is that they must have advanced southwards from Lule and Pite Saami later than that. In the Bible translation of Lars Rangius (from Ranbyn, early 18th century) there are already a few illative j-suffixes, but these form only a small minority (cf. Wilson 2008: 91) and seem to be confined to specific stems. As noted by Bergsland the suffix originated somewhere north of the River Pite, probably even north of the River Kaitum (Bergsland 1967: 43).

In the late 19th century, the extinct North Saami dialect Finnagiella in Tysfjord had illative singular forms such as njarˈge ‘cape’, gotta ‘hut’ and starˈfu ‘boat-shore’, all with contracted vowels in the second syllable, without consonant centre lengthening and without an overt illative suf-fix. The present North Saami illative singular forms have only added the secondary ending -i: njárgii, goahtái, stárfui. The old forms without an ending were preserved in adverbs and postpositions, which were left out of inflectional paradigms: dávjá ‘often’, vuostá ‘against’, maŋŋá ‘after-wards’, miehtá ‘all along’, čulle ‘with the narrow side facing’. In some western dialects of North Saami the illative singular of trisyllabic stems (such as beatnage ‘dog ill.sg.’) contains only a contracted vowel but no ending. Accordingly, the j-suffixes give the impression of being secondary in North Saami as well.

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Thus the illative j-suffixes are clearly secondary in all those Saami vari-eties in which they belong to the normal inflectional paradigms. Consider-ing that in all Saami varieties the illative singular has an s-suffix in mono-syllabic and trisyllabic words as well as in the possessive declension, there would seem to be practically no evidence left for an original suffix *-jen.

2. The origin of the secondary j-suffixes

The next step is to explain the origin of the secondary suffix j ~ je ~ jen ~ [j]in. Collinder’s explanation, based on the development *nammasen >> *namma₍e > nammaj in Lule Saami (Collinder 1938: 153) is completely ad hoc and cannot be considered correct7. Bergsland’s explanation (Bergs-land 1967: 43) takes the illative singular of stems with a marginal8 *j as its starting point. In Inari Saami, which otherwise has no j- in the illative singular, these stems have illative singular forms such as /ellej/ ~ /elleejen/ ‘creature ill.sg.’ (< PS *ealējân, nom.sg. ellee < PS *ealējē), and /suolluj/ ~ /suollujen/ ‘island ill.sg.’ (< PS *suolujîn, nom.sg. suálui < PS *suolōj). The obvious morphological segmentation of these forms gives the illative singular endings -/j/ ~ -/jen/, that is, roughly the same suffixes that are found in those Saami varieties which use an illative singular suffix contain-ing a -j- in all bisyllabic stem types.9 The contraction processes in North Saami and Lule Saami are (in practice) similar to those in Inari Saami and would have produced the same kind of illative forms of j-stems in a similar manner. These served as a basis for the new illative singular suffix *-jîn.

Instead of the expected *-jin (with the contracted vowel i- < *-î- < *-ese-; the j- will be accounted for further down) one finds -/jen/ in Ina ri Saami (e.g. /suollujen/ ‘island ill.sg.’; cf. loc.sg. /suollust/ with the suffix -/st/). This is explained by a generalisation of the shortened marginal vowel -/e /- to the third syllable of the illative singular of trisyllabics: old *ē-stems like /kappeer/ ‘cap’ (< *kepērē) and old *e-stems such as /kuälmäᴅ/ ‘third’ (< *koalmānᴅe ) show similar illative singular endings: /kaperen/ (< *kepērân) and /kuälmäᴅen/ (< *koalmānᴅîn).10 This generalisation was part of an overall process wherein the third syllable vowel differences be-tween different stem types were levelled out in Inari Saami in the same way as in the rest of the Saami languages. Differences between stem types in third syllable vowels have been attested in many extinct varieties, although not in modern Saami.11

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The last piece of the puzzle is to explain how the contracted vowels in the forms under scrutiny arose. It is known that both *-s- and *-j- disap-pear between unstressed vowels, and this gives rise to contracted vowels (cf. Korhonen 1981: 114–125 and the literature cited there). It is obvious that j- has disappeared regardless of the quality and quantity of the sur-rounding unstressed vowels whereas the disappearance of *-s- seems to happen mostly in cases with a preceding long vowel, as witnessed by South Saami illative forms (contracted vowels12 are indicated with a circumflex accent):

*ē-stems gåetie ‘house; tent’ gåatan (< *koatân < *koatāsen)*e-stems moere ‘tree’ moerese (< *muoresen)*ō-stems bearkoe ‘meat’ byørkese (< *pierɢusen)In addition to inflectional forms one also finds old illative forms used

as adverbs, such as giske ‘into the middle’ (from gaske ‘space in between’) which have a contracted second syllable vowel as a result of the *ese-contraction and which correspond to the contracted illative singular forms of *e-stems in North, Skolt, Akkala, Kildin and Ter Saami. This indicates that Proto-Saami must have had both contracted vowels and non-contract-ed sound sequences in those cases where the second syllable vowel was short (and non-low13) but only contracted vowels in those cases where the second syllable vowel was long (and low):

*ē-stems *koatân < *koatē ‘dwelling’*e-stems *muoresen ~ *muorîn < *muore ‘tree’*ō-stems *pierɢusen ~ *pierɢûn < *pierɢō ‘meat’In South Saami only the non-contracted variants remained productive in

the declension of *e-stems and *ō-stems14; the final n in *-sen was dropped, probably because it did not carry the function of an inflectional suffix.

The curious illative singular variants transcribed with a final ē by Axel Calleberg (Calleberg 1925: 15–18, 29–30) such as čakčē (from čakčǝ ‘au-tumn’), kuössē (from kuössǝ ‘spruce’) and füöllē (from feällu ‘board’; Larsson 2009: 266) in the northernmost South Saami dialect of Ullisjaure are to be read as [cakcie], [kuessie] and [fi ˳ollie] with a final [ie] given that Calleberg transcribed the second syllable [ie] in all cases as ē: Calleberg pàrnē ‘son’, phonetically something like [pàrnie]. The illative forms either show the frequent development of unstressed [ijǝ] to become [ie] (along-side the analogical development [uvǝ] > [uo]) in Ume and South Saami) or indicate that Calleberg did not hear the difference between [ijǝ] and [ie].

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They differ only slightly from the expected forms *[čakčijǝ], *[kuessijǝ] and *[fi ˳ollijǝ].

In Ume Saami the illative singular suffixes *-n and *-sen were replaced by the new suffix *-jîn advancing from the north and finally reaching the northernmost dialects of South Saami by the beginning of the 20th century; the final n had no specific function in the suffix and was dropped15; the contracted vowel was, together with other third syllable unstressed vow-els, reduced to [ǝ]. Ume Saami also has adverbs and postpositions such as /kesˈkije/ ‘into the middle’ and /peelˈtije/ ‘to the side of, next to’ which have the reflex of the contracted second syllable vowel *-î- as indicated by the metaphonic variants of the first syllable vowel (cf. the nouns /kasˈke/ ‘space in between’ and /paalˈte/ ‘space at the side of something’).

The Pite and Lule Saami illative singular forms were based on the variants *koatân, *muoresen and *pierɢusen or alternatively *koatân, *muoresen and *pierɢûn; the latter series seems less probable in the light of South Saami and also in the light of Inari Saami (see below); neither South Saami nor Inari Saami has a contracted vowel in the illative singular of *ō-stems. The endings *-n and *-sen were replaced by the new suffix *-jîn in the same way as in Ume Saami, although earlier, it would seem. The ending was later simplified to j. The Pite and Lule Saami adverbs which go back to illative singular forms always (such as Lule Saami gasskaj ‘into the middle’) show the j-suffix and harmonise in this respect with Ume Saami.

The North Saami illative singular forms are based on the Proto-Saami contracted forms, as indicated by the contracted second syllable vowel in cases such as nammii ‘name ill.sg.’ (phonologically /nammij/), whereas the old Finnagiella forms show no final *-j nor do the western illative singulars of trisyllabics ending in the contracted vowel e (such as beatnage ‘dog ill.sg.’). Later on, the suffix *-n was replaced by the suffix *-jîn which was eventually simplified to /j/, written i in the present language16. It is likely, however, that the illative singular of bisyllabic stems had already lost the final *-n and that the new suffix * jîn was attached to vocalic stems rather than replacing the suffix *-n. Trisyllabic forms retained final consonants including the illative suffix -n longer than bisyllabic ones and this is prob-ably the reason why they show no secondary illative singular suffix in the westernmost dialects of North Saami.

Skolt, Akkala, Kildin and Ter Saami forms are also uniformly based on contracted Proto-Saami forms such as *koatân, *muorîn and *pierɢûn; all have dropped the final *-n without any loss of information. Kildin differs

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from Skolt and Akkala Saami in having no consonant centre lengthening before contracted second syllable vowels (cf. the proviso in footnote 4). Kemi Saami and the extinct Lule Saami forest dialect of Sjokksjokk dis-cussed above retained the final consonant *-n.

3. The development of the Inari Saami forms

As a hard nut to crack, Inari Saami comes last. The explanation is, how-ever, relatively simple once one realises the obvious facts. In contrast to the surrounding languages, Inari Saami development began with the same forms as South, Ume, Pite and Lule Saami, namely, Proto-Saami *koatân, *muoresen and *pierɢusen; North Saami in between agrees with 17th cen-tury Lule Saami, Skolt Saami and the languages further east.

The second syllable vowels in the present Inari Saami forms /muoren/ and /piärgun/ corresponding to the Proto-Saami forms *muoresen and *pierɢusen are unambiguously non-contracted17. The second syllable vowel in /kuätän/ corresponding to Proto-Saami *koatân is ambiguous, but there are two pieces of evidence in favour of a contracted vowel: the South Saami form with a contracted vowel in *ē-stems (e.g. gåata-n ‘house ill.sg.’) and that the development from non-contracted forms *koatāsen, *muoresen and *pierɢusen would have given the completely transparent and uniform illative singular forms */kuättäs/, */muorres/ and */piärgus/ and there would have been no need for the restructuring of the illative sin-gular forms of bisyllabic stems.

The imbalance between *koatân, on one hand, and *muoresen and *pierɢusen on the other, was the impetus for the restructurings in Inari Saa-mi. In the absolute declension, the suffix *-sen was only attached to stems ending with *e or *ō, whereas all the rest had *-n or, in trisyllabic stems, *-en (< *-în, *-ân) making *-n the unmarked ending. This was generalised to forms which originally had the ending * sen, giving the early Proto-Inari Saami forms *koatän, *muoren, *piärɢun and *vorren ‘blood’. After the loss of final third syllable vowels, the illative forms *vorren and *piärɢun would have been identical to the essive forms *vorren and *piärɢun. This unwelcome coincidence of two inflectional forms was taken care of by altering the quantity structure of the illative forms by shortening the con-sonant from Quantity III to Quantity II18 and by lengthening the preceding first syllable vocalism accordingly, with forms like /vōren/ and /piärɢun/ resulting. The shortening of the consonant centre and the lengthening of

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the vowel centre also applied in cases where there was no coincidence such as *peälɢän > /piälgän/ ‘thumb ill.sg.’ and *päᴅᴅän > /pääᴅän/ ‘cord ill.sg.’ (cf. the corresponding essive forms /piälgin/ and /päddin/).

According to Erkki Itkonen (Itkonen 1946: 119) there are cases such as keäδɢan ‘stone ill.sg.’ (phonemically /keäδgän/) and orᴅòn ‘wild reindeer hunt ill.sg.’19 (phonologically /ordon/) in Frans Äimä’s Inari Saami notes from the beginning of the 20th century (cf. also Itkonen 1987: 285 s.v. ordo). These show that there have been varied strategies to differentiate the illative singular forms from the essive forms. They also strengthen the po-sition taken here that the relationship between the two cases with the suffix n, the illative singular and the essive, was important to the development of the quantity structure of the illative singular of bisyllabic stems.

Inari Saami also has a number of adverbs which go back to illative forms. Most of these show the same quantity type as the illative singular forms and seem to have simply dropped the illative suffix n: /maŋa/ ‘after, afterwards’, /muäsä/ ‘in peace’, /tuähä/ ‘behind, to the far side of’, /vuälä/ ‘under’, but in addition to /kiäčä/ ‘to the far end of’ of the illative quantity type, there is also /kiäcčä / ‘to the home of’ which represents the Skolt Saami type with consonant centre lengthening and indicates that there might have been more variation in Inari Saami in the past. Such adverbs as /vuästä/ ‘against’, /tärkkä/ ‘scrupulously’ and /tävjä/ ‘often’ show no lengthening of the first syllable vowel nor any shortening of the consonant centre and represent the same quantity type as the above-mentioned exam-ple keäδɢan ‘stone ill.sg.’ from Frans Äimä.

The step-by-step development of the illative forms in Inari Saami can be reconstructed as follows:I. The final phases of Proto-Saami

ill.sg. ess.*ē-stems *koatân *koatēnē ‘dwelling’ *sajân *sajēnē ‘place’*e-stems *muoresen ~ *muorîn *muorenē ‘tree’ *veresen ~ *verîn *verenē ‘blood’*ō-stems *pierɢusen ~ *pierɢûn *pierɢōnē ‘meat’ *pelusen ~ *pelûn *pelōnē ‘fear’

II. The common proto-language of Inari, Skolt and Akkala Saami: second syllable non-contracted *u > *ō; subsequent strong grade QII > QIII re-placement between short vowels; shortening of first syllable vowels before QIII consonant centres:

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*ē-stems *koatân *koatēnē ‘hut’ *sajân *sajēnē ‘place’*e-stems *muoresen ~ *muorîn *muorenē ‘tree’ *verresen ~ *verîn *verrenē ‘blood’*ō-stems *pierɢōsen ~ *pierɢûn *pierɢōnē ‘meat’ *pelōsen ~ *pelûn *pelōnē ‘fear’

III. Proto-Inari-Saami I: loss of the contracted alternants in the illative sin-gular of stems ending with *ē and *ō:

*ē-stems *koatân *koatēnē ‘hut’ *sajân *sajēnē ‘place’*e-stems *muoresen *muorenē ‘tree’ *verresen *verrenē ‘blood’*ō-stems *pierɢōsen *pierɢōnē ‘meat’ *pelōsen *pelōnē ‘fear’

IV. Proto-Inari-Saami II: generalisation of the suffix -n in the illative sin-gular:

*ē-stems *koatân *koatēnē ‘hut’ *sajân *sajēnē ‘place’*e-stems *muoren *muorenē ‘tree’ *verren *verrenē ‘blood’*ō-stems *pierɢōn *pierɢōnē ‘meat’ *pelōn *pelōnē ‘fear’

V. Proto-Inari-Saami III: Contracted *â was replaced with non-contracted *ā in the illative singular forms; metaphonic changes in the first syllable vowel:

*ē-stems *koatān *koatēnē ‘hut’ *sajān *sajēnē ‘place’*e-stems *muoren *muorenē ‘tree’ *vorren *vorrenē ‘blood’*ō-stems *piärɢōn *piärɢōnē ‘meat’ *palōn *palōnē ‘fear’

VI. Proto-Inari-Saami IV: Shortening of the second syllable non-contract-ed long vowels after a long first syllable vowel, the mid-vowels *e (<*ē) and *o (<*ō) become high vowels in the process and the short reflex of *ā becomes a front vowel *ä except after a first syllable /a/; shortening of the non-contracted vowels of the third syllable:

*ē-stems *koatän *koatine ‘hut’ *sajān *sajēne ‘place’

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*e-stems *muoren *muorene ‘tree’ *vorren *vorrene ‘blood’*ō-stems *piärɢun *piärɢune ‘meat’ *palōn *palōne ‘fear’

VII. Proto-Inari-Saami V: beginning of the Dehnungstypus quantity struc-ture; loss of word-final third syllable vowels:

*ē-stems *koatän *koattin ‘hut’ *sajān *sajjēn ‘place’*e-stems *muoren *muorren ‘tree’ *vorren *vorren ‘blood’*ō-stems *piärɢun *piärɢun ‘meat’ *palōn *pallōn ‘fear’

VIII. Proto-Inari-Saami VI: Phonological shortening of second syllable long vowels after a short first syllable vowel (they remained phonetically half-long or quarter-long):

*ē-stems *koatän *koattin ‘hut’ *sajan *sajjēn ‘place’*e-stems *muoren *muorren ‘tree’ *vorren *vorren ‘blood’*ō-stems *piärɢun *piärɢun ‘meat’ *palon *pallōn ‘fear’

IX. Proto-Inari Saami VII: avoidance of homophony20 with the essive forms by shortening the consonant centre from QIII to QII and the concomitant lengthening of the preceding vowel21:

*ē-stems *koatän *koattin ‘hut’ *sajan *sajjēn ‘place’*e-stems *muoren *muorren ‘tree’ *vōren *vorren ‘blood’*ō-stems *piärɢun *piärɢun ‘meat’ *palon *pallōn ‘fear’

X. Modern Inari Saami:*ē-stems /kuätän/ /kuättin/ ‘hut’ /sajan/ /sajjēn/ ‘place’*e-stems /muoren/ /muorren/ ‘tree’ /vōren/ /vorren/ ‘blood’*ō-stems /piärɢun/ /piärɢun/ ‘meat’ /palon/ /pallōn/ ‘fear’

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The Inari Saami developments demonstrate an interesting interplay of the most relevant principles in historical linguistics: regular sound change and its teleological counterforces: avoidance of homophony and analogical change22.

In the course of the development of the illative singular forms of the bisyllabics in the Saami languages, South, Ume, present Lule and Inari Saami have had a common point of departure where contraction was con-fined to old *ē-stems, whereas Ter, Kildin, Akkala, Skolt, Kemi, North and old Lule Saami had contraction in all three stem types, *ē-stems, *ō-stems and *e-stems. There are, however, relic cases of contracted illative forms of *e-stems in South and Ume Saami. The obvious explanation to the cu-rious geographical distribution of the two types is that there must have been alternative ways to produce these forms for a long time and that the final generalisation of one of them happened relatively late, probably in the Middle Ages, as the development of Inari Saami indicates.

4. Conclusion

These considerations show to a satisfactory degree that the illative j-suffix-es originated in the illative singular forms of j-stems as already assumed by Bergsland, and had the original form * -jîn (alongside *-jân and probably also *-jûn) with a contracted vowel. The suffix * -jîn arose relatively late in the north (probably in early 17th century North Saami which seems to have had contracted illative singular forms in the absolute declension of all stem types as a precondition to the development of the suffix) and then spread south. The new suffix reached Ume Saami in early 18th century and the northernmost dialects of South Saami by the beginning of the 20th century, but did not proceed further south. There is no reason, apart from that aris-ing from research tradition, to assume the existence of an illative singular suffix such as *- jen in Proto-Saami23. All the attested variants including that of Inari Saami can be explained in an elegant and consistent manner starting from the basic assumption that the Proto-Saami illative singular suffix was * -sen in the absolute declension and *- se- in the possessive de-clension, and that early Proto-Saami had basically the same suffix variants in the illative singular as early Proto-Finnic.

Pekka SammallahtiGiellagas Institute, University of Oulu

[email protected]

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Notes

1 I am grateful to Lars-Gunnar Larsson for providing me with Ume Saami archive material in Uppsala and discussing different aspects of Ume Saami morphology with me. I am also grateful to Patrik Bye for his kind advice concerning English usage and how to make the text more readable for people in other fields of lin-guistics. I also wish to thank Jussi Ylikoski and the anonymous referees for their valuable comments.

2 In addition to the consonant gradation found in the Saami languages north of South Saami most Saami varieties north of Ume Saami have consonant centre lengthening before a contracted vowel. This lengthening replaces quantity II with quantity III in the strong grade of single consonants and causes, among other things, QI/QIII alternations instead of the normal QI/QII alternations in cases such as Lule Saami boatsoj ‘reindeer nom.sg.’ vs. boahttsu ‘id. nom.pl.’, North Saami boazu vs. bohc-co, Inari Saami puásui vs. poccuu (< Proto-Saami *poaʒōj vs. *poaccûn < earlier *poaʒōj vs. *poacujen). The Saami consonant centre lengthening is similar to the Finnish gemination of consonants after stressed vowels, which in some dialects is confined to cases with a contracted second syllable vowel: northern South-Western dialect /tiätä/ from earlier *tietää with a long vowel vs. /tiättä/ from earlier *tietä.ä with a contracted vowel (short word-final vowels were lost in this dialect, cf. /viäl/ ‘still’ from *vielä), or Southern Savo /pitä/ ‘s/he must’ from earlier *pitää with a long vowel (< *pitäy) vs. /pittää/ ‘must inf.’ from earlier *pitä.ä with a contracted vowel (cf. Mielikäinen 1981: 176–177; the interpretation of the second syllable vowel as short in forms such as /pitä/ is mine and based on the writings of Kaiho Nieminen, a native speaker of the Suomenniemi dialect; cf. Nieminen 1978). Both processes involve the loss of a syllable in the foot and the compensatory lengthen-ing of the preceding single consonant into a geminate.

3 This lengthening which results in the so-called Dehnungstypus (cf. Itkonen 1946: 50) has happened in originally trisyllabic stress groups. Lengthening may affect the first syllable vowel, the consonant centre or the second syllable vowel or a combi-nation of two of these, cf. /saje/ ‘place nom.sg.’ (originally bisyllabic, Normalty-pus, strong grade) vs. /sajjeen/ ess. (originally trisyllabic, Dehnungstypus, strong grade), /saje/ gen.sg. (originally bisyllabic, Normaltypus, weak grade) vs. /saajeest/ loc.sg. (originally trisyllabic, Dehnungstypus, weak grade) or /miele/ ‘mind nom.sg.’ (originally bisyllabic, Normaltypus, strong grade) vs. /miellen/ ess. (originally trisyllabic, Dehnungstypus, strong grade) vs. /mielenis/ ess.+sg.3.poss.suff. (origi-nally quadrisyllabic, Kurztypus, strong grade). There is a tendency to replace the Dehnungstypus with the Kurztypus (the short type) in forms which have retained the third syllable vowel, with alternations such as /kappeereh/ (Dehnungstypus) ~ /kapereh/ (Kurztypus) ‘cap nom.pl.’ resulting. The illative forms were originally trisyllabic, although they do not show the quantity patterns typical of the Deh-nungstypus.

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4 The phonological opposition between Quantity II and Quantity III of the consonant centre has been neutralised in Skolt Saami, although it is still reflected in the pre-ceding vocalism, which is long before the original QII and short before the original QIII. The consonant centre in the nominative forms represents the original QII and in illative forms the original QIII. The ultra-short word-final vowel found in earlier phonemic analyses of Skolt Saami is a release feature of the consonant centre and not a segment.

5 There seems to be the same kind of stress opposition between initially and finally stressed vowel sequences in Kildin Saami as in North Saami (cf. Itkonen 1946: 29–31, 1971b: 108). This difference has no noticeable effect on the quantity of the vowel sequence in Kildin Saami. I have not been in a position to conduct fieldwork in order to determine whether the illative singular forms, or other forms with a con-tracted second syllable vowel for that matter, have initially or finally stressed vowel sequences. If they have, the difference between the Skolt Saami and Kildin Saami types would be less conspicuous.

6 The existence of -j- in -[j]in is based on inference: there are no heterosyllabic vowel sequences in the present Saami varieties. The reconstruction with a -j- is further supported by the origin of the illative suffix: it was abstracted from the illative singular of j-stems (cf. the treatment below).

7 There are no other cases supporting the development presumed by Collinder and there is no need to assume it in this case either. The heterosyllabic vowel sequences which were the result of the attrition of an intervening consonant always collapse into a contracted vowel with no syllabic border.

8 ‘Marginal’ refers to the stress group position called margo in Knut Bergsland’s terminology (Bergsland 1946: 10).

9 One can in fact posit an (at least incipient) illative singular suffix -/j/ for Inari Saami as well, since in such illative singular forms as /pennuj/ ‘dog ill.sg.’ and /ulmuj/ ‘person ill.sg.’ the final -/j/ cannot be derived from a stem consonant.

10 The same difference as between the trisyllabic illative forms *kepērân and *koalmānᴅîn is attested in the Lule Saami primer from 1638: Jubmellan ‘God ill.sg.’ vs. wåingsin ‘spirit ill.sg’ (Bergsland 1982: 15)

11 The third syllable vowel in the illative singular of trisyllabic stems is based, irre-spective of the original vowel, on the variant *-în (< *-esen) in North Saami (e.g. Gárasavu /kaapmake/, Eastern Enontekiö /kaapmakij/ ‘shoe ill.sg.’), Lule Saami (/kaapmakij/ id.), Pite Saami (/kaapmakij/ id.), Ume Saami (/kaapmekise/ id.) and Ter Saami (/jeemeni/ ‘housewife ill.sg.’), and on the variant *- ân (< *-āsen) in all stem types in South Saami (/kaamǝkassǝ / id.), Inari Saami (/vennesen/ ‘boat ill.sg.’), Skolt Saami (/venn’sa/ id.), Kildin Saami (/vǝǝnn’sǝ/ id.); in Skolt Saami the illative of diminutives is based on the variant *-în (/låådd’že/ ‘little bird ill.sg.) which indicates that the generalisation of the suffix vowel happened relatively late. The distribution of the generalised endings suggests that the initial form of the western j-suffix would have been *-jîn. This is in line with the attested variants -[j]

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in and -jen; there are no attested variants which would point towards the original form *-jen, which would have given *- jan in old North and Lule Saami.

12 The phonetic details at the different stages in the development of contracted vowels are not completely clear. They must have remained heterosyllabic vowel sequences for some time after the attrition of the intervocalic consonant as judged by the differ-ent effects they have on the quantity of the preceding consonant centre in different languages and in different morphological categories. To give an example; the North Saami imperative form doahppu ‘let the two of us snatch’ (< *toappôn < *toapôn < *toapōjēn) has a lengthened consonant centre whereas the respective indicative form dohpo ‘the two of us are snatching’ (< *toapun < *toapôn < *toapōjēn) has not, even if both originally had the same phonetic form with the dual 1st person suffix *-jē-n. A similar case is Inari Saami /monnii/ (< *menîn < *menejen) ‘they went’ vs. /moonnim/ ‘I went’ (< *menim < *menîm < *menejem). The case of North Saami bohte ‘they came’ (< *poatin < *poatîn < *poatejen) with no lengthening of the consonant centre before the originally contracted vowel vs. the Inari Saami pot-tii ‘they came’ (< *poatîn < *poatejen) which shows consonant centre lengthening before the originally contracted vowel represents an interlingual difference in the treatment of contracted vowels. It is obvious that instances of the contracted vowels changed into corresponding non-contracted vowels and caused no lengthening of the consonant centre and that this happened in different morphological categories in the different Saami languages. Furthermore, instances of the contracted vowels *ê and *ô changed into *i and *u, respectively, in Ume, Pite, Lule and North Saami, which is why the cognate of North Saami bohte ‘the two of us are coming’ (< earlier *poatin < *poatên < *poatējēn) corresponds to Inari Saami /puätteen/ id. (< earlier *poattên < *poatên < *poatējēn).

13 This factor and its physiological significance in the attrition of the intervocalic -s- was brought to my attention by Patrik Bye (oral communication).

14 In the South Saami primer by Simon Granmark Angurdolf (1726) from Åsele the il-lative singular suffix in bisyllabic stems is uniformly -s: krueses ‘cross ill.sg.’, akts ‘together’, almas ‘heaven ill.sg.’ (Bergsland 1984: 42–43). Here the ending -s was generalised to *ē-stems as well.

15 Another possibility is that the illative singular suffix had already lost the final *-n when introduced from the north; final consonants have been dropped earlier and more often in Lule and Pite Saami than in Ume and South Saami. The disappear-ance of final consonants of suffixes is common in Saami and Finnic, and when there is no phonological conditioning for their disappearance in some cases and preservation in others, the possibility of functional conditioning has to be taken into account. In South Saami where there is no gradation, final consonants such as the accusative singular *-m have been generally retained because of their distinctive function, for example, guelie ‘fish nom.sg.’ vs. gueliem acc.sg. In North Saami, gradation is distinctive and the accusative suffix has been dropped in corresponding cases: guolli ‘fish nom.sg.’ vs. guoli acc.sg.; final *-m and *-k have been preserved,

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however, in North Saami cases such as boađán ‘I come’ and boađát ‘you come’, obviously to avoid merging into *boađá.

16 The illative singular suffix of bisyllabic stems was already -i in the earliest North Saami grammars, Ganander 1743 (Gárasavu/Karesuando in Northern Sweden), Leem 1748 (Porsáŋgu/Porsanger in Finnmark), and in the grammatical notes of Johan Tornberg from 1716 (Guovdageaidnu/Kautokeino in Finnmark; cf. Nordberg 1969: 32–36).

17 The non-contracted Proto-Saami second syllable vowel *u (as in the non-contracted illative singular variant *pierɢusen) reverted to *ō (giving *pierɢōsen) in the com-mon protolanguage of Inari, Skolt and Akkala Saami, but the contracted vowel *û was retained. The Inari Saami reflex of the Proto-Saami diphthong *ie is /iä/ before the non-contracted second syllable vowel *ō (as in the illative singular form /piärgun/ < *pierɢōsen) and /ie/ before the contracted second syllable vowel *û; the second syllable vowels *ō and *û have merged into /u/ after an originally long first syllable vowel (cf. /čiärruδ/ ‘to cry’ from Proto-Saami *čierōᴅēk vs. /čierrum/ ‘I cried’ from Proto-Saami *čierûm < Mid-Proto-Saami *čierujem). The second syl-lable vowel /e/ (as in /muoren/ ‘tree ill.sg.’) is never a product of contraction in Inari Saami. Erkki Itkonen (Itkonen 1939: 374) considers the second syllable vowels /e/ and /u/ ~ /o/ in the illative singular of bisyllabic *e-stems and *ō-stems as irregular reflexes of the contracted vowels *i and *u, respectively. They are completely regu-lar , however, if one takes non-contracted *e and *ō as starting points.

18 The lengthening of the first syllable vowel and the shortening of the consonant centre in the illative singular of bisyllabic words is unique and not found in other originally trisyllabic word-forms, whether contracted or not. Normally, the origi-nally trisyllabic contracted word-forms show Dehnungstypus quantity patterns (e.g. /vuollim/ ‘I whittled’, /moonnim/ ‘I went’, /vuolgim/ ‘I left’, cf. non-contracted Normaltypuses /vuälä/ ‘s/he whittles’, /mana/ ‘s/he goes’, /vuälgä/ ‘s/he leaves’) or have undergone a gemination of the consonant centre and a concomitant short-ening of the preceding vowel (e.g. /vuollii/ ‘they whittled’, /monnii/ ‘they went’, /vuolgii/ ‘they left’). Hence, first syllable vowel lengthening in the illative singular of bisyllabic forms cannot be compensatory, and it’s difficult to think of any other explanation for the unique quantity patterns than the avoidance of homophony with essive forms. There are several additional cases of homophony avoidance in Saami such as the secondary opposition between forms such as ko´lle ‘they hear’ vs. ku´lle ‘they heard’. The regular reflex of Proto-Saami *u in such cases as the 3rd person plural present tense form is u, but this was replaced with o in order to avoid ho-mophony with the past tense form ku´lle when the final consonants (originally *-k in the present tense and *-n in the past tense) were dropped and the opposition of the contracted second syllable vowels *-e (< *-ê from Mid-Proto-Saami *-ejē-) and *-i (< *-î from Mid-Proto-Saami *-eje-) was lost.

19 The illative singular keäδɢan shows neither shortening of the consonant centre nor a lengthening of the first syllable vowel, cf. modern /kiäδɢän/. The illative singular

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orᴅòn shows a shortening of the consonant centre but no lengthening of the first syllable vowel, cf. modern /oordon/; the illative /ordon/ still remains distinct from the essive /ordon/ with a long consonant cluster and the suffix -n, on one hand, and from the genitive singular /ordo/ with a short consonant cluster but without a suffix, on the other.

20 The relative chronology of this innovation in relation to innovations in phases VII and VIII is not critical and could have taken place before them.

21 According to Erkki Itkonen (Itkonen 1946: 119), the northern dialect of Inari Saami has illative singular forms with first syllable vowel lengthening but without con-sonant centre shortening when there is an originally short vowel in the first syl-lable: àlɢan ‘son ill.sg.’ (cf. nom.sg. /alge/, gen.sg. /alge/), pùskon ‘pike ill.sg.’ (cf. nom.sg. /pusko/, gen.sg. /pusko/). These forms seem to represent a (now obso-lete) Dehnungstypus quantity pattern where there is a long consonant cluster after a long first syllable vowel, and should hence be rendered phonemically as /aalgan/ and /puuskon/ or, if one takes second syllable secondary stress (cf. Itkonen 1971a: 63–66) into account, as /aalga:n/ and /puusko:n/. These forms seem to indicate that consonant centre shortening occurred later than the lengthening of the preceding vowel. Forms like these were obviously accommodated to an existing quantity pat-tern, but because they are restricted to cases with an originally short first syllable vowel they do not warrant the drawing of any conclusions concerning the original quantity type of the illative singular of bisyllabic forms.

22 These seem to be restricted to single-step changes. Longer teleological change chains have not been reliably attested, but even single-step teleology is a challenge to process approaches to phonology, and hence rejected by phonologists adhering to these approaches. Furthermore, teleological changes support the view that mor-pheme variants are related to each other through recurring psychological patterns, rather than having been derived from a non-observable basic form through physio-logically defined processes. Physiological processes are used extensively in histori-cal linguistics, but even in such cases they are only valid for idiolectal changes, and not for innovations that arise when a child learns a language (the idiolect does not change) or when new phonological or morphological patterns are taken over from the speech of another individual (the patterns resulting from the changes in another idiolect are taken over, not the changes themselves). The emergence of new patterns in a language is, of course, due to changes which originate in a single idiolect and then spread to other idiolects. The category of analogical change also includes the generalisation of morphemes or phonological patterns.

23 There are no known cases of the weakening of an intervocalic *-s- to a *-j- in Saami and it is therefore impossible to think of *-jen as a historical variant of *-sen. Fur-thermore, the contracted vowels resulting from the loss of these consonants differ in Inari Saami: the contraction of the sequence *-āse- gives a short vowel as in /vällä / ‘whale gen.sg.’ (from /väälis/ nom.sg.) whereas, in most cases, the contraction of the sequence *-āje- gives a long vowel as in /kiäδgää/ ‘stony’ (from /keδgi/ ‘stone’)

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or /monnii/ ‘to go pl.3.prs.’ (from /moonneδ/ inf.). Not every detail is known of the history of the contracted vowels in Saami, but according to the present state of knowledge an explanation based on a weakening of *-s- to become *-j- cannot be considered possible. The final argument against *-jen (and deriving *-jen from *-sen) is that the original form of the j-suffix is *-jîn (or *-jân, probably also *-jûn with such old jō-stems as *kālᴅējō ‘spring, well’ > North Saami gáldu, Inari Saami käldee) and not *-jen as suggested by Wiklund.

References

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1971a: Ehdotus inarinlapin fonemaattiseksi transkriptioksi. ― Erkki Itkonen – Ter-ho Itkonen – Mikko Korhonen – Pekka Sammallahti (eds.): Lapin murteiden fono-logiaa. Castrenianumin toimitteita 1. Helsinki. 43–67

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1987: Inarilappisches Wörterbuch. II. L―P. Herausgegeben von. Erkki Itkonen. Unter Mitarbeit von Raija Bartens und Lea Laitinen. LSFU XX, 2. Helsinki.

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Nieminen, Kaiho 1978: Isät. Werner Söderström Osakeyhtiö. Porvoo – Helsinki – Juva.

Nordberg, Erik 1969: Specimen Novi Testamenti lapponici. Svenska landsmål och svenskt folkliv B. 66. 12–70.

Qvigstad, J. 1947: Sproget i Graans Manuale Lapponicum. ― Knut Bergsland – Oluf Kolsrud – Asbjørn Nesheim – Konrad Nielsen (eds.): Lapponica. Studia Septen-trionalia III. Aschehoug & Co. (W. Nygaard): Oslo. 18–39.

Sammallahti, Pekka 1998: The Saami Languages. An Introduction. Davvi Girji OS. Kárášjohka.

Wilson, Karin 2008: Markusevangeliet i Lars Rangius samiska översättning från 1713. Acta Academiae Regiae Gustavi Adolphi CI. Kungl. Gustav Adolphs Akade-mien för svensk folkkultur. Uppsala.

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